THE MOSAICS OF RAVENNA by Jaca Book

Mosaics of Ravenna

»… it is a glory and a privilege to love what Death doesn’t touch.« Donna Tartt, The Goldfinch, London 2014, p. 771.

Jutta Dresken-Weiland

MOSAICS OF RAVENNA Image and Meaning

Acknowledgements I sincerely wish to thank all those who contributed to the making of this book. In the first place, I would like to thank Sante Bagnoli and Vera Minazzi of Jaca Book as well as Dr. Albrecht Weiland of Verlag Schnell & Steiner who entrusted this book project to my care. I owe special gratitude for their indications and discussion contributions to Prof. Dr. Achim Arbeiter, Göttingen, Prof. Dr. François Baratte, Paris, Prof. Dr. Harald Buchinger, Regensburg, Dr. Caecilia Fluck, Berlin, Dr. Michaela Hallermayer, Heiligenstadt, Prof. Dr. Paolo Liverani, Florence, Prof. Dr. Andreas Merkt, Regensburg, Prof. Dr. Beat Näf, Zurich, and PD Dr. Philipp Niewöhner, Oxford.

Copyright © 2016 by Editoriale Jaca Book SpA, Milano Verlag Schnell & Steiner GmbH, Regensburg All rights reserved International copyright handled by Editoriale Jaca Book SpA, Milano Verlag Schnell & Steiner GmbH, Regensburg Photo campaign by Studio BAMSphoto – Rodella Originally published in German, 2016, as Die frühchristlichen Mosaiken von Ravenna The English translation first published by Editoriale Jaca Book SpA and Verlag Schnell & Steiner GmbH for The Folio Society, 2017 Translated from German into English by Team Syllabos TC, coordinated by Franziska Dörr Printed in Italy by Stamperia Scrl, Parma

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PROLOGUE

I. A PRIVATE BURIAL PLACE AND ITS MOSAICS: THE MAUSOLEUM OF GALLA PLACIDIA THE MAUSOLEUM OF GALLA PLACIDIA Architecture The building in its ancient context

15 15 15

Function of the building

Changes to the interior since Antiquity

The pictorial themes

The Good Shepherd

Lawrence

The two deer at the water

The ornamental mosaics in the barrel vaults

The prophets

The mosaics in the lunettes of the crossing

The dome vault

Overall concept and meaning of the imagery

II. THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE BAPTISMAL SPACES THE BAPTISTERY OF THE CATHEDRAL

The building

The pictorial themes

The mosaics in the apsidioles and the iconography of baptism imagery

The healing of the paralysed man in the southeast niche

The Foot-washing in the northeast niche

The Good Shepherd in the northwest niche

The rescue of Peter from the floods in the southwest niche

The decoration in mosaic in the blind arches and spandrels

The stucco decoration in the window zone and its contribution to the iconography

The images in the dome of the Orthodox Baptistery

The Procession of the Apostles

The niche architectures underneath the procession of the apostles

THE ARIAN BAPTISTERY

103

The construction

103

The pictorial themes

108

The mosaic in the dome of the Arian Baptistery

108

The Baptism of Christ in the Arian Baptistery compared to the depiction in the Baptistery of the Cathedral

108

The procession of the apostles in the Arian Baptistery

112

The peculiarities in the iconography of the dome mosaic of the Arian Baptistery

112

III. THE ICONOGRAPHY OF MOSAICS IN CHURCH BUILDINGS S. APOLLINARE NUOVO

117

The construction

117

The mosaics of Theodoric’s time in S. Apollinare Nuovo

122

The New Testament scenes on the northern clerestory wall

122

The cycle with scenes from the life of Jesus

122

The transformation of water into wine at the wedding of Cana

122

The multiplication of the loaves and the fishes

123

The calling of Peter and Andrew

124

The healing of two blind men

124

The healing of the bleeding woman or the healing of the Canaanite woman’s daughter

125

Christ with the Samaritan woman at the well

126

The raising of Lazarus

126

The parable of the Pharisee and the publican

127

The widow’s mite

132

The separation of the sheep from the goats

132

The healing of the paralytic at Capernaum

133

Jesus healing the demon-possessed man

136

The healing of the paralytic of Bethesda

137

The New Testament scenes on the southern clerestory wall

137

The Last Supper

137

Jesus prays in the Garden of Gethsemane

140

The betrayal by Judas

143

Christ brought to the Sanhedrin

146

Jesus before Caiaphas

147

Christ, Peter and the cock

147

Peter’s denial

150

Judas’ repentance

151

Jesus before Pilate

152

The bearing of the cross

154

The women at the empty tomb

156

Jesus on the road to Emmaus

157

Jesus appears to the disciples and doubting Thomas

158

On the meaning of the New Testament cycle in S. Apollinare Nuovo Focus on content

161 161

Iconography and choice of models

161

The contemporary notion of Christ according to the S. Apollinare mosaics

162

The central frieze: the figures between the windows

162

The lower register

180

The elements of the lower zone on the northern and southern walls from the time of Theodoric

180

The mosaics from the time of Agnellus

195

The male saints and martyrs

196

The female saints and martyrs

201

Why is this procession of martyrs special?

203

The portrait of Justinian

209

S. VITALE

213

The founder

213

The building

213

The mosaics of the presbytery

217

The presbytery arch: Christ, apostles, and saints

217

Abraham hosting the three men at Mambre and the Sacrifice of Isaac

226

Abel and Melchizedek

227

Isaiah, Jeremiah, Moses

229

The flying angels with the cross medallion and the evangelists

233

The lunettes above the triple-arched openings and the vault

235

The apse

235

The mosaics with the emperors

242

S. APOLLINARE IN CLASSE

255

The construction

255

The mosaics in their chronological order

257

The apse vault

257

Apollinaris

257

The Transfiguration

257

The cross

266

Other depictions in the apse

269

Images on the face arch

278

S. Vitale and S. Apollinare in Classe A PRIVATE PRAYER ROOM: THEÂ CAPPELLA ARCIVESCOVILE Construction and Inscription

280 283 283

The barrel vault of the narthex

286

Christus Victor

286

The cross vault of the chapel

290

EPILOGUE

297

NOTES REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX PHOTO CREDITS

300 313 317 320

Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, meander

table of contents

PROLOGUE CHRISTIAN IMAGES IN CHURCHES This book bears the subtitle “image and meaning” and treats the Ravenna mosaics precisely from this point of view. It puts the mosaics in the broader frame of early Christian imagery, and it provides information as to the background of the individual elements composing an image and to the relevant context of the space containing the image and its liturgical function. This is the whole purpose of the subtitle “image and meaning”. Due to this focus, the historic and architectural context will be mentioned only to the extent it is pertinent to the images. Before discussing the mosaics of Ravenna, it is important to clarify the relationship between the Christians of late Antiquity and their imagery. What significance did they attribute to images in church interiors? What did they expect of them? In this regard, we have various written sources reflecting statements by members of the clergy.1 Altogether, images in sacred spaces were assessed quite positively. The famous Canon 36 of the Synod of Elvira2 in the early fourth century prohibiting images in churches appears not to have been observed outside of Spain. Representations of martyrs in their sanctuaries were especially appreciated, as makes clear a homily held between 379 and 381 by Gregory of Nyssa in honour of Theodore the Recruit on the latter’s feast day: images are far more appealing to people than texts, and they motivate the faithful to devout participation in the veneration of the respective martyr.3 The emotional function of images is further expressed in two homilies by Basil of Caesarea (+ 379), specifically in his homilies on the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste4 and on Barlaam the Martyr.5 Images thus aimed at stirring emotions, but they had a didactic and admonishing function as well. Paulinus of Nola had the sanctuary of Felix in Nola decorated with scenes from the Old and the New Testament, in order to divert his compatriots, who came to the sanctuary in great number on Felix’s feast, from excessive eating and drinking, at least temporarily during their stay (Carmen 276, recited on 14 January 4037). For Nilus of Ancyra († c. 430) pictures taken from the Bible serve to familiarize the illiterate with its contents and make them emulate the depicted actions.8 However, this didactic function was by no means lim-

S. Vitale, apse, cleric with thurible

Prologue

ited to illiterate or scarcely educated people: Zachary and Severus of Antioch studied law in the second half of the fifth century at the famous law school at Beirut. When Severus asked Zachary to introduce him to Christendom, the latter took him to St. Mary’s church and explained the history of salvation with the aid of images.9 Some pictures are meant as a call to repentance, as stated in a letter of the late fifth century, written by Bishop Ruricius of Limoges to Ceraunia, the wife of Namatius10, who had asked him to send her a painter.11 The use of images as a source of knowledge for the illiterate is emphasized by Gregory the Great in two letters of 599 and 600 addressed to Bishop Serenus of Marseille,12 in which he also stresses the emotional impact of pictures.13 Laymen would probably have confirmed this valuation of images. It was them who in the third century began to place Christian images to tombs, gems, sometimes even to everyday objects.14 So how did the images decorating church interiors come about? The above-mentioned canon of the Council of Elvira testifies to the fact that there must have been images at the beginning of the fourth century, at that time in churches which were rather quite modest.15 The patron who founded and paid the building probably also determined the choice of images. This is confirmed by the epigraph of Bishop Markos Iulios Eugenios, who in Constantine’s time donated a church in Laodikeia Katakekaumene (Asia minor), which was also decorated with paintings and mosaics.16 Clerics were competent when it came to the construction of church buildings, as indicated in a mid-fifth century funerary inscription in Rome.17 The commissioners of the Ravenna churches mentioned and discussed in this book were members of the imperial dynasty, bishops and the Ostrogoth king. How the selection of the pictorial themes was made and who decided the details of the pictorial arrangement is beyond our knowledge. Even if pattern books existed,18 many details may have been far more spontaneous than we think: In his Historia Francorum Gregory of Tours mentions that the wife of Namatius, who was bishop of Clermont in the mid-fifth century, had a church built for St. Stephen. She sat in the church with a book on her lap, read the biography of the saint, and told the painters which images she wanted painted.19 This procedure is conceivable for the conception of the New Testament cycle in S. Apollinare Nuovo.

I A PRIVATE BURIAL PLACE AND ITS MOSAICS: THE MAUSOLEUM OF GALLA PLACIDIA

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

THE MAUSOLEUM OF GALLA PLACIDIA

The tradition of early Christian mosaics on walls and vaults starts in Ravenna with the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia.20 Its mosaics were repeatedly restored in the course of the centuries, but they mostly still correspond to the original iconography. Today’s viewer is closer to these works than the faithful just after completion, since the ground level was raised by 1.43 m in 1540.21 Over time the ground level outside of the building rose by 3.20 m, which means that originally the construction was not as low22 as it appears today.

ARCHITECTURE The building in its ancient context Since the question regarding the ancient context of the cross-shaped brick building and its function is critical for the interpretation of the mosaics, it shall be briefly presented and discussed here. Unlike its current appearance, this building, measuring 12.75 × 10.25 m23, was originally attached to the church S. Croce. The narthex connecting the construction with the church was torn down in 1603, and was replaced by Via Galla Placidia, which still exists.24 Today only the foundation walls of Santa Croce have survived. Its cross-shaped layout is visible on the terrain alongside and around the single-nave church (re) constructed much later.25 As the Ravenna chronicler Agnellus wrote in the ninth century, the church was built by Galla Placidia (circa 390 –450), who for some time was Regent of the Western Roman Empire. However, Agnellus does not mention the dedication inscription, as he does for other churches, and he connects the Empress with this sacral building only on the basis of a legend.26 Since this church is not mentioned in any

later and more detailed sources that would certainly have made some reference to its construction, we may assume that in the ninth century it already existed and was therefore not cited.27 The dedication of the church to the True Cross of Christ that Agnellus reports was due to Galla Placidia, who together with her children donated a mosaic for the Roman church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme.28 There is evidence for the spread of relics of the cross about the mid-fourth century in far less important areas.29 Possibly, Galla had a relic of the True Cross herself and considered its veneration (following the example of Helena) to be highly appropriate for the imperial family.30 The Mausoleum was built at a later date than S. Croce, as can be inferred from its thicker, reused bricks,31 from the diﬀerent cement, and from its higher walking level.32 It is assumed, however, that the period of time between the construction of S. Croce and that of the Mausoleum was not very long, that both buildings can be attributed to Galla Placidia, more precisely to her presence in Ravenna, where she intermittently stayed from 425 through 437/3833, and to where she repeatedly returned until 450.34 On the basis of a new investigation of S. Croce, David dates the construction of the Mausoleum to 432–450.35

Function of the building All scholars agree that Galla Placidia was not buried in this funerary monument. She died on27 November 450 in Rome; this means that she was most probably buried in the mausoleum of the Theodosian dynasty at the south side of St. Peter’s, which already held the bodies of other late family members.36 Since this mausoleum was built specifically for the imperial family, and at Exterior view of the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, basket and garland

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

tached to the most important and illustrious church of the west, there was no reason why she should have chosen another burial place. It therefore comes as no surprise that Agnellus is the first to mention Galla’s entombment in Ravenna. He says himself that his report is based on hearsay (“ut aiunt multi”).37 The church of Santa Croce was originally not designed for burials, which began only shortly after 550.38 We can thus only make conjectures about the reasons for the construction of the posterior sepulchral structure. It is in fact possible that the receipt or purchase of a relic of the cross was so appealing (and people expected so much help from the relic for their afterlife) that Galla decided to attach an additional sepulchral site. Some scholars suggest Galla Placidia had the Mausoleum built for her son Theodosius, who died a child in Barcelona39 and was buried at his mother’s command in the Theodosian mausoleum in Rome.40 We may suppose that she took the body of her son to Ravenna and kept it there during her stay in the city.41 If it is true that this Theodosius – probably with other family members – was portrayed on one of the lost mosaic medallions in the church S. Giovanni Evangelista, sponsored by Galla Placidia, this means that she never lost sight of her dead son.42 Given the only hypothetical use as burial site for important people, we have to ask ourselves if this building may actually be called a “mausoleum”. (As a general rule, it was forbidden to bury within the city, even if exceptions were made for sovereigns and heroes, and the prohibition was abandoned in late Antiquity.) There are two important points in favour: firstly, the pinecone at the summit of the roof. This element was used in the Roman imperial period and in late Antiquity on funerary spaces and monuments as a symbol of immortality.43 The second point is the size of the niches that allows a suitable and harmonic display of sarcophagi. Another criterion could be the darkness of this space, which is typical for Roman mausolea,44 while the extensive use of various shades of blue is not in itself an indication for a sepulchral function, since blue was the colour for prestigious rooms.45 The same is true for representations of the starry sky that can also be seen in some baptisteries of Dura Europos and Naples.46 The cross-shape of the building gives no indication either: it was widespread in the west and the east and cannot be narrowed to some specific function.47 It may be explained by reference to the church S. Croce, and probably to a relic of the cross as well, since the cross

appears consistently in the mosaic decoration and finds its most radiant expression in the dome.48 There may even have been another cross-shaped building on the other, northern side of S. Croce. It has not been excavated systematically, but test excavations have given evidence of its existence.49 Conjectures about its original functions are pointless. It clearly cannot be ruled out that the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia was a relic shrine or used for the veneration of a martyr.50 On the one hand various sources tell us about dedications of mausolea to saints – a mausoleum in Ravenna was dedicated 435 to Saints Stephen, Gervasius and Protasius,51 and on the other hand many people wished to be buried near saints or relics in early Christianity.52 In the ninth century the Mausoleum was part of a monasterium Sancti Nazarii, so Agnellus reports, but the year of this dedication is unknown and would not contribute any information as to the original dedication.53 An interesting question is whether the sarcophagi that we see in the Mausoleum today already belonged to its initial furnishing. This question cannot be detached from the issue of the sarcophagi’s dating. The sarcophagus “of Galla Placidia”, placed in the niche at the entrance and decorated with a Tabula ansata and a circumferential profile, has no parallel in any surviving pagan or Christian sarcophagus.54 This is why scholarly opinions as to its origin range between the third,55 the fourth56 and the sixth century57, with evidence for none of them. The so-called “sarcophagus of Honorius” showing the Lamb of God on a mountain with the rivers of paradise,58 and the so-called “sarcophagus of Constantius” with its architectural arrangement and – again – the Lamb of God above the rivers of paradise in the midst of the foreside were presumably created as late as the sixth century.59 This dating (like that of all other Ravenna sarcophagi for which we have no verified indications) relies on stylistic considerations, although the transfer of the imperial court to Ravenna in 40860 appears to be the most probable reason. A final decision as to the attribution of the sarcophagi, the presence of which in this site is documented only since the fourteenth century, is not possible at present. Nevertheless, the entrance door of the fifth century was wide enough for a sarcophagus.61 Since the building was most probably not meant to accommodate Galla Placidia’s grave, but appears to have been used as a mausoleum, the usual name “Mausoleum of Galla Placidia” will be used here. After all, it is

Interior view toward the vault and the Good Shepherd

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

Interior view toward Lawrence

Niche with “Sarcophagus of Constantius”

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Garland

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

Garland

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

most appealing to establish a connection between this building and that famous sponsor, and the construction of the Mausoleum is better understandable if interpreted as an imperial burial site in the new residence.62

Changes to the interior since Antiquity The lower part of the walls covered with yellowish Siena marble, mostly during the restoration done in 1898–1901, but based on fragments of giallo antico that were presumed to have been part of the original decoration.63 The alabaster slabs covering the windows today were mounted in 1911.64 Today’s viewer should be informed about the restoration of 1900–1901, when in the lunette with the depiction of the Good Shepherd the sheep to the far left was altered.65 The blaze of colours of the mosaics shining on the blue background and their iconography have remained mostly unchanged since early Christianity.

The pictorial themes The Good Shepherd The representation of Christ as the Good Shepherd in the lunette above the entrance door to the Mausoleum in its north cross-arm is one of the most frequently reproduced mosaics of early Christianity. In fact, shepherds were highly popular in late Roman art: in the third and fourth century they are chosen as a modern and stylish decoration of everyday objects, but are especially common in and on graves. The images of shepherds on the two sarcophagi shown on the following page are by no means meant as a realistic representation of the hardships of a shepherd’s life: they were to be understood as ideal conceptions of a happy and peaceful life. In burial places, pictures of this kind were associated with the hope for a pleasant and positive afterlife.66 These shepherds are often portrayed with a lamb or a ram on their shoulders, so that many Christians may have recognized Jesus even in pagan representations of the Good Shepherd, on the basis of the parable told in the Gospels of Matthew (18:12–14) and Luke (15:3–7), in which the shepherd leaves his flock to go looking for the one lost sheep. Early Christian art starts with individual scenes only during the second third of the third century, and until such time (and even far beyond)

pagan and conventional images were usually acceptable to Christians.67 Scholars recognized long ago that these shepherds, who are normally portrayed in pairs as rather shaggy outdoorsmen in working clothes, can be interpreted as Jesus Christ only if they appear in a prominent position and together with other Christian scenes.68 Even then an interpretation as Christ the Good Shepherd is not imperative, since the general idyllic conception associated with shepherds blended in well with Christian content. The image in the Mausoleum has but little to do with these rural shepherds. The only two elements connecting the representation in the Mausoleum with earlier imagery are the sheep and the bucolic landscape. The depiction of the Good Shepherd sitting among his sheep and of the sheep turning towards Christ as well as its position above a door allow to establish a link with a passage of the Gospel of John (10:7 ﬀ.)69: “I am the gate for the sheep. All who came [before me] are thieves and robbers, but the sheep did not listen to them. I am the gate. Whoever enters through me will be saved, and will come in and go out and find pasture. A thief comes only to steal and slaughter and destroy; I came so that they might have life and have it more abundantly. I am the good shepherd. … I am the good shepherd, and I know mine and mine know me”. This text was less interesting for early Christian exegetes than the parable of the lost sheep cited by Matthew and Luke.70 It appears to have been somewhat popular as a door blessing, since it adorned the middle imperial door of Constantinople’s Hagia Sophia about a century later.71 The use of John’s text as a door blessing shows that it was meant not only for the afterlife,72 but first of all for this life, since Christ’s promises are also relevant to present times. When the worshipper leaving the Mausoleum saw Christ as the Good Shepherd, he was reminded that the faith in Christ leads to life in fullness both here on earth and beyond death. In the Archbishop’s Chapel, from the beginning of the sixth century, it is Christ stepping on lions and dragons who provides encouragement and admonition to those leaving the chapel. This neo-testamentary meaning is enriched by iconographic details with further messages. The most striking one is the colourfulness of Christ’s clothes. His gold dalmatica with blue clavi (stripes) distinguishes him as a sovereign shepherd, since gold garments were usually worn in late Antiquity by the members of the imperial family.73 In fact, in the almost contemporary mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore Mary is characterized as

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Musei Vaticani, bucolic sarcophagus

San Callisto, strigillated sarcophagus with depictions of shepherds

an empress by a gold garment and elements of jewellery.74 The purple pallium (mantle) of Christ-Shepherd is also an attribute assigned to the Roman emperor and emphasizing his position: normal people were not allowed to wear purple clothes,75 and not only because this colour was very expensive.76 The sitting position originates from statues of deities and was later adopted for representations of monarchs.77 As in sitting statues of Zeus or Jupiter, one arm is lifted to the side and holds the cross, which has replaced the sceptre, and as in such statues, the mantle is not worn, but draped over shoulder and lap:78 one puﬀ rests on the left shoulder, the other end, after passing on back and lap, falls to the ground.79 The right hand reaching across the body is also an element found in some statues of Zeus and Jupiter, in that case holding a thunderbolt.80 In the Mausoleum, the motif was changed into the ca-

ressing of a sheep, known from many other depictions of shepherds.81 Jesus seems to be sitting restlessly: his legs are turned to the right, while his left foot points forward, and the right one is standing on tiptoe in the same direction of the legs – yet another feature adopted from statues of gods and sovereigns, and not uncommonly used at the time for representations of Christ, such as the figure from the end of the fourth century (now in the Museo Nazionale Romano in Rome).82 It is intended to express the mobility potential and presence of the divine person.83 Due to his skewed standing feet and his turning towards a sheep, Jesus’ position is perceived as somewhat unstable; this is probably due to the fact that diﬀerent elements were used one in addition to the other, without consistently trying to give an overall impression of calm sitting. This “additive” approach is actually typical of the art of late Antiquity and early

The Good Shepherd

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Cross in the garland

Meander, ornaments and floral motifs on blue background

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Coin of Hadrian, Jupiter between Minerva and Juno

Reconstruction of the colossal statue of Constantine the Great

Musei Vaticani, column sarcophagus, centre scene: soldiers sitting under the cross / tropaion

Christianity. In Ravenna, we can find the sitting figure with a purple mantle in the dome of the Arian Baptistery: Here the lower body of Jordan is dressed in a similar garment, but instead of the sceptre he is holding an aquatic plant. The cross held by Christ-Shepherd appears on early Christian monuments in diﬀerent contexts. Flanked by fishes, it is displayed on carved gems, of which at least those preserved mounted in their original rings in a shape typical for the third century date back to this time.84 On sarcophagi it is found since the second third

of the fourth century, initially in the shape of a tropaion, the sign of victory of the field commander, on which the christogram (Chi-Rho) refers to the victorious commander, Christ. Beneath the tropaion we see sitting soldiers; they take the place of the losers and the defeated of former pictorial tradition, but unlike those they are depicted with their weapons. The image reminds of Jesus’ victory over death, of his resurrection and sovereignty; it is therefore rather a symbol of Jesus Christ than his attribute. The cross is borne by St. Lawrence in the same sense: at the level of his neck, it carries the

Vine tendrils and stylised blossoms

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Hebrew word “Adonai” (my Lord),85 which refers directly to Christ and attributes this significance to the entire object. On monuments of the late fourth and the fifth centuries it is often Peter who carries the cross, particularly on urban Roman and ravennate sarcophagi, in order to give him special honours and distinguish him from Paul (apart from hair and beard style).86 The long-handled cross appears in the dome of the cathedral’s baptistery, where it is held by John and shifted to the centre of the medallion to indicate death, resurrection and the second coming of Christ (parousia).87 Now, if the cross is held by Christ-Shepherd, it implies this level of significance – a viewer versed in the Scriptures and especially in the Gospel of John would immediately think of the shepherd giving his life for his sheep (cf. John 10:15). In addition, Christ sitting in a landscape reminds of some depictions of Orpheus that feature the Thracian singer making music in a landscape. However, the sitting pose is the only element connecting the mythological figure with the shepherd in the Mausoleum,88 since the position of Orpheus’ legs and arms is wholly diﬀerent. The landscape plays an important role in the meaning of this image: with its green pasture and plants it alludes to paradise, where – as the poet Prudentius describes in the late fourth century – the Good Shepherd Christ takes his flock to graze.89 Besides, in contemporary funerary inscriptions the green pasture is one the motifs describing paradise,90 which means that it has acquired a Christian meaning. We find it also in various mosaics in Ravenna where it shows the abode of the depicted saints. The importance attributed to the Christ-shepherd is emphasized by the decoration on the transverse arch with its high-quality and elaborate fruit garland rising from baskets.91 In the middle it is decorated with a cross with expanded arms in a blue medallion as a reference to Christ. The lunette with St. Lawrence on the opposite side is closed by a three-dimensional swastika meander,92 the arches on both west and east by a scale pattern of stylized blossoms in a grid of square fields.93 According to ancient use, the importance of the northsouth axis with the royal shepherd and St. Lawrence is emphasized by a diﬀerent ornamental border, while the subordinate transverse axis is decorated with the same ornaments.

Private collection, gem

Milan, S. Ambrogio, city gate sarcophagus, central scene: Peter with cross staﬀ

Ravenna, S. Francesco, sarcophagus of Rainaldus: Peter with cross staﬀ

Lunette of Lawrence

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Codex Amiatinus

Rome, S. Lorenzo fuori le mura, front wall of the apse

Lawrence

Gospels of Mark, Luke, Matthew and John. The lowest shelf is empty. All four books have an orange-red cover edged in gold, and they could be tightly closed, as the straps and clasps show. With respect to the image’s composition, scholars up to now did not consider that the figure is moving from right to left, unlike the usual narrative and reading direction of Antiquity that ran left to right. The diﬀerent orientation is due to the context of the other images in the Mausoleum: the area above Lawrence shows acclaiming apostles whose hands are also turned left, i.e. in the same direction as those of the other apostles in the north, west, and south tambour. The eastern tambour shows Peter and Paul orienting their acclamation gesture upwards, in the direction of the cross appearing in the east as a sign of Christ’s Second Coming. This means that the figure in the lunette participates in this movement. Three diﬀering interpretations have been proposed for this picture: according the most frequent and probably correct, the man is the Roman deacon Lauren-

The image in the lunette (facing the entrance) in the south cross arm of the Mausoleum is usually the first one seen by anyone entering the place; wrongfully, it is also the most controversial as to its interpretation. To the right we see a man walking leftwards, who bears a long cross over his right shoulder and holds an open book with indecipherable characters in his left hand. He is dressed in a loose, white and striped undergarment, and wrapped in his mantle. His swift movement is revealed both by the fluttering mantle ends to his left and right side that each carry an “I-Gammadion” and by his dalmatica’s moving hem. The head with short hair and beard is haloed and turned towards the viewer in an almost imperceptible left twist. The word “Adonai” (my Lord) on the cross at the height of his neck is another clue to his martyrdom.94 Left of the saint, a fire roars beneath a grill on wheels,95 and on the left of the window there is an open cupboard topped by a pediment. On its two upper shelves we notice four labelled books: the

Total view toward the west

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

tius,96 who was martyred on the grate in 258. He is one of the most famous Roman martyrs, his popularity and veneration probably ranging second only to Peter and Paul.97 In this picture, he is moving towards the grate, the instrument of torture by which he testified to his faith, as legends told since the fourth century. The grate standing on fire is equipped with wheels, a realistic detail mentioned in the “Pseudo-Fulgentius”, a fifth or sixth-century text,98 in the description of Lawrence’s martyrdom.99 One obstacle to this interpretation is the bookcase that has but an indirect connection with the legends about St. Lawrence.100 On account of the pediment we may say that it was no ordinary bookcase, but a cupboard used in churches for sacred books. This is attested by a comparison with an illustration of the Codex Amiatinus, showing the High Priest Ezra restoring damaged manuscripts before a similar piece of furniture.101 This codex was written circa 700, but it was probably based on a late antique model.102 As Lawrence was the first deacon of Pope Sixtus, he was in charge of safekeeping not only money, but sacred appliances (including books) as well, even if this circumstance is not mentioned in the legends.103 Nevertheless, it could be that the patron Galla Placidia chose this one aspect from the deacon’s area of competence. Perhaps she wanted to express her orthodoxy by depicting the Gospel books,104 or illustrate by them the very bedrock of Christianity, or maybe she wanted to emphasize that the words of those books justify the Christian hope for the afterlife.105 As an alternative, the pictures of the Gospels may have been used to invoke beneficent forces. The book in Lawrence’s hand could thus be interpreted as another book of the New Testament, for instance Paul’s letters, or as another indication of his witness. The interpretation as “lunette of St. Lawrence” is further endorsed by the circumstance that this martyr is shown with the long-handled cross on gold glasses106 and a picture of his martyrdom adorns an early Christian lead medallion.107 Most important for the interpretation are the two following works: a gold glass of the late fourth century in New York,108 and the mosaic on the front wall of the apse in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura in Rome,109 built under Pope Pelagius II (579–590): on both monuments the saint carries a long cross, but most importantly he has whiskers like in the Ravenna mosaic. Apart from Peter and Paul and Agnes, characterized as a girl,110 Lawrence is the first saint to be individually recognizable by his beard style. The representation in

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

New York, Metropolitan Museum, gold glass with image of Lawrence

the Mausoleum relies on an existing pictorial tradition, and it is pursued on later monuments.111 It testifies to the great importance of this martyr in early Christianity. The use of a characteristic Lawrence iconography should eventually confirm this interpretation of the lunette. Other interpretations are in fact not convincing. The attempt to identify the male figure with St. Vincent of Saragossa112 relies only on a poem by Prudentius and on the Acts of St. Vincent of Saragossa.113 In Prudentius’s poem Vincentius is asked to deliver the sacred books, but this element plays no part in his martyrdom. Vincent was indeed tortured on a grate, but that was not his cause of death.114 These details are not suﬃcient to corroborate any reading of this figure as St. Vincent, the more so as there is evidence for Vincent’s relics in Ravenna only in the mid-sixth century.115 Apart from the fact that Vincent was portrayed about 560–570 together with 24 other martyrs in S. Apollinare Nuovo, we have no evidence regarding veneration of this saint in Ravenna.116

Salona, Baptistery, redesign of a mosaic

Château-de-la-Tourette, strigillated sarcophagus with depiction of the deers at the water beneath the centre medallion

Marseille, Saint-Victor, lid of a strigillated sarcophagus with depiction of the deers at the source

Christ dressed in white and with short hair and beard. 118 As a matter of fact, there are representations of Jesus with similar hair and beard style, but they are few, and they were created much later: one in the dedicatory image of the Rabbula Gospels of 586, and the frontal portrait of Christ on the coins of the Emperor Justinian II (668/669–711).119 The biblical reference for the apocalyptic reading would be Revelation 19:13, mentioning a person dressed in a “robe dipped in blood”, but a connection between this text and the figure in the lunette appears quite unconvincing. Some others argued the book held by this figure could be the book of man’s good and bad deeds.120 Finally, the wheeled grate rules out the possibility of any book burning, since this would require some kind of bonfire.121 In any event, Lawrence plays a special role within the Mausoleum’s imagery, since he is the first one visible to anyone entering the building. This is probably related to the fact that, apart from his popularity in early Christian times, Lawrence was of great significance to the Mausoleum’s commissioner, since the Valentinian-Theodosian dynasty honoured him in several churches in the east and in the west.122 Evidently, the imperial family had a special involvement with this saint,123 since the first church built in Ravenna at the time of the imperial residence was consecrated to him.124 His prominent position in the Mausoleum is therefore easy to explain. By depicting and venerating him, the believers pay him homage and express their intention to follow his example on the path of faith; they ask for his protection and hope for his intercession, both during their life on earth, in the period between death and the Second Coming of Christ, and at the moment of the Last Judgement.125 Designating the building as a “martyrium”, as was recently proposed,126 goes too far, the more so since we do not know whether the site ever contained relics,127 and the measures of the cross arms clearly hint to the installation of sarcophagi. Of course, the use of this room for funerary purposes may well have been combined with the veneration of a saint.128

Ravenna, Braccioforte, back side of the Pignata Sarcophagus

The two deer at the water A third interpretation attempt, which was already proven wrong, but was nevertheless revived, sets the scene in an apocalyptic context: 117 the figure would thus be Christ about to throw a book in the flames. However, there is no parallel of any representation of

The lunettes at the ends of the east and west cross arms – both with a rectangular window in the middle129 – show two deer approaching a spring of water. This image undoubtedly refers to Psalm 41(42):2: “As a hart longs for springs of water, so my soul longs for

Deers at the source

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Rome, Baptistery of the Lateran, east apse, mosaic

thee, O God. As the hart panteth after the water brooks, so panteth my soul after thee, O God”.130 This connection of the deer with the Psalm is proven beyond doubt by a mosaic of the fifth or sixth century in the Baptistery of Salona, which at the side of a kantharos with two deer shows this text in Latin.131 The image probably also includes an allusion to other passages from the Bible, precisely Revelation 22:17 (“Come. Let the hearer say, “Come.” Let the one who thirsts come forward, and the one who wants it receive the gift of life-giving water”), and especially Revelation 21:6 (“I will give to the one who thirsts from the spring of the water of life without cost”), perhaps even John 4:14 (“but whoever drinks the water I shall give will never thirst; the water I shall give will become in him a spring of water welling up to eternal life”).132 The motif of the deer at the spring is very common in early Christian art. It was used more frequently outside of graves, for instance in baptisteries, where it refers to baptism, in church interiors on mosaic in connection with a representation of the cosmos,133 or as terracotta revetment134 and in minor arts.135 Since Psalm 42:2 did not receive a univocal interpretation by early Christian theologians, and the motif was in wide use at that time, it stands to reason that the deer at the spring are to be viewed as a representation of man’s longing for God.136 The oldest example of a picture of this kind, a fresco, survives in the Catacomb of Saints Marcus and Marcel-

lianus in Rome,137 probably painted shortly before 350, while the first image of the deer on a sarcophagus is that on a strigillated sarcophagus (produced between 370 and 400 in the city of Rome) in Château-de-la-Tourette, where the pair appears in a rectangular panel beneath the portraits of the buried persons.138 A noteworthy iconography is provided by another sarcophagus of the fourth century, also produced in the city of Rome, known only by a drawing and formerly located in Reims, on which the pool of water is replaced by the figure of Christ.139 At the onset of the fifth century, the deer at the spring adorn the front or lid of sarcophagi manufactured in Marseille;140 these also show the Lamb of God, providing the scene with an apocalyptic element. On the back of the so-called “Pignata sarcophagus” (Ravenna, early fifth century) the representation is limited to the two deer facing a kantharos.141 The Ravenna mosaic, on the other hand, attaches particular importance to elements of vegetable origin (the grass around the pool, and the acanthus scrolls). Both animals are entwined in green and gold scrolls enriched by white and red flowers. There are other examples in contemporary mosaics of the scroll motif encircling animals;142 just compare the rolled up scrolls with rosette-like blossoms in the east apse of the Lateran Baptistery in Rome (attributed to the fifth century).143 In a mosaic from the second third of the fifth century in S. Maria Capua Vetere (now lost)

Floral motifs on blue background

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Lyon, Musée des Tissus, silk fragment

Istanbul, Hagia Sophia, ground floor, mosaic in the narthex

scrolls entwining birds provide the frame for an image of Mary on a throne with the infant Jesus on her lap.144 The scroll motif in S. Clemente in Rome from the High Middle Ages may well have had an early Christian prototype.145 In the mosaics of the Baptistery of Neon in Ravenna, which are about thirty years younger, the scrolls enclose figures of prophets. Since the scroll motif encompassing animals and human figures was very popular in the art of the Roman imperial period, we can only speculate why it was represented here and what it is supposed to mean.146 The blossoms in the scrolls, the use of gold and green, and the flowers blooming in the east lunette at the side of the spring could be taken as a hint to a paradisiacal landscape. It is further possible that the artist chose this “abstract” kind of depiction to style the background in a both meaningful and varied manner. The paradisiacal atmosphere thus characterizes the place, where the longing for communion with God finds its fulfilment, as peaceful and harmonious. Remarkably, the deer at the spring are depicted twice, perhaps to emphasize the site’s focus on the lunette with St. Lawrence, and to direct the view towards the cross in the dome. The different light and shadow effects and the design of the water (with lines on the one side and hatched beam on the other) show that the two pictures are the work of different craftsmen.

The ornamental mosaics in the barrel vaults The ornamental mosaics in the barrel vaults mirror the cross-shaped layout of the building: above the Good Shepherd and the lunette of St. Lawrence the north and south cross-arms include a pattern of concentric circles encompassing a vegetal ornament against a blue ground, while the west and east cross-arms are adorned by a grapevine that includes two male figures and the Chi-Rho monogram of Christ, springing from an acanthus plant. The first-mentioned ornamental mosaics are as esthetically appealing as they are uncommon: while the cross-flower and the six-leaved blossom within the circles are known from mosaics of the Roman imperial period, the frames with their bright tridentate ornaments or with a sequence of leaf and blossom ornaments and the uniform filling of the space in between with eight-leaved blossoms and dots rather remind of fabrics. Various scholars have indicated that this pattern has its origin in the eastern part of the Roman Empire.147 Clementina Rizzardi compares a mosaic on the west gallery of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople with a silk fragment in the Musée des Tissus of Lyon.148 Previously unnoticed, a parallel for a blossom in a circle decorated with tridentate elements (set against a gold background) is preserved in the central sector of the narthex

Prophets

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

of the Hagia Sophia. This mosaic dates back to the time of Justinian and demonstrates the long lifespan of these patterns,149 which were probably imported on fabrics from faraway countries. Their use in mosaics enhances the preciousness and beauty of the site and underlines its sumptuous character.150 The west and east barrel vaults show a grapevine that springs from an acanthus plant.151 This is one of the oldest motifs of Roman ornamental art152 and was also displayed on early Christian monuments, both in burial places and in houses and on objects of everyday use.153 It is filled with two gold male figures standing on a leaf ornament and, at the apex of the vault, with a christogram, so that the viewer’s thoughts when looking at the grapevine were rather directed towards the Christian interpretation of Jesus as the grapevine (cf. John 15).154 The memory of wine and its eﬀects, evoked by this pagan motif, was certainly still present, even if in a subliminal way.

The prophets The two standing men, dressed in tunica and pallium and holding a scroll with both hands, have been interpreted as apostles, evangelists or prophets. Since these figures are rendered with gold tesserae, they diﬀer clearly from the colourful apostles; for this reason, it seems unlikely that these are meant. In early Christian iconography evangelists are usually depicted with a codex, and not with a scroll; moreover, they are normally put in a prominent position, which allows the conclusion that the four figures shown here are not evangelists. The most convincing hypothesis, considering the other imagery of the Mausoleum, is the one interpreting them as the four great prophets of the Old Testaments: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, who announced the coming of Christ.155 Before the fifth century, prophets appear very rarely in early Christian art as standing figures referring to themselves or their prophecies. The only older example (from the second third of the third century)157 that according to almost all scholars indeed shows a prophet is the fresco in the Priscilla catacomb in Rome: the man, probably Balaam,156 is standing at the side of Mary with the infant Jesus on her lap; his right hand points at the star over her head. This picture is almost 200 years older than the prophets in the Mausoleum. Significantly, the figures in Ravenna are not holding the scrolls in a re-

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Rome, Priscilla Catacomb, Balaam and Mary

laxed pose at the waist, as is the case in many pictures of apostles, but at the level of their breasts in a quasi ostentatious manner to draw the viewer’s attention to the contents of their writings and to their prophecies. This iconographic detail too is indicative of prophets. The gold colour can be seen on the one hand as an expression of the time distance between the viewer and the figures, and on the other hand as a reference to the Saviour announced by them. The latter does not appear in person: it is the ChiRho monogram that evokes him. The monogram is surrounded by the letters Alpha and Omega and by a red and blue wreath of leaves. The christogram as a symbol for Christ is known to have been used as early as the third century; for example on gems which can be dated on the basis of the shape of the corresponding rings.158 It is to be understood as an abbreviation of „Christos“ and not as an image, as proven by the circumstance that the

name of Christ appears in full on other gemstones.159 The letters Alpha and Omega are mentioned three times in the Apocalypse, precisely in Revelation 1:8 (“I am the Alpha and the Omega, says the Lord God, the one who is and who was and who is to come, the almighty”), 21:6 (“I (am) the Alpha and the Omega, the beginning and the end”), and 22:13 (“I am the Alpha and the Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the end”). They thus refer to God and Christ as the beginning and the end of time.160 The two letters are displayed together with the christogram only in the course of the fourth century.161 The gold prophets in the Mausoleum and the ChiRho monogram framed by Alpha and Omega demonstrate a development in early Christian art shifting from stories about Jesus and his life to statements about or references to him. This development starts in the second third of the fourth century with pictorial themes such as the tropaion, referring to Christ’s victory over death and to his resurrection, or the scene called “dominus legem dat”, showing Christ as a sovereign in glory, and Peter as the preferred enunciator of Christ’s message. This tendency is expressed in the Mausoleum by other pictorial subjects.

The mosaics in the lunettes of the crossing The upper lunettes of the central dome each show two male figures wearing tunica and pallium and flanking a window. In the eastern lunette we can recognize Peter and Paul by their typical iconography: Peter has thick white hair and a round white beard, and in his left hand he is holding a key,162 while Paul – with frontal baldness – has dark hair and a long dark beard. Since these two are identifiable beyond doubt, we may assume that the other six figures are apostles as well, whom we cannot attribute names. As mentioned in the description of the Lawrence mosaic, the acclamation gesture by Peter and Paul is directed upwards to the cross appearing in the east, while the other apostles point at the Princes of the Apostles. The fact that there are only eight apostles instead of the usual twelve may be explainable by the presence of the windows that prevented the artists from showing 4 × 3 apostles. In fact, displaying one apostle on one side of the window and two on the other side would contradict symmetry, which was always respected in antiquity. Besides, we have many examples for colleges of the apostles with eight members or less.163

Like the other figures of the Mausoleum, the apostles are standing on a green basis against a dark blue field. While the blue ground fits in well with a representative context,164 the green areas are probably to be understood as allusions to the green pastures of paradise. The greenish field is arranged as some sort of platform, on which the apostles cast slanting shadows while the basin of water with the two doves in the foreground casts straight shows; this provides the space with an unreal eﬀect. A similarly unreal background shimmering in diﬀerent shades of white and blue can be found behind the figures of apostles or saints in the early fifth-century mosaics of S. Giovanni in Fonte in Naples.165 The lunettes are completed by scallop shell niches decorated with a bird’s head at the zenith, three hanging and intersecting beads and three parallel ribbons in orange and red. They are just a special decoration of the lunettes, but without any specific meaning.166 We find similar lunettes in other ravennate mosaics from various periods; for instance, they separate the New Testament scenes in the nave of S. Apollinare Nuovo. The white garments of the apostles deserve closer attention, because they cannot have been common use in Antiquity and therefore have a special significance. In fact, they are a symbol of purity; white clothes are mentioned in Revelation 19:8, and in the Christian literary work “The Shepherd of Hermas” (third or fourth decade of the second century) the colour white is mentioned in a similar context. The fabric of the apostles’ clothes is probably meant to be linen.167 Individual letters can be spotted on the drooping tails of the apostles’ mantles. They are called gammadiae after the capital Gamma, which is the most frequent letter. The decoration of garments with letters dates back to the first century AD, and it is quite common in the fifth and sixth centuries. Their meaning has not yet been clarified, since these elements are not mentioned in ancient sources.168 The doves Beneath each window, at the apostles’ feet, there is a vessel with two doves. In the west and the east lunettes the doves are perched on the edge of a water-filled basin on a base, while in the north and south lunette the birds are standing on the ground and flanking a vase from which the water is bubbling and spilling over. The motif with the doves sitting on the edge of a bowl and/or drinking from it goes back to a famous antique masterpiece that was repeated often and in many

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Rome, Museo Nazionale, sarcophagus with representation of a garden landscape

Palermo, Cathedral, “star wreath” sarcophagus

versions, but cannot be dated and attributed with certainty.169 The popularity of the motif is demonstrated by the fact that it appears on both of the figurative sarcophagi placed in the Mausoleum, precisely on the left lateral sides of the so-called “sarcophagus of Honorius” and of the so-called “sarcophagus of Constantius”. Some scholars presume that the original context of this masterpiece was a sepulchral one, since this picture was repeatedly (but not exclusively) found in graves, and therefore the drinking doves are considered a funerary motif as well.171 This is possible, but by no means imperative, since underground monuments usually survive better than those above the ground.

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Irrespective of the above, doves have been a popular symbol in Christian art since the third century with a considerable number of meanings.172 The spectrum of possible interpretations is demonstrated by the famous 32nd letter of St. Paulinus of Nola giving diﬀerent interpretations of doves according to context: in the apse mosaics described by the saint, a single dove represents the Holy Spirit and a flock of doves the apostles, while in another inscription the doves epitomise the faithful who have become blessed.173 In the context of the Mausoleum, the most plausible interpretation seems to be the human soul: the doves on or at the side of a bowl with water could stand for an enjoyable condition of the

Paul and Peter

Apostles in the east and south

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Apostle in the north

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

Apostle in the north

The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

Apostle in the west

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

Apostle in the west

The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

soul in the afterlife, as it is known from inscriptions of the third and fourth centuries.174 We cannot rule out that the doves represent apostles, since on other monuments apostles are indeed symbolised by doves and also shown as human or allegoric figures.175 In attempting to interpret these birds we should not forget that this subject has a long previous and subsequent history; it therefore appears sensible to refrain from any too precise interpretation. Moreover, doves and water containers are elements of a garden landscape in a form used still represented in the fifth century.176 In this sense, they supplement the meaning of the green meadow, on which the apostles are standing, as paradise. Doves will remain popular also in later mosaics: in the ceiling mosaic of the oratory of San Giovanni Evangelista that Pope Hilarius (461–468) built within the Baptistery of the Lateran, we see doves and other birds picking from fruit bowls.177 In this case, too, interpretation is best limited to “a multi-significance symbolism”.178

The dome vault Starry sky, cross and creatures of the apocalypse The vault of the central tower is covered by a starry sky with a total of 567 stars179 against a dark blue background. In the middle of the sky a big cross is floating, pointing east; this position deviates significantly from the north-south alignment of the Mausoleum emphasized by the lunettes with the Good Shepherd and Lawrence.180 This unusual positioning can be explained only by the circumstance that the cross appearing in the east symbolises the Second Coming of Christ, as mentioned in various texts of the New Testament and by early Christian authors. Christ was expected to return from the east and from heaven (Acts 1:11), since he rose to heaven from the Mount of Olives east of Jerusalem (Luke 24:50; Acts 1:9–12).181 In this frame, the cross stands for Christ: „And then the sign of the Son of Man will appear in heaven, and all the tribes of the earth will mourn, and they will see the Son of Man coming upon the clouds of heaven with power and great glory” (Matthew 24:30). From other early Christian sources we know that the east, i.e. the direction of Christ’s Second Coming and therefore of prayer, was often indicated by a cross.182 The interpretation of the starry sky with the cross appearing in the east as reference to the parousia is thus conclusive,183 and it is further corroborated by the four

creatures of the Apocalypse described in Revelation 4:6–8 and depicted in the pendentives.184 The gold protomes of the Lion, the Calf, the Angel and the Eagle are even put in the order of the Apocalypse, if we start in the south-east and proceed back to north-east.185 Since they do not bear any scrolls or books, they are not the evangelists.

Overall concept and meaning of the imagery As a whole, the imagery of the Mausoleum is pervaded by a consistent movement leading towards the cross in the east: it starts with Lawrence’s motion, running from right to left, unlike the usual reading direction of images; it is taken up by the movements of the apostles pointing to Peter who, together with Paul, directs the homage to the cross. The emphasis on Peter is probably a token of the patrons’ or of the Ravenna church’s relationship with Rome and with its bishop as successor of Peter.186 The pendentives’ iconography was not invented specifically for the decoration of the Mausoleum, since we find similar picture elements on some sarcophagi decorated with stars and wreaths produced in Rome during the last decades of the fourth century, on which the apostles, standing before a star-spangled sky, are facing a christogram on a tropaion.187 While the tropaion on these sarcophagi puts, with the cross in the east, a strong accent on Jesus’ victory over death, and the reward of the apostles in the afterlife is emphasized by the wreaths over their heads, the mosaic in the Mausoleum puts the Second Coming of Christ in the foreground. This means that the eschatological element plays an essential role in the interpretation of the mosaics’ imagery. Apocalyptic elements are employed about the same time in other Ravenna churches, for instance in S. Giovanni Evangelista188 and S. Croce189, both sponsored by Galla Placidia; their mosaics are known just by a description. Themes from the Apocalypse or allusions to the same enjoyed great popularity since the late fourth and in the first half of the fifth century, and they are not infrequent even in subsequent times. The apocalyptic motif of the cross in the star-spangled sky appears in other fifth-century mosaics and in non-sepulchral settings, namely in the church S. Maria della Croce in Casaranello (Apulia) and in the baptisteries of Naples and Albenga.190 The Naples mosaic also shows

Doves in the south and west

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Rome, Baptistery of the Lateran, Oratory of S. Giovanni Evangelista

Casaranello, S. Maria della Croce

the four creatures, wreath-bearing apostles and shepherds. The Second Coming of Christ (in various versions) thus decorates a mausoleum, a church and baptisteries. None of the images in the Mausoleum has any meaning specific to its use in a gravesite. The sovereign shepherd promises protection and safety, and the deer at the waterhole refer to man’s longing for God. While Galla

had a church built in honour of John the evangelist already after her rescue from shipwreck,191 the depiction of Lawrence is probably the expression of a special veneration of this saint by the imperial family, since other churches were dedicated to him as well. The white-clad apostles on green meadows have already reached a place near God, and wait for Christ to return. The sum of the images produces a visualization of essential con-

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Naples, Baptistery of S. Giovanni

Albenga, Baptistery

tent (the return of Christ) and hopes of the Christian faith, expressed in the depiction of Christ-shepherd and of the “family patron saint”, that are not limited to any specific functional or liturgical context, and may be used also in other places. They apply both to this world and to the hereafter. The images of the Mausoleum may be subject to further interpretation by the viewer, even though we may

presume that few people had access to it in early Christian times: firstly, it could be accessed only through S. Croce, and secondly burial places were usually locked and opened only for family and friends. The interior was lit with an oil lamp or a torch the flickering light of which was best suited to enhance the colourful force of the mosaics.

Sky with stars, cross and the four creatures

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

A private burial place and its mosaics: The Mausoleum ofÂ GallaÂ Placidia

The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

II THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE BAPTISMAL SPACES

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

THE BAPTISTERY OF THE CATHEDRAL

On the basis of the records about its decoration with mosaics and stucco, the Baptistery of the Cathedral192 may be rated as the best-preserved early Christian baptistery. It is also called “Baptistery of Ursus” from the name of its founder or “Baptistery of Neon” (451–473) who had about mid-fifth century the building altered and decorated with mosaics, as Agnellus tells us in his Liber pontificalis.193 The construction is also known by the name “Orthodox Baptistery” to distinguish it from the smaller Arian Baptistery built about 500. In spite of many restorations,194 the iconographic stock visible today is the same as in the mid-fifth century. Ursus is thought to have commissioned only the marble wall revetment,195 probably applied around the year 400. It was given back its original shape during restoration works at the beginning of the twentieth century.196 The ground level was raised by three meters, in all probability at the end of the twelfth century at the latest,197 which means that the interior was originally much higher and the surviving decoration was further away from the viewer.

The building In order to visualize the early Christian space, we should remember that the Baptistery, which today we enter from the west, originally had doors on four sides198, allowing people to come and go during baptisms without diﬃculties. Following elevation of the ground level, the apsidioles in the northeast, northwest, southeast and southwest lost their impact, while previously they most likely were important spatial points of reference on account of their mosaics. The octagonal centrally planned building rises to a crown height of 11.60 m.199 The original baptismal font was circular on the inside, marble-clad,200 and 3.10 m across. It was 40 cm

wider than the octagonal font that can be seen today,201 which was put together (sometime in the early Modern Period) from diﬀerent materials.202 The most interesting of these is the curved element with a cross and a dove (the Holy Spirit) in relief; it comes from an ambo and was presumably manufactured in Constantinople.203 According to its own inscription, the big bronze cross kept in the Baptistery was mounted on the highest point of the roof at the time of Bishop Theodore (677– 688).204

The pictorial themes The mosaics in the apsidioles and the iconography of baptism imagery The apsidioles, which today are in the size of miniatures, were originally 5.70 m high, 3 m wide, and 1.75 m deep. Neither their revetment of marble slabs205 nor the mosaics have survived, but the inscriptions in the niche arches prove that they were originally covered with mosaic.206 The inscriptions were brought back to this place during the second half of the nineteenth century, in keeping with the indications in the transcript published by Giovanni Ciampini at the end of the seventeenth century.207 According to the inscriptions, the northwest niche showed the Good Shepherd208 (with a quotation from Psalm 23 [22]:1), the northeastern one the Foot-washing (John 13:4–5),209 and the southeastern one, where Psalm 32 (31):1 alludes to the remission of sins, probably the healing of the paralysed man,210 whose sins were forgiven by Jesus (Matthew 9:1–8; Mark 2:1–12; Luke 5:17– 26). On the southwest niche arch the mosaicist Felice Kibel found remains of letters that can be completed Baptistery of Neon, exterior Baptistery of Neon, tree and tendril

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Saint-Bertrand-des-Comminges, Representation of the healing of the paralytic on a frieze sarcophagus

Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Representation of the healing of the paralytic on a frieze sarcophagus

to form a passage from Matthew 14:26 foll. and lead to the reconstruction of an inscription referring to Christ walking on water and grasping the hand of the drowning Peter (Matthew 14:22–33).211

the southeast side a pattern of stylised blossoms in a grid of rectangular fields.214 The healing of the paralysed man is a popular subject in early Christian art. Its first example is surviving in the paintings of the Baptistery of Dura Europos (230s–240s).215 The images in the western part of the Roman Empire, where this subject appears in catacombs in the mid-third century and some decades later on sarcophagi as well, usually show the healed man walking away with his bed.216 Only a few sarcophagi of the 320s–340s depict a man sitting on his bed with Christ touching his head.217 The most frequent iconography – with Christ and the healed man carrying the bed on his back – is found until about 500 in Sant’Apollinare Nuovo. One cannot rule out the possibility that Jesus was depicted turning towards the paralysed man who, lying on his bed, was being let down through the roof (Matthew 2:4; Luke 5:19), like in Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, but this kind of iconography would not fit well in a semi-circular niche, and it seems that it became common only in the early Middle Ages.218 The choice of this subject, referring to the remission of sins, is appro-

The healing of the paralysed man in the southeast niche This apsidiole may well be the most important, since it points to the east and receives a particular accent through the arrangement of the baptismal scene in the central medallion of the dome. It faces the (lost) depiction of the Good Shepherd; both are emphasised by particular ornaments in the reveal of the blind arch. As is the case in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, an important visual axis is distinguished by using diﬀerent motifs, while another, subordinate axis is connected by using the same ornamental elements: in the Orthodox Baptistery the blind arches before the northeast and the southwest niches are decorated with a rolled up ribbon,212 while the northwest side showed the almost unique motif of date trees and a crux gemmata,213 and

Baptistery of Neon, interior

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Baptistery of Neon, south-east niche

Baptistery of Neon, north-east niche

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Baptistery of Neon, north-west niche

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Baptistery of Neon, south-west niche

Arles, Musée d’Arles, foot washing on a column sarcophagus

Rossano, Museo Diocesano, Codex Purpureus, foot washing

priate for the decoration of a baptismal site, since the ceremony of baptism is also meant to forgive sins.219

The Foot-washing in the northeast niche This subject is quite unusual in the panorama of early Christian art, and appears only at the end of the fourth century on a few columnar sarcophagi.220 There is no reference to baptism on these sarcophagi, because this picture on the left side of the front is faced, at the right, by Pilate washing his hands; other fields illustrate the capture of Peter and of Christ 221 or the “dominus legem dat”.222 The scene illustrates the moment Peter raises his hands up high and refuses to have his feet washed by Christ, who is already wearing a belt and stands before him with a water basin (John 13:8). According to the inscription in mosaic (John 13:4–5) Jesus was shown washing the apostles’ feet, and we therefore have to imagine the picture formerly decorating this niche rather like those in the Codex Rossanensis223 or on Column D in St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice, both of the sixth century.224 There Christ is shown girded and

Venice, San Marco, ciborium column D, foot washing

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Naples, Baptistery, depictions of shepherds

so that this depiction is in line with the liturgy celebrated here.

The Good Shepherd in the northwest niche

Rome, Baptistery of the Lateran, drawing of a shepherd in the lost mosaic of the west apse

leaning forward to wash Peter’s feet that are either already standing in the basin or stretched out towards it. Various early Christian texts mention the Foot-washing in the context of baptism.225 It is also mentioned by St. Ambrose of Milan in his writings about baptism,226 and it was probably performed in this Baptistery as well,227

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The northwest niche showed the Good Shepherd as in Psalm 23 (22):2: “He makes me lie down in green pastures; he leads me by still waters”. Images of shepherds were on display in the baptisteries of Dura Europos228 and Naples 229, in the western apse of the Lateran Baptistery rebuilt by Sixtus III (432–440),230 in the baptistery erected by Damasus (366–384) close to Old St. Peter’s Basilica,231 and in an apse of Sant’Aquilino in Milan (about 400),232 and they are therefore well documented for the late fourth and early fifth centuries. An inscription in the baptistery of Mainz (Germany), recorded by Venantius Fortunatus (Carm. 2,12), also speaks of an image of Christ-Shepherd.233 On the basis of this widespread tradition it is not hard to imagine what the lost mosaic may have looked like: The surviving depictions, drawings, and descriptions allow to assume that the shepherd or sheep-bearer was

said after baptism.234 The image is therefore referred to liturgical practice.

The rescue of Peter from the floods in the southwest niche

Milan, Sant’Aquilino

standing or sitting in a lush landscape with blooming plants and plenty of water. We may start from the premise that the image was not meant to precisely illustrate the psalm verse, but that the underlying model was in fact the traditional bucolic landscape with shepherds. The popularity of images with shepherds in baptismal places may be explained by the fact that this psalm was

The depiction of Christ and Peter walking on water is known to have been shown as early as 230 –240 in the murals of the baptistery of Dura Europos, but it remained infrequent.235 The theme survives on the fragment of a frieze sarcophagus from the first third of the fourth century236 and on two Bobbio ampullae237, dated to the sixth century. The other surviving or recorded depictions belong to the decoration of spaces with a liturgical function: Peter’s rescue by Christ has been (appropriately) reconstructed for the mosaic in the baptistery of Naples;238 it is described for the painting in the church of St. Sergius in Gaza, in tituli of Prudentius and for the church of St. Martin in Tours.239 A marble slab fragment from Chersonesos with a carved depiction and accompanying inscription240 could also originate from a church. The walking on water is easily understood in the context of baptism, since the baptisands referred the water itself and the rescue of Peter from drowning to themselves.241 The narrative features of this image and its possible associations were perceived as natural and appropriate for a baptistery. In the consecration of the baptismal water on Holy Saturday, Jesus’ walking on water is mentioned among the New Testament exempla in the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great.242 However, it is probable that this episode was included in the liturgy of baptism by previous sacramentaries, too. It is striking that we find the same combination of this image with two others depicted in the Baptistery also in other baptismal places: the Good Shepherd, the healing of the paralysed man, and Peter’s walking on water are known to have decorated the baptisteries of Dura Europos (about240) and Naples (about 400).243 The use of these three images in baptisteries from the third through the fifth centuries shows remarkable consistency over extended periods and geographic distance. It can be explained from the viewpoints of content (the healing of the paralysed man), liturgy (Psalm 23 with the Good Shepherd, John 13:4–5 with the Foot-washing), and also with the delight in telling an extraordinary story that was transferable to the situation of baptism in a similar environment (Peter rescued from the floods). It is almost not worth mentioning that these images – e.g. the healing of the paralysed man – also

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Rome, Cimitero di Callisto, Representation of Peter’s rescue

Bobbio, San Colombano, ampulla

appear in other contexts, such as graves,244 churches,245 book painting,246 jewellery,247 and everyday objects;248 in these cases, however, they have to be interpreted differently. The monograms visible at the crown of each apsidiole arch are incomplete or not clearly readable,249 so that their interpretation is mere conjecture. Perhaps they stated the names of those who had paid for the mosaic decoration of that apsidiole.

topped by five pointed lance-leaves. The five leaves are held together by a narrow green and gold ribbon making them stand in a niche. The artistic concept of a figure standing in an acanthus weave has been developed most artfully. The male figures are bearded or beardless; they hold a scroll or a codex book or are gesticulating. Some portions have been restored and added to.252 They are identified as prophets,253 even if it is not possible to determine their names, and they remind of the figures (the “prophets”) in the west and east barrel vault of the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia. Since further figures identified as prophets are located in the stucco decoration of the window register, it could be argued that the men in the medallions are Old Testament kings.254 However, the fact that they are holding scrolls and the speaking gesture of almost all of them makes this supposition quite improbable. Perhaps these eight figures could be saints: in S. Vittore in Ciel d’oro in Milan the saints Felix and Nabor are shown with books in their hands.255 It thus seems possible that local saints and famous ones from other territories of the oikoumene were represented in this Baptistery. Contact relics, the most frequent form of relics, were likely to have been kept in Ravenna at that time.

The decoration in mosaic in the blind arches and spandrels Acanthus scrolls are depicted in blind arches and spandrels against a blue background highlighting the representative environment.250 At each of the eight corners the scrolls enclose a gold medallion with a male figure. This pattern takes up the scroll motif seen in the crossarms of the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, but it is distinguished from the same by its exceptional quality, giving it high priority among any surviving acanthus scrolls. The diﬀerent shades of gold employed make the scrolls look as if they were wrought in gold.251 Like those in the Mausoleum, the figures encased in the medallion are standing on a leaf motif, but unlike those their background is a gold leaf in a green and blue frame,

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The stucco decoration in the window zone and its contribution to the iconography This zone hosts a total of sixteen male figures clad in tunic and pallium, holding scrolls or codex books or portrayed in gestures of speech. They are standardised in their appearance, with no specific elements of identification. These men are probably the twelve major and the four minor prophets of the Old Testament.256 The interest in figures of prophets, which in some way is already to be noticed in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, continues in the Baptistery of the Cathedral. Any interpretation of these men as apostles can be ruled out, since apostles are portrayed and labelled as such in the dome mosaic.257 Some fragments show that the stucco relief was originally painted in bright colours thus contributing to the colourfulness of the interior. The figures are each standing in its own architectural unit; the windows separate the eight pairs, which are themselves separated by columns. The architectural frames are topped alternately by triangular or semi-circular pediments surrounding half-scallop shells, which in turn are shown alternately with their hinge-line up or down. The zest for figurative decoration continues in the fields of the blind arches above the niches. They contain animals facing a vessel, cross or fruit basket between them. There are cocks, hares, peacocks, goats, each pair with a fruit basket, lambs with a cross, lions with a kantharos, eagles (?) and hippocampi with fruit baskets, deer with a vase – as we already saw in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia – and birds again with a fruit basket. These depictions are probably best explainable by the narrative fantasy of the stucco artist. The composition consisting of an animal pair with an object between them was presumably most suitable to fill the available space, not least because the inventory or the possibility of three-figure scenes was limited in early Christian art. Only four scenes are taken from the Old and the New Testament: Daniel in the lion’s den, the delivery of a key or book by Christ to Peter,258 Christ marching over a lion and a dragon, and Jonah swallowed and spewed out by the whale (ketos). Daniel in the lion’s den and the spitting out of Jonah are some of the favourite pictorial themes of Christianity, and they were often represented in diﬀerent centuries and contexts. Early Christian theologians interpreted the stories in diﬀerent ways,259 but both were also mentioned in connection with baptism and

even used as an image of baptism.260 The iconography of the scene with Jonah acquires an unusual peculiarity, on account of the axisymmetrical composition of the stucco relief: Jonah is spewed out by the left whale, but, unlike other depictions, he does not reach the saving shore and lands in the right whale’s mouth instead. Renouncing one of the monsters would have upset the composition’s strict symmetry while showing only one of the two essential scenes. A subject less popular in early Christian art is the delivery of a scroll or of one or more keys to Peter to highlight his special role as successor of Christ within the church. The first traditio clavium (giving of the keys) is on a sarcophagus from around 370,261 and this iconographic motif survives mainly on sarcophagi, but also in the Mausoleum of Constantina in Rome. Probably this scene too is meant to signify the close connection with Rome of the ravennate church. Peter is already represented in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, and in a prominent position at that: in the eastern area of the building, where he is acclaiming the cross appearing in the east. Christ stepping on the lion and the serpent (Ps 91 [90]:13) belongs to the set of pictorial themes, which appeared already in Constantine’s time and remained popular for a long period.262 The image is symbolic of Christ as protector against and triumphator over evil and as assistance in the hour of death, and therefore it had a long-time interest for the believers. Besides sarcophagi from Rome and ravennate sarcophagi, we also find it on clay lamps.263 In Ravenna it is represented in several sites: in mosaic in the narthex of the Cappella Arcivescovile, and small-scale in Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in the tympanum of the city gate of Ravenna, and possibly also on the (lost) inside of the entrance wall of S. Croce.264 The stucco relief in the Baptistery may be best compared with the representation in the Cappella Arcivescovile, where Christ is also labelled as a victorious sovereign by the short garment and mantle. In both monuments he is holding a long cross and a book (cf. there “Christus victor”). No direct reference to baptism is recognizable either in the delivery of a scroll or book or in the scene of Christ trampling the lion and the dragon. We have no clue regarding content or liturgy as to why the two scenes were placed in the northwest part of the Baptistery. Nor do we know where the baptising bishop stood.265 However, it is interesting to note that in the context of the Ambrosian baptismal liturgy, the bap-

Prophet

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The images in the dome of the Orthodox Baptistery

Ravenna, Braccioforte, so-called “Pignata sarcophagus”

tisands would look west when rejecting the Devil, as mentioned in Ambrose’s treatise “De Mysteriis”.266 It is further possible that the constructors were not so strict regarding orientation to the west, and they applied special ornamental elements haphazardly in that “rough direction”. Clearly the sequence of themes did not follow any specific pictorial programme, since the images are juxtaposed attributively. At the side of well-known depictions of Daniel and Jonas with their diverse interpretations possibilities, we have a reference to the victorious and saving Christ, and to Peter as Christ’s representative and expression of orthodoxy and attachment to Rome. The bishop of Ravenna, which became a metropolitan see in 430, was indeed well advised to show Peter in this Baptistery. The figurative scenes were visible to the viewer entering the Baptistery from the east, implying that this access was particularly significant, and emphasize the building’s east-west-alignment. The decorative stuccowork in the lunettes above were removed about 1884, because they were not considered “ancient”, and reattached at some later time.267

The representation of baptism in the Baptistery The Baptism of Christ is one of the earliest preserved Christian images.268 The first known example (from the second third of the third century) is located in the so-called “crypt of Lucina” within the Catacomb of Calixtus.269 The images of the later third and the fourth centuries usually show Christ frontally, his arms hanging to his sides, often standing in the water – as a small figure resembling a child. A dove is flying down on his head. At Jesus’ side, John (dressed in different ways) typically places his right hand on Christ’s head. The imposition of the hands was an important pictorial element and the rule for early Christian depictions of baptism, since it occurred during the baptismal ceremony. However, it is not mentioned in any of the New Testament texts about the Baptism of Christ, and due to its various levels of meaning it is not limited to images of baptism,270 so that its interpretation in the context of baptism is not quite clear. We have to bear in mind that in late Antiquity and early Christianity the makers of these images were not so much interested in reproducing the details of a baptismal (or other) rite: they chose a specific, significant pictorial element allowing the viewer to identify the situation thus depicted.271 The most interesting portion of this space is the dome mosaic and its central medallion, framed by an egg-and-dart moulding and showing the Baptism of Christ as prototype of all baptisms. The medallion was restored various times, and the iconography has somewhat suffered in various details. The restorations and additions mainly concerned the northwest part of the medallion, namely John’s upper body, two thirds of the long cross, the dove, and Jesus’ head and shoulders. It is nevertheless possible to reconstruct and interpret the original iconography. John, dressed in a garment made of hair,272 is standing in a rocky landscape covered with several plants. His left hand is holding the cross staff, the lower portion of which is original, while the movement of his right arm holding a shallow bowl above the head of Jesus has probably been reconstructed incorrectly. It is highly probably that John was placing his hand on the head of Jesus,273 since this element was almost universal for this scene, as proven by the dome mosaic in the younger Arian Baptistery. The jewelled cross staff is an unusual element; it does not belong to the iconographic attributes of the Baptist, and it is in fact a deliberate

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Stucco relief, Daniel between lions

Stucco relief, traditio legis

Stucco relief, Christ stepping on serpent and lion

Stucco relief, Jonah swallowed and spit out Baptism of Christ

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Lyon, ivory relief with representation of the Baptism of Christ

Rome, Palazzo Antonelli, sarcophagus fragment with representation of the Baptism of Christ

deviation from the iconography of baptism. The long cross – held by Christ-Shepherd and by Lawrence in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia – points to Christ’s death,

Ravenna, Museo Arcivescovile, cathedra of Maximian, Baptism of Christ

resurrection and parousia,274 i.e. it goes beyond the context of baptism. This is also made plain by the fact that the centre of the scene is occupied by the jewelled cross and not by Jesus.275 The historic event of Christ’s baptism is inscribed in the framework of the universal history of salvation,276 in which the baptisand participates personally on account of his baptism. At John’s side Jesus is standing up to his waist in the water of the Jordan; according to surviving representations, this deep immersion seems to have become more frequent on eastern monuments only since the fifth century.277 Jesus is shown with a chin beard and halo, but this was not the original depiction: we have to visualize him like he is shown in the Arian Baptistery, i.e. beardless. The dove of the Holy Spirit was placed too low during the restoration works, since the left part of the original tail is still visible diagonally over it.278 On the right is the upper torso of a man, labelled as the personification of the river Jordan. He participates

Baptistery of Neon, total view of the dome

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Milan, S. Ambrogio, city gate sarcophagus, Christ between the Apostles

in Christ’s baptism as a witness, renders homage to him by the gesture of the “covered hands”279 (by tradition, the hands had to be covered in the presence of the sovereign), and thereby underlines the character of baptism as an epiphany.280 This is the first mosaic to show Jordan as a figure in the Baptism of Christ;281 it will actually remain infrequent in later times as well. On some ivories of the fifth century in London and Lyon and on the Throne of Maximianus Jordan turns away from the baptism and raises his hand in a repulsing gesture,282 showing his fright and surprise at the manifestation of Christ’s divine nature. As far as I know, no other depiction of veiled hands has survived in any other image of Jordan in the context of Christ’s baptism; it emphasizes the appearance of the Lord Jesus who has to be addressed with covered hands.

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The Procession of the Apostles In the frieze framing the central medallion we see the procession of the apostles headed by Peter and Paul against a blue background and separated by plant candelabra in an imaginary landscape adorned by a drapery swag with gold elements. We saw the dark blue background and the green ground already in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, and in both sites the blue colour indicates a representative setting,283 and the green a pasture of paradise. The apostles alternately wear a white tunic with gold mantle or a gold tunic with white mantle. They are all oﬀering gold jewelled wreaths. The preciousness of this image truly reaches a peak: on the one hand with respect to the space furnished with gold candelabra, since similar items could have existed, if we recall the luxurious furnishings of Theodosian times, even if no objects of comparison have survived;284 and on the other hand regarding the clothing of the apos-

Krakow, Muzeum Narodowe, Czartoryski Collection, Apostles with wreaths

tles: garments enwrought with gold are known from the graves of the rich and powerful,285 and this type of clothing is thus meant to embed the apostles in such a sphere. In the context of an atemporal, “otherworldly” scene, the gold colour of the clothes is also meant to represent the colour of heavenly light.286 Although apostles’ processions led by Peter und Paul already appear on the column, city gate, and star and wreath sarcophagi of the late fourth century, this mosaic is the first to show all apostles with name labels.287 They were so important to Ravenna’s local historian Agnellus that he mentioned them expressly.288 The apostles appear in the dome with individualised features as living personalities, each with his own character. Apart from the heads of Peter and Paul, whose iconography was defined by mid-fourth century, we know of no examples for the other apostles. Neither the early Christian sarcophagi (discontinued at the beginning of the fifth century) nor the gold glasses show much interest in the individualisation of the remaining ten apostles, and the mosaic in S. Pudenziana in Rome cannot be used as a comparison due to the material reworking particularly of the right side.289 The head of St. Andrew with his straight hair is striking, because it diﬀers greatly from his portraits with ruﬄed hair in S. Apollinare Nuovo (in the scene of the multiplication of the loaves and in the appearance of Christ among his disciples) and in the Cappella Arcivescovile.290 It has to remain open whether the design of the heads, which in fact resemble portraits, is based on an otherwise lost model or conceived by the mosaic artists working in this site. It would seem that these apostles’ heads (with

the exception of Peter and Paul) were not used in any later monuments.291 They should be considered as a climax in ravennate mosaic art. These vibrant faces are connected to sculptural bodies, each with its own specific movement, for which we have no other examples in Ravenna. As is the case for earlier sarcophagi, the apostles are holding a wreath as their eschatological reward292 that they are offering to Christ, the ultimate sovereign, rendering homage to him.293 There is some doubt on whether the wreaths may also be interpreted as the “aurum coronarium” known from imperial iconography, as has been often proposed by scholars;294 in any event, this interpretation does not impose itself, since there is earlier evidence for the offering of wreaths to Christ than there is for such offering to the emperor.295 As in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, the homage of the apostles is directed by Peter and Paul’s vertical acclamation296 towards Jesus, represented in the medallion and promising salvation and deliverance both in this world and in the afterworld.

The niche architectures underneath the procession of the apostles The zone below the procession of the apostles shows a sequence of eight tripartite niche architectures. In the building’s axes, precisely below and above the baptismal scene and in the north and south, we find four airy architectural frames set in a garden. The middle element contains a throne with back and a footrest decorated with jewels on the front.297 An orange blanket is draped on the throne, and on the seat lies a cushion beneath rolled-up clothes and a fibula decorated with jewels or pearls. Since the fabrics show some purple and gold, it could be a gold garment and a purple mantle or a purple garment and gold mantle. In this case, a complete imperial outfit would be ready for Christ coming back on earth. While the image of a throne with the attributes of a sovereign is not unusual in early Christian art – e.g. the throne relief in Berlin298 and the medallion above the triumphal arch of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome299 – in this case it is included in an elaborate architecture; the cross in the medallion resting against the back of the throne is yet another reference to Christ. Trees and shrubs become visible behind the lateral elements of these architectures. They are contained by open-work slabs known also from other sites.300

Figure of Jacob, son of Alpheus

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Paul

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Peter

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Andrew

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Jacob, son of Zebedee

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

John

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Philipp

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Bartholomew

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Judas the Zealot

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Simon the Canaanite (distinguished from Simon Peter)

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Jacob, son of Alpheus

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Matthew

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Thomas

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Berlin, Museum für Spätantike und Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin throne relief, about 400

Between these airy constructions we find tripartite architectural compartments, conceived in parallel and referring to an interior, as may be inferred from the green wall structure in the background of the middle niche. In the centre of the architecture an open Gospel book lies on an altar resting on four columns. The mosaic inscriptions in the books say that they are the Gospels of John, Luke, Matthew and Mark. At the sides

of the central niche are apses with conch-shaped semidomes and blue walls; gold jewelled crowns are lying on precious chairs that do not look very stable. Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann correctly argued that these architectures do not reflect realistic buildings: they are an appropriate frame, its elements derived from antique motifs and designs for the thrones and altars,301 but they have no own meaning. There is no evidence for any further interpretation.302 The thrones are given special importance within the architectures since they are located in the long and the transverse axes of the decoration; at the peak of the leaf garlands in the blind arches a cross mirrors the other cross on the throne. The latter is a reference to Christ; whether all four of them may be understood as depictions of the “empty throne”, i.e. of the etimasia referring to the Second Coming of Christ, is questionable,303 considering that Christ’s return is one single event at the end of time. Since the thrones are shown in correspondence with the cardinal directions, it seems sensible to take the four empty thrones as an expression of Jesus’ universal sovereignty.304 The interpretation as an indication of the immeasurable greatness of Christ goes in the same direction.305 The four Gospels also suggest a generic salvific meaning:306 “the truth of the heavenly Word”, “salvation flowing in all four regions of the world”, “Christ’s teaching spreading over the whole world”307, while the crowns, the sign of victory par excellence, symbolise “the reward for faith in a general sense”.308 This lower register may therefore be taken as a reference to the universality of the faith in Jesus, rooted in space and time, in which the individual receiving baptism has a share.309 Quadruplication is no unusual feature in ravennate mosaics: in the vault of S. Vitale there are four angels on four globes, the symbol of Christ’s cosmic rule. We are also reminded of the mosaics in the Rotunda of Thessaloniki, created around the year 500 and unfortunately surviving only in fragments,310 the elaborate architectural compartments of which contain two crosses311 and a book.312 The interstices between the illusionist architectures are filled by eight plant candelabra rising from the dome spandrels, the lush vegetation of which has no model in reality. The foliage in the spandrels entwines eight pairs of birds: ring-necked parakeets, pheasants, purple gallinules, fluttering and sitting doves, peacocks, rock partridges and doves again.313 They probably have no specific meaning beyond their reference to a lavish nature.

Throne in an architecture

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Looking at the picture decoration as a whole, one notices that the Baptistery’s iconography – though focusing on the depiction of baptism – shows evident references to the function of the site, which however are not exclusively decisive for the imagery selection. The Baptistery in fact captivates the viewer due to its mosaics. Since baptism was administered on just a few dates

in the course of the year, usually at Easter, the site would remain closed and inaccessible to the population of Ravenna for most of the year, unless it was visited on the occasion of processions, which we know nothing of. It may also be assumed that the bishop of Ravenna would gladly show this jewel to his guests.

Architecture with altar

100

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Ring-necked parakeet

The Baptistery of the Cathedral

Purple gallinule

Pheasant

Rock partridge

101

102

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

THE ARIAN BAPTISTERY

The Arian Baptistery314 stands 43 m to the southwest of the facade of the church today known by the name of S. Spirito. It presumably was the Arian cathedral, which appears to have been built (together with its Baptistery) about 500.315 The original dedication is unknown. No written sources317 or archaeological remains are preserved that would confirm this dating, and we therefore do not know who had this complex built. Since Agnellus certainly would not have failed to mention the sponsor’s name had he been aware of it, any commissioning by Theodoric is unlikely. The construction was probably paid for by clerics, possibly including the Arian bishop,318 or by lay people whose names are unrecorded, or even by both groups. In case of laymen, their role may have been limited to funding, while clerics were also involved in the execution, as we know from funeral inscriptions.319 The “inventor” of the pictorial programme is thus unknown. After the conquest of Ravenna by the Byzantines in 540, the building was given back to the catholic church in 561, and it served as a baptistery only for a few decades. Like all other constructions from this time, this too was repeatedly restored.320 Arianism, named after its earliest representative, Arius, is a Christian heresy practised in a number of variants. Their unifying element is the conviction that the Father alone is God. On account of the variety in this heresy, it makes more sense to call their adepts “Homoians”321. We do not know the details of the Goths’ beliefs or why they turned toward Arianism, which as such has no Germanic features, since it stands in the

Arian Baptistery, exterior

The Arian Baptistery

tradition of Latin Homoianism.322 Scholars assume that the diﬀerences between Orthodoxy and Homoianism were minor,323 and there probably was no Arian liturgy.324 As we will discuss below, it is impossible to prove any specific Arian iconography.325

The construction The centrally-planned, domed building has an octagonal ground plan. The sides of the octagon lying in the axes end in apsidioles; the eastern apsidiole is wider and deeper, denoting it is the main apse. The building had an access in the north and one in the south leading to an ambulatory 1.90 m wide,326 which left only the eastern apse exposed. It was later partially reconstructed. Addition of an ambulatory was probably unavoidable, since the Arian Baptistery is only 56 percent of the diameter327 of its counterpart at the catholic cathedral and needed space to celebrate the rites and accommodate the faithful. It is likely that the western part served as an atrium to the baptistery, while the rectangular rooms at the side of the apse were used for ceremonies preceding or following baptism.328 The bishop’s throne was probably installed in the eastern apse. Today the visitors enter the building through the northwest wall. The original floor level lay 2.31 m below the present ground level;329 the piscina, the remains of which were excavated at –2.50 m,330 was not in the exact centre of the building, but shifted slightly to the east.

Arian Baptistery, total view of the dome

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The Arian Baptistery

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The Arian Baptistery

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The pictorial themes The mosaic in the dome of the Arian Baptistery Although only the dome mosaic survived, the Arian Baptistery was richly endowed with wall mosaics. In fact, 170 kg of tesserae were recovered during the 1916– 1919 restoration campaign. The relevant wall layer also contained fragments of polychrome stucco, among which some smaller remains of Corinthian capitals referring to a window area with stucco pilasters (like in the Orthodox Baptistery).331 The dome mosaic deserves great attention from the viewpoint of technique and style to start with. It was executed according to a unitary layout, but by different artists, in two phases: the first concerned the medallion with the baptism scene, the throne, the apostles Peter and Paul and the apostle following Paul in the frieze with the procession of the apostles. Three artists were at work in this phase: one was working on the central medallion, another on the throne, St. Peter and palm tree behind him, and the third on St. Paul and the apostle following him.332 The difference between these three craftsmen is visible, among other things, from the layout of the halos: in the baptismal scene Christ is distinguished by a gold nimbus, Peter by a white radiant halo with a blue fringe, and Paul and the apostle behind him by a bluish one with yellow interior. Peter’s head is the most expressive – with his asymmetric mouth shifted to the right below his nose, his oversize eyes, and his striking black brows; the muscles at throat level are clearly visible and demonstrate his advanced age. The figure of Peter stands out from all others also due to the arrangement and fall of his garments’ folds. Moreover, his mantle is brighter than those of his colleagues: Paul’s is shimmering in brownish shades, while the tunics of the other apostles have some stronger bluish visual effect. The remaining apostles in the procession were created during the second phase: now the grass on which the apostles are marching is made of a brighter green, the stripe above it appears in a darker yellow, and the palm trees have turned bushier. The flowers blossoming from the grass at the feet of Peter and Paul to represent a paradisiacal landscape have also disappeared,333 probably to make the work easier. The second phase was implemented by various mosaicists as well.334 It is difficult to establish the time gap between the two phases. Since after application of the medallion the

edges were secured with a layer of mortar,335 an interruption of the works must in fact be presumed. It may be that the small community was in financial straits and had to discontinue the works on the mosaics, which were resumed after additional funding had been found. Maybe the sponsor died, and the Arians had to find a new one. We could think that, after the loss of a sponsor, the Arian community nevertheless did not want to cut a poor figure, and they put all of their forces together so that the decoration would be completed as soon as possible. It is probable that the break lasted but a few years, since these mosaics diﬀer greatly from those in S. Vitale, completed in 548, and must therefore be dated sometime earlier.336 It would have been in the Arian community’s best interest to complete the Baptistery without delay, maybe as early as the first decade of the sixth century. A comparison with the figures of prophets in S. Apollinare Nuovo from the time of Theodoric shows that a diﬀerent artistic team was at work there – but this was inevitable on account of the enormous size of the mosaic in that church. The quality of the apostles of the second phase does not equal that of Peter and Paul; as far as the iconography is concerned, the dome mosaic in the Baptistery of the Cathedral remains the authoritative model.

The Baptism of Christ in the Arian Baptistery compared to the depiction in the Baptistery of the Cathedral As compared with the corresponding image in the Baptistery of the Cathedral, John the Baptist and the personification of Jordan have changed sides. Jordan, shown full-figure and sitting, counterbalances the figure of the Baptist in the composition; his lower trunk and legs are covered with a green garment, he holds a twig in his right hand, and raises his left in a gesture expressing greeting, homage, and acclamation, perhaps even fright.337 The crab nippers on his head are known from Roman art and often found in masks of Okeanos.338 Through the addition of full-figure Jordan, the composition in the Arian Baptistery appears more coherent and static than its counterpart in the Baptistery of Neon, where the figures placed at diﬀerent levels and the smaller-scale Jordan contribute to a more dynamic eﬀect. In the middle of the water stands Jesus: juvenile, beardless, with long brown hair. John is baptising Jesus by placing his right hand on Jesus’ head. Above the lat-

Throne with Peter, Paul, and Apostles

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Arian Baptistery, Baptism of Christ

The Arian Baptistery

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Peter

Paul

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Apostle next to Peter

Third Apostle behind Peter

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

Apostle behind Paul

The Arian Baptistery

Fourth Apostle behind Peter

Second Apostle behind Peter

Fifth Apostle behind Peter

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ter’s head hovers a dove,339 with a blue ray coming out of its beak, and indicating the Holy Spirit bestowed on Jesus through baptism.340 The blue ray is to be interpreted as light, the more so since this colour is also employed in the apostles’ halos. A comparison with the Baptism of Christ in the Baptistery of the Cathedral, which has to be completed like that in the Arian equivalent, shows another attribute of John, dressed in an undergarment made of hair: in his left hand he is carrying a crook leaning on his shoulder instead of the jewelled cross. The statement made in the Orthodox Baptistery with reference to the death, resurrection and Second Coming of Christ is thus inapplicable to this site. Here the shepherd’s pedum is an attribute of John characterising him as a wanderer living outdoors, and the saint is depicted with it on other artworks from the fifth century onwards.341 In this way, the picture is given a more “historical” touch. It is interesting to note that neither mosaic shows any angels that would usually assist the scene holding towels: perhaps they were omitted in this space to preserve the character of the image as archetype of any baptism in a liturgical context.

The procession of the apostles in the Arian Baptistery The apostles’ destination is a jewelled throne, with back and foot-support, on which lies a purple cushion with gold stripes over a white cloth. Before this cushion hovers a jewelled cross, carrying a purple cloth on its transverse bar. It refers to Christ’s resurrection and victory over death, which are promised to every baptisand.342 The cross as a sign of Christ was used already in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia and on the throne of the Orthodox Baptistery. In this site, the garment lying on the throne has been reduced to a cloth hanging from the crossbars. Peter and Paul are singled out as Princes of the Apostles since they bear a pair of keys (Peter) and two scrolls (Paul) – unlike the Orthodox Baptistery, where they hold the same attributes as all other participants in both processions, i.e. jewelled gold wreaths. Moreover, unlike the Orthodox Baptistery, the apostles are not labelled by names, and each apostle is provided with a halo instead. No attempt has been made to emulate the individualized and diﬀerentiating configuration of the apostles in the Baptistery of the Cathedral, and the heads basically follow three types: juvenile and beard-

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less, middle-aged with beard, and in an advanced age with beard. Some of the bearded figures mirror the beard style of their time. As demonstrated by the first, third, fourth and fifth apostles following Peter and the third one following Paul, people preferred not to let the beard grow all over the lower face; it was trimmed to a narrow strip on the jaw-bone leaving the bigger part of the chin uncovered. In the fourth and fifth apostles behind Peter and in the third following Paul the trimmed beard is accompanied by accurately waved hair, so that we may imagine them as courtiers of Theodoric. This hair and beard style can be found also in later ravennate mosaics, so it seems that this fashion was a lasting one. The apostles’ movements are varied and diversified, and, unlike the contemporary figures between the clerestory windows of S. Apollinare Nuovo, we really perceive a three-dimensional body beneath the clothes swirling around it.

The peculiarities in the iconography of the dome mosaic of the Arian Baptistery Apart from the iconographic details mentioned above, it is conspicuous that (unlike in the Orthodox Baptistery) the procession of the apostles is not referred to the baptismal scene, but was evidently conceived as a separate unit and separated from the dome medallion at an angle of 180 degrees. It is best seen by a viewer standing in the west, while the central medallion is readable to a viewer standing in the east apse. These differences in the conception of the dome mosaic require an explanation. In the first place, we can start from the assumption that the iconography was necessarily amended after an almost fifty-year break. From Roman sarcophagi we know that some pictorial themes remained popular over a long period of time, while others came and went.343 Since the Baptism of Christ (as model of all baptisms) is the most appropriate theme in the imagery of any baptistery, it comes as no surprise that it is depicted here as well, but that those responsible for the choice of the iconography wanted a different kind of illustration. The above-mentioned different orientation of baptism and homage could be caused by the wish to separate the historical event of Christ’s baptism from the otherworldly event of the return of the risen Lord. It is also possible that the orientation of the images was considerate of the choreography of the Liturgy cele-

The iconography of the baptismal spaces

brated in this space. Since presumably there was no specific Arian liturgy,344 we should not assume any particularities in the course of the baptismal rite. This means that the baptisands, standing in the west, were able to spiritually get in line with the procession of the apostles to pay homage to Christ, while the bishop sitting in the east would look at the Baptism of Christ, and had the throne of Christ right over his head, thus expressing the bishop’s priority position within the community. In fact, since Constantine’s time the bishop would sit higher than the remaining floor on a particular seat.345 It is unlikely that the commissioners’ “Arianism” or better “Homoianism”346 was expressed in the mosaics.347 The archaeological method demands that for any such assertion iconographic evidence showing clear diﬀerences to “Catholic” images must be given. This has not been possible so far. The attempt to take the image of the throne as a reference to God the Father, who is being venerated by the apostles348 and not portrayable as such,

The Arian Baptistery

is not supported either by Arian texts, which are almost completely lost, or by iconographic evidence. And the proposal to interpret the throne and the cross revered by the Apostles as an expression of Christ’s physicality and of his death on the cross349 fails to see that this is a triumphal cross symbolizing Christ’s victory over death. We do not know to which extent Arians would interpret these images diﬀerently. We should also ask ourselves whether the commissioners actually wanted to implement a proper “Arian” iconography in the context of baptism, a sacrament never disputed by the Arians, and in a space used mainly for the purposes of baptism. Considering the lack of definite pictorial evidence, a negative answer appears due, the more so since early Christian art in the course of its formation and even in its development did not produce any images fighting against paganism. Since the other portions of the original decoration have not survived, this question cannot be finally answered.

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III THE ICONOGRAPHY OFÂ MOSAICS IN CHURCH BUILDINGS

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The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

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The construction The three-aisled basilica (35 m long and 21 m wide in the nave) is essentially the same as the one built by Theodoric (493–526) about 500.350 The apse, the sequence of chapels added to the north side aisle, the portico in front of the entrance, and the campanile are attributed to the Middle Ages and to early Modern Age.351 In S. Apollinare, as in other Ravenna buildings, today’s ground level is not the original one: it was raised by 1.50 m in the early sixteenth century.352 The decoration of the church with architectural sculpture and liturgical furnishings imported from Constantinople deserves attention: As is typical for marble items coming from the Prokonnesos, the column shafts have a broad base and an annulet; some of the capitals carry Greek letters indicating their provenance, like those on the Constantinople capitals of the same period.353 The liturgical furnishings with the altar, the slabs of the chancel screen and the ambo, which originally stood in the center of the church, were also purchased through Constantinople, but they may have been brought here only after the church was taken over by the Catholics in the 560s.354 The bishop’s seat was probably a cathedra, a marble throne of the first century AD that – like many others of its kind – was reused in early Christian churches and was probably installed in the crest of the apse.355 The dating of the church and its dedication to the Saviour are known by Theodoric’s inscription quoted in the ninth century by Agnellus in his Liber Pontificalis: “King Theodoric had this church built from the ground up in the name of our King Jesus Christ”.356 The inscrip-

tion is said to have been located in the apse above the windows and made of stone letters (the text could thus have been carved in a marble cornice or composed in mosaic).357 S. Apollinare Nuovo is the only building known to have been constructed “ex novo” by Theodoric and completed during his lifetime, so that it may be dated to the first quarter of the sixth century.358 The church served Theodoric as his court chapel; its dedication to the Saviour presumably follows the example of Constantine’s court chapel in Constantinople. We may assume that this space was used not only for the celebration of the Eucharist and other celebrations and events during the liturgical year, but for purposes of sovereign representation as well.359 As a court church, the lower register of the walls in the nave were decorated with portraits of member of the court society that were removed after the end of the Goths’ rule.360 In any event, the first dedication to the Saviour was short-lived: after the Catholics had taken over all Arian churches in the 560s, this church was dedicated to St. Martin, who was very popular at that time; he was venerated as a fierce opponent of heresies, and previously had no church in Ravenna named after him.361 Agnellus says that an “episcopium”362 and a baptistery belonged to the complex, but no traces of these have survived.363 The church was named after Apollinaris after a translation of relics of this saint to Ravenna.364 The name S. Apollinare Nuovo (to distinguish it from older churches with the same name) appears for the first time in a document of the year 959.365 The exact date of the translation is unknown (presumably ninth century); it led to the construction of a crypt.

S. Apollinare Nuovo, exterior S. Apollinare Nuovo, representation of the city gate of Ravenna

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S. Apollinare Nuovo, interior

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The mosaics of Theodoric’s time in S. Apollinare Nuovo A total of 26 christological panels have survived on the north and south clerestory walls. Only the first one in the north has been restored extensively and incorrectly.366 At a height of about 12 m367 these mosaic plates (1.02–1.12 m high and 1.17–1.38 m wide) show miracles, parables and the passion of Christ, and they are of particular importance because this is the oldest “monumental” cycle (apart from minor arts) with depictions from the life of Jesus. Another cycle including New Testament scenes only is known from the church of St. Sergius at Gaza, dedicated before 536 and described by Chorikios of Gaza.368 Since the New Testament cycle of S. Apollinare Nuovo has not been subject to further systematic elaboration since Deichmann’s work published in 1974, although the state of research and the stock of monuments have changed since, a thorough examination of these images is now due. The works by Emanuela Penni Iacco369 on S. Apollinare Nuovo and by Clementina Rizzardi370 about the Ravenna mosaics offer no detailed information on the iconography either. An attempt to explain the selection of the images by the commissioners’ “Arianism”371 is not convincing,372 because most of the themes (except for the unique ones) can be found in Catholic contexts as well. As such, the pictorial themes could well be subject to different interpretations by the Arian commissioner, but this circumstance did not necessarily lead to the choice of another iconography. If a different reading of the imagery was indeed intended, we are not able to prove it. André Grabar reminds us of the ambiguity of Christian iconography that does not allow to draw definite conclusions as to theological issues and facts.373 We know far too little about the Arians to be able to make final deductions. It was already said that the differences between Orthodoxy and Homoianism were quite bland.374 Between each scene from the New Testament and the next we see a field with a shell cupola decorated with ribbons; a crown is hanging from its peak. Above it hovers a cross flanked by two doves. This zone, as well as the one beneath with standing male figures and further decorative fields showing birds at the sides of a vessel, ends in a jagged waved brim giving the impression that the mosaics are in fact fabrics stretched on a frame. Fabrics were popular in churches as decorative

elements; they are mentioned in written sources since the late fourth century.375

The New Testament scenes on the northern clerestory wall The cycle with scenes from the life of Jesus The cycle with scenes from the life of Christ begins in the east of the north wall. All scenes are set against a gold background. The figures are standing on the wellknown green lawn that in some panels is completed by a rocky landscape with but a few trees. In all pictures Christ is wearing a purple undergarment with gold clavi and a purple mantle expressing his sovereignty. His head is framed by a jewelled cross halo implying a twofold statement: the halo as such refers to his divine nature, and the cross to his passion and death, i.e. to his human nature.376 On the north wall Jesus is depicted as a youth and beardless, on the opposite side (in the passion scenes) with a beard. This transformation, indicating the diﬀerent phases of life, is found already on the city gate sarcophagi manufactured at the end of the fourth century,377 and thereafter on the wooden door of S. Sabina in Rome (431–433378), proving that is was quite popular and probably used to make a visible distinction between the two situations. It is possible that the type of the bearded Christ was created in connection with a passion cycle: in antique art, a beard denotes an adult, mature man, so that it seemed appropriate to use this feature for Jesus as well.379 In all scenes Christ is accompanied by a disciple, even if the related New Testament text does not mention any; the disciple is possibly meant to represent all the apostles, and he acts as an ever-present witness of the theophany.380 The intention to fill the panel as evenly and harmoniously as possible may also have played a role.

The transformation of water into wine at the wedding of Cana The wine miracle (John 1:1–11) was transformed into a multiplication of the loaves during restoration works performed in the nineteenth century. The original portions in the upper left third of the image are easy to make out from the modern addition: Christ, ac-

S. Apollinare Nuovo, overview of the mosaic decoration

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The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Ciampini, drawing of the original design of the wine miracle, 1699

companied by a disciple with his hand raised in surprise, stretched his arms forward and held a staﬀ – as transmitted by Ciampini’s drawing published 1699 – by which he touched the water jars that stood in front of him. Originally, the right side showed a servant coming running to fill the jars with water.381 Christ turning towards these vessels is standard in this kind of iconography, which is documented since the fourth century;382 the figure of a servant joining in to fill a jar is quite rare on urban Roman monuments,383 while after the fourth century it enjoyed greater popularity in various genres of early Christian art.384 For this reason, the iconography of the depiction in S. Apollinare may be considered as something familiar. The choice to put the wine miracle in this position can be explained by the fact that early Christian theologians had it closely connected to the multiplication the loaves and the fishes following it, and both of them may be referred to the Eucharist 385, which took place on the altar nearby. Apart from that, the wine miracle has a special significance because it is the first miracle worked by Jesus.

The multiplication of the loaves and the fishes The multiplication of the loaves or the multiplication of the loaves and the fishes (Matthew 14:13–21; 15:32–38; Mark 6:30–44; 8:1–10; Luke 9:10–17; John 6:1–13) is one

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Paris, Louvre, ivory, detail

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Sinope Codex, multiplication of the loaves

of the most popular subjects in early Christian art and was shown since the early fourth century.386 Although the theologians interpreted this event in various ways, the evident reference here is the Eucharist, which explains the image’s continuity to the altar, on which the Eucharist is celebrated every day.387 The iconography chosen for S. Apollinare is known from Roman sarcophagi of the fourth century, but it is found until the sixth century and also in other genres of early Christian art:388 Christ is standing between his disciples and laying his hands on the loaves and fishes. The disciples’

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number has increased to four, with Christ (as in many others of the scenes) in the foreground. To the left stand two juvenile apostles (the left one of which wears the narrow full beard en vogue at the time of creation of the mosaics, and a thin moustache), to the right we see two bearded apostles with grey and white hair. One of the latter, who may be identified as Andrew on account of his shaggy hair, presents a fish, one of the younger disciples four loaves. Although the artist’s intention was to scale the apostles in depth (two of them standing in the background witness the scene with their heads bent to the side), this was not consistently implemented: the right foot of the disciple behind the one carrying the loaves is shown before the latter’s right foot, while the left foot is missing. Missing feet and insuﬃcient spatial consistency are not that rare (for instance on the early Christian sarcophagi of the fourth century)389, and they are a characteristic feature of late antique-early Christian art.

The calling of Peter and Andrew This image shows Christ, accompanied by a disciple as usual, turning to the two fishermen Peter and Andrew with a gesture of his right hand which indicates that he is speaking. The two apostles can be identified by their hair and beard style. According to the situation, the two brothers are wearing an exomis, the usual clothing of working people. Petrus is standing in the boat and pulling a fishing net on board, while Andrew is governing the boat. A fish, depicted beneath the boat in the water, is a traditional element in antique art to visualize water, and thus completes the scenery. The image describes the calling of Peter and Paul as told in the Gospels of Matthew 4:18–20 and Mark 1:16–18; in Luke 5:1–11 Simon’s calling is connected to the miraculous catch of fish. We cannot say whether the net that Peter is pulling aboard the boat is an allusion to the miraculous draught or if it only serves to characterize Peter as a fisherman. As is often the case in early Christian art, the picture is not intended to faithfully describe the event; in fact, Luke’s text speaks of Jesus sitting in the boat himself, while in S. Apollinare he stands on the shore. We already mentioned the presence of a disciple regardless of context; in the scene with the calling of the first apostles his presence is even anachronistic. In early Christian iconography this pictorial theme is very unusual.390 The only other example identified

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Detail of the head of the blind man

with certainty is the one on a column of the ciborium of St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice (sixth century),391 where the whole event is spread over four niches: the first shows Jesus, his right hand raised, speaking to a fisherman in the second niche, who is walking to the right and turning back to Jesus. In the following niche a boat is recognizable with two severely damaged figures. A net seems to hang from the boat into the water, where a fish is swimming (like in S. Apollinare). A boat with a standing figure fills the fourth niche. Due to the bad state of preservation, the details of the image cannot be determined properly. The calling of the disciples is shown several times in later Byzantine art,392 but it nevertheless remains rare. Thus the question of why this subject appears so seldom is worth asking: the surviving examples show that the calling of the disciples is shown almost exclusively in the context of New Testament cycles. It thus did not develop any specific meaning that would have pointed to something beyond the event as such, and it therefore was not suitable for individual presentation.

The healing of two blind men This panel shows the healing of two blind men approaching Jesus from the left. They are dressed in a tunic and a cloak called paenula, worn by the members of the Jewish community. The one closer to Jesus

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Milan, Cathedral treasure, cover of a gospel book, healing of two blind men

holds a bi-chrome cross-striped staff; like his peer, he is holding his right hand gropingly in front of him. A disciple with his hand raised in surprise stands behind Jesus, who is touching the right eye of the first blind man. A white and a black tessera suggest that the eye is beginning to open,393 whereas the eyes of the second blind man are still completely shut. The depiction goes well with the healing of the blind described in Matthew 9:27–30, reporting that two blind men were following Jesus.394 This miracle was depicted since the early fourth century on sarcophagi, and the relevant iconography is easy to compare: the blind men (and almost all of the lame) are rendered much smaller than Jesus.395 The image of a blind man the same size as Christ appears only in the late fourth or the early fifth centuries, at almost the same time in different regions and genres: on a limestone relief in Istanbul,396 on the wooden doors of S. Sabina in Rome,397 on the ivory cover of a Gospel book in Milan,398 and on a silver jug in London.399 We could also compare this scene with the in the Sinope Gospels400 or on an engraved berg-crystal gem in Munich.401 The healings of blind men are the most-frequently depicted miracle of Christ, and they were shown in many variants; this comes as no surprise, considering that eye diseases were very common in Antiquity. The miracle was often mentioned in homilies as well. Sometimes theologians would confuse one healing with another; however, there were no differences in the

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Rome, S. Sabina, wood door, healing of a blind man

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Sinope Codex, healing of two blind men

interpretation as to content. In their exegesis of this event, early Christian authors stress the hope for a life after death and the importance of faith.402

The healing of the bleeding woman or the healing of the Canaanite woman’s daughter In the centre of the image a woman completely wrapped in her cloak is prostrating herself; she is stretching out her hands covered with the cloak. Her face is bordered by a narrow white ribbon, belonging to a bonnet, following the fashion that started in the late fourth century. Behind her we see men wearing tunica and paenula like the two blind men in the preceding scene. Christ is moving towards the woman, his hand already stretched out to her. Behind Jesus stands the disciple indicating the

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miracle worker. The woman lying on the ground before Christ and the presence of an audience are mentioned in the Gospels on the occasion of the two healings: that of the bleeding woman (Mark 5:25–34; Luke 8:43–48)403, and that of the Canaanite’s or Syro-phoenician woman’s daughter (Matthew 15:21–28; Mark 7:25–30)404. Which of the two is depicted here cannot be finally established;405 both events took place publicly. It is not unlikely that the artist or commissioner did not wish to make any specific attribution, since the main goal was to express the absolute and unconditional faith in Christ, which is the subject of both situations. The interpretations of these two texts by early Christian exegetes mirror that clearly.406 Women’s healings were depicted since Constantinian times in catacombs and on early Christian sarcophagi,407 and this event may be found also in other genres of early Christian art. A comparison may be made with the iconography on the New York hematite amulet, interpreted as the healing of the bleeding woman by the inscription accompanying the image.408 This object is dated to the sixth or seventh century. New York, Metropolitan Museum, hematite, healing of the bleeding woman

Christ with the Samaritan woman at the well The right side of the image is occupied almost completely by Christ accompanied by a disciple. He is sitting on a rock and turned in a speaking gesture towards the Samaritan woman at the well, who is wearing a white undergarment with tight-fitting sleeves that are decorated with embroidery or braids on her forearms, and an outer garment in various shades of orange with purple stripes and loose sleeves. Her hair is covered by a bonnet. This woman is dressed less elaborately than the almost contemporary female saints in the Cappella Arcivescovile or the younger female martyrs in the mosaic frieze of S. Apollinare Nuovo; however, she does not wear working clothes, but rather a dress that a “middle class” woman could have worn on Sundays in the first quarter of the sixth century. She has just pulled a bucket full of water from the strigillated marble well; the water in excess is pouring from the bucket. The mosaic shows the representable part of the conversation between Jesus and the Samaritan woman at the well (John 4:5–26). This subject was represented in Christian art since the third century,409 and it can be counted among the frequently depicted images. The iconography employed in S. Apollinare with Jesus facing the woman was in

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fact the most common. The theme is to be found not only in sepulchral art, but also in mural painting,410 for instance in a room beneath S. Giovanni in Laterano in Rome, in the mosaic decoration of churches (cf. in particular the Baptistery in Naples)411, in minor arts,412 and in book painting.413 Early Christian authors interpret the story in the sense that the woman at the well represents the Church of the Gentiles; Christ asks her for water, because he thirsts for her faith and for salvation of the whole world.414 Various authors emphasize that the water signifies the Holy Spirit which brings immortality with it.415 They also stress the woman’s willingness to believe in Jesus,416 and this calls upon the viewers of the scene looking at it in the church to do the same.

The raising of Lazarus In this picture, too,417 Jesus is depicted in the right half together with a disciple; the left half is occupied by Lazarus’ grave shaped like a funeral temple of Roman imperial times. In a space-consuming movement Jesus

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

S. Giovanni in Laterano, room with Christian scenes, Christ and the Samaritan woman

Naples, Baptistery S. Giovanni in Fonte, Christ and the Samaritan woman

has turned his right arm to the sepulchre in a gesture of speech, and orders Lazarus to come out. The latter is just rising from his marble sarcophagus, and he is almost standing upright. His body is wrapped in linen cloth, as was customary in antique and early Christian times,418 while his face is uncovered, as is the rule in depictions of the raising of Lazarus. One noteworthy element of this image in S. Apollinare is the fact that from the entire story (John 11:1–44) the artist chose the very moment the miracle is worked, unlike the many surviving examples of urban Roman art, where we usually see Lazarus standing motionless in the grave and Jesus turning towards him.419 Lazarus standing motionless in the grave can also be found on the ravennate sarcophagi of the early fifth century.420 A good comparison for the rising figure of Lazarus is offered by a gold amulet in art trade dated to the fourth century and by a carved gem in Naples.421 There are only few early Christian parallels for the moment of resurrection: the Codex of Rossano shows Lazarus standing in front of a burial cave, led away by a servant who covers his nose with his garment.422 On Column D of the ci-

borium in St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice two servants, also holding their noses, are taking care of Lazarus who has just risen.423 The raising of Lazarus from the dead was a popular subject not only in art, but also in homilies.424 As Augustine reports, the story was known even to pagans.425 The hope for resurrection suﬃciently explains why this theme was so frequent.

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The parable of the Pharisee and the publican The only surviving early Christian depiction of the parable of the Pharisee and the publican (Luke 18:9–14) is the one in S. Apollinare; after that, we encounter the scene only centuries later in middle Byzantine manuscripts.426 The background is formed by a building with four columns in front of it. It has an access in the middle, where a knotted curtain is hanging. The opening is capped by a pediment. The two men are probably standing in one of the vestibules of the Temple as the paving would suggest.427 The Pharisee is standing on the right

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Wine miracle, changed to multiplication of the loaves during restoration

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Multiplication of the loaves and fishes

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Calling of the Apostles

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Healing of two blind men

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Healing of the bleeding woman

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Samaritan woman at the well

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Raising of Lazarus

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Parable of the Pharisee and the Publican

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Ravenna, Museo Nazionale, side panel of a sarcophagus, raising of Lazarus

Rossano, Codex Purpureus, raising of Lazarus

side in upright prayer position, while the tax collector to the left is humbly lowering his head and beating his chest. It is also remarkable that the Pharisee is young, while the tax collector is an elderly man. Did the maker(s) of the image think that humility and insight increase with age? Only few early Christian theologians have interpreted this parable;428 in fact, its meaning is plain. The theological texts contain warnings against pride, and indicate that it is easier to take pride in one’s justice than to admit one’s sins.429 It may be assumed that the image addresses the viewer personally and invites him to reflect on his own behaviour, the more so since the Pharisee is looking out of the frame and seems to look at the viewer. The invitation to humility is certainly appropriate in a palace chapel.

all she had to live on, while the others only gave out of their wealth. This too is an infrequent subject in the art of early Christianity: one comparable depiction survives on the cover of a Gospel book in Milan from the early fifth century, on which Jesus is sitting on the globe as world judge430 thus denoting the widow’s behaviour as relevant for the Last Judgement. Another image is said to have decorated the area above the west entrance to the church of St. Martin in Tours, where an inscription asks the believers to make a donation hinting at its value in view of the Last Judgement.431 An interpretation of the widow’s mite by Ambrose of Milan goes in the same direction (de viduis 5,27.29–31)432, and it would seem that the subject was interpreted in the same manner by most theologians. Since the widow is clearly looking at the viewer (like no other figure in this cycle), this panel has to be interpreted as an invitation to give and as an indication of how to pass the Last Judgement.433

The widow’s mite Even though the story is set within the area of the Temple (Mark 12:41– 44; Luke 21:1–4), it is shown in the open, in a landscape with green grass and some small rocks often used for backgrounds. Christ and the disciple are standing at the right opposite the widow, who is putting her two coins in the oﬀertory box. Like the Pharisee in the preceding frame, she is looking out of the picture, but unlike the Pharisee she is not shown frontally: she turns invitingly to the viewer. Jesus is indicating the widow with his hand stretched out in a gesture of speech, which refers to the moment immediately following, when Jesus says that the widow gave

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The separation of the sheep from the goats The separation of the sheep from the goats (Matthew 25:31–46) is unique in its iconography. In the middle sits Christ enthroned on a rocky seat, his left hand holding his garment from the inside, his right stretched out to the lambs. Neither Christ nor the two angels flanking him take notice of the goats facing the lambs. The angel behind the sheep is the good one, the companion of the righteous; his body (except for his face, hand and feet) is orange-red in colour as are his clothes: early Christian

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Milan, Cathedral treasure, the widow’s mite

New York, Metropolitan Museum, sarcophagus lid with separation of the sheep from the goats

theologians thought that he was made of ether and that he shone. By contrast, the angel behind the goats that will receive eternal punishment is shown in shades of blue, since according to early Christian literature the devil’s body consists of air and is dark.434 This demon angel is the first known Christian depiction of a demon in human shape.435 Another significant element is that the “good” angel has a bored, sullen countenance, while the evil one is of demoniac beauty.436 Most probably this diﬀerence can be explained by a tradition dating back to pre-Christian Antiquity, according to which beauty and appeal were connected with vice, while virtue was described as simple and natural. Already some pagan authors, influenced by wide-spread ascetic movements, had characterized virtue as ugly and severe-looking,437 and this attitude was adopted by Christianity.438 Depictions of the Last Judgement were rare in early Christian times; one further example has been preserved on a sarcophagus lid in New York (about 300), which also shows the separation of the sheep from the goats. In this case, Christ is shown in philosophers’ clothes, caressing the sheep nearest to him in the procession, while he is holding oﬀ the goats with a gesture of his left hand.439 An image painted around the year 400 in the apse of a church in Fundi (Southern Italy) is known only from the inscription recorded by Paulinus of Nola (ep. 32,17): Christ appeared in the shape of a lamb turning towards the sheep and away from the goats.440 As is the case in early Christian art, the Judgement plays no significant role in contemporary sepulchral

inscriptions either,441 since the dead were believed to be in a pleasant and peaceful environment. In S. Apollinare, however, the Last Judgement is not shown in a sepulchral context, nor together with other elements in a church apse, but as a separate image connected with the two preceding it, i.e. with the invitation to humility and generosity that will earn the giver a place on the side of the sheep and eternal life with God. This one in S. Apollinare is the first image establishing a causal nexus between the Last Judgement and the behaviour demanded by the New Testament. It is also an example of the didactic-paraenetic functions of images that is mentioned in theological texts since the early fifth century.442

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The healing of the paralytic at Capernaum Also the healing of the paralytic at Capernaum (Matthew 9:1–8; Mark 2:3–12; Luke 5:18–26) is unique in its iconography.443 Christ appears in the left half of the picture, accompanied by a disciple as usual, who is making a gesture of surprise with his hand, while Jesus444 has raised his hand speaking and turns it towards the paralytic, who is being let down into the house by two men (Mark 2:4 and Luke 5:19). It is noticeable that the paralysed man is sticking out both hands to Jesus;445 this is not mentioned in the New Testament. Jesus operates the miracle, as described in the Gospels of Mark and Matthew, on account of the men’s faith, who remove the roof so that the sick man may get close to Jesus. In the biblical texts the paralytic remains inactive, while

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Widowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mite

Separation of the sheep from the goats

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Healing of the paralytic at Capernaum

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Healing of the demoniac

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Rome, S. Saba, healing of the paralytic, 7th century

in the mosaic he establishes contact with Jesus. The depiction of the outstretched hands, to which Jesus’ gesture of speech responds, is meant to enhance the concept of forgiveness of sins, since this is the true core theme of the event. This aspect is also emphasized in the interpretation of the miracle by early Christian exegetes,446 and it is most probably the one intended here, especially since this image adjoins the Last Judgement that has to be passed by all. All other contemporary representations of the healing of the paralytic show the healed man walking away with his bed on his back, as we see in S. Apollinare in the image after next. This iconography is also chosen for the healing of the paralytic man at the Bethesda Pool (John 5:1–18), but in that case the man is shown in a lying position in another scene.447 Those pictures put emphasis on the healing that has already happened. There is no parallel in early Christian art for this type of iconography of this New Testament story. Comparable depictions are known only from early medieval and byzantine art, such as S. Saba in Rome.448

Jesus healing the demon-possessed man The exorcism of the Gerasene demoniac449 (Mark 5:1–20, Luke 8:26–29) is one of the miracles represented only occasionally. This field leaves the left side to Jesus and the disciple showing surprise, while in the right half

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the smaller-scaled former demoniac kneels down in front of Jesus. He wears a short brown long-sleeved tunic and puts his arms slightly forward. The burial cave, where the man dwelled until his healing according to the Gospels,450 is visible behind him, next to the lake where three pigs are swimming. They are meant to signify the enormous herd (Luke 8:32) of about two thousand swine (Mark 5:13) that Jesus ordered the demons to enter into after they had left the man. The pigs lunge into the lake and drown. This subject is preserved only in two paintings of urban Roman sepulchral art,451 on two identical gold enkolpia from Adana, now in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul, probably made in the fifth or sixth century,452 and on ivory diptychs of the fifth and sixth century.453 As church decoration, the healing of the demoniac appears in two diﬀerent zones on a column of the ciborium of St. Mark’s in Venice.454 According to sources, it was also to be seen painted in the church of St. Sergius in Gaza.455 Both churches, as well as most of the ivory diptychs, are attributed to the sixth century. Therefore, the healing of the demoniac is well-documented in other cycles developed in a church context at the same time of the mosaics in S. Apollinare. However, no uniform iconography is recognizable: while in the paintings of Hermes catacomb456 Jesus is laying his hand on the head of the possessed man, the column in Venice and an ivory work in Ravenna457 show a demon slipping out of the demoniac’s head.458 Some monuments depict the man enchained to emphasize his dangerousness described in the Gospel (Mark 5:3–4; Luke 8:29)459. The greatest similarity is found on a lateral portion of a five-part diptych in Paris,460 where the demoniac is sitting or crouched, his arms somewhat stretched out. Beneath him is an indication of a water surface with three pigs; as in the ravennate mosaic, Christ is making a gesture towards him. Evidently both images show the moment following the miracle, when the healed man is “sitting at his [Jesus’] feet. He was clothed and in his right mind” (Luke 8:35, cf. also Mark 5:15), and the demons have already entered into the swine. It is interesting to note that this work was manufactured in the early fifth century probably in Rome, which fact allows us to follow the transmission of various models through various art forms over a period of one hundred years.

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Paris, Louvre, side of a diptych, healing of the Gerasene demoniac

Paris, Louvre, side of a diptych, healing of the paralytic

The healing of the paralytic of Bethesda

bly wooden structure is faced on the right and on the left with a field of four coďŹ&#x20AC;ers each. The wainscoting seems to be gilded, and it carries black skewed decorative stripes. The material used could be expensive wood, maybe ebony. Stibadia like this one are known from both pictorial and archaeological evidence; they were manufactured more or less elaborately,464 the one shown here appearing to provide superior convenience.465 The participants lean against a cushion covered with a gold and white fabric. The semicircular table is covered with a white tablecloth ending in fringes and decorated with two angular elements on the sides and a square element in the middle. On the table lies a big, bluish plate (perhaps made of glass) with gold trim and a broader gold stripe running parallel to the rim, with two fish on it. The plate is surrounded by seven pieces of bread. Like all other early Christian depictions of the Last Supper, this too is no precise representation of the New Testament texts, since there is fish instead of lamb on the plate, while wine is missing completely. The iconography rather follows that for an antique banquet, usually showing only the food on the table. Fishes appear as food also in pagan contexts, for instance in the banquet of Dido and Aeneas in the Vergilius Vaticanus of the fifth century: rare and imported fish as well as the construction of fish ponds near villas and the coast are evidence of a luxurious food tradition466 and fit well with a distinguished banquet. Where drinking of wine

The last frame of the New Testament cycle in the west of the northern side contains a subject that was widespread and popular both in the east and the west;461 it can be found in Roman catacombs as early as the third century, and on the earliest Christian sarcophagi of the late third century:462 the healing of a paralytic (John 5:1â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 18). The healed man walking away with his bed on his back is a dynamic and easy-to-read picture. In S. Apollinare he turns his head back to Christ who is addressing him with a gesture and has asked him to take up his mat and walk (Joh 5:8), the same thing he said to the paralytic in Capernaum (Matthew 9:6; Mark 2:11; Luke 5:24), so we cannot rule out that this picture actually shows the Capernaum healing. Since even theologians confused the two events,463 and since the key element is the miracle of healing as such, the average church-goer was probably not very much interested in these details.

The New Testament scenes on the southern clerestory wall The Last Supper Due to its proximity to the altar, the first image shows the Last Supper. Jesus and the disciples lie on a stibadium, a semicircular couch. The front of its presuma-

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Healing of the paralytic

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Last Supper

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Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, Vergilius Vaticanus, Banquet of Dido and Aeneas

Milan, Cathedral treasure, cover of a gospel book, Last Supper

is featured too, the picture requires servants bringing wine and goblets and heating or filtering the wine (cf. the banquet of Dido and Aeneas). In pictures with drinking bouts, for which we have numerous examples on sarcophagus lids and in catacomb painting, the posture of the participants generally expresses a joyful and jolly atmosphere, which does not match the mood and content of the Last Supper.467 For this reason, only the food is shown in these depictions.468 The Last Supper is rare in early Christian art; its earliest surviving image is on a diptych in Milan, serving as cover for a Gospel book469 and dated to the fifth century. A depiction in the Basilica Ambrosiana in Milan could be even older, if it is true that the epigrams recorded under the name of Ambrose for this church site were actually installed beneath pictures.470 It seems that the Last Supper became more frequent only in the sixth century; apart from the mosaic in S. Apollinare, it is also shown on column D of the ciborium in St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice,471 and in the book painting of the Rossano Gospel. A similar depiction is said to have existed in “chapel XVII” at Bawit in Egypt,472 but as far as I know there are no photographs of that mural. The rarity of this theme can be accounted for by the fact that in those times an allusion to the Eucharist was suﬃcient: the multiplication of the loaves, which was read as an indication of the Eucharist since late Antiquity,473 was one of the most popular pictorial themes in sepulchral art, and the contemporaries would have understood the reference. The relation between the

multiplication of the loaves and the Eucharist is clearly expressed only on a sarcophagus from Arles (second third of the fourth century), showing Christ between two apostles with covered hands who present him with bread and fish.474 Unlike the multiplication of the loaves, the Last Supper was apparently used as a pictorial theme mainly in a liturgical context, and it was depicted only at a time when sepulchral imagery had become a rarity. In the Ravenna mosaic Jesus takes the place of honour at the right corner of the stibadium;475 he is leaning on his left arm, his right arm raised in a gesture of speech. A tail of his clothes is hanging down over the front of the stibadium. Due to his scale and position, Jesus is recognizable as the most important character of the picture. Behind him lies Peter, distinguished by his white hair and full beard, his right hand indicating the other apostles present. Like the three apostles behind him, Peter is looking at Christ, while the other seven are staring at the figure opposite to Christ on the second place of honour. This man is shown in rear view, as is often the case in banquet scenes owing to composition requirements,476 and he looks at Jesus. His identification as Judas has never been doubted. In this scene and two others Judas is featured with a beard strip on his cheeks and chin and a moustache. This was probably the fashion of the time, since other figures follow the same style. On account of the dialogical situation characterised by Jesus’ speaking gesture, Peter’s hand movement, and the eyes of the apostles turned towards Jesus

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Rossano, Codex Purpureus, Last Supper

and Judas, the viewer is able to detect the announcement of the betrayal by Judas (Matthew 26:21–22; Mark 14:18; Luke 22:21; John 13:21)477. In the context of the betrayal announcement, the Rossano Gospel depicts the moment Judas is dipping his hand in the vessel;478 in this case, the identification of the scene is confirmed by the text quote written above the image. According to Chorikios, the church of St. Sergius in Gaza featured the same scene: Chorikios reports that Jesus is sitting at the table with his disciples and announces the imminent betrayal.479 However, depictions of the Last Supper do not focus solely on the announcement of the betrayal by Judas: the ivory diptych in Milan shows the meal as such, and in the so-called Gospel of St. Augustine of the late sixth century in Cambridge480, the institution of the Eucharist is represented, which from then on will play an important role (along with the betrayal by Judas) in the representation of the Last Supper.

ano Gospel, and in the Gospel of St. Augustine Christ is seen crouched on the ground and in prayer, and a second scene shows him awakening the disciples.481 In a mural of S. Maria in Via Lata in Rome, dated to the sixth/seventh century,482 only the figure of the crouched and praying Jesus has survived. In S. Apollinare, however, Christ stands upright in the middle of the image in orans posture, i.e. praying, on an elevation. The garden of Gethsemane is signified by hills with trees in the background. Jesus’ anguish, so vividly described in the Gospels, is not at all indicated here; the same is true for the frieze sarcophagus in Arles from the second third of the fourth century483 and for the so-called Brescia Casket484 of the late fourth century. In any event, Christ is shown in prayer only in S. Apollinare, while on the sarcophagus he is speaking, and on the Brescia Casket he seems to be lost in contemplation. Jesus’ divine nature, his “shared identity with the supernatural” 485, is clearly expressed by his standing still and isolated above the apostles. The picture reminds of the prayer of Christ in the Gospel of John (17:1–12), where the account of Christ’s mortal fear is also missing. While all other Gethsemane depictions include four apostles at most, the mosaic in S. Apollinare has

Jesus prays in the Garden of Gethsemane The representation of Christ praying in Gethsemane or on the Mount of Olives was seldom a subject of early Christian art, and in S. Apollinare it oﬀers a peculiar iconography from several points of view. First of all, it is striking that the various events on the Mount of Olives are condensed in a single scene, i.e. the prayer of Christ, while on other monuments two scenes are the rule: on a ciborium column in St. Mark’s, in the Ross-

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Arles, Musée de l’Arles antique, sarcophagus, Jesus praying in Gethsemane

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Gethsemane

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Betrayal by Judas

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Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, Gospel of Augustine, Christ in Gethsemane and Christ's arrest

Rossano, Codex Purpureus, Christ in Gethsemane waking the disciples and praying

eleven of them (after the departure of Judas). Peter and Andrew, always recognizable by his shaggy hair, can be identified. On the whole, contrary to the New Testament reports, the group of apostles does not convey a sleepy impression, because only the third apostle from the left is resting his head on his hand, as do two apostles on the above-mentioned sarcophagus in Arles. Next to this “tired” apostle, his colleague is looking at him as if to ask him not to fall asleep. The other disciples are deep in conversation: the two apostles at the right and left ends have both raised a hand as if they were

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emphasising their words; the disciple to the far right is turning to the one sitting beside or behind him whose eyes are looking in his direction. Peter and Andrew in the middle of the picture are gesticulating as well, and the apostle behind Peter has raised his hand to his ear, as if he were overhearing their conversation. The two apostles left of Peter also seem to be engrossed in conversation (one of them is listening thoughtfully). The atmosphere within the group reminds of other images such as the philosophers’ mosaic from Pompeii in Naples,486 or the mosaic of the Seven Wise Men in

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Naples, Museo Nazionale, philosophers' mosaic

Merida in Spain,487 so that we may presume that images of this kind led to the development of this iconography. The pictorial theme of a discussion among philosophers was wide-spread and well-known, as witnessed by the fact that the mosaics were made in diﬀerent places at diﬀerent times. The viewers of the mosaic in S. Apollinare would probably have understood the equation of Jesus’ disciples with intellectuals. There are various possible explanations for the choice of this iconography. For instance, the designer may have wanted to express that the disciples are discussing the content of Christ’s farewell discourse (John 13:31–16:28), reported in the Gospel of John after the Last Supper. For the depiction in a church used by the royal court, to which culture was an important issue, referring to the philosophers’ iconography may have seemed appropriate. Perhaps the noble viewers did not want to see human weaknesses, such as Christ’s anguish or the sleeping disciples, after a good meal. As an alternative, it is possible that the sponsors or designers wanted to depict precisely Christ’s serenity in the face of death.

The betrayal by Judas The kiss by which Judas betrays Jesus forms the centre of this suspense-packed composition that combines various narrative elements. Judas has reached Jesus – standing in the middle of the frame – with a long step.

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His beard is styled in the “modern” fashion with a stripe on cheeks and chin, and his cheek is now touching Jesus’. This embrace, or the instant immediately before it, is also pictured on some Roman sarcophagi of the fourth century.488 Behind Judas stand two armed men, one wearing an orange tunic and the other a blue one. The first one has a baldric over his right shoulder from which he has drawn his sword. Both men are tapping Judas on the shoulder to have him step to the side so that they may arrest Jesus. This instant, just before the actual arrest, appears in early Christian art one other time on a ciborium column in St. Mark’s where one of the henchmen is seizing the pallium of Jesus.489 In the mosaic of S. Apollinare both figures wear boots with white and black stripes. This kind of footwear returns in the following scenes and also covers feet and ankles of the high priests. Therefore, it is not soldier-specific. The two male figures appear in a similar fashion in the scene with the bearing of the cross and will be explained in greater detail there. Behind the two henchmen we discern a total of five other figures; the bearded, white-haired and partially bald man at the left margin belongs to the group of Jews sent by the high priest. In the background there are clubs, lances, and two torches, as mentioned in John 18:3, to signify a multitude of armed men. Five apostles are standing on the right side: Peter next to Jesus, recognizable by his white hair and because he is holding a sword (John 18:10) to indicate the following moment, when he will draw his sword and cut oﬀ the right ear of the high priest’s slave. The cutting of the ear, or better: the instant immediately before it, is also shown on column D of the ciborium of St. Mark’s in Venice490 where Peter has already seized the slave, while in the Gospel of St. Augustine Peter is holding his sword up high.491 In S. Apollinare three of the apostles are commenting the events bending their heads to the side in a sorrowful gesture. Jesus framed by Jews and disciples is a common element shown also on the above-mentioned sarcophagi.492 In the Rabbula Gospels, however, both groups are missing: apart from Judas, there are only the two henchmen with torch and staﬀ.493 On the cover of the Brescia Casket Jesus is alone facing the armed men approaching him with torches and shields; neither Judas nor the disciples are shown.494 Jesus has brought his hand to his chin in a reflective attitude. On the whole, this image in S. Apollinare relies on well-known elements (Judas’ kiss and Jesus taken

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Venice, San Marco, column D, Jesus’ arrest and Judas’ kiss

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, Gospel of Augustine, Christ’s arrest

Arles, Musée de l’Arles antique, sarcophagus lid, Apostles, Judas’ kiss and approaching henchmen

Brescia, Museo civico, casket, Christ’s arrest

prisoner) and combines them in a picture that already contains a hint to Peter cutting the slave’s ear. These three narrative moments are found only in two other monuments, i.e. a ciborium column in St. Mark’s (where they are spread over five niches and two zones)495, and the aforesaid two pictures of the Gospel of St. Augustine.496 Comparing the diﬀerent iconographies of the scenes, it would seem that the available space and the

personal interest of the patrons determined their configuration. As another example from the sixth century we could mention the murals in St. Sergius in Gaza (only known by description) that depicted both the betrayal by Judas and the arrest of Jesus. Chorikios does not report any iconographic details.497

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Jesus is brought to the Sanhedrin

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Jesus before Caiaphas

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Christ brought to the Sanhedrin The scene depicts Christ in the middle of the picture and about to start walking, his trunk slightly turned to his left; his right hand is pointing diagonally downward, while his left is moving to the side. He is surrounded by seven figures; three of them are visible only by the contour of their heads in the background.498 There is no correspondence between the heads and the number of feet.499 Since the men accompanying Jesus are wearing a paenula, we infer that they are Jewish. The man standing left with a greenish-brown cloak seems to be taking Jesus by the elbow, while the man to the right with a dark red outer garment has placed his covered left hand under that of Jesus: Christ’s hand is accepted like a precious gift; the covered hand under Jesus’ own hand thus alludes to the preciousness and the salvific meaning of Christ’s sacrificial death. The “Taking of Christ” is pictured already on Roman sarcophagi since the second third of the fourth century, but in those scenes Jesus is flanked not by Jews,500 but by one or more soldiers, and the same seem to be more of a guard of honour, so that we would rather be dealing with an honourable escort that an arrest. Early Christian art does not show any fettering of Christ.501 Regarding the contact with Christ’s upper arm, a comparison can be made with a fragment of a sarcophagus in the Campo Santo Teutonico in Rome.502 Unlike this subject, which can be considered a rarity, Peter’s arrest was a popular theme on early Christian sarcophagi of the fourth century.503 Here we find parallels to the touching of the left hand or a clutch of the left upper arm as well as the grip of the right hand.504 The most interesting comparison in this context may be made with Peter’s arm and hand movements on a sarcophagus kept in St. Petersburg.505 They indicate a dialogical situation that is frequently shown in several variants: Peter gets into a conversation with the two soldiers arresting him and converts them to the Christian faith. Whether the scene in S. Apollinare is meant as a dialogue between Jesus and the Jews we cannot say, since there is no evidence in the Gospels. They just mention that Jesus is taken prisoner and brought to the high priest, where elders and scribes are gathered as well (Matthew 20:57; Mark 14:53; Luke 22:54; John 18:12). It is thus more likely that this image shows nothing more than the transfer of a prisoner, unless we presume that the scene is based on an apocryphal unrecorded report providing further details of this event, and there is no evidence

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Rome, Campo Santo Teutonico, fragment of a column sarcophagus, Christ’s arrest

St. Petersburg, Ermitage, detail from the front of a frieze sarcophagus, Peter’s arrest

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

for that. If it were so, Jesus would probably have been distinguished by a gesture of speech, which is missing here, since this is the usual manner he addresses his counterpart. We nevertheless ask ourselves why this scene expressly depicting Jews is shown here. Jews did live in Ravenna at that time, but apart from some conflict in 519/520, Ostrogoth times seem to have been marked by peaceful coexistence between Christians and Jews.506 Theodoric respected the rights of the Jews, but he did not favour them.507 Was this image, showing Jesus among Jews, meant to express the hope that the Jews would eventually convert to Christianity?

Jesus before Caiaphas In this field Christ is shown speaking and dominating the situation. He is standing with his feet wide apart in the foreground of the image and addressing three high priests, who are placed on a podium and sit on a bench covered with a white cloth before an architecture framed by columns. All three of them wear white boots with brown stripes, a white undergarment and the typical mantle of the high priests edged with a broad border and held together by a fibula. The mantle of the priest in the middle is white, the other two wear orange-reddish ones. Two of the priests are bearded and white-haired, the third one has brown hair and beard. It is not the priest in the middle who conducts the conversation, since he is pointing to his colleague sitting at his left who has raised his hand in a repelling gesture. Only the one sitting at the far left is seen in a speaking gesture. Indicating each other and expressing refusal shows that the high priests are on the defensive with regard to communication and argumentation, while Christ is holding the upper hand. At the same time, these two gestures are an expression of the rejection produced by Christ’s words (Matthew 26:65; Mark 14:63 f.). Behind Jesus we notice another Jew, characterised as an elderly gentleman by his white beard and hair, his hand pointing to Jesus. Between Christ’s head and his there is the face of a younger man. The two figures have been designated as “false witnesses”;508 this is possible, but it cannot be proven. Since on the ciborium column D in St. Mark’s there are two false witnesses lively gesticulating,509 it is more likely that the man in the orange-red mantle takes the place of the disciple accompanying Jesus in the scenes on the opposite wall. This

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would mean that a Jew (instead of an apostle) is testifying in favour of Jesus. Jesus before Caiaphas is uncommon in early Christian art. The other surviving images focus on diﬀerent elements of the event.510 On the Brescia Casket of the late fourth century511, Christ – flanked by two servants, one of whom is holding his arm – is standing before Caiaphas and performing a speaking gesture with his right hand slightly raised. Opposite to him sits Caiaphas on a folding chair with back and suppedaneum (footrest); he has another man sitting next to him, and he is speaking to Jesus. The scene shows the conversation between Christ and Caiaphas, which is also the subject of a scene of the wood door of S. Sabina in Rome:512 Caiaphas is sitting alone on the judgement seat, while Jesus is accompanied by five Jews, one of whom holds a sword. The fourth from the right is again taking hold of Christ’s elbow. Caiaphas and Jesus both raise their hands in speaking gestures, whereas the Cambridge Gospels feature Christ held by the two servants and Caiaphas tearing his clothes apart (Matthew 26:65; Mark 14:63). The corresponding scene on a ciborium column in St. Mark’s depicts the false witnesses, then Jesus speaking with the high priest, and after that Caiaphas on the throne tearing his robes. In addition, Jesus’ stay in the house of Caiaphas is described in a titulus by Prudentius, which belongs to the genre of poetry and is therefore probably not based on an image.513 Compared to the imagery on the ivory relief, on the wood door and on the column, the mosaic in S. Apollinare depicts the course of the conversation and its outcome. Christ does not behave like a prisoner, but as the one dominating the situation. The scene in the Cambridge Gospels focuses on the end of their encounter: Caiaphas tears his robes, and Jesus is conducted away. In S. Apollinare, Christ’s clothing emphasize his sovereignty, his isolated position alludes to his divinity. These repetitive elements were manifestly important to the commissioners.

Christ, Peter and the cock The scene describes a situation that occurs before the passion. This is recognizable first of all by the fact that Jesus has no full beard, as in the other passion scenes, but just some fluﬀ on his cheeks. Here, too, Jesus is accompanied by an apostle; they are both standing before

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Brescia, Museo Civico, casket, Christ before Caiaphas

Rome, S. Sabina, wood door, Christ before Caiaphas

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, Gospel of Augustine, Christ before Caiaphas

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Rome, S. Sabina, wood door, Christ, Peter and the cock

a half-height, wall-like architecture near a pillar with a cock on top. Jesus turns toward Peter, standing on the other side of the pillar, in a gesture of speech. The latter is thoughtfully touching his head with his right hand and holding his mantle from within. The cock indicates that the scene has something to do with Peter’s denial of Jesus mentioned in all four Gospels. The denial as such is depicted in the following scene in its own field. This scene probably alludes to various events: the announcement of the denial by Peter (Matthew 26:33–35; Mark 14;26–31; Luke 22:31–34; John 13:36–38), his shock and anguish after the denial has happened (Matthew 26:75; Mark 14:72; Luke 22:62, depicted in the following frame), perhaps even the assignment of the pastoral ministry to Peter when he is reminded of his triple denial by Christ’s triple question (John 21:15–18). The scene with the cock has no correspondence in any text of the New Testament. There was no cock when Jesus announced the betrayal, but the animal refers to the content of the conversation.514 Among all passion scenes, the one with Christ, Peter and the cock was the most common, found especially on Roman sarcophagi515 throughout the fourth century; apart from sepulchral art, however, there are only few surviving examples.516 Regarding the depiction of the cock on a column and the setting of the entire scene before an architectural background, comparisons may be made with the left lateral side of a column sarcophagus in St. Peter’s (third fourth of the fourth century) and the wooden door of S. Sabina,517 in addition to a mural in the Commodilla Catacomb of the late fourth century, showing Jesus in the company of a disciple and Peter with sagging shoulders.518 The aspects sketched in this mosaic are continued in the following scene.

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Scene with the cock

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Peterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s denial

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Peter’s denial As far as content goes, the depiction of the denial by Peter (Matthew 26:69–75; Mark 14:66–72; Luke 22:54–62; John 18:25–27) cannot be separated from the Christ-Peter-cock scene. The background consists of a building with windows in the upper zone and an apse; the entrance is closed by a curtain. A woman is standing next to the entrance; she wears a green undergarment with two red stripes on the sleeves and an orange outer garment with brown clavi as well as a light brown mantle held together by her left hand. Her hair is covered by a bonnet striped lengthways in black and blue and decorated crossways by an ornamental ribbon. In a speaking gesture she turns to Peter, who turns oﬀ in fear, his hands and arms raised. Peter and the maid were seldom represented. As far as I am informed, no close iconographic parallel has been preserved.519 On the Brescia Casket, manufactured in the later fourth century, the maid – her hair done in the fashion of the time – faces Peter who has already assumed a downcast posture and brought his right hand to his face in a sorrow- and thoughtful gesture.520 The cock on the pillar clarifies the context of this encounter. In this case, denial and remorse have been concentrated in a single picture. Another depiction of the two figures facing each other may be recognizable on an incompletely preserved ivory slab of the fifth century at the Louvre showing a female figure with an indicating gesture and a male with a repelling one.521 This scene that, like the ravennate mosaic, depicts the event of the denial, is accompanied (in the field below) by a portrayal of Peter who sits grieving before an architectural background. On the London ivory box dated 420–430522 the maid, her hair covered by a bonnet according to a contemporary fashion, turns to Peter who is sitting in front of a bonfire and makes an expansive repulsing gesture with his right hand. The maid is meditatively touching her cheek with her hand, while the cock in the upper right corner of the field is facing them both. This picture thus emphasizes the moment of the denial. On column D of the ciborium of St. Mark’s in Venice the whole event stretches over various scenes. The announcement of the denial does not appear; instead, we see the maid turning with a speaking gesture to the sitting Peter who raises his hands in defence.523 In the following zone, Peter is shown sitting rightwards in front of a column with the cock; he has wrapped up his left

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Brescia, Museo Civico, casket, Peter’s denial

Paris, Musée du Louvre, detail of an ivory plate, Peter’s denial

hand in his garment and brought his right to his head in the familiar gesture. The adjoining arcade depicts the weeping Peter drying his tears with a cloth.524 The column also illustrates the denial, the crowing cock, and Peter’s remorse. The selection of diﬀerent aspects, usually shown in various combinations, proves the great interest of the patrons (and probably also of artists or workmen) in the announcement and report of Peter’s denial. The

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portant also to Christians in their conduct of life. The scene with Jesus, Peter and the cock as well as Peter’s denial in the mosaics of S. Apollinare are meant not only as a representation of an event belonging to the passion of Christ; they are also addressed to the visitor or worshipper: he or she can also hope for mercy and forgiveness after some misconduct. On the opposite wall, the narrative of the Pharisee and the tax collector indicates humility, the widow’s mite hints at generosity, and the separation of the sheep from the goats reminds of the Last Judgement and of the positive eﬀect of good deeds. The images’ function to visualise essential elements of the Christian faith, standards of conduct and hopes becomes evident in these depictions.

Judas’ repentance

London, British Museum, ivory relief, Peter’s denial

scene itself can be featured in diﬀerent ways.525 It is worth mentioning that in S. Apollinare the event occupies two frames, in St. Mark’s even three. This is in line with the great number of commentaries to the denial by early Christian authors, which is understandable not only because an inappropriate behaviour by the most important disciple demands some explanation. In the examination of Peter’s conduct the exegetes underline remorse, forgiveness of sins and mercy,526 which are im-

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A particularly infrequent pictorial theme is Judas’ repentance (Matthew 27:3–5)527. In S. Apollinare Judas is depicted on the left side of the field approaching the high priest with a red purse in his hand. The bearded priest is standing outside of a building, dressed in a white tunic and a mantle of the same colour with a dark border, held together by a round fibula. His long white hair falls on his shoulders. A high priest with similar clothing and hairstyle appears in the scenes of Jesus before Caiaphas and Pilate and in Jesus being led to crucifixion. We do not know whether he can be labelled as Caiaphas, since Matthew only speaks of “chief priests and elders” (27:3). The man’s facial expression is not the same in the three fields: this may be explained by the circumstance that they were made by diﬀerent workmen; or else the high priest is just a stock character without any further determination. Three more people are standing behind the high priest at the entrance to the building, its pediment resting on columns, which could be the Temple into which Judas will fling the money (Matthew 27:5). Like in the picture with the Pharisee and the tax collector, no realistic description of the Temple is intended here. The high priest has brought his right hand before his body with the palm turned upwards; he is shown with the same movement as in the scenes with Jesus before Caiaphas and Pilate. It is a pointing, indicating motion, but what does it mean? Matthew’s text allows to infer that the high priest’s gesture may refer to the temple behind him, since the evangelist reports that Judas eventually flings the thirty pieces of silver into it. The same

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Venice, San Marco, column D, Judas’ repentance

Rossano, Codex Purpureus, Judas’ repentance

could have been depicted here. In other representations the high priest expresses his refusal: On column D in St. Mark’s Cathedral528 and in the Rossano Gospels the high priest raises his hand to convey his negative response.529 This gesture of refusal is also found on an ivory tablet in Milan (about 900) that is based on an early Christian pattern.530

brown chlamys, held together by a fibula, completes his official livery. One of his feet is put forward, the other backward, as was usual to create a dynamic effect in the depiction of seated emperors and high officials. Pilate has a moustache and a narrow, well-groomed, “fashionable” beard on his chin and cheeks. He has turned his head to Jesus and stretched out his right hand on which a servant is pouring water falling into a bowl (Matthew 27:24). Three more men come into the picture behind the back of the throne. The one to the left, who is looking at Pilate, is also wearing a tunic and a chlamys with fibula. The other two look left or in the space. The picture is characterised by two elements: Christ’s introversion, and Pilate washing his hands. This latter element distinguishes the scene in S. Apollinare from the iconography we find on sarcophagi produced in the city of Rome since the second third of the fourth century. There Pilate seems to ponder over the situation, while his servants are standing by with the items required for the hand washing.531 The mosaic in Ravenna shows the subsequent moment, when Pilate is actually washing his hands. A similar iconography is that on the Brescia Casket of the late fourth century,532 on which the scene is laterally reversed. Pilate washing his hands also appears on the London ivory box and on the wood door of S. Sabina, where it is combined with the bearing of the cross533 that in S. Apollinare has its own picture. In the Gospel of St. Augustine Pilate’s hands are washed

Jesus before Pilate In this picture Jesus towers over all other figures. He stands there lost in thought; he seems to be gazing into space. His posture also expresses a passive attitude: with his left hand he is clutching his robe from the inside, his right arm is hanging almost straight down. Behind Jesus is a high priest looking at Pilate and indicating Jesus with his right hand stretched out. The high priest is accompanied by five more men; the bald bearded one next to him is touching his head. These figures probably portray the high priests and elders accusing Christ (Matthew 27:12; Mark 15:3; Luke 23:2.5.14). Pilate sits on a throne with a suppedaneum; the seating surface of the throne is covered with a white cloth and made more comfortable by a cushion. The contours of the seat and cushion are traced with blue lines. Pilate wears a white sleeved tunic decorated with borders on the lower arm and an ornament on the shoulder. A

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Judas gives back the blood money

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Jesus before Pilate

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Brescia, Museo Civico, casket, Christ before Pilate

by a servant pouring water from a ladle with a sweeping gesture, while Jesus is already walking away escorted by two soldiers,534 and in the Rabbula Gospels Pilate is turning towards Jesus across the canon table; both figures are shown in a gesture of speech.535 A comparison with the other examples reveals that the mosaic in S. Apollinare is meant to give room to the confrontation between Jesus and Pilate. The picture includes a tired Jesus lost in thought, the high priests and elders accusing him, and Pilate as an elegant and stylish high-ranked oﬃcial. He is not at ease with the decision he has made, and when washing his hands (an action that expresses his feelings) he looks at Jesus one more time. Pilate’s glance seems to reveal his concern and brings an element of suspense into the scene.

The bearing of the cross In the scene of Jesus led to the crucifixion (Matthew 27:32; Mark 15:20–22; Luke 23:26–33; John 19:17) Christ is again placed in the middle of the scene and moves with a long step to the right,536 his right arm slightly put forward, and his left hand holding his robe. The orange-dressed man right behind him to the right is holding the cross and looking worriedly at Jesus. He wears a sleeved tunic with a narrow belt, white socks and striped boots. His face is framed by curls, and be-

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low his lip a short beard can be spotted. Left of Jesus stands a man with similar clothing, but his tunic is light blue. This man’s hair too is meticulously styled on his forehead. He touches Christ’s upper arm and leads him to the crucifixion together with the high priest, visible behind him, and three other figures. The men at both sides of Christ are probably the soldiers shown on older scenes of the same kind, but here they have lost their mantles and the fur caps they are wearing in the corresponding scene on the London ivory box.537 Their hair is accurately dressed, they wear clothes in brilliant colours and white socks, prone to getting dirty, so that they rather represent the attire of palace guards. Other depictions of the bearing of the cross feature soldiers in traditional uniform: in a field of the wood door of S. Sabina there is a soldier wearing tunic and paenula,538 and in the Gospel of St. Augustine the soldiers in sleeved tunics are equipped with shields, spears and spats on their legs.539 Men dressed in blue and orange-red and wearing striped boots already appeared the scene with the Taking of Christ, but there the white socks were missing; we cannot make any final statement as to their hairdo, since all characters (except for Christ) are styled in the same manner. The distinction between the soldiers taking Jesus captive and those leading him to the crucifixion corresponds to the texts in the Bible, since there are two diﬀerent groups involved.

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Jesus on the way to Golgotha

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Women at the grave

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London, British Museum, ivory relief, Jesus bearing the cross

If we identify the two men in blue and orange-red in this frame with palace guards, it does not seem very likely that the figure holding the cross is Simon of Cyrene (Matthew 27:31; Mark 15:21; Luke 23:26). In the depiction on the London ivory box Jesus is bearing the cross himself (Joh 19:17), and he is accompanied by a soldier; the group can be compared to the one in S. Apollinare. On the wood door of S. Sabina, it is Simon of Cyrene who bears the cross;540 he is wearing tunic and paenula like any Jewish civilian. The Gospel of St. Augustine instead shows Christ and Simon carrying the cross together.541 A further variant is preserved on a column sarcophagus of the second third of the fourth century in the Vatican Museums: a soldier accompanies Simon of Cyrene who is carrying the cross for Jesus.542 The crucifixion itself is not depicted. In a Christian context a crucifixion scene is known for the first time in the late fourth century on a sarcophagus fragment, where this iconography can be completed.543 It remains an infrequent theme also in later times, probably because the contemporaries felt uneasy to show such a shameful and humiliating death for the Son of God.544 This attitude towards crucifixion scenes emerges from another passage in the ekphrasis of Chorikios of Gaza. In his description of the mural paintings in St. Sergius (before536) he briefly notes that after the mocking of Jesus – which according to Chorikios fell back on the

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Rome, S. Sabina, wood door, Jesus bearing the cross

mocking soldiers, because God cannot be insulted – he was delivered to the most ignominious death, between two thieves.545 The mention of “thieves” allows the supposition that a crucifixion was indeed depicted in the Gaza church,546 but Chorikios’ discomfort is conspicuous. The author feels that both mocking and crucifixion are inappropriate for the Son of God. Such a humiliation is not consistent with the cycle of S. Apollinare, where Christ is usually shown larger than all other figures and in imperial attire. The very concept of these images of Christ absolutely requires547 forgoing a crucifixion scene,548 because Jesus prays fearless in Gethsemane, stands self-assured in front of the high priests, and is brought to the priests and to crucifixion with a procession-like escort. The choice of these iconographies suggests that this passion cycle was intended to illustrate Christ’s victory over death.

The women at the empty tomb The tomb occupies the centre of the field. It is styled as a circular grave site surrounded by columns; sepulchral buildings of this kind were common since Hellenistic times in the oikumene, and they remained a model until late Roman times.549 An empty sarcophagus, embedded in the floor, is visible behind the high entrance; its lid is placed obliquely projecting from the outside into

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, Gospel of Augustine, Jesus bearing the cross

Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, ampulla, women with censer at the grave

the inside of the tomb. The depiction of a sarcophagus and its lid draws on the custom to bury those who could aﬀord it in stone or marble sarcophagi; this was customary in Ravenna since the imperial period and continued through Gothic times and beyond.550 Left of the tomb are two women, wrapped in robes and mantles covering their heads and bonnets. With their left hands they are holding their mantles from the inside, their right hands are pointing at the empty grave. Their gestures and their oversized eyes express their fright when they see the angel and realize that the tomb has been opened (Mark 16:1–8). An angel sitting on a rock is facing them on the side of the sepulchral building.551 His iconography corresponds to the one that became common since the late fourth century: he wears a white garment, he has wings and holds a sceptre in his left, while his right is moving in a speaking gesture. His long curly hair, surrounded by a halo, falls down on his shoulders. His ripe lips seem to smile and express the joy at Christ’s resurrection and at the message he has to bring. The women at the tomb are featured in early Christian art in diﬀerent situations since the second third of the fourth century:552 some monuments show them, their right hands raised, engaged in a conversation with the angel,553 on others they are standing quietly and thoughtfully554 or on their knees555 or hasting to the grave with ointment vessels or censers (e.g. on an am-

pulla in Washington).556 No equivalent to the situation depicted here (the fright of the women at the tomb) has survived. As far as I am aware, the same is true for the smiling angel.557 Another unusual element is the dress of the woman in front with a gold-striped purple garment, which corresponds to the one worn by Jesus. A purple-clad woman with nimbus appears in the parallel scene of the Rabbula Gospels where she is labelled as Mary, the Mother of God, contrary to the New Testament texts.558 Mary is dressed in this colour also in the parallel and other scenes on the lid of the reliquary in the Sancta Sanctorum,559 so that it may be inferred that the mosaic in S. Apollinare shows Mary as well. A further element supporting this assumption is that on the north wall of the church Mary is depicted on the throne with the same dress.

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Jesus on the road to Emmaus In this scene Jesus takes the central position again. Framed by two disciples he is walking left, his right hand raised in a gesture of speech, his left clutching his outer garment. The two disciples wear a white-sleeved tunic and a light brown or orange-red paenula. The hair of both men is styled in the same manner, combed straight on the skullcap and curved on the forehead. Their feet are clad in closed toe shoes, like those worn

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Jesus appears to the disciples and doubting Thomas

Rome, S. Sabina, wood door, women at the grave

by Jews in various passion scenes. This clothing sets them apart from the apostles who are always depicted in white garments and sandals. Luke reveals the name of one of them: Kleopas, who did not belong to the Twelve.560 Both men are thus distinguished from the apostles,561 and both are hiding their left arm in their upper garments and are gesticulating with their right. While the raised hand of the man to the right refers to the conversation, the man to the left is indicating the town of Emmaus on a hill, expressing the insistent request by the two disciples to have their companion stay with them (Luke 24:28 foll.). The mosaic visualises both the disciples’ request and their conversation with Jesus (Luke 24:15–27). Emmaus is represented in the style of contemporary city vignettes. With its walls and towers, its big entrance gate, a portico and other buildings,562 it is a smaller and somewhat simplified version of the depiction of Classe, Ravenna’s port, on the northern clerestory wall. The big city gate recurs once more in the image of Ravenna on the southern clerestory wall. The Way to Emmaus is not very common in early Christian imagery,563 and the mosaic in Ravenna may well be the first example created before the seventh century.564 A mural painting of the seventh century in S. Maria Antiqua in Rome shows three figures walking to the right and the incompletely preserved inscription “Emmaus”565; later examples date to the Middle Ages.566

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This last scene of the cycle shows a Jesus even bigger than in the other images: he is taller than the apostles by a head; they barely reach his shoulder. Jesus has his left arm raised up high, and with his right he pushes aside his garment to uncover the chest wound suﬀered by him during the crucifixion. The group is standing in an interior, indicated by the closed panelled door and the abbreviated architecture behind it. The closed door is most probably drawn from the Gospel of John (20:19.26). Six apostles are standing on the left side;567 among them, Peter and Andrew are easily recognizable by their hair and beard style. Peter is looking at Jesus reverently, his hand raised in a speaking gesture, while Andrew seems lost in thought and brings his hand to his chest. The bearded apostle standing behind Andrew glances at Jesus with great joy and surprise, and he seems to be slightly opening his mouth. To the left of Jesus are five other apostles.568 The one next to Jesus is taking a long step and bowing down before his master, his hands slightly stretched forward and covered by a cloth. The apostle behind him is indicating the wound with his right hand, while the one at his side is bringing a hand to his cheek in surprise. The fourth apostle, shown with a fashionable narrow beard, is looking at his raised hands: did he perhaps just touch Christ’s wound? The last, juvenile apostle is just witnessing the event in silence. It is not possible to establish which one of the apostles can be labelled as Thomas: the one who is bowing down, reminding us of the words “my Lord and my God!” spoken by Thomas (John 20:28), the one bringing his hands near Jesus’ wounds, or the one looking at his hands?569 Presumably the image is not meant as an identification of the disciple, but as an illustration of the disciples’ diverse reactions upon the appearance of their master. No directly comparable depiction has been preserved, and a glance at other early Christian works of art clarifies the peculiarity of this ravennate mosaic. A sarcophagus in Milan,570 one in Ravenna,571 and the London ivory box572 all feature Thomas putting his hand in Christ’s wound. The ivory box also shows an apostle, comparable to Andrew, who is deeply moved and puts his hand on his chest, as well as the other one who has brought his hand to his chin and is looking in surprise at what is happening around him. The depictions

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On the road to Emmaus

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Jesus appears to the Apostles

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London, British Museum, ivory relief, Jesus appears to the Apostles and doubting Thomas

London, British Library, Ms. Harley 1810, Christ appears to the disciples

of this event on the Monza/Bobbio flasks are somewhat more drastic: Christ takes Thomas’ hand and brings it to his chest wound.573 This iconography is also found on medallions in Berlin and New York.574 S. Apollinare instead shows the instant preceding or following that of the doubting apostle putting his hand in the wound. To my knowledge, a parallel to this depiction exists only in a book illustration of the late twelfth century,575 which is also set in an interior and shows the panelled door. The number of the apostles present varies depending on the image’s position and the available space. The two groups of apostles to the left and right of Christ, who is standing head and shoulders above them, are shown on the Monza/Bobbio ampullae as well as on the London ivory box, but none of these displays the variety of reactions that we see in S. Apollinare: on the left and right sides the ivory box depicts an apostle putting his hand on his chin or on his chest (like Andrew) in a gesture of surprise. The well-preserved Monza flask features hands raised in surprise or in refusal or brought to the chin. The above-mentioned London book illustration only shows surprise, even a negative reaction. Consequently, we can say that there is no parallel in the surviving early Christian depictions of this scene for the veneration of Christ expressed by the deep bow and the covered hands (reminding the viewer that this event is a theophany);576 the same is true for the apostle who’s looking at his hands in astonishment, probably after having touched Jesus’ wound. With regard to the interpretation of this field, it should be noted that it refers to John 20:19–29, describing two appearances of Christ before his disciples. Jesus shows them his wound on both occasions (John 20:20.27). Through the description of the apostles’ diﬀerent reactions, ranging from joyful surprise to reverence and even to devoted veneration, this mosaic is one more piece of evidence for the sensitivity and originality of its planner or planners. No other depiction of Christ’s appearances displays such a great variety of emotions. This field must in fact be rated among the many masterpieces of ravennate mosaic art. Other depictions set other priorities: for instance, the columns in St. Mark’s do not depict Jesus showing his wound, but Jesus’ conversation with his disciples, where Peter is holding the keys, meaning that the image also includes Jesus assigning the mission to Peter.577

Bobbio, S. Colombano, ampulla, doubting Thomas

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On the meaning of the New Testament cycle in S. Apollinare Nuovo Focus on content The mosaics stand out due to the excellent craftsmanship in placing tesserae of different colours. The black and white photographs of heads from the New Testament cycle published 1958 by Deichmann show how the mosaic artists were able to create highly differentiated faces and facial expressions with just a handful of colours and tesserae of various sizes, and that these images take their full effect only if viewed from a distance. This mastery is partially offset by the aforesaid lack of skill in the correlation of legs and feet in scenes with figures standing one behind the other or by the non-observance of functional corporeal relations, mentioned for instance with regard to the figure of Christ in the scene with the Bearing of the Cross. An anatomically correct depiction of bodies presumably was of no interest either to the patrons or to the craftsmen, and it was therefore disregarded. It is possible that the various portions of the image were made by different craftsmen,578 and that the lowest part of the figures was assigned to the least specialized workmen, because it was less important. In fact, the focus is on the sophisticated and suspenseful composition with their elaborate details. For instance, the healing of the blind man pictures the fact that the eye touched by Christ is about to open. Unlike most of the comparable works of art, the Resurrection of Lazarus shows the very instant the miracle occurs, i.e. Lazarus, still wrapped in his sepulchral linen strips, rising from his tomb. The sequence of the Betrayal and Capture of Christ are put together in one single image in order to better visualize the connection between the two events: Judas’ kiss is set in the middle, the soldiers tipping Jesus on the should refer to the subsequent capture, while the sword in Peter’s hand reminds of the fact that he cut the slave’s ear. The scene “Christ before Pilate” clearly shows Pilate’s discomfort at his decision to have Jesus crucified. On their way to Emmaus, the two disciples are distinguished from the Twelve by their clothing. An excellent example for the visualization of emotional situations is provided by the smiling angel facing the two frightened women across the empty tomb. The spectrum of reactions to Christ’s appearance among his disciples is illustrated with unique skill.

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A peculiar feature of the cycle in S. Apollinare is the sequence of the three scenes with the parable of the Pharisee and the publican, the story of the widow’s mite, and the allegory of the separation of the sheep from the goats. These three fields are meant as a “didactic block” and an exhortation to the viewers, and they serve as a surviving example for the didactic function of images mentioned by Paulinus of Nola, in the Vita of Severus of Antiochia, and by Gregory the Great. The special focus on content, going hand in hand with a decreasing interest in a correct and precise execution of reality-based images, is typical of late antique and early Christian art. This is evident already on some urban Roman sarcophagi of the fourth century that stand out due to the introduction of innovative iconographic programmes, but on which the reliefs are often not completed in all details.

Iconography and choice of models The selected scenes range from the most familiar to the uncommon and even the unique. Unfortunately, it is unknown who made the relevant decision; it could have been Theodoric as sponsor, or a dignitary appointed by the king, or some member of the clergy. The same applies to the design of the iconographies. It is also possible that the mosaicists received instructions, but had a certain amount of leeway in the execution. As shown by the comparative examples mentioned above, there was a wide range of possibilities for the portrayal of the various characters (e.g. for: Jesus before Caiaphas, Peter’s denial, and the women at the tomb). Therefore, the question about models and their localisation that Deichmann had already addressed critically,579 is not really relevant. The essential factors in the iconographic choice were presumably the available space on the one hand and the wishes of the sponsors on the other. Perhaps the layout was determined more or less on the spot, as is the case with the church of St. Stephen (fifth century) in Clermont, where according to the report by Gregory of Tours the bishop’s wife sat in the church with a vita of the saint in her hand to give the painter indications or instructions as to the layout of the paintings.580 The fact that the sequence of the scenes follows no recognizable guiding thread would seem to confirm this assumption. The commissioners describe their own time in the scene with the Bearing of the Cross: The two soldiers

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accompanying Jesus wear the uniform of the Goth palace guards.

The contemporary notion of Christ according to the S. Apollinare mosaics These mosaics are certainly representative with respect to the contemporary notion of Christ. His divine nature is heavily emphasised; Christ is usually taller than the figures around him, and he is placed in the centre of the scene.581 In Gethsemane he expresses no fear of death; he is immersed in prayer and seems untouched by the events awaiting him; before the high priests, who reveal their uneasiness and refusal, he is in control of the situation. The crucifixion as such is not depicted. Christ’s composure in the passion cycle indicates that the real subject matter of these images is not his death, but his victory over death. This intention can also be deduced from other monuments, which means that it is not typical of Arianism, but rather a common trend on a broader theological basis or even a theological statement. Besides, emphasizing Christ’s divine nature conflicts with the concept of the Homoians that only Godfather is a divine person. On the whole, this New Testament cycle must be considered a masterpiece of early Christian art on account of its exceptional quality in design and execution.

The central frieze: the figures between the windows The window zone below the New Testament scenes features 16 standing male figures separated from each other by windows (except for the first three on each side)582. They are wearing tunic and pallium, holding a scroll or a codex. The two next to the apse on the north wall are later additions.583 The edges and soﬃts of the windows are decorated with ornamental motifs;584 above them we see the well-known motif, which is also present in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, with the birds flanking a vessel. There are diﬀerent types of colourful birds like those depicted in the Orthodox Baptistery. Unfortunately, these mosaics are lacking inscriptions labelling the individual figures. The scrolls and codices given to them as attributes are no help with regard to their identification, because they can be held

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both by apostles and by prophets. However, it is unlikely that these images show the apostles: None of the figures is shown with the round beard that’s typical of Peter in combination with full white hair; the hair and beard style of Paul (pointed beard and frontal baldness) cannot be spotted either, and Andrew’s shaggy hair, characterising him in S. Apollinare, in the medallions of the Cappella Arcivescovile, and in San Vitale, is missing as well. The long hair flowing from some of the heads indicates that their owners belong to former times. Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann suggested a “more general designation of the figures as messengers of Christ or witnesses of his actions”585, which includes the option of their interpretation as prophets. The term “prophet” must in this case be applied in its broad sense, since it may also include David (or David may be depicted among them)586. Possibly the figures also portray the patriarchs of the twelve tribes of Israel; two of them have been preserved in the mosaics of the narthex of S. Aquilino in Milan.587 Labelling these figures as “martyrs of the Arian faith”, as was argued by some without any evidence, is completely unfounded.588 Figures with scrolls are not uncommon in the decoration of sacred spaces and churches (e.g. the prophets in the mosaic and stucco works of the Orthodox Baptistery in Ravenna itself). The clerestory walls (i.e. the same spot as in S. Apollinare) of St. Paul Outside the Walls in Rome showed similar figures, as we know from seventeenth-century drawings. They are attributed to the decoration executed under Pope Leo the Great (440–461).589 The (lost) mosaics of the church La Daurade in Toulouse are dated to the fifth century; they depicted patriarchs, apostles, and prophets below scenes from the life of Jesus,590 and it would seem that the church of the apostles in Paris was adorned with images of patriarchs, prophets and martyrs at the beginning of the sixth century.591 The figures in S. Apollinare, especially the portraits, are of outstanding quality; they are in fact among the best creations in the mosaic genre in Ravenna and beyond. Together with the depictions of the apostles in the dome of the Orthodox Baptistery, they are regarded as the mosaics of the highest quality.592 Unlike the apostles in the Baptistery, however, those in S. Apollinare are shown motionless and almost frontally against a gold background. Their variety is given by the diﬀerent handling of the scroll: it is held closed, or opened in different forms, or presented with the left hand raised or lowered. The codices are also taken in hand in diﬀerent

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manners.593 The figures are distinguished by the elaborate and detailed design of their garment folds as well as by the distinction between outer and undergarment: the latter stands out against the pallium by a blue shadowing. In contrast to Greek and Roman art, which used to make their figures tridimensional at least to some extent, the workmen of S. Apollinare are no longer interested in the relation between body and clothing or in the existence of a tridimensional body under a person’s dress. The men depicted here look flat and incorporeal. The decreasing interest in realistic depictions finds its expression in many ways: on the south wall, the seventh apostle (counted from the apse) is clutching both his outer garment and a scroll with his left hand, while the right hand is brought to his chest. His body is framed by a broad rectangle, and the fabric of his garment hides the body and surrounds it like a hard shell.594 His knee is indicated in the fabric by a darker line on the left side of the body and reminds of the wellknown distinction between engaged leg and free leg in antique art, but apart from the knee we can only dimly make out the thigh above it, while the rest of the body and the engaged leg are not recognizable. The knee’s position is an indicator of incorporeity also in some of the other figures: sometimes it is too high,595 sometimes too low,596 sometimes the anatomic structure is obscured: the outer garment of the second figure on the northern side (counted from the entrance)597 is stretched widest on the left side of the body at the height of the calf; above that, the contour runs upwards with a gentle inward curve. This display is inconsistent with anatomical facts and would require a complicated rotation of the leg, but the leg is actually standing slightly forward with the bottom of the foot on the ground.598 The mosaics’ high quality becomes particularly apparent in the design of the heads. The first noteworthy aspect is the difference between those on the north wall and those on the opposite wall; this difference is caused by the materials used, and it is obviously less evident in the much smaller fields of the New Testament cycle. Only glass tesserae were used on the southern side, while glass and stone tesserae were mounted to the north wall. The use of both materials together allows not only sharper contrasts in colour, but also a greater variety in the composition of the surface producing a stronger tridimensional effect of the images.599 This, however, does not imply a lower quality of the mosaics on the south wall.

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Unsurprisingly, the craftsmen drew on pictorial templates that had been common for centuries in Greek and Roman art: the stock character of the grey-haired, longbearded philosopher appears as many as eight times, but each time with a slightly diﬀerent manner. The second head (from the entrance) on the north side looks friendly and lively with its slightly reddened cheeks and its red lips. The seventh portrait on the north wall, with its haggard cheeks, expresses rather ascetic and pensive traits, while the ninth develops its visual eﬀect thanks to the contrast between the grey wavy hair and the white beard. The second portrait from the apse on the southern side reminds of images of antique deities with its long and neatly combed hair and the harmonious traits. It resembles the second last head on the south wall whose hair is a bit straighter; the furrowed forehead gives this man a visionary expression. The fourth image on the south wall shows two deep forehead wrinkles beneath the short hair. The expression is serious, but not unfriendly. The seventh head is characterised by beginning baldness, deep wrinkles, haggard cheeks and a mild look, while the eleventh strikes by its triangular outline: beneath a small, compact hair cap the eyes seem lost in thought. Similar considerations may be made with respect to the clean-shaven faces. Even if most of them have a smooth hair cap with a wavy ring of hair around it, which may have been the fashion of the time, the mosaic artists did their best to produce some variety. The young age becomes evident in the third figure from the entrance on the northern side, since it is shown with an even forehead, a curly ring of hair, and orange-red spots on the cheeks. The same is true of the sixth portrait: in this case, the neatly waved fringe is markedly separated from the hair cap, and bright colour stains illuminate the youthful features. The eighth face shows a middle-aged man, as we can infer from his flesh colour, from wrinkles on the forehead, below the eyes and on the neck, and from the incipient double chin. The third man from the apse on the south wall is the only one with blonde hair; his particularly clean-cut features express both energy and poise. Compared to him, the fifth head is somewhat longer; he seems to look inside himself, and the overall impression he transmits is that of a virtuous young man. Elements typical of the time can be found in the eighth and in the last image of the south wall: the eighth man wears the popular sideburns in the broad form, the last one in the narrow version. The former is certainly older than the latter, since he

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North wall, second figure (from the entrance)

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South wall, fourth head (from the apse)

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South side, fifth head (from the apse)

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displays wrinkles on his forehead and a deep nasolabial groove, while his “colleague” has a smooth forehead and neck and shimmering skin on his cheeks. He is looking from the entrance into the church interior.600 A compact, spherical head distinguishes the first figure on the southern side (counting from the apse); the padded wrinkle above the nose bridge and the deep wrinkle in the middle of the forehead indicate a man in his middle age. The third group with the dark-haired, bearded heads conveys the impression that the range of diﬀerent physiognomies is greater here than in the groups of beardless and of white-haired-bearded men. Perhaps this circumstance is related to the contemporary historical context: in Theodoric’s times, it was probably popular to wear a beard; the fashionable form of a (narrow) beard running over the cheeks and chin, often accompanied by a small moustache, has already been repeatedly mentioned. It can be found in several of the New Testament scenes.601 It might be that the mosaic artists were inspired by the people they saw in the street: a truly stylish, courtly beard is displayed by the fourth figure on the north side, combined with a slim, energetic-looking face, by the first figure (from the apse) on the south wall, by the third, who also wears a curly ring of hair, and by the fourteenth together with a neat curly beard. Other heads feature individualized hairdos and physiognomies. The first head (from the entrance) on the north wall has straggly hair and a short beard; the pronounced nasolabial groove provides this face with an expression changing from serious to grumpy.602 On the southern side, the thirteenth head (from the apse) shows a similar hair style, but his hair is much thicker, and is face is rather oval and has harmonious traits,603

so that it vaguely resembles some images of deities of Greek-Roman art. The light reflexes running over the face suggest that this man in still in his twenties. A thick hair cap parted in the middle and flowing down to the chin is worn by the tenth figure of the north wall.604 The oval, almost round face, with wide alert eyes, a deep wrinkle above the nose bridge, and the mouth slightly opened, is looking relaxed to the side. The fifth frame on the north side depicts a man we could probably meet in some small town of the Italian countryside:605 a clearcut skull with short grey hair, an irregular beard, and a padded forehead, his mouth tightly closed. On the whole, the figures of the “messengers of Christ or witnesses of his actions”606 show that the craftsmen were interested in a diﬀerentiated reproduction of clothing and heads, and that they did high-quality work. However, they were not much interested in the corporeity of the figures depicted. We do not know which models they used for the figures or who gave them instructions.607 It is also evident that several craftsmen were at work in this zone at the same time, and that they were probably not the same as those who executed the New Testament cycle or those who produced the groups of Jesus on the throne and Mary on the throne with Jesus on her lap in the lower register. If Theodoric wanted to complete his palace chapel, which he also used on ceremonial occasions, within a reasonable time frame, he presumably had no other choice than to employ as many mosaicists as possible. This again allows to speculate that S. Apollinare was completed rather at the beginning of the sixth century than between620 and630. To Theodoric, the second-wealthiest sovereign of the Mediterranean after the Emperor,608 money was probably not an issue.

Following pages: heads of »prophets or messengers«

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North side, first head (from the entrance)

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South side, thirteenth head (from the apse)

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North side, tenth head

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North side, fifth head

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South side, third head (from the entrance)

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South side, eighth head (from the apse)

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The lower register When entering the church, the lower zone on the northern and southern sides shows the depiction of a city and thereafter a procession of male (south side) and female (north side) martyrs on their way to Christ and Mary both seated on thrones. Whereas the two processions and the three Magi paying homage replaced previous depictions from Theodoric’s time after the rededication of the Church by the Catholics, the remaining imagery has mostly survived.

The elements of the lower zone on the northern and southern walls from the time of Theodoric The architecture labelled “Palatium” on the southern clerestory wall immediately attracts the viewer’s attention.609 The inscription indicating the building as Theodoric’s palace is placed on a pedimented façade, which consists of three arcades followed by a two-storey portico on each side. Each one of the arches is equipped with a curtain hanging from a rod. The widest arcade in the middle is distinguished by particularly precious and decorated fabrics and by a gold background indicating Theodoric’s dominion.610 The pediment still bears the signs of the excision (after 560) of a depiction of Theodoric on horseback.611 All the architecture is elaborately styled: the spandrels above the colonnades are filled by winged victory figures with garlands, and the capitals between the arches remind of those in S. Apollinare.612 Above the arcades is another storey with glazed arched windows closed by wooden shutters.613 Even if we do not know what Theodoric’s palace actually looked like,614 we may presume that for its depiction the mosaicists chose various elements that would allow the viewers to recognize the building, which means that there was some kind of connection to the real palace architecture.615 The structure of the façade has parallels in some buildings of Constantinople as well as in other sites of the early medieval world.616 The buildings visible behind the palace belong to the “Civitas Ravenn(a)”, as we read on the city gate bordering the façade on the right side. The gold lunette over the doorway includes three figures in tunica and pallium; the one in the middle has a long cross on his shoulder, in his covered left hand he is holding a red codex book, and he is trampling a serpent with both feet. The figure on the left is facing him, his right hand

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raised in a gesture of surprise, as is not uncommon in the miracle scenes with the disciple accompanying Jesus. The figure on the right has wrapped himself in his mantle; his right hand is still visible at his side. The image has to be interpreted as a depiction of Christ treading on the serpent and accompanied by two apostles. A similar pictorial structure is reported for the imperial palace in Constantinople617 and for Ravenna itself on the inside of the entrance wall to S. Croce.618 As a mosaic it appears once again over the door of the Cappella Arcivescovile. The buildings depicted are not labelled and have no specific characteristics, wherefore Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann and Maria Cristina Carile are right in saying that any attempt to identify the same is practically pointless.619 The same holds true for the port of Ravenna “Civitas Classis” on the north side. Both the column shafts of the “Palatium” and the city walls of the “Civitas Classis” and the city gate of the “Civitas Ravenna” still bear remains or contours of figures that were purged after 560.620 In the three arcades of the palace façade, flanking the median risalit on the two sides, stood figures, as we can infer from the contours of a head above the curtain rod.621 Counting from left to right, the first, third, fifth and eleventh column shafts have remains of raised hands pointing left.622 This indicates that there must have been another figure in the left arcade of the median risalit, perhaps a child, since the curtain hangs a bit lower than on the right side. The city gate of the “Civitas Ravenna” shows evident signs of a standing figure,623 and restorations proved that five persons were standing in front of the walls of Classe: two of them, partially overlapping, between the harbour entrance and the wall tower, and three between the wall tower and the city gate: the one in the middle was portrayed frontally, and the other two were facing him.624 Deichmann speculates the figure in the middle, dressed in a chlamys, could be Theodoric;625 the shape of the two other figures allows to assume that they too were wearing a chlamys. It is also conceivable that the three were dignitaries in their “oﬃcial dress”, i.e. members of the senate or of the late Roman civil administration that had mostly been taken over by Theodoric.626 Since S. Apollinare served as palace church, it is plausible that one or both of the processions included depictions of dignitaries and senators. A reconstruction of the processions remains in the realm of conjecture, but it is probable that they featured Theodoric, aristo-

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Contours of the figures formerly depicted against the city walls of Classe after the restorations of G. Salietti

crats, high-ranked Goths,627 and perhaps even members of Theodoric’s family and of the Arian clergy. There is no evidence for the allegation,628 often repeated in literature, that the women’s procession on the south wall was led by Theodoric’s wife, Audofleda,629 and in fact this is not very likely, since the late antique world was dominated by men.630 The proposal that both processions showed Arian worshippers has not been supported by documentary evidence or further investigated either.631 What survived of this procession are indications of a gold background and a dark green ground line.632 The procession on the southern side ends before the throne of Christ sitting between four angels.633 The right half of his figure, the two angels standing to his right, and St. Martin leading the procession of saints are all modern restorations.634 Originally, Christ was holding an open codex635 with the words “Ego sum rex gloriae”. This statement of Christ about himself is not recorded either in the canonical texts of the New Testament or in the apocrypha. However, the “King of glory” is mentioned in Psalm 24:7–9 and does have his place in early Christian theology. The idea of Christ as king can be traced back to Constantine’s times, and this kind of “triumphalist Christology” can be regarded as a typical feature of the self-conception and religiosity of the contemporary “Reichskirche” (imperial church).636 The theological development of this idea was pushed forward both by “orthodox” theologians such as Atha-

nasius, and by court theologians close to Arianism.637 The latter believed that the kingdom was assigned to Jesus already in his pre-existence,638 and that in spite of this he was subordinate to God-Father, the sovereign of all creation.639 Whether the Arian Goths of the early sixth century were aware of these fourth-century discussions, we do not know. The designation of Christ as “rex” was unproblematic both to the Orthodox and to the Arians. It is therefore possible that the title was used rather as a hint to Theodoric’s position, and that would seem fitting for a chapel royal. Theodoricus Rex pays homage to the rex gloriae, Christ. On the north side the procession is headed towards Mary seated on a throne and flanked by four angels; she is holding the Christ child on her lap.640 Here again, the upper body and the head of the angel to the far right as well as the head of the angel to the fair left are modern additions. Just like Christ, the Virgin is sitting on a red cushion on a jewelled throne with footrest and back; hers is straight, while Jesus’ is lyre-shaped.641 Mary’s cushion is decorated with gold stars, probably to indicate her sovereignty over the cosmos.642 She is wearing a purple garment, like Christ, the typical white bonnet, and a purple veil. Both hers and Christ’s clothing is kept simple, and only the colour reveals their rank. Two elements of this image are noteworthy: first of all, the star-covered cushion, for which there is no earlier example as far as I know. Connecting Mary to stars ap-

Palatium

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The royal palace and the city of Ravenna

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Lunette in the city gate of Ravenna

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Palace facade, first column with the hand of a removed figure

Third column with the hand of a removed figure

Fifth column with the hand of a removed figure

Eleventh column with the hand of a removed figure

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Classe, Ravennaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fortified port

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Christ on the throne between angels

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Mary on the throne between angels

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Manchester, John Rylands University Library, ivory relief

Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, encolpion

parently began in the sixth century: the whole background of three ivories (from an original five-part diptych) with scenes from the life of Mary, including the Virgin enthroned with the Christ child, is covered with stars.643 The second remarkable element is the cross visible above Mary’s forehead; it is the first time this symbol is shown in this position.644 Comparative materials include an encolpion from the last quarter of the sixth century in Dumbarton Oaks,645 showing the Virgin on the throne between two angels, as well as an Armenian cross in Istanbul, dated by the hallmark to the time of the emperor Justinian,646 on which a cross appears immediately over Mary’s head. Since the cross is also depicted on other headdress, it may be meant to label Mary as a woman of this world, who sits on the imperial throne on account of her rank as the Mother of God.647 Front views of Mary enthroned with the Christ child on her lap are shown more frequently since the late fourth century in diﬀerent versions, usually in connection with the Adoration of the Magi or the shepherds. The Virgin and Child are depicted with various movements: Jesus sitting still on her lap is more frequent than a moving child.648 In this case, the Christ child wears a gold undergarment, a white pallium with gold stripes, and a white tunic; his right arm is stretched out to the side, seemingly indicating his mother, who has raised her right hand in a gesture of speech. What is evidently meant here is that the two are referring to one another or making statements about each other that probably concern his divine filiation and the “rex gloriae” as well as her divine motherhood. The first comparison to be made concerns the mosaic in the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč, where Christ and Mary are both shown seated on thrones. In this Basilica, Mary is depicted in the middle of the apse, the Christ child on her lap; she has put her right hand on her son’s shoulder, who is shown in a gesture of speech and holding a scroll closed by three ribbons in his left hand.649 The scroll and the apocalyptic clouds provide the image with an eschatological semantic level, while the wreaths, the paradisiacal meadow and the angels-dignitaries indicate a supratemporal space. Christ, the universal ruler, sits enthroned above Mary. In the Euphrasian Basilica, Jesus’ human history is represented by the Annunciation and the Visitation of Mary beneath the conch, so that there is no need for indicating gestures like in S. Apollinare. A comparison with the mosaic in the church S. Maria Maggiore sponsored by Ecclesius (bishop of Ravenna 523–531/32) would be interesting,

Heads of Christ and Mary

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PorecË&#x2021;, Euphrasian Basilica, apse

but unfortunately we do not know its details: it appears that the apse mosaic showed Mary with the Child and Ecclesius holding the model of the church.650 Taking a closer look at the individual elements of the city portraits, the palatium, the formerly existing processions of Goth aristocrats, perhaps even of the Goth population, it would seem that the imageryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s aim was to combine earthly and heavenly elements, worldly power and heavenly power, and to express the faith and religiosity of the Goth king and his entourage.651 Unfortunately, we have no indications as to the original appearance of the decoration in the apse and on the front wall,652 and speculation is therefore pointless.

The mosaics from the time of Agnellus The group with Mary enthroned is followed by the three Magi bringing their gifts. They belong to the mosaics

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that replaced earlier works when the church was taken over by the Catholics.653 In his Liber Pontificalis Agnellus the historian reports on their making and on that of the processions of virgins and martyrs; investigations performed on the mortar beds below the mosaics confirmed the correctness of Agnellusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; information.654 The upper bodies and heads and the gifts carried by the Magi were added in the late nineteenth century.655 The Adoration of the Magi was one of the earliest and most popular themes of early Christian art;656 the surviving remains of the original imagery are in line with the usual iconography.657 The 25 male saints and martyrs and the 22 female martyrs are walking on a green, flowered ground that, together with palm trees shown in the background, alludes to paradise. The sprouting stalks and flower stalks are made of gold tesserae, and just like the gold background they refer to an otherworldly condition near God. According to early Christian theologians,

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Arles, Musée de l’Arles antique, fragment of a column sarcophagus

martyrs were immediately admitted in God’s presence. Each of the figures carries a wreath on covered hands: it is the reward received for their life and martyrdom.658 They are now offering this reward to Christ. This motif of the “offering of the wreaths” is known since the late fourth century on Roman sarcophagi,659 and it was quite common in churches:660 it will be sufficient to recall the depictions in the two Ravenna baptisteries. It is still not clear how the choice of the female and male saints was made, especially since the Ambrosian and the Roman Canon contain a smaller number of names.661 The presence of (contact) relics in S. Apollinare, perhaps also in some other churches, may have played a role,662 or the preference for some saints rather than others expressed by bishop Agnellus himself, by members of his clergy, or by those contributing to the works.

The male saints and martyrs Their procession is installed on the southern clerestory wall that in the ninth century Agnellus the historian called the men’s side (“parte virorum”).663 It is headed by St. Martin whose figure is the result of later restorations except for some parts of his mantle. His identity is secured by descriptions of the modern era and by the

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remains of his name (Mart)inus. As mentioned above, after the church had been taken over by the Catholics it was rededicated to him as a strong opponent of heresies.664 He is the only one in the procession who was not a martyr, but after the end of the persecutions against Christians, an ascetic life, such as Martin’s, was put on an equal footing with martyrdom. Not long ago, Isabella Baldini Lippolis has taken up the description of the church in 1586 by Gianfrancesco Malezappi; unlike all other descriptions, he mentioned St. Stephen as first figure of the procession. Baldini Lippolis thinks that Stephen stood between Martin and the first angel, but her own reconstruction drawing shows that this would be possible only at the cost of two figures overlapping, which was meticulously avoided in the friezes. Moreover, it is also impossible to move St. Martin somewhat to the left, since some parts of his figure are preserved.665 For these reasons, her suggestions are not convincing.666 The next figure is Clement of Rome, who is believed to be Peter’s second or third successor und who died at the end of the first century. He was the author of the First Epistle of Clement, and – after Paul – the first Christian for whom we do have reliable source material.667 He appears here as a robust, grey-haired, fullbearded man; the waved fringe is also used on several other martyrs. Clement is followed by Sixtus II, he too a bishop of Rome, portrayed as an older man with a moustache and a curly fringe of hair. He was martyred together with Lawrence, standing next to him, in 258.668 The latter is depicted as a blonde youth with just the hint of a beard, and he is the only one clad in a gold garment and holding a beaded crown. His small mouth seems to be faintly smiling. His extraordinary popularity in Ravenna was already mentioned in the description of the lunette with this saint in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia. The next man is Hippolytus of Rome, the most important Western theologian of his time; according to later legends, he was also the prison guard of St. Lawrence.669 He is represented brown-haired, bearded, and middle-aged. Cornelius, standing next to him, was bishop of Rome in mid-third century;670 he is an elderly, grey-haired and -bearded gentleman, turning to the right towards Cyprian and indicating with his hand the bishop of Carthage, with whom he exchanged letters. Cyprian, an outstanding theologian whose thoughts had a lasting impact on Western Christianity, is a middle-aged man with brown hair and beard.671 Cassian of Imola672 suﬀered one of the most

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Sts. Hippolytus, Cornelius, Cyprian, Cassian, John and Paul, Vitalis

Sts. Ursicinus, Nabor and Felix, Apollinaris, Sebastian, Demetrius und Polycarp

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Head of Apollinaris

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Head of Sixtus II

Head of Polycarp

Head of Clement

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Head of Hyacinth

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Head of Chrysogonus

Head of Protasius

Head of Demetrius

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shocking martyrdoms: he was stabbed to death by his own students with their iron styli; he is depicted as an aged, detached man. Behind him strides the pair of Roman martyrs John and Paul, both shown as clean-shaven blonde youths. Paul has raised his arm to his chest, and he is turning with a slight movement toward his brother. Their martyrdom is known from legends only.673 The following four martyrs are all connected with Ravenna: Vitalis, Gervasius and Protasius and Ursicinus. According to a ravennate legend, Vitalis, an elderly man with grey curls and beard, was the father of Gervasius and Protasius;674 Ursicinus675 is comforted by Vitalis on his way to martyrdom, and he provides Vitalis with the occasion to become a martyr himself. The legend, which was of great importance to the city of Ravenna and its self-conception, is shown here with all characters involved: Valeria, wife of Vitalis and mother of Gervasius and Protasius, appears among the female saints.676 Gervasius and Protasius, who are said to be twins in one version of the legend, are visually distinguished from one another: Gervasius is a young adult with curly hair ring and beard, whereas Protasius with his round and rosy head appears as an adolescent. Ursicinus in turn is shown as a mature man with a strong flesh tone and “rural” facial features, combined with the narrow beard typical of the time. Nabor and Felix, two soldiers from North Africa, were perhaps the oldest blood witnesses venerated in Milan,677 and they complete the series of major Milan martyrs. Nabor’s head is turned slightly left in Felix’s direction; both are beardless. Nabor has brown and Felix blonde hair. Their lively faces indicate that they should be around thirty. At their side we see Apollinaris, the first bishop of Ravenna according to tradition,678 depicted with full grey hair and a long, pointed beard both in this location and in his burial church S. Apollinare in Classe. Sebastian, about whom we have no verified information apart from his interment in the catacomb named after him,679 was a Roman martyr as well; he is shown as an elderly person with grey hair and a full beard. The next in line is Demetrius of Thessaloniki (labelled as “Demiter”), the famous Greek blood witness, as a young adult with a juvenile fringe and the “modern” narrow beard on his chin and cheeks.680 Polycarp of Smyrna is a historically verified figure; he suﬀered martyrdom, of which a report survives, presumably in 167.681 Since he died as an old man, he is represented ascetically with grey hair and a long beard.

Vincent of Saragossa, who was killed in Valencia at the beginning of the fourth century, is mentioned in several theological texts and poems, and he is venerated as one of the most important martyrs of Spain and beyond.682 In this mosaic Vincent is a juvenile man with short hair and the wavy fringe we have seen many times before. Little is known of Pancratius, apart from his burial in the Roman catacomb bearing his name; nevertheless, he has been venerated throughout Europe since the sixth century.683 He is depicted as a stern-looking, frowning character with short hair going bald at the temples. Making any statement about Chrysogonus is diﬃcult, since his figure combines features of two eponymous figures who were venerated in Rome and in Ravenna.684 His image, however, is one of the most interesting: a curly fringe, as it was fashionable in the sixth century, is combined with the popular narrow chin-and-cheek-beard and some sort of three-day stubble beneath elongated cheeks. Protus and Hyacinth were buried in the Roman catacomb of S. Ermete. Hyacinth’s is the only Roman martyr grave found untouched; its inscription allows to date it to the third century.685 Both of them are shown as red-cheeked younger men; Hyacinth is provided with a thin beard on chin and cheeks. The procession is closed by the elderly, grey-haired and bearded martyr Sabinus of Spoleto, one of the best-liked and most venerated martyrs of Central Italy, whose life is described only in legends.686

The female saints and martyrs The first thing one notices when examining the procession of female saints is the fact that they are not only dressed alike (as are their male counterparts), but that their hairstyle is homogeneous as well: a braid brought up behind the head, as it is known since the third century. The hair would be tied up in the back of the neck, plaited and pinned on the head. In S. Apollinare the hairdo is held together by a ribbon with jewels and pearls, decorated in the middle by a round adornment with a central gem stone. A tenuous, transparent white veil is lying over the hair and the ribbon; it ends in fringes, and it is decorated at the bottom with two golden squares. The veil also serves to cover the women’s hands holding their crowns. It is not surprising that all women have the same headdress: in fact, when women usually wear a bonnet on their heads, like those in the New Testament scenes or like Theodora’s court

Head of Lawrence

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Rome, S. Maria Maggiore, Annunciation to Mary

Milan, Cathedral treasure, cover of a gospel book, Annunciation to Mary at the spring

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ladies in S. Vitale, we cannot expect great variety in hairstyles. Braids pulled up on the head were quite popular in the fifth century also: in the Annunciation in S. Maria Maggiore in Rome and on an ivory in Milan, both of this time, the future Mother of God is shown with a parting braid.687 The mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore also provide points of contact with regard to clothing: Mary is wearing a long, white sleeved tunic, a gold outer garment, a broad collar decorated with jewels and pearls and a belt with a round buckle. We also see a narrow strap (of fur?) running across the chest688 and a broader one hanging between the legs, which is also shown in the sixth-century mosaics of the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč. We know from other monuments that this stola-like band was fastened to the belt,689 and that it had nothing to do with priestly attire.690 On their bodies, Mary and the female saints are wearing a garment with a decorated cuff on the wrist and forearm.691 Between this garment and the gold dress we see a white garment provided with colourful decorative strips visible at the level of the lower legs. Some elements of their dress are difficult to interpret: does the band across the chest have any specific meaning? It is probably meant to signify the high rank of the depicted women. Their elaborate attire would suggest that they are court ladies.692 How did they manage to put on and take off these clothes at a time when buttonholes and loops were still unknown?693 The outer garment seems to consist of strips with different decorations on the two long sides. The precious fabric wrought in gold is shown in great detail. It was probably further adorned with sewed-on decorative elements, with small circular elements (Euphemia, Agnes, Crispina, Felicitas, Anastasia, Emerentiana, Anatolia, Sabina), with squamous (Cecilia, Vincentia) or round plates (Pelagia, Eugenia), with colourfully framed round discs (Lucia, Perpetua, Justina, Daria, Victoria) or round and square plates (Eulalia), with stars and rectangles (Agatha), with square discs and small crosses (Valeria), with coloured halved flowers or stars (Paulina, Christina). All the female saints are wearing thin jewelled chains around their necks. The procession is led by Euphemia of Chalcedon; only her martyrdom in the year 303 is known “with some certainty”; her popularity and fame was supported and favoured by the fact that the Council of Chalcedon of 451 took place in the church named after her.694 Pelagia suffered martyrdom in Antioch,695 Aga-

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

tha in Catania, Sicily,696 whereas of Agnes we only know that she died a martyr in Rome.697 She is the only one singled out by her attribute: a lamb with a little bell nagging from a red ribbon. Eulalia of Merida,698 whose veneration is reported for the fourth century already, represents all Spanish martyrs. Cecilia is once again a Roman martyr, whose existence may be fictional altogether,699 while Lucia of Syracuse is documented by the catacomb named after her and by an inscription.700 Cristina of Tebessa (now in Algeria) was beheaded 304 together with other saints and venerated in the most important North African pilgrimage sanctuary.701 As Vitalis’ wife and as the mother of Gervasius and Protasius (portrayed in the procession on the opposite wall), Valeria belongs to the ravennate martyrs, as does Vincentia, the wife of Severus, twelfth bishop of Ravenna. Severus had a church dedicated to him in Classe in the sixth century; he is not depicted here, but he is in the church of S. Apollinare there.702 The biography and martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas, executed 203 in the arena of Carthage, are known from a text written by Perpetua herself and by other authors.703 Justina is venerated in Padua and Trieste,704 Anastasia mainly in Sirmium and Constantinople.705 Daria and Chrysanthus are well documented in various calendars of saints and by being buried in the catacomb of Thrason on Via Salaria in Rome.706 Like Vincentia, Daria is portrayed in S. Apollinare without her husband. Of Emerentiana we know but her name, the fact she was martyred and that she belonged to a group of martyrs buried in the Coemeterium Maius on Via Nomentana.707 The name Paulina is listed in two groups of Roman martyrs,708 whereas Victoria and Anatolia are said to come from the Sabina region northeast of Rome.709 Christina of Bolsena is known from a catacomb named after her,710 and Sabina standing at her side from the church she sponsored on the Roman Aventine hill.711 Eugenia closes the procession of female martyrs; only her martyrdom in Rome is recorded with certainty.712

Why is this procession of martyrs special? Observing the male portraits one notices that they all diﬀer from one another and that – in spite of the typical combinations “juvenile-beardless”, “adult-clean shaven”, “mature-bearded” – each of them has been designed with great care. From this viewpoint, they can

S. APOLLINARE NUOVO

be compared to the “messengers of Christ or witnesses of his actions” depicted in the register above them. However, while the latter look like real-life men due to the use of three-dimensional features, the martyrs’ faces appear abstract and belonging to another world, an effect further enhanced by the abandonment of a three-dimensional body: the contours of the body are set in a rectangular frame (Polycarpus and Hyacinth in particular), and a body actually seems to have vanished from under the clothing. Protasius’ body, covered by the pallium, is as wide as a wooden board, as we can infer from his feet standing very close together, and his right arm holding the crown also serves as a clothes rack for his ample mantle. Cornelius and Paul are standing in the same manner with their left free leg; the knee is set in a position that does not correspond to anatomic reality, and Cornelius’ feet are much too small as compared to Paul’s. This proves once again that different craftsmen were working on this mosaic at one and the same time.713 The incorporeity of many figures becomes manifest in Clement, Lawrence, Cyprian, Cassian, Vitalis, Gervasius, Ursicinus, Demetrius, and Pancratius holding their crowns: They grip it with their covered right hand, but the mosaic artists refrained from showing the hip area by tightening their clothes. On the other side, the female saints still possess some elements of the antique idea of corporeity: many of them still show the difference between engaged leg and free leg, which is silhouetted against the garment. In some of them, even the end of the thigh becomes visible at a point where the dress begins to display its ornamental features (Agnes, Anastasia, Christina, and Sabina). Felicitas’ dress even shows the shadows of both upper legs and the space between them. The garment’s “transparency” is probably to be understood as a reference to female beauty, since it can also be found in other images and genres, for instance on a sarcophagus of the last quarter of the fourth century in Rome, and on some ivories of the fifth and sixth centuries.714 Apart from this recourse to antique form vocabulary, the slender and lean volumes of the female figures testify to a disembodiment that also characterizes their male counterparts. The declining interest in anatomic proportions becomes apparent in the positioning of Cecilia’s and Emerentiana’s knees.715 Due to their uniform headdress, the scope in designing the heads of the female saints was much smaller. However, there are variations in the shapes of the faces and in the configuration of the eyes, nose, and small

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Sts. Crispina, Lucia, Cecilia, Eulalia, Agnes and Agatha

Sts. Emerentiana, Daria, Anastasia, Justina, Felicitas and Perpetua, Vincentia

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The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

Head of Crispina

S. APOLLINARE NUOVO

Head of Perpetua

Head of Vincentia

Head of Anatolia

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Rome, Fabbrica di S. Pietro, female figure on a sarcophagus of the later 4th century

mouth, as well as in the torsion of the head and in the hair colour. Significantly, no age differences can be spotted. In any case, the mosaicists did exhaust all available possibilities, and in fact every figure is one of a kind. Crispina is distinguished by the deep bow of her head and her fine facial traits; Vincentia radiates calm, ladylike dignity. Perpetua’s face looks broad and pasty, while Anatolia appears majestic gazing into the distance her head held up high. We have to assume that different craftsmen were at work here and on the opposite wall, the more so since the inscriptions over the heads are manufactured differently. Scholars correctly indicated that the essential point of this procession of martyrs and saints is their great number and their common orientation towards the faith and towards Christ, whereas the individual figures, some of whom are almost unknown or reported only by legends, are less important.716 Some of the male saints are shown in pairs: the martyrs Cornelius and Cyprian, John and Paul, Gervasius and Protasius, Nabor and Felix are facing each other, while Victoria and

Anatolia walk behind one another. The depiction of many standing and just a few walking feet suggest a high number of martyrs on both sides moving towards Christ and Mary: there are so many that the procession comes to a standstill. Many of the saints portrayed in S. Apollinare are the first surviving example of their kind, but there must have been earlier images of them. This is true for instance for Cassian, who according to Prudentius was depicted on Cassian’s grave, and for Euphemia: a fivescene painting of her martyrdom was described by Asterius of Amasea.717 The portraits of the popes Clement, Sixtus, and Cornelius suggest that their iconography is based on the clipei in St. Paul Outside the Walls made about mid-fifth century.718 The representations of Felix and Nabor diﬀer from those of S. Vittore in Ciel d’Oro in Milan,719 where Nabor is shown as an elderly man, and Felix as a youth; the same mosaics show an old Protasius and a young Gervasius, while in S. Apollinare both appear juvenile and beardless. Evidently, the Roman pope iconography was deemed binding, while there was more flexibility for martyrs. As a result of the deliberate concatenation of the same motifs, the procession of the martyrs is often compared with the litanies of saints invoking them.720 However, we should not forget that processions did play a role in religious practice at the time of Justinian,721 and they must be seen both as a token of the participants’ devotion and as an expression of the veneration of the saints. The 47 martyrs and saints, who could be invoked for one’s own intentions, made this site a favourite destination for many Christians, whereas the members of the court who could be seen on these walls in Theodoric’s time were of little interest to most people, especially after the end of Theodoric’s rule. All things considered, the installation of figures of saints was a natural decision as much as it was an intelligent one. The glittering gold of the mosaics, which also frames the figures between the windows, provides an essential contribution to the overall impression of the church interior. From Agnellus we know that the entrance wall was also decorated with a gold mosaic.722 The visual impact was further enhanced by the former gilded roof beams and coﬀered ceiling; after all, Agnellus tells us that this church was also called “caelum aureum” (golden heaven).723 The choice of the “procession of saints” theme and its stylistic and iconographic implementation are completely in line with the overall decoration of this church, from the viewpoints of both

Heads of Paulina and Sabina

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Schematic drawing of the phases of Justinian’s portrait after Deichmann. white = time of Theodoric; grey = time of Agnellus

Venice, San Marco, balustrade, portrait of a 6th-century emperor

content and form. This is yet another first-quality, masterful achievement. Giuseppe Bovini, the famous Italian archaeologist, left us a truly poetical description of the eﬀect of the two processions: “It is gold on gold, light on light, and this light turned into sound. Together with an endless repetition of the motifs, this light contributes to making the entire decoration a piece of music”724. S. Apollinare hosts the most extensive surviving wall mosaics of late Antiquity. It would seem that no other church in Ravenna was so extravagantly decorated – a circumstance that underscores the unique position of S. Apollinare Nuovo in this city.

The portrait of Justinian

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On the interior of the entrance to S. Apollinare, a rectangular mosaic panel with the inscription “Justinian” links the time of Theodoric to that of Justinian. Agnellus the historian mentions this work of art in the ninth century; at that time, he also saw a depiction of bishop Agnellus who had the church redone between 561 and his death in 569.725 Most scholars agree that it originally was a portrait of Theodoric later transformed into a depiction of Justinian.726 The visible elements of this assumption were confirmed by chemical tests performed on the plaster, showing that only the face (including hair and neck), date back to Theodoric’s time, while the diadem known to have been worn by sixth-century emperors,727 the pendilia, and the chlamys were added at the time of bishop Agnellus.728 The plaster under the fibula, under some parts of the chlamys, and under the

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inscription dates to Felice Kibelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s restorations. Theodoric, considering himself as king of Italy, did not have himself depicted as a byzantine emperor. The facial features are roughly comparable to those on the famous gold medallion found at Senigallia, which is labelled as a portrait of Theodoric.729 In ancient times, redoing portraits was common, and many examples of this practice have been proven.730

Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, gold medallion with portrait of Theodoric

Portrait of Justinian, reworked from a portrait of Theodoric

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The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

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S. VITALE

The founder We owe the best-preserved pictorial programme in an early Christian church731 to a banker’s generosity. Agnellus reports that it was Julianus Argentarius732 who had this church built and that it cost 26,000 aurei.733 This Julianus also funded S. Apollinare in Classe and contributed to the construction of S. Michele in Africisco, which means he probably spent over twice as much – a considerable amount that had to be earned first. Clearly, some members of the upper class had an enormous income, far beyond these figures.734 Julianus was a banker and belonged to the affluent bourgeoisie; his business included normal banking activity, bills of exchange, asset management and lending.735 Since the interest rates for loans were established at a relatively low level,736 this business probably did not yield the amounts he invested in his donations. It is presumed that he earned substantial amounts from the fall in the value of gold against bronze coin: between the first half of the fifth and the second half of the sixth century, the former heavily suffered by inflation developing in favour of bronze coin. It is possible that Julianus made huge profits from currency purchase and sales.737 Julianus was commissioned with the construction of this church by bishop Ecclesius,738 but it was not consecrated until 547 under bishop Maximian.739 Since the latter740 consecrated the church already in his first year of his episcopal office, and he appears in a mosaic himself, it is likely that the mosaics were installed during his episcopacy, perhaps after consecration of the church and possibly before Theodora’s death in 548.741 Although Julianus is not honoured by a portrait, he is mentioned in all official inscriptions. Moreover, his monogram appears several times in the church, not

S. Vitale, exterior

S. Vitale

only on some capitals, but also on the site of the bishop’s seat in the apse.742 However, the inscription that may well have been most important for Julianus is on a reliquary containing the relics of the titular saints and placed in the altar. In this way, Julianus was represented by his name both in close vicinity to the saints and on the spot of the daily Eucharist.743 Deichmann assumes that Julianus was buried in the northern circular building next to the apse.744

The building Already Agnellus the historian wrote that no church in Italy equalled S. Vitale, “either in its architecture or in its artistic and technical configuration”745. There is nothing to add to this statement except for a description of this unusual structure. It was preceded by an earlier church that had been built in the fifth century over residential constructions of the third century.746 S. Vitale747 has the shape of an octagonal centrally-planned building; its core is a towering, domed central space surrounded by a two-storey ambulatory, which is interrupted by the elongated presbytery. The dome reaches its highest point at 17.80 m above the floor;748 it rests on eight pillars and on a windowed tambour. Like the domes of the two baptisteries, it is built from rings of vaulting tubes, whereas the rest of the building (like the other two churches sponsored by Julianus) is made of specially produced brick.749 The long presbytery is vaulted by a brick groin vault; it is visible from the outside by an apse encapsulated on three sides, which is flanked by two small side rooms and two round buildings. The latter were probably both constructed for funerary purposes.750 The main entrance to the church is a front hall on a

S. Vitale, interior toward the west

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S. Vitale

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somewhat diﬀerent alignment from the apse: this socalled “ardica” was neighboured by a four-sided atrium, which is known from excavations. Probably, the ardica was attached to the western corner of the ambulatory for structural reasons,751 and the church could thus be accessed by two separate entrances. Two triangular chambers between the ardica and the ambulatory include the entrances to the stair towers leading to the ambulatory galleries. The architect(s) devoted great care to the light, which falls into the church interior not only through the dome and the great windows in the apse, but also through the windows of the ambulatory. The visual eﬀect of the building is impaired by the fact that only few doors are open, and the light can therefore not flow freely; the reconstruction, or rather a “purification”,752 performed in the late nineteenth century with removal of any post-antique additions, makes the viewer concentrate more on the presbytery and apse and less on the space and structure of the most eminent sixth-century architectural monument of the West.753 The construction type of S. Vitale depends from some Constantinople buildings, such as the church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus, but we do not know with certainty when and how this construction plan reached Ravenna.754 The works on site were performed by craftsmen from Ravenna and its environs, as proven by the construction of the dome with vaulting tubes.755 The purification of the church in the late nineteenth century brought the church back to its original level;756 the encrustations were restored and completed and fixed once again.757 Remains of sixth-century stucco work, which originally was colourfully painted, have survived in various spots.758 The yellowish windows were installed in 1904, but they are probably not coherent with the original, because colour glass panels in shades of blue, purple, green and brown were found in the church and its immediate surroundings. Unfortunately, we cannot decide whether they originate from the construction period or were produced only in the early Middle Ages.759 In the presbytery, the bishop’s seat was reconstructed following the model of the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč, while the pews were added at liberty.760 The altar is a modern composition of antique pieces; the altar front with two sheep facing a cross and the alabaster mensa supposedly come from S. Vitale.761 In early Christian times the altar was surmounted by a ciborium removed in 1585; its column shafts were immured in the presbytery together with some antique reliefs from the first half of the first century.762 Some elements of the choir

S. Vitale, interior toward the east

S. Vitale

screens confining the presbytery are now in the church S. Francesco and in the Museo Nazionale;763 when the sixth-century floor was uncovered, two of the eight radial segments in the central area were suﬃciently preserved to allow restoration.764 Smaller pieces of the mosaic floor were found in other places in the church.765 The sixth-century furnishings included the columns imported from Constantinople (originally from the island of Prokonnesos), imposts, capitals, and cornices.766 The most elaborately sculpted pieces are concentrated (together with the mosaics) in the presbytery attracting the viewers’ attention.

The mosaics of the presbytery The presbytery arch: Christ, apostles, and saints The decoration of the presbytery starts with the soﬃt of the arch confining the presbytery.767 Surrounded by elaborate decorative braids, we see a bust of a longhaired, beardless Christ clad in purple garments and holding a closed book in his right hand. The closed book hints to the Apocalypse (Revelation 5), and it is also held by Christ in the apse mosaic, thus combining these two parts of the presbytery. Christ is framed to the right and left by Peter and Paul in their wellknown iconography, followed by another ten apostles, five on each side. The most impressive depictions are those of Peter, represented as a stern-looking man shaped by hard work, and of Matthew with his vivid flesh tones, flagging face, and big, close-set eyes. Apart from Paul, with his ascetic-looking head reminding of a Greek philosopher,768 only Andrew can be identified by his shaggy hair. The other heads follow the types of the bearded, mature man (Bartholomew, Thaddaeus, Philipp, and Jacob, the son of Alpheus) or of the youth provided with a beard fluﬀ or even clean-shaven (John, Jacob, Thomas and Simon the Canaanite). The last ones on either side are Gervasius and Protasius, the sons of Vitalis according to ravennate legends; unlike the mosaic in S. Apollinare, they are shown without a beard. Evidently, the identifying element for the sponsors and viewers was the name label and not the details of the head. The portraits of Gervasius and Protasius allow to create a connection with the image in the apse depicting their father Vitalis, and to the reliquary with the relics of these saints, which was once kept in the altar.769

S. Vitale, presbytery, north and south walls

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S. Vitale

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S. Vitale, presbytery, arch: Paul, Christ and Peter

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S. Vitale

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Bartholomew

Philipp

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Thaddeus

Jacob, son of Alpheus

The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

Jacob

Thomas

S. Vitale

John

Simon the Canaanite

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Protasius

Gervasius

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The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

Matthew

Andrew

S. Vitale

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All medallions are equipped with elaborate perspectival borders, decorated with spheres and producing a tri-dimensional eﬀect. The bold green dolphins supporting the medallions have their tails entwined and are holding a gold shell between them; they appear against the blue background as a very colourful element. Luminous and bright colours were characteristic for antique art, but have not survived frequently.

Abraham hosting the three men at Mambre and the Sacrifice of Isaac In its complexity and sophisticated conception, the pictorial programme of the presbytery corresponds to the high quality of the building. The content of the imagery refers to the celebration of the Eucharist taking place at the altar, which is indicated by the stories from the Old Testament in the lunettes of the northern and southern sides.770 When some events of the Old Testament foreshadow those in the New Testament, the former are called “types” and the latter “antitypes”. A typological interpretation of this kind can be substantiated for the images in the lunettes. The biblical narrative of the feeding of the three strangers at Mambre (Genesis 18:1–15) begins in the lunette of the north wall with the figure of Sara standing in the door of a small thatched building. She is wearing a brown dress with gold decorative stripes, held together at her wrists by tight cuﬀs. These could even originate from an undergarment like the one worn by the female martyrs in the slightly younger mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo or by the angels in the Euphrasian Basilica at Poreč.771 On the right we notice the same fringes also decorating the garments of the female martyrs in S. Apollinare Nuovo; the stole-like band as well as the red shoes also belong both to the dress of Sara and to that worn by the saints. Over her bonnet Sara has placed a tenuous white cloth covering her head, shoulders, and arms. Unlike the report in Genesis 18:12, Sara is not laughing: she has just brought her right forefinger to her chin in a pensive gesture; her left arm is laid across her chest. Her depiction follows a common prototype for women’s statues of imperial times, and her costume reminds of that of Mary in S. Apollinare; it follows the model of Theodora’s companions and of the female martyrs in S. Apollinare, but it is much less elaborate. Her behaviour, which diﬀers from the Old Testament text, and the context of the scene, i.e. the promise of

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Isaac’s progeny, are arguments in favour of the interpretation of Sara as a prefiguration, i.e. as a “type” of Mary.772 Sara is followed by the depiction of Abraham; dressed in a brown sleeved tunic with round appliqués and wearing sandals on his feet, he is presenting a plate with a downscaled calf and bringing it to the three men sitting under a tree. Around his hips he has tied a white cloth decorated with a cross, which he will use in attending the three men (Genesis 18:8). The men, dressed in tunic and pallium and distinguished by halos, are sitting at a wooden table with three loaves of bread. The first and the third one are looking at Abraham, the second and the third are performing a gesture of speech. The image must be interpreted together with the next sacrificial scene (Genesis 22:1–8) showing Abraham in the act of raising the sword; he has already seized Isaac by his head, who is kneeling, bound, on the altar. The hand of God appearing from the clouds dissuades Abraham from his resolve.773 A ram is standing at his feet, ready to be sacrificed. The lunette thus shows two events occurring one after the other in one single image; the table with the three men and the three loaves is the centre of the composition. The corresponding picture in the south lunette is the altar at which Abel and Melchizedek are standing. Both images are “types” referring to the Eucharist celebrated daily on the altar. Another significant focus point is the calf presented by Abraham, which from a typological viewpoint is interpreted as the sacrifice of Christ and as yet another reference to the Eucharist.774 The Sacrifice of Isaac was interpreted by early Christian theologians as an indication of Christ’s death on the cross.775 Isaac is regarded as a type of the suﬀering Christ, while the ram is considered to be an indication of the blood sacrifice on the cross.776 It is one of the oldest and most popular pictorial themes of early Christianity.777 Besides the reference to the Eucharist in both lunettes,778 this image does in fact have some other layers of meaning. The theme uniting the two scenes is Abraham’s oﬀspring that is promised to him by the three men at the oak of Mambre and again on account of his willingness to sacrifice his son. This may well be an allusion to the incarnation of Christ, i.e. to the history of salvation.779 The two motifs already appear together in some works of art of the early fifth century: the Sacrifice of Isaac, Sara and the three men are depicted on two sarcophagi from Southern France and on a painted tap-

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

S. Lucq-de-Béarn, frieze sarcophagus with representation of the three men, Abraham, Sara and the sacrifice of Isaac, 1st third of the 5th century

estry of the Abegg Foundation near Bern, which means that this notion was wide-spread.780 In some theological texts, the three strangers are interpreted as a reference to the Holy Trinity,781 thus introducing another semantic level in the depiction.

Abel and Melchizedek The southern lunette depicts Abel and Melchizedek standing in a landscape with flowers and trees. Behind Abel is a hut similar to Sara’s dwelling on the opposite wall, behind Melchizedek we see a big and complex architecture hinting to his status as king of Salem782 (Genesis 14:17–20). Both figures are extracted from the stories concerning them: Abel appears in the scene without his brother Cain, as would be usual,783 and Melchizedek, represented since the fifth century, without Abraham.784 The interesting features of this scene in S. Vitale are Abel’s sacrifice (Genesis 4:3–5), interpreted by early Christian exegetes as a type of Christ who is sacrificed like a lamb,785 and the fact that Melchizedek was the first to oﬀer bread and wine.786 Both of them are standing at a Christian altar covered by a white, fringed altar cloth decorated with angular elements and star appliqués. Every third fringe is decorated with a gold tassel. The mensa has an elevated, profiled edge like several contemporary specimens; it stands on four posts additionally covered by a brown

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Rome, S. Maria Maggiore, Melchizedek

undercloth. On the altar are lying two loaves of bread; the small form reminding of a flower indicates that it is sacrificial bread. The centre of the lunette is a chalice resting on the altar and decorated with green stones and pearls. It corresponds to a loaf or loaves on the opposite side: the two sacrifices (either actually offered or intended) on the north side are balanced on the south side by two people offering their sacrifice together, even if, according to biblical tradition, they lived in different epochs.787 The reciprocal reference of the two sacrificial scenes visualises the daily Eucharist celebrated at the altar, i.e. between the scenes, from the viewpoint of the history of salvation. In this way, it produces a particularly sacred space. The depiction of Melchizedek beside the altar together with Abraham is documented already for the mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore (432–440)788. We know that Abraham, Abel and Melchizedek were mentioned in Northern Italy in the Eucharistic Prayer since the late fourth century,789 and we must therefore assume that the pictorial decoration of the presbytery was based not only on theological interpretation, but on liturgical practice as well.

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North lunette: the angels at the oak of Mambre and Abrahamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sacrifice

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South lunette: the sacrifice by Abel and Melchizedek

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Dura Europos, Synagogue, Moses at the burning bush and receiving the law

Isaiah, Jeremiah, Moses The pictures in the lunettes refer to God’s plan of salvation.790 On account of that, the zone above the depictions of the time “before the law” shows events from the following time “under the law” with representations of Moses and the prophets.791 According to the interpretation of early Christian theologians, the prophets Jeremiah and Isaiah, shown diagonally above Sara and Melchizedek, predicted Jesus’ incarnation (Isaiah) and passion (Jeremiah).792 They are dressed in tunic and pallium, opening or holding a scroll and haloed. Their labels allow unambiguous identification. The figures are set against an architecture in the same shade of green as the ground on which the prophets are standing; this detail enhances the decorative character of the image. The crown resting on the front pilaster 793 already announces the victory of Christ. In the eastern direction, the triple representation of Moses creates a connection between the sacrificial scenes and the apse. The south wall shows Moses as a

sitting shepherd (Exodus 3:1), but unfortunately his sitting motif was less successfully realised. Like the Good Shepherd in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, Moses is fondling a lamb and holding a scroll with his right hand. Scholars correctly recognized that in this scene the figure of Moses means the Good Shepherd Christ; the sealed scroll is linked to the one held by Christ in the apse, which in turn is identified as the apocalyptic book by it seven seals (Revelation 5).794 In all three scenes, Moses is depicted as a young man with curly hair and a halo. Above the shepherd scene, we see the calling of Moses on Mount Horeb (Exodus 3:1–6).795 As in the other two scenes, Moses is clad in tunic and pallium. The arms stretched forward to take oﬀ his sandals show that beneath the tunic he is also wearing an undergarment decorated with braids on his forearms. The “burning bush” is divided into a multitude of small flames spread on both sides of Moses like flowers over a landscape with green and brown rocks, which is typical for ravennate mosaics. The Hand of God appears in the east and connects this image both to the apse and to

S. Vitale, presbytery, south and north walls, lunettes and spandrels

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Sinai, St. Catherine’s, Moses at the burning bush and receiving the law

the direction from which Christians expected Christ to return. On the north wall, with the scene of Moses receiving the law (Exodus 19:20–20:21), the Hand of God comes from the same direction.796 The group of waiting Israelites beneath his feet, some of them gesticulating and identifiable by the paenula they are wearing, are probably to be understood as marvelling witnesses of the theophany,797 not unlike the disciple who represents such a witness in the christological scenes on the north wall of S. Apollinare. Moses is mentioned and interpreted frequently in early Christian literature and even associated with Jesus, but we are not able to determine any dominant interpretation or one that would be precisely applicable to S. Vitale.798 He therefore has to be taken as a figure referring to Christ in a generic manner. There is no proof for any interpretation of Moses as a type for Justinian,799

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the more so since Justinian did not commission this building, and he is depicted only as a donor of liturgical equipment. The calling of Moses and his receiving the law were already depicted in early Christian Roman sepulchral art, but they are preserved together only in some catacomb murals, which traditionally show greater interest in Old Testament stories than in those of the New Testament.800 The importance of his figure for both Jews and Christians801 is revealed by the fact that a Moses-cycle existed in the synagogue of Dura Europos as early as the mid-third century,802 and early Christian Moses-cycles from the fourth century onwards have survived.803 Scenes with Moses are known to have been used in the pictorial decoration of churches since the fifth century; regarding the sixth century, we should not forget the mosaics in Saint Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai, which were made shortly after those in S. Vitale.804

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

The flying angels with the cross medallion and the evangelists The New Testament era “under the grace of God” is represented by the depictions of cross medallions and of the evangelists.805 Two angels hover above the lunettes on the north and south walls, carrying a round blue medallion framed in shades of green, reddish and white with a jewelled gold cross in the middle. The motif of the angel pair holding a christological sign between them traces back to the victories announcing the emperor’s successful battle in Roman imperial art. It became familiar in Christian art since the late fourth century. Sometimes the first and last letter of the alphabet (Alpha and Omega), proclaiming Christ as the beginning and the end of everything, are hanging from the crossarms for decoration. We noticed them already in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia. In S. Vitale, however, there are two Omegas dangling from the cross, to be completed by the Alpha that is set above the apex of the apse in the middle of the plate with a stylised christogram carried by angels. In this way, the lateral walls are once more connected to the apse.806 The three background colours of the christogram and the eight rays refer to the Trinity and to Christ’s resurrection on the eighth day.807 Behind the angels’ feet we see the abbreviated, labelled cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, representing the church of the Jews and the church of the Gentiles respectively,808 or reminding of the historic settings of Jesus’ crucifixion, resurrection, and birth.809 Their walls are decorated with pearls and jewels; the buildings visible within the walls are not to be understood as true descriptions of contemporary cities, since they only show the most common building types.810 The cypress trees beside the cities are symbols of eternity,811 and the palm trees among them are a reference to the trees of paradise. The evangelists, too, belong to the time “under the grace of God”, and for this reason they are portrayed over the Old Testament scenes in small rectangular fields on the north and south presbytery wall. They are shown in a seated position, clad in tunic and mantle, with long white hair and a beard. They are easy to identify by their gospel books and by the figures associated with them. The latter are first mentioned by Ezekiel (1:10), but it was Jerome who attributed them to the

S. Vitale

evangelists in his Commentary to Matthew as follows: “The first face of a man signifies Matthew, who began his narrative as though about a man: ‘The book of the generation of Jesus Christ the son of David, the son of Abraham.’ The second [face signifies] Mark in whom the voice of a lion roaring in the wilderness is heard: ‘A voice of one shouting in the desert: Prepare the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.’ The third [is the face] of the calf which prefigures that the evangelist Luke began with Zachariah the priest. The fourth [face signifies] John the evangelist who, having taken up eagle’s wings and hastening toward higher matters, discusses the Word of God”812. Thus, the man refers to Matthew, the lion to Mark, the ox to Luke, and the eagle to John. In S. Vitale, the evangelists’ pictures follow the same order as in Jerome’s description.813 They are indeed a good example of the influence of theological texts on early Christian imagery. In his Commentary, Jerome also speaks of the rivers of paradise in connection with the four evangelists, so that in the riverscape beneath their feet we may recognize the four rivers of paradise that in turn refer to the evangelists’ number.814 The first one depicted on the north wall is John with the eagle; his identification is confirmed by an open codex book with his name; like Matthew and Mark, he is provided with a small table, pens and ink. On the other side of the arch is Luke, indicating the calf, which already referred to Christ’s sacrifice in the lunette below, where it is held by Abraham. There is a container with scrolls at his feet, similar to the one appearing on the opposite side in Matthew’s field. On the southern presbytery wall the figure of a man hovering in the clouds is indicating Matthew with his hand, as if to ask him to write, like Jerome put it, “as though about a man”. Matthew’s portrayal is one of the most elaborate mosaics in S. Vitale.815 Mark, appearing in a much less ambitious image, has his arm raised to indicate the open-mouthed lion. The close proximity of the evangelist’s iconography to the four creatures of the Apocalypse makes the evangelists recognizable only when they are holding books or scrolls. This kind of iconography is known only from the early fifth century onwards, for instance on the above-mentioned ivory diptych in Milan (probably the cover of a gospel book).816 Without books, but provided with wings, these beasts are to be interpreted as the

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John the evangelist

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Luke the evangelist

Mark the evangelist

The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

Milan, Cathedral treasure, cover of a gospel book with representations of the evangelists

creatures in Ezekiel’s vision of God or in the Revelation of John,817 like the ones depicted in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia.

The lunettes above the triple-arched openings and the vault Above each evangelist is a kantharos flanked by doves; a grapevine with foliage and grapes grows out of it moving towards a gold cross within a circle. The grapevine is interpreted as the vine of Christ (John 15:1 foll.) or as a symbolic image of the wine oﬀered during the Eucharist as the blood of Christ. Both interpretations make sense here.818 The history of salvation is concluded by the End time, indicated by the apocalyptic lamb in the vault.819 It is denoted as the apocalyptic lamb of Christ (Revelation 5:1–14; 14:1–5) in three diﬀerent ways: is has a halo; it is set against a sky with 27 (3 × 3 × 3) stars; the wreath surrounding the lamb is supported by angels alluding to the four cardinal directions. The angels themselves

stand on globes820 that refer – as the third meaningful pictorial element – to Christ’s cosmic rule. The globes beneath the angels’ feet rest on a scroll full of fruit and animals that rises from an acanthus leaf and really seems to “explode” in every direction.821 These four scrolls are probably meant to indicate a paradisiac environment.822 We already found the quadruplication of pictorial elements referring to Christ’s rule in the dome mosaics of the Orthodox Baptistery.

The apse The centre of the apse features Christ, clad in imperial garments, seated on a globe (which expresses his rule over the cosmos) against a gold background. The globe and the four rivers of paradise in a paradisiac landscape denote the Saviour as a time-transcending ruler. In this capacity, he is rewarding Vitalis the martyr823 with a gold, jewel- and pearl-encrusted wreath, and he receives the model of the church from bishop Ecclesius. Christ’s rule is further emphasised by the winged angels flankS. Vitale, presbytery, vault S. Vitale, presbytery, apse

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ing him; as a sort of “heavenly court oﬃcials”, they are introducing the martyr and the bishop.824 While Vitalis is dressed in a silky outer garment and other precious clothes, like those worn by contemporary courtiers, Ecclesius is depicted in his complete ceremonial vestment as a sixth-century bishop.825 The pictorial programme with the introduction of titular saints to Christ presupposes a highly developed veneration of martyrs, as it is known since the activities of Pope Damasus in Rome826 and of St. Ambrose in Milan.827 Vitalis began to be venerated in Ravenna in the fifth century, when his vita was developed in that city, establishing Milan as his birthplace and providing him with a wife named Valeria and the sons Gervasius and Protasius. It mirrors Ravenna’s role as the capital city of the Western Roman Empire having outpaced its competitor Milan.828 The parents and their sons are depicted in S. Apollinare Nuovo together with Ursicinus who is closely connected with their history. The earliest examples of images of patrons in mosaics are known only since the sixth century; for Rome we could mention the mosaic in the triumphal arch of S. Lorenzo fuori le mura made under Pelagius II (579–590),829 and in Poreč the founder and bishop Euphrasius830 is shown in the apse of the mid-sixth-century basilica named after him.831 Another level of meaning is provided by the scroll closed with seven seals and the apocalyptic clouds, referring to Christ who will return for the Last Judgement, and establishing a link with the apocalyptic lamb mentioned above.832 The reddish and light blue clouds remind of the “sea of glass mingled with fire” (Revelation 4:6; 15:2) surrounding the throne of God.833

The mosaics with the emperors The so-called “imperial mosaics”834 were always in the focus of interest of all those coming to S. Vitale, and they indeed belong to the most famous mosaics of the world. On the north side, it is Justinian835 who stands in the centre of the picture. He is dressed is a short sleeved tunic and a purple chlamys, which is embellished with a large gold-embroidered appliqué, held together with a big fibula.836 The jewelled shoes and the richly decorated, broad-brimmed diadem, which we know from other images of sixth-century sovereigns, qualify this man as an emperor. On his covered left hand he holds a paten with a geometric relief on the outside, supporting it with his right hand. He is shown taller than any other

Istanbul, Hippodrome, reliefs on the base of the Obelisk of Theodosius

character in this mosaic, and his figure is overlapped by no other. The emperor is depicted with a double chin and a nasolabial groove starting from his left nasal wing; this is definitely not an allusion to Justinian’s age, who must have been around seventy837 when the mosaic was made (mid-sixth century). The contracted eyebrows belong to the iconography of ruler portraits, showing a concentrated sovereign “concerned about the common good (public weal)” in the middle years of his life, thus following the contemporary notions of an ideal image.838 Like on the base reliefs of the Obelisk of Theodosius in Istanbul,839 manufactured in 390, Justinian is accompanied both by oﬃcials and by bodyguards. Their juvenile looks, their long hair, the torques around their necks, the shields with the Chi-Rho monogram, and the spears all correspond to the common iconography of the time. Courtiers wearing a chlamys are depicted in these Theodosian reliefs in Istanbul as well. The mosaic in S. Vitale shows two court oﬃcials to Justinian’s left, and one to this right. Bishop Maximian840 is depicted in his episcopal vestments with a gemmed cross in his right hand. The big inscription “Maximianus” over his head expresses his self-understanding, perhaps even his wish to securely preserve his portrait through the ages. This is not the only picture of Maximian in Ravenna: his figure also appears in another mosaic in the church of St. Stephen, which he had founded, and his name is mentioned in the dedicatory inscription and in an inscription on the triumphal arch, while his monogram is found on the capitals.841 Moreover, he was not the first bishop of Ravenna who had his name or image perpetuated in such

S. Vitale, apse S. Vitale, apse, head of Christ enthroned

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a manner: Agnellus tells us that a picture of bishop Peter was installed over the door of the Cappella Arcivescovile.842 Unlike Justinian’s portrait, which seems to rely on an ideal representation of any sovereign, the heads of Maximian and of the Chlamydatus standing next to him appear to be based on individual facial traits, and these express both personal characteristics and the signs of age. Maximian is the baldest of all men depicted in ravennate mosaics; his remaining hair is sticking out to the sides. His bushy eyebrows are striking, as are the two deep furrows over his nose, his lean, wrinkled face, and his thin lips, which are tightly closed. His gauntness and wrinkles allow to draw a comparison between this mosaic and a contemporary portrait head,843 proving that there were similar trends also in contemporary sculpture. We can find comparative examples also for the man standing left of him.844 His hairstyle is well-known from other mosaics in Ravenna (e.g. the “messengers and prophets” and the martyrs in S. Apollinare Nuovo): starting from a point on top of his head, his curly head is evenly combed over the head. We see that the man is going bald on his forehead and that the skin is beginning to sag on his double chin and at the nasolabial groove. The common feature of this man, Maximian and Justinian are the contracted eyebrows. In relation to the upper class, this “countenance of eﬀort” is interpreted as an expression of concern and endeavour in the broadest sense, i.e. including the realization of moral values.845 The heads of Maximian and of the oﬃcial standing next to him are the only ones made exclusively of stone tesserae. On account of this material and of the fact that the feet of the man wearing a chlamys are missing, scholars assumed that the insertion of these two depictions implied a modification of the original mosaic, in which the Chlamydatus was not shown and which featured Victor instead of his successor Maximian.846 According to this theory, the label “Maximianus” was added together with that bishop’s depiction.847 This hypothesis, however, is as yet not supported by any evidence from the undercoat, since the mosaic has not been cleaned in the more recent past, and the works development could not be derived from the underlying mortar either.848 Missing feet are a common feature in ravennate mosaics, and they are therefore no evidence of any later insertion. As long as any such subsequent intervention cannot be proven on the material of the mosaic,

a different explanation for the divergent tesserae material remains possible. It should not be forgotten that the faces of Maximian and the official standing next to him are the most individualised of all, and it may therefore be true that the two actually decided to be depicted that way and instructed the mosaicist accordingly. They could even have chosen the materials themselves, unless there was a supply shortage some time before the end of the works, as it is known for other mosaics in Ravenna.849 The distinct features of the Chlamydatus’ head could mean that he was a personage of the time and acquainted with Maximian. Deichmann assumes he could be the praefectus praetorio for Italy, whose name for the years 547 or 548 is unknown.850 Two other clerics, holding a jewel-encrusted Gospel book and a censer, accompany Maximian. The attributes held by these two indicate that the scene has a liturgical setting: a procession led by Maximian together with his clerics whose feet are almost touching the bottom margin of the mosaic.851 Researchers have always rightly emphasised that all possibilities were exhausted to depict Maximian in such a way as to enhance his position in a picture showing him together with the emperor.852 Therefore, the denomination “imperial mosaic” is not quite appropriate here, considering the importance attributed to the bishop.853 It is not clear where Justinian and his escort actually are: while in other pictures the green ground indicates some place in the open, the coffered ceiling denotes an interior. Probably, the mosaic is not intended to show any specific place, but just to provide a proper setting together with the gold background.854 In this field, only Justinian and Maximian can be named. The same applies to the figures shown with Theodora on the opposite wall.855 Unlike Justinian, Theodora856 is the only focus of the mosaic on the south side. She towers over all figures, even if – as we know from Prokop – she was petite.857 Her facial traits, as those of most women in contemporary works of art, are represented ageless; in reality, she was in her late forties,858 probably much the same age as Maximian. She is standing in front of a niche with a shell-shaped conch, which expresses her dignity as empress and may therefore not be interpreted as a realistic pictorial element.859 The floor of the building is made of green tesserae, whereas the background over the heads is gold and ends with a ceiling indicated by the egg-anddart motif. This image probably illustrates that Theodora is about to enter a room,860 which is indicated both by an opening (a courtier is pushing back the colourful,

S. Vitale, apse, emperor Justinian oﬀering the paten

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The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

S. Vitale, apse, Theodora

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knotted curtain) and by a fountain (kantharos), which was a typical item of furniture in a Roman atrium. The motif may well be compared with the dome mosaic in the Rotunda of St. George in Thessaloniki (about 500).861 Theodora wears a long-sleeved tunic with preciously decorated hems, a purple chlamys, a jewelled collar, a pearl- und jewel-encrusted fibula, necklace, earrings and a high crown (Kronhaube).862 With both hands she is holding a chalice encrusted with gems and pearls. The position of her arms is mirrored by the Magi on the hem offering gifts. Apart from the above-mentioned officials, who may be eunuchs,863 Theodora is accompanied by a total of seven court ladies. The first two ladies have very distinct facial features, while the other five are provided with different bonnets, jewellery, and clothes, whereas their faces can be told apart from one another only at a closer look. It is possible that this minor differentiation is meant to express that those five are standing at some distance from the empress so as to create some depth effect. In S. Vitale, Theodora and her court are shown on the south side, unlike S. Apollinare, where that side is reserved to the men. This choice is explainable by the fact that Justinian’s procession is moving towards Vitalis the martyr, standing on Christ’s right and higher in rank than the bishop and founder Ecclesius, depicted on Theodora’s side of the apse.864 It remains to be asked what is depicted in these two images, and why Justinian and Theodora are shown in S. Vitale at all. An image in S. Giovanni Evangelista, which we know only from descriptions, plays an important role in answering these questions: the apse of the church built by Galla Placidia between 426 and 430865 displayed two imperial couples offering gifts, presumably altar furniture, and between them a bishop with an angel at an altar, who transmitted the gifts to Christ.866 The two representations in S. Vitale thus make recourse to a pictorial scheme that was already known in Ravenna and probably found in other places as well.867 Even if the imperial couple did donate liturgical articles to this church far from Constantinople, the scenes with Justinian and Theodora show no historical facts, since the two were never in Ravenna, and – unlike it may be inferred from the image – Theodora was not allowed to participate in church events in the same way as the emperor.868 The image in S. Giovanni Evangelista (made more than a century earlier) explains that Justinian’s and Theodora’s gifts are dedicated to Christ: like the sovereigns in S. Giovanni Evangelista, Justinian and Theodora are moving to-

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Hagios Georgios, Thessaloniki, dome mosaic, curtain and fountain

wards the apse, and, according to a rule of late antique sovereigns’ monuments, the homage is directed from the apse upwards to Christ, which corresponds with the so-called “vertical direction of acclamation” (vertikale Akklamationsrichtung). This also means that imperial power is subordinate to divine power, the mediator of which is the bishop, as Ambrose of Milan had claimed since the fourth century.869 To Maximian, the fact that, being depicted together with the emperor, he was shown to the clergy in a very important position and with high-ranking contacts may also have played a role. Hartmut Leppin pointed out that the mosaics dedicated to the imperial couple also underscore the bishop’s loyalty towards the emperor, by whom Maximian was appointed.870 The depiction of the emperor and the empress in the site of the daily Eucharist, im-

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

plying that people would pray for them more intensely, was something that they certainly welcomed in view of their afterlife. And another element has also to be considered in the interpretation of these mosaics: it is possible that the renovation of the churches dedicated to the local saints (S. Apollinare in Classe was consecrated just a few years after S. Vitale) was intended to remind of the importance of the former imperial residence: the elaborate, high-quality mosaics would have diverted people’s attention from the city’s vulnerable position.871

S. Vitale

The church’s lasting impression on the viewers is due not only to its magnificence, expressed in mosaics, sculpture and wall revetments, but also to its pictorial programme and to the depiction of the imperial couple. About a century later, the iconography relating to the Eucharist was taken up in a diﬀerent manner in S. Apollinare in Classe, where several sovereigns were portrayed. The splendour of S. Vitale left an imprint on Charlemagne, who visited Ravenna in 787. He chose S. Vitale as a model for the Palatine Chapel in Aachen,872 but without copying its pictorial programme.

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Die Ikonographie vonÂ Mosaiken in KirchengebĂ¤uden

S. APOLLINARE IN CLASSE

The construction S. Apollinare in Classe is the second church (after S. Vitale) sponsored by the banker Julianus Argentarius. Agnellus writes that bishop Ursicinus (531/532–535/536)873 “reminded and admonished him to found and complete the church of blessed Apollinaris”.874 As we know from the dedicatory inscription recorded by Agnellus, the church was consecrated by bishop Maximian on 7 May 549.875 S. Apollinare in Classe is located circa 5 km southeast of Ravenna on an arterial road in close vicinity to older cemeteries.876 Below the church, not built on any previous structure, archaeologists found graves dating back to the third/fourth century.877 If and to what extent the tomb of St. Apollinaris was already revered in this site, we cannot say;878 his veneration in Ravenna is known only from a homily of the second quarter of the fifth century, which, however, does not mention either any specific place of veneration or relics. The devotion to a founding bishop, which began in the fifth century, was a widespread phenomenon documented in other cities as well.879 His tomb in S. Apollinare is known only from the cenotaph inscription in the southern aisle, mentioning the translation of his coﬃn in the church erected in his honour.880 According to a legendary Passio written in the late sixth or the seventh century, Apollinaris was a pupil of St. Peter’s, who came from Antioch to Rome with him and was then sent to Ravenna by Peter. He is venerated as a confessor and martyr.881 The church (55.58 m long and 47.25 m wide)882 consists of a nave and two aisles, a polygonal apse and two side chambers with apsidioles at the sides of the apse. It also has a narthex preserving a probably original wooden window screen found during the resto-

rations about 1900.883 On the north and south side the church was flanked by porticoes, which have not survived. There are three doors in the lateral walls.884 The narthex was adjoined by a pair of two-storey annexes, of which only the northern one was reconstructed. The campanile on the north side was presumably constructed as late as the tenth century.885 The ring crypt, for which the presbytery floor was significantly raised, was built in later, but the exact date of its construction cannot be specified.886 It replaced a platform (bema) extending from the apse to the third pair of columns in the nave.887 Pedestals, columns, capitals, and imposts are made of Proconnesian marble, and they were imported from Constantinople in finished condition. Some of the capitals with their delicate windblown acanthus motif are preserved with Theodoric’s monogram, which means that they were necessarily manufactured before his death in 526.888 Since the capitals are very much alike, even in their details, and since it is quite unlikely that the model for S. Apollinare was repeated unchanged twenty years later,889 perhaps during this period they were stored ready-to-use in a warehouse of the Eastern Roman capital and were transported to Ravenna only some time later to be used in S. Apollinare.890 The antique floor of the church can be seen in the southwestern part of the nave at a lower level. Like in many other early Christian churches, it is composed of diﬀerent fields; a founder inscription shows that, besides Julianus, also other Christians made a contribution at least to the flooring.891 The early Christian marble revetments and transennae of the presbytery have not survived,892 and the altar installed in the nave was manufactured only in the early Middle Ages.893 The importance of this church may be inferred from the fact that archbishops (and subsequently other high-

S. Apollinare in Classe, apse

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S. Apollinare in Classe, faĂ§ade

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Interior view

Die Ikonographie vonÂ Mosaiken in KirchengebĂ¤uden

ranked personalities) were buried here from the late sixth century onwards,894 as attested by the many sarcophagi preserved in this place.

The mosaics in their chronological order The apse mosaic has been preserved in its original features for the most part.895 A thin red line indicates the restored portions; the restorations mainly concerned the landscape and the lamb frieze in the lower part of the mosaic.896 The four symbols of the evangelists in the uppermost part of the face arch belong in the sixth century.897 Strikingly, the nostrils of the ox symbolizing Luke are isolated from one another and oﬀset from their normal position over the beast’s mouth. Mark’s lion’s head is also dismembered into flat, inorganic compartments isolated from one another. This abstract design, not inspired by nature, can be noticed in other motifs, for instance in the male figures between the windows of S. Apollinare Nuovo, in the processions of male and female martyrs, and in the non-consistent design of the sitting Moses in S. Vitale. The medallion of Christ and the mosaic portions at his sides, as well as the lamb frieze beneath him and the two palm trees, are the result of later renovations,898 which were apparently implemented in the seventh or ninth century.899 The two archangels were made mostly in the sixth century,900 while the style of the two evangelists below them is comparable with that of the mosaics in the Basilica Ursiana (1112), indicating a production in the Central Middle Ages.901

The apse vault Apollinaris Saint Apollinaris, dressed in episcopal vestments and labelled as “Sanctus Apolenaris”, is standing in the centre above the lower frame. The bees on his chasuble, which is mostly the result of modern restorations, were a symbol of eloquence.902 Particular emphasis is put on his figure, since he is the only one shown in human shape; as a founding bishop and saint he establishes contact with the Transfiguration taking place above him.903 He stands on a meadow with flowers, birds, rocks, and individual trees that can be identified as laurel, olive trees, pines and cypresses; all of these are

S. Apollinare in Classe

Berlin, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, fragment of a female orans, 6th century

evergreen trees, and they were regarded as symbols of eternity.904 Apollinaris is shown praying in the orans posture;905 we know from descriptions that Ravenna hosted other depictions of praying bishops.906 His prayer probably included an intercession for his community. A total of twelve sheep are turning to Apollinaris; they arguably represent the ravennate community or the believers, and together with the saint they refer to the usual image of the bishop as shepherd of his flock.907 The twelve-membered sheep flock and Apollinaris’ sixth-century dress reveal that this image is also meant to represent the contemporary, living Christian community of Ravenna, and that it is open to the future.908 The prayer position may also be interpreted as a representation of the cross, so that Apollinaris’ image would be an allusion to his imitation of Christ, to his taking up the cross, and to his following his master to the Cross, which he accomplished through his martyrdom.909 The original design provided for a cross flanked by peacocks in the centre of the lower apse frieze, but for unknown reason it was never made.910

The Transfiguration Due to its highly symbolic encryption, the Transfiguration of S. Apollinare must be counted among the most impressive and multi-layered pictorial creations of early Christian times. This mosaic is the earliest surviving specimen of a Transfiguration; the apse mosaic in the Monastery of Saint Catherine’s on Mount Sinai is

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Die Ikonographie vonÂ Mosaiken in KirchengebĂ¤uden

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S. Apollinare in Classe, face arch, left, symbol of John the evangelist

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S. Apollinare in Classe, face arch, right, symbol of Mark the evangelist

Die Ikonographie vonÂ Mosaiken in KirchengebĂ¤uden

S. Apollinare in Classe, face arch, left, symbol of Matthew the evangelist

S. Apollinare in Classe

S. Apollinare in Classe, face arch, right, symbol of Luke the evangelist

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S. Apollinare in Classe, face arch, Christ

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Sinai, St. Catherine’s, Transfiguration of Christ

slightly younger (548–565)911. Further representations of the Transfiguration are known from description, but not preserved.912 The evangelists (Matthew 17:1–6; Mark 9:2–7; Luke 9:28–35) describe the event with minor diﬀerences (this is Mark’s version): “After six days Jesus took Peter, James, and John and led them up a high mountain apart by themselves. And he was transfigured before them, and his clothes became dazzling white, such as no fuller on earth could bleach them. Then Elijah appeared to them along with Moses, and they were conversing with Jesus. Then Peter said to Jesus in reply, “Rabbi, it is good that we are here! Let us make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah.” He hardly knew what to say, they were so terrified. Then a cloud came, casting a shadow over them; then from the cloud came a voice, “This is my beloved Son. Listen to him”.

S. Apollinare in Classe

The happenings are not shown in their entirety here: we see the half figures of Moses and Elijah, Jesus is represented by the cross (with his image-medallion at the centre) set in the sky disc, whereas the three disciples make their appearance as sheep. These elements are unique among all surviving Transfiguration images. They provide the Transfiguration with a visionary imprint and deprive it of its connection with a specific historical situation.913 This becomes clear when we look at the wholly diﬀerent apse mosaic in the church of Saint Catherine’s on Mount Sinai, where Christ appears in full figure in the mandorla, flanked by the prophets turning to him in speaking gestures, the apostles kneeling to his feet on the ground.914 A similar iconography can be found on the front wall of the apse in the church S. Nereo e Achilleo in Rome (about 800).915 The mosaic in S. Apollinare also features the Hand of God, symbolizing God’s voice coming from the clouds, and the clouds themselves, which are often depicted as indications of Christ’s Second Coming.

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Disk with starry sky, cross with bust of Christ, and Apollinaris

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Rome, S. Pudenziana, apse mosaic, early 5th century

Rome, S. Stefano Rotondo, mosaic commissioned by Pope Theodorus (642â&#x20AC;&#x201C;649)

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Early Christian theologians interpreted the Transfiguration as a revelation of the divine order of salvation; it refers to the future “glory of the Resurrection”, but not only that, since in some way it is present already.916 From a Christological viewpoint, it signifies the announcement of Christ’s eternal divine nature.917 At first sight, the image of the cross, directing the event towards the Passion of Christ, appears unusual. However, a hint to the passion is included in the relevant passage of the Gospel of Luke, where Moses and Elijah are speaking about Jesus’ imminent death, “that he was going to accomplish in Jerusalem” (Luke 9:31).918 Consequently, early Christian exegetes regarded the Transfiguration as a “prelude” to the passion; it expresses the glory of the cross and the imminent redemption through Jesus’ death on the cross.919 The representation of the cross in the context of the Transfiguration is thus motivated by the intention to convey theological content and an interpretation of the events.

The cross Special attention has always been devoted to the cross in the sky disc. The cross has been described as central element in the decoration of an apse already for some time around 400,920 and it may even have been a widespread feature. Evidence for this assumption is supplied by a floor mosaic (probably Syrian) of the fifth or sixth century in Paris, displaying a cross in a church interior, surrounded by a disk (like in S. Apollinare), and accompanied by the letters Alpha and Omega.921 As a muchcited passage of John Chrysostom clearly shows,922 the cross (as a pictorial element) was used also outside of religious sites and in all areas of life. In S. Apollinare it has the shape of a crux gemmata with expanded arms, as was quite common in early Christian art since the late fourth century and preserved in the mosaic of the Roman church S. Pudenziana.923 The centre of the cross in S. Apollinare is decorated by a medallion of Christ encircled by pearls. Until lately, it was considered to be the oldest datable example of an image of Christ in this position,924 but a few years ago a standing cross was published in the Collection of C.S. in Munich, and a dating to the fifth century has been proposed for it.925 Busts of Christ appear in diﬀerent shapes of metal liturgical crosses, mostly dated to the sixth century or later,926 often accompanied by invocations.927 The bust of Christ is also represented on Monza am-

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pullae and on rings or bracelets depicting scenes from the passion of Christ.928 As an example, we could mention a Monza ampulla in Dumbarton Oaks showing the cross of Christ (with the bust above it) between the two crosses of the thieves. In this case, the cross with the medallion refers to Christ’s crucifixion. In the genre of jewellery, we can find it on two berg-crystal pendants. The upper halves of two items in private collections feature a bust of Christ and, below it, a cross on a mountain flanked by the letters Alpha and Omega and two stars,929 presumably a short version of the starry sky. These pieces are dated to the sixth/seventh century and are said to originate from Syria. They reveal how widely this iconographic repertoire was spread and that its elements could be used both towards the decoration of church interiors and for privately-owned jewellery; for the latter genre we may assume that they also possessed some apotropaic or protective function.930 The cross with an image of Christ is represented in apse mosaics until the seventh century, for instance in S. Stefano Rotondo in Rome, where the mosaic was commissioned by Pope Theodore (642–649)931. Given the wide distribution of this iconography, it is not surprising that until now it was not possible to determine what is was invented for: the bust of Christ cannot be derived either from an imperial image in the cross (verifiable only at some later date)932 nor from the Golgotha cross of Jerusalem.933 Altogether, we can say that in early Christian times the bust or medallion of Christ on or above the cross is much more frequent than the depiction of Christ on the cross in full figure.934 The memory of this cruel and humiliating punishment of crucifixion,935 performed on a delinquent stripped of his clothes until the end of the fourth century,936 had not completely faded: in S. Apollinare Nuovo there is no crucifixion scene, because it was inconsistent with the image of Christ expressed in the mosaics. In this regard we already mentioned that in his description of the murals of St. Sergius’ church (before 536) Chorikios of Gaza uses a paraphrase to inform us about the crucifixion scene, speaking of the “most disgraceful death between two thieves”937. Gregory of Tours († 594) informs about a painted Crucifixion in an unspecified church of Narbonne,938 where Jesus, wearing a breechcloth, was shown in an inconspicuous spot. It emerges from the context that the contemporaries did not attach great importance to this image, and that Christ’s bare chest was unusual for the worshippers of the sixth century. The commonness of the cross in daily

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Paris, Louvre, floor mosaic (probably from Syria), 5th–6th century

Coin of Anicius Olybrius, 472

Munich, C.S. Collection, standing cross

New York, Metropolitan Museum, medallion of Christ from a cross, 6th century

life and in church, and the relative uncommonness of crucifixion scenes suggest that representing Christ in busts or on medallions was the favourite form to express the intended reference to the redemption worked by Christ through his death on the cross. The meaning of the cross as a sign indicating redemption by Christ is determined by three inscriptions. Above the cross is the acrostic ΙΧΘΥΣ, the Greek word for “fish”, the letters of which can be expanded to Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς, Θεοῦ Υἱὸς, Σωτὴρ – Jesus Christus, Son of God, Saviour. This acrostic was a short and easy-to-memorize profession of faith, and it was probably invented in the second half of the second century by Greek-speaking Christians.939 The concise statement about Christ

was wide-spread and found in the most diverse genres – in Greek funerary, dedicatory and consecration inscriptions, or simply as an invocation, it was used until the sixth century,940 suggesting that about mid-sixth century ΙΧΘΥΣ was very common both in religious knowledge and in people’s daily prayer practice; this also explains why it is mentioned so seldom in written sources. Below the cross we see the words “salus mundi”, “the world’s salvation”, which can be considered unique in pictorial art and which is not documented in Christian epigraphy.941 This term appears solely in the year 472 on two coins of emperor Anicius Olybrius, precisely as a caption around a cross.942 The conjunction between

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Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, Monza ampulla

Munich, C.S. Collection, berg-crystal pendant, 6th–7th century

the inscription and the cross allows to presume that we cannot expect any iconographic model for “salus mundi”, since it is meant as a brief christological and soteriological statement about Christ and his death on the cross. It definitely was not invented for its use in this site, and the designers resorted to something previously known. Emphasising the salvation worked by Christ, these two words broaden the content of the ΙΧΘΥΣ-formula. “Salus mundi” is found since the late fourth / early fifth century in homilies and theological treatises in diﬀerent contexts, for instance in works written by Chromatius of Aquileia,943 Jerome,944 and Cassiodorus.945 As far as liturgical texts are concerned, “salus mundi” is documented only since Carolingian times, precisely in the antiphon to the veneration of the cross “Ecce lignum crucis, in quo salus mundi pependit”. Some scholars recognize a precursor to this text in a passage by Rufinus of Aquileia (hist. eccl. 10, 8, 9) speaking of “salus nostra”: “lignum beatum, in quo salus nostra pependit”,946 but I do not think this is imperative. It is theoretically possible that “salus mundi”, as suggested by the above-mentioned coins, belongs to the context of the veneration of the cross, which set in after the cross had been found in Jerusalem in the early fourth century;947 but since the term only appears in liturgical texts of the Middle Ages,

this question must remain open.948 In any event, it was already common, as the homilies and theological texts indicate. The third written element – i.e. the letters Alpha and Omega framing the crossarms – introduces an eschatological aspect in the picture,949 which was already perceivable in the depiction of the clouds. The two letters are mentioned in the Apocalypse and refer to God as the beginning and the end of time, “creation and fullness, omnipotence of God and Christ in history”950. In Ravenna the two letters are also featured in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia and in S. Vitale. All three written elements underscore the special role of the cross; according to a first draft known from sanguines, but not executed, the cross should have been smaller.951 The cross in S. Apollinare cannot be separated from the starry sky surrounding it. In early Christian art it is widely used as a background for a symbol or monogram of Christ, i.e. for a theophany. In Ravenna it is shown in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, where Christ, whose Second Coming is expected from the East, is indicated by a cross. A similar allusion can be found in S. Apollinare. Regarding the mosaic genre, the church S. Maria della Croce in Casaranello (Apulia) and the baptisteries of Naples and Albenga952 are just two examples out of

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The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

many.953 Here in Classe the sky is adorned by 99 stars; it is obvious that they can be interpreted as a numeral for “Amen”, i.e. as an expression of acclamation by the stars.954 In the Transfiguration, the apse mosaic of S. Apollinare therefore shows an “epiphany of Christ and its attestation by the law and by the prophets, and the visualised Word of God”955, as well as a “comprehensive revelation of Christ’s life and ministry”956, combining past, present, and future. The founder-bishop Apollinaris, who has already reached a paradise-like place, is a part of this theophany in prayer; he is a mediator by intercession, and he expresses the rank and self-conception of the church of Ravenna. Whether Apollinaris is depicted in any liturgical function here,957 we cannot say, since his episcopal vestments merely serve to make him recognizable.

Other depictions in the apse The four fields below Apollinaris feature the bishops Ursicinus (531/532–535/536)958, Ursus (first quarter of the fifth century)959, Severus (documented as bishop for the year 343)960, and Ecclesius (523–531/532)961, embodying the tradition of the ravennate episcopal see. They are each holding a codex, performing a gesture of speech, and they probably stand for the four evangelists, represented once more in the shape of the four beasts on the face arch. Only the depiction of Ursicinus can be explained with some certainty, since he was the one who commissioned the construction of this church.962 The bishops’ depictions are flanked on the right wall by the sacrifice mosaic, and on the left by the so-called “privilegia” mosaic. Little of the original stock of both has been preserved, making it hard to date them properly. Most researchers have chosen the seventh century.963 The motifs of the sacrifice mosaic964 follow those in the presbytery of S. Vitale: in the centre of an interior we see Melchizedek behind a Christian altar. The Hand of God, sticking out from the clouds left of his head, designates him as the main character. Left of the altar stands Abel elevating the lamb, while on the right side Abraham is pushing his son Isaac towards the altar; Isaac’s arms are slightly raised. We know of no template in early Christian art for this depiction of Abraham and Isaac, so that it may well have been designed for this site.965 Joining these three people (or groups) from dif-

ferent epochs around a Christian altar emphasises that the same are to be interpreted as types and as indications of the Eucharist celebrated daily at the altar.966 The depictions of Abel and Abraham and the special emphasis put on Melchizedek correspond with the “supra quae” in the Canon of the Mass.967 It was already said in the description of S. Vitale that these three biblical characters were mentioned together in the Eucharistic Prayer in Northern Italy as early as the late fourth century, and this liturgical tradition is now underlined in S. Apollinare in Classe. The “privilegia” mosaic has suﬀered even heavier interventions than those described above; it has been repeatedly restored and amended.968 None of the heads is original. On the basis of the surviving original pieces and of Agnellus’ Liber pontificalis we can assume that this field shows a seventh-century event: either the autocephaly privilege, i.e. independence from Rome, which was granted the church of Ravenna in 666 at the time of archbishop Maurus (644–673) and emperor Constans (641–668), or the tax privileges granted archbishop Reparatus by emperor Constantine IV (668–685) in 675.969 The following persons are recognizable: archbishop Maurus with halo (the letters AR CO PUS must be completed to archiepiscopus)970 in the centre of the image, who has laid a hand on the shoulder of Reparatus.971 There are three other clerics, two of whom are holding a thurible and a censer. The figure at the far right overlaps the architectural frame, and it was probably added during a later restoration, presumably in the early ninth century,972 a time when restorations in the churches are well documented both in in the ravennate and in the Roman Books of Bishops.973 This means that originally the picture perhaps included only two clerics. The left half of the image is occupied by four laymen; the preserved clothing and insignia denote them as members of the imperial dynasty. On account of his dress, closely following the model of Justinian in S. Vitale, the figure standing next to Maurus, giving him a scroll with the inscription “(privi)legia”, must be the byzantine emperor Constans II or Constantine IV. The lack of a diadem is a reliable indication that this head was made during some later restoration works.974 Remains of pendilia have survived at the sides of the heads of the third and fourth laymen, distinguishing them as members of the imperial family. The curve of the corresponding diadem was no longer respected during the latest restoration and replaced by a straight line.975 Modern research has brought to light that the first figure to

S. Apollinare in Classe, Apollinaris

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Ursicinus

Severus

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Ursus

Ecclesius

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Depiciton of sacrifices ÂťPrivilegiaÂŤ representation

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Melchizedek

Elijah

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Moses

Apollinaris

The iconography ofÂ mosaics in church buildings

Evangelist (front wall of the apse, bottom)

S. Apollinare in Classe

Head from the Basilica Ursiniana

Matthew (front wall of the apse, bottom)

Cleric from the â&#x20AC;&#x153;privilegia mosaicâ&#x20AC;?

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the left wore a shorter undergarment; this indicates that a younger member of the imperial family was portrayed here, who perhaps wore a purple chlamys. The only original parts are a portion of the left sleeve and a ciborium with columns and dome, held by the figure; a sarcophagus seems to be placed in the ciborium.976 Small ciboria of this kind have even been preserved (for instance a beautiful specimen in St. Mark’s church in Venice).977 The one shown here may be indicative of a donation in S. Apollinare, possibly the decoration of a particular grave. We could think of the transfer of Apollinaris’ tomb to the centre of the church, which occurred at the time of bishop Maurus and which the byzantine emperor could have supported by a gift.978 If we assume that four members of the imperial family are depicted here (the figure next to the emperor is provided, like the emperor himself, with a partially preserved halo), it is likely that they are Constans II and his sons Constantine IV, Heraclius, and Tiberius,979 i.e. that the grant of autocephaly is represented here. The fact that this was an important issue logically follows from Maurus’ funerary inscription, which mentions it expressly.980 The depiction of Reparatus is based on the circumstances that the autocephaly deed was handed over to him by Constans II in Syracuse.981 It remains to be asked when the heads were restored and/or inserted. A comparison of these abstract, almost monochrome-looking faces with the head of Melchizedek (preserved from the top to just below the tip of his nose) in the sacrifice mosaic shows that they cannot date from the same period.982 Since the first known depiction of a haloed bishop survives in S. Maria Antiqua in Rome (eighth century),983 it is likely that the one in S. Apollinare in Classe was made at some later time. As said before, the heads remind of the mosaics in the Basilica Ursiana in Ravenna (completed in 1112)984 and should therefore be dated to the twelfth century. We do not know whether the sacrifice and the privilegia mosaics replaced older mosaics of the sixth century.

Images on the face arch The archangels The figures of Michael and Gabriel halfway up the face arch are sixth-century originals. They wear imperial oﬃcial attire and shoes like those of Justinian in S. Vitale.985 With their left hands they are holding the

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Venice, San Marco, ciborium

chlamys, with their right a standard with ΑΓΙΟC ΑΓΙΟC ΑΓΙΟC (holy, holy, holy). Their dress and the flags identify them as members of the heavenly court. The angels’ reference to the liturgy taking place in the apse is obvious. In the context of the pictorial decoration, they can be interpreted in such a way that they pay homage to the supratemporal Saviour revealing himself in the apse, and at the same time they make the viewers and worshippers aware of Christ’s holiness. We have no evidence for any use of the so-called trishagion (thrice holy) in Northern Italian liturgy,986 and we may therefore presume that this pattern was imported from Constantinople: Ravenna was under byzantine rule since 540. The trishagion is sung in different church services and at diﬀerent times,987 and it is therefore not possible to determine if the image alludes to any specific moment or if it generically refers to God’s holiness and the Eucharist celebrated at the altar. At this point, it stands to reason that the thrice holy of the two archangels, placed close to the altar, must be understood in the same way as its parallel on liturgical crosses,988 installed on the altar during the Eucharist, i.e. in a concrete sense and as a reference to the liturgy.

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

Archangel Michael

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Archangel Gabriel

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Probably, the faithful clearly recognized this reference to the Eucharist and to the Sanctus prayed in the church (this prayer spread in the West about 400). The thrice holy is also found on inscriptions in combination with the wording “heaven and earth are full of your glory”.989 Apart from that, a political meaning of the triple “holy” appears less probable on account of the diﬀerent forms of the trishagion.990 The earliest other examples for archangels with standards and trishagion date to the Middle Ages.991 The other motifs of the face arch are widespread in early Christian art: in fact, the evangelists’ symbols are found in most of the ravennate sacred spaces. It is likely that the bust of Christ, which has survived only in a redone version, belonged to the original design. Other popular motifs in church decoration are the two city portraits, which may be identified as Bethlehem and Jerusalem on the basis of similar depictions, with the procession of lambs.992 They were represented until the early Middle Ages,993 for instance in S. Prassede and S. Cecilia in Rome.994 It is possible that they (and the two palm trees) were created already in the sixth century and later replaced; however, these motifs appear in churches also in later times, which means that they may have been added in the eleventh century. Both mosaic strips show a dense background of apocalyptic clouds pointing to Christ’s Second Coming. Apart from the archangels, the other images of the face arch appear somewhat conventional if compared with the original apse mosaics.

S. Vitale and S. Apollinare in Classe In conclusion, attention should be drawn to the clear contrast between the mosaics of S. Apollinare and the almost contemporary ones of S. Vitale.995 It is obvious that diﬀerent teams of mosaicists were at work in the two sites, and a comparison may clearly be made only with respect to similar motifs: the pictures of Moses and the evangelists in S. Vitale are set before a rocky, rugged landscape, which spreads far more evenly and harmonically in S. Apollinare, even though Mount Ta-

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bor, the setting of the Transfiguration, could have been depicted in the same way as in S. Vitale. The mosaic artists working in that church probably decided to show a paradisiac instead of a mountainous landscape. Remarkably, bishop Ecclesius, (523–531/532), whom many Christians of Ravenna had met in person, is shown much younger in S. Vitale than he is in S. Apollinare. The essential descriptive element must have been the inscription, as we know from the portraits of apostles and saints in other ravennate churches. The common feature of both churches (and also of the figures in the frieze beneath the windows of S. Apollinare Nuovo) is that the mosaicists were interested rather in the reproduction of faces than in that of bodies. A look at the almost contemporary mosaics of the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč immediately spells out the higher quality of their counterparts in Ravenna – for instance if we compare the angels standing next to Mary’s throne or between the windows996 with the two archangels of S. Apollinare. The same applies for a comparison between Melchizedek’s head in Apollinare, which is preserved only from the top to the tip of his nose, with the head of Zachary in the Euphrasian Basilica.997 His thickset body with big head and big feet is in clear contrast with the elegant figure of the eponymous saint in the apse of S. Apollinare. Moreover, it is evident that diﬀerent craftsmen were at work on the apse conch and on the front wall of S. Apollinare. Another workshop, not involved in any other mosaic of S. Vitale, executed the archangels with the trishagion-standards.998 Since the mosaics were usually executed from top to bottom,999 diﬀerent mosaicists and workshops were active in S. Vitale at one and the same time so that the decoration of the church could be completed as soon as possible. S. Vitale was taken as a model for the configuration of S. Apollinare at least in the seventh century, as we can see from the design of the sacrifice and of the privilegia mosaics on account of the sacrificial scenes and of the “imperial mosaic”. S. Vitale and the “mosaic of the emperor” was kept in mind also during later restorations, when another cleric was added on the left side of the privilegia mosaic.

The iconography of mosaics in church buildings

PorecĚ&#x152;, Euphrasian Basilica, angel, mid-6th century

S. Apollinare in Classe

PorecĚ&#x152;, Euphrasian Basilica, Zachary, mid-6th century

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Construction and Inscription The archbishopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s chapel is the only surviving building erected by the Catholics during Theodoricâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rule. The principal was bishop Peter II (494-519/520)1000. The masonry and some technical details of the mosaics also speak for a construction about 500.1001 The chapel is located on the first floor of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s episcopal palace, and it is accessed through the first room of the Museo Arcivescovile.1002 The chapel is cross-shaped, 5 m wide and 6.5 m long, and its apse was completely redone.1003 It is preceded by a narrow vaulted vestibule. The present appearance of the chapel is due to restorations implemented between 1911 and 1930, which were meant to restore the siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s early Christian looks that had been heavily changed in the course of time.1004 The flooring of the anteroom is modern, that of the chapel itself may have been made in the Middle Ages.1005 Regarding Peterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s episcopate, Agnellus notes that Peter had a Monasterium Sancti Andreae Apostoli built here; he had a mosaic portrait of himself installed and the walls provided with marble revetments.1006 The historian also quotes the metrical inscription next to the entrance:1007 Either light was born here, or captured here it reigns free; It is the law, from which source the current glory of heaven excels. The roofs, deprived (of light), have produced gleaming day, and the enclosed radiance gleams forth as if from secluded Olympos. See, the marble flourishes with bright rays, and all the stones struck in starry purple shine in value, the gifts of the founder Peter. To him honour and merit are granted, thus to beautify small things, so that although confined in space, they surpass the large. Nothing is small to Christ. He, whose tem-

ples exist within the human heart, well occupies confining buildings. A Peter is the foundation; and a Peter the founder of this hall. The master is the same as the house, what is made is the same as the maker, in morals and in work. Christ is the owner, who as a mediator uniting the two renders them as one. Let one coming here joyously pour out the tears which will produce joy, making firm a contrite mind in his beaten breast. Le him not lie sick, but prostrate himself on the ground and reveal his hidden illnesses before the feet of the doctor, since the cure is approaching. Often the fear of death becomes the cause of a blessed life.1008 Fragments of the inscription were found in the chapel; together with a mosaic monogram (to be read as â&#x20AC;&#x153;Petrusâ&#x20AC;?) it ensures the identification of this building.1009 The inscription is scattered over four frames on both long walls of the narthex. It stands in the tradition of dedicatory inscriptions like those of the popes Symmachus (498â&#x20AC;&#x201C;514) und John I (523â&#x20AC;&#x201C;526) in the narthex of St. Peterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Basilica in Rome.1010 Its content follows the one of Symmachus, although it is much longer, which is not uncommon in sixth-century epigraphy. Peterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inscription attests the popularity of epigraphs, which were appreciated as much as images or even replaced the latter, as we can observe in early Christian art since the later fourth century. An early example for this is the sarcophagus of Bassa in the catacomb of Praetextatus: the space of the front panel is split up between the epitaph and the healings of the bleeding woman and of two blind men.1011 Inscriptions (used as epitaphs) were particularly popular in the fifth and sixth centuries and composed by famous poets such as Sidonius Apollinaris and Venantius Fortunatus. The text in the Cappella bears witness to the bishopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s need for self-representa-

Cappella Arcivescovile

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Rome, Pretextatus Catacomb, sarcophagus of Bassa, late 4th century

tion that was also expressed in his portrait, mentioned by Agnellus, in the lunette inside the chapel. Since the chapel was reserved to liturgical use by the bishop and the curial clergy,1012 we understand that Peter wished to establish his memory on a permanent basisÂ â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and an inscription (plus the portrait) was certainly a suitable vehicle for that. The inscription states the name of the sponsor, and provides other information, for instance that the chapel was dedicated to Christ, meaning that Agnellusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; appellation Monasterium Sancti Andreae Apostoli was established only at some later time.1013 The multiple mention of light and of Christ as the true light in the sense of John 8:121014 also refers to the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s dĂŠcor, to the gold colour on the ceiling that enhanced daylight and hints to Christ as the otherworldly light. The marble revetment, which was completed on the basis of antique remains,1015 is praised in the inscription as well. The most important element of the last lines is a pastoral appeal to self-criticism and humility in order to gain eternal life.1016 It probably also prompted the faithful to do penance,1017 making it clear that this space was reserved to prayer and contemplation. It seems that the images, too, were to contribute to this function. In a letter written roughly about the same time by bishop Ruricius of Limoges, he expresses his hope that the pictures of the painter sent by him may invite the viewers to repent.1018

The barrel vault of the narthex The mosaic on the barrel vault shows as many as 102 birds against a gold background: magpies, parrots, peacocks, doves, ducks, guineafowl, and partridges.1019 The

Vestibule, total view

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birds are framed by a square pattern of reddish-green cross blossoms; every other one of these is surrounded by four three-pointed lotus flowers or lilies.1020 Square patterns and flowers are known from imperial and late Roman floor mosaics, and they can be traced up to the frescoes in the Umayyad bath of Qasr Amra.1021 They can likewise be found on textiles: in S. Vitale for instance, the silk upper garment of the second court lady on Theodoraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s right is adorned with a pattern of cross blossoms, and her tunic features several birds. These motifs can be discovered on some Persian and Sassanid silk fabrics. The best example may be provided by the Sassanid silks in Berlin depicting a parrot in a square standing on its point; the parrot is wearing a collar like its counterparts in the Cappella Arcivescovile.1022 The textiles may either have been imported or produced locally on the basis of Persian prototypes.1023 Silk fabrics of the Middle Ages show similar lozenges with birds.1024 It is thus possible that the dĂŠcor of the anteroomâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s barrel vault (like the flowered vaults in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia) has its point of reference in some patterns of precious silk fabrics from the East.1025 The gold background of the mosaic emphasises the mosaicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s luxury.

Christus Victor Above the access of the narthex is the figure of Christ, dressed as victorious warrior-emperor, holding a long-handled cross, and trampling the lion and the serpent. Only his upper body is preserved in the original state.1026 This motif was used several times in Ravenna, and it is mentioned in the relevant sites; the nearest comparable depiction is surviving in a stucco relief in the Orthodox Baptistery.1027 On the one hand, the image

Christus Victor

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relies on the iconography of the victorious ruler, and on the other hand on Psalm 91:13: â&#x20AC;&#x153;you will trample the great lion and the serpentâ&#x20AC;?, so that Christ must be interpreted as fighter and helper against evil. The third element for the understanding of the image is given by the words in the book: â&#x20AC;&#x153;I am the way, the truth, and the lifeâ&#x20AC;?,1028 taken from the Gospel of John (14:6).1029 In the context of the other elements of the picture, the phrase conveys to the viewers that they can rely on Christ, the victor, and that they should follow his messageÂ â&#x20AC;&#x201C; both to stand the test of this life and to gain eternal life. The above is the essence of the mosaicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s content and of the considerations that may directly be derived from it. However, the image has been subject to a farther-reaching explanation, which is not directly supported by the pictorial elements: it has been read as a statement against the Arians, or better: against the Homoians. In fact, the text of John 14 continues as follows: â&#x20AC;&#x153;No one comes to the Father except through me. If you really know me, you will know my Father as well. From now on, you do know him and have seen himâ&#x20AC;? (John 14:6-7). This passage is a clear indication of Christâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s twofold nature, and it was used by Athanasius and other early Christian authors as an expression of Jesusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; divine nature in their struggle against the Homoians.1030 In connection with the quote from the Gospel of John, Psalm 91:13 is referred to Christ as winner over the Arian heresy,1031 and the entire image was understood as an â&#x20AC;&#x153;anti-Arian outpostâ&#x20AC;?.1032 The anti-Homoian thrust is not directly contained in the depiction: it can be developed only via the combination with John 14:6-7 and Psalm 91:13. Since this interpretation is not supported by concrete pictorial elements, it certainly remains possible, but it is by no means compelling. The stucco relief in the Baptistery of Neon (with Christ trampling the lion and the dragon) may most probably not be interpreted in a similar manner, also considering that it dates back to the mid-fifth century. We must not forget that it is the text in the book which distinguishes this mosaic from other depictions with the same subject: if the book held by Christ in the Baptistery carried any inscription (which we know nothing of), it would presumably not have been readable. Caution in attributing any anti-Arian meaning to the imagery is also suggested by its historical context: Theodoric was on good terms with the Catholic church; both the Catholic clergy and the Pope recognized him, and he was called upon to resolve diďŹ&#x192;cult controversies.1033 A. Goltz expounded that the judgement about

Theodoric varied according to the situation and viewpoint of the respective authors. We have no information about his relationship to the clergy of Ravenna;1034 however, the replacement after 560 of the imagery of S. Apollinare from Theodoricâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time does not allow to directly infer that it had to be removed from the church due to a negative appraisal of the Goth king, but rather that a new start was intended. The takeover of this church by the Catholics is expressed by the fact that the martyrs, whose busts are shown in mosaic in the Cappella Arcivescovile, have replaced the members of the Goth court in the great processions of saints. It is possible that bishop PeterÂ â&#x20AC;&#x201C; or the designer of the imagery in the chapelÂ â&#x20AC;&#x201C; wished to show his stance against the Arian heresy in a very subtle manner, i.e. without exposing himself. The underlying message needed learned viewers to be understood, and the visitors of the bishopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s chapel certainly included several of these.

The cross vault of the chapel The mosaics in the chapelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s apse and on the front arch have been redone in modern times. We do not know whether the decoration with stars belongs to the original features,1035 and the sixteenth-century frescoes in the north-west and the south-east arms replaced mosaics that we know nothing of.1036 Early Christian mosaics, supplemented by later restorations,1037 can be found on the cross vault and the soďŹ&#x192;ts of the partition and transverse arches. The cross vault shows four floating angels holding a clipeus with a monogram of Christ over their heads. The spaces between them are densely populated by the four symbols of the evangelists (Matthew, Luke, Mark, and John) placed above apocalyptic clouds.1038 The monogram, composed of the first two Greek letters of Jesus Christâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s name, is repeated on the reveals of the arches above the transverse axis, where it is flanked by the apocalyptic letters Alpha and Omega. On the reveals of the arches above the longitudinal axis, the element corresponding to these monograms of Christ is an image of Christ; in this way, the monogram carried by the angels is surrounded crosswise by images and signs of Christ. The cross-shaped ground plan of the construction is thus mirrored by a cross in the vault, underscoring the dedication of the building to Christ. The depictions on the narrow insides of the partition and transverse

Chapel interior, ceiling

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Istanbul, Archaeological Museum, sarcophagus of Sarigüzel

arches form yet another cross: We see a small-sized lamb of God on the side with the christograms, and the monogram of Peter on that of the medallions with the image of Christ. Placing the bishop’s monogram in a rather concealed place could mean that Peter hoped for divine support and assistance, and that representative aspects played a secondary role in this case. The motif of the christogram-bearing angels in early Christian art dates back to the late fourth century.1039 According to the ancient tradition, they refer to Christ’s victory over death.1040 A composition comparable to the one in the Cappella Arcivescovile, albeit more richly decorated, is in S. Vitale, another one was created about 500 in the dome of the Rotunda of St. George in Thessaloniki. According to the preparatory drawing, the central mural, which has not survived, depicted Jesus holding a long-staﬀed cross and raising his hand.1041 So what does the representation in the Cappella Arcivescovile actually mean? The apocalyptic elements are less prominent, and the point here rather seems to be a homage to Christ and his name.1042 Since the depictions in the lunettes have not survived, we miss the elements required to determine the orientation of the reverence. The use of round medallions with images of Christian apostles and saints can be traced back to early fifth-century Rome,1043 and images of this kind are mentioned for the lost mosaics of S. Giovanni Evangelista in Ravenna. As a matter of fact, their prototypes in antique art date to the third century BC. In the Cappella, the tondi with the apostles are arranged on both sides of Christ, and they decorate the arches above the access and before the apse. As usual, Christ is flanked

A PRIVATE PRAYER ROOM: THE CAPPELLA ARCIVESCOVILE

by Peter and Paul in the sequence above the apse; in this case, however, Paul is given the place of honour on Christ’s right. Paul’s primacy also occurs in some other ravennate monuments,1044 precisely in the mosaics of S. Vitale and on some sarcophagi.1045 Paul is followed by Jacob and John, Peter by Andrew and Philipp. Above the access to the chapel we see Jacob, (Simon) Thaddaeus, Simon the Canaanite, Thomas, Matthew and Bartholomew. Like in S. Apollinare Nuovo, the female saints are shown on the left side, the male saints on the right. The female saints Euphemia, Eusebia, Caecilia, Daria, Perpetua and Felicitas are featured here and, two generations later, in the procession of saints in S. Apollinare; as far as the male saints are concerned, this applies to Cassian, Chrysogonus, Chrysanthus, and Polycarpus, while the physicians-saints Cosmas and Damian are shown only here1046 and later in S. Michele in Africisco.1047 This is one of the earliest known (and regrettably reconstructed) representations of these two world-famous martyrs in the West. Since the Cappella hosted relics,1048 it is appealing to assume that the depictions showed the same saints whose relics where kept here, as was presumably the case for the contemporary mosaics of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki.1049 The portraits of the apostles and saints in the Cappella Arcivescovile are the flattest and least diﬀerentiated of Ravenna. The heads of the female saints show evident asymmetries, and they lack harmonious lines, so that they have no appealing eﬀect (cf. the faces of Eugenia and Caecilia) or they even look like men (Euphemia and Felicitas). As mentioned in the description

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Bartholomew

Matthew

Thomas

Jacob

Thaddeus

Simon

Christ

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Cecilia

Eugenia

Euphemia

Perpetua

Daria

Felicitas

of the separation of the sheep from the goats in S. Apollinare, in early Christian times virtue could be depicted with an ugly face, and this seems particularly true for the Cappella. However, this notion of virtue was probably supplemented by the craftsmen’s poor skills and by a generic disinterest by the clerics. Therefore, we should not draw premature conclusions as to the role of women. Gregory of Tours reports that women in influential positions could in fact exercise an influence on the creation of images: the wife of bishop Namatius of Clermont read passages from the life of St. Stephen to the painters decorating the church dedicated to this saint, so that they would know what to paint.1050 Finally, attention must be drawn to two iconographic peculiarities: for one thing, Felicitas is the only martyr wearing a dark dress like Mary in S. Apollinare Nuovo, while the others (like the female martyrs in S. Apollinare that were created about 560) are clad in gold garments.1051 Perhaps it is motherhood that links Felicitas to the Mother of God,1052 or perhaps the saint’s dark dress is meant to express her condition as slave.1053 And for another thing, Daria (the only married woman shown here) must do without the headgear with pearls and jewels – maybe the designer wanted to indicate her married state. Since the female martyrs in Apollinare Nuovo, including Valeria who was married, and those in the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč are dressed alike, this distinction comes as a surprise.1054 Altogether we can say that the mosaics of the Cappella Arcivescovile are of lower quality than those in S. Apollinare Nuovo that were made at the same time. It is possible that the best mosaicists were working in the church, and that the bishop had to settle for the

A PRIVATE PRAYER ROOM: THE CAPPELLA ARCIVESCOVILE

Thessaloniki, Hagios Georgios, dome mosaic

lesser skilled ones. The pictorial programme, which unfortunately has been preserved only partially, shows various images and signs of Christ as well as references to the cross, meaning that it is kept rather generic. The depiction of apostles and saints, who were called on in prayers and whose relics were probably kept in the chapel, as was common practice,1055 sorts well with a private prayer room dedicated to reflection and contemplation.

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Die Ikonographie vonÂ Mosaiken in KirchengebĂ¤uden

EPILOGUE THE MOSAICS OF RAVENNA AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE

At the end of a volume like this, it is necessary to summarize those aspects and results that are required to correctly understand the “image and meaning” of the ravennate mosaics. We should not forget that in the context of early Christian art they are distinguished by two unique features: S. Apollinare houses the most extensive surviving mosaics of late Antiquity, while S. Vitale is considered the most important sacral building of the West. The examination of the mosaics shows first of all that they were produced by different workshops at one and the same time; these worked independently of each other, and their styles can easily be distinguished from one another – as becomes evident from a comparison between the mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo and the Cappella Arcivescovile, which were made simultaneously: in the depictions of the “prophets and messengers of the Gospels”, the mosaics in S. Apollinare Nuovo present an early Christian cycle of highest quality, while those of the Cappella are certainly at the bottom of the scale as far as quality goes. Not even the procession of the apostles in the Arian Baptistery, completed presumably at the beginning of the sixth century, are able to reach the quality level of the standing figures in S. Apollinare Nuovo. This diversity is probably due to different financial possibilities and to differences in the availability of craftsmen or workshops. In fact, the mosaic style could vary even at a very high quality level, as we have seen in S. Vitale and S. Apollinare in Classe, which were consecrated 547 and 549 respectively. Various mosaicists (possibly specialising in certain motifs, figures or patterns) were simultaneously at work in the individual churches. It is conceivable, for instance in S. Apollinare Nuovo, that one workshop made the New Testament scenes and another one created the figures of the “messengers”. In S. Apollinare in Classe, the

head of Apollinaris, the heads of Moses and Elijah in the apse, and those of the angels on the front arch were made by three diﬀerent artists or groups of workmen. This is not surprising, since the mosaics were made from top to bottom, and it was an advantage to have several workshops available in view of a speedy completion of the construction. It could not yet be determined whether the abandonment of glass tesserae and the predominant use of stone tesserae was due to supply shortages; however, this hypothesis appears probable in the framework of the late Roman world, in which more and more resources ran short. In any case, this circumstance had no influence on the quality of the mosaics. The coexistence of diﬀerent workshops, the gap between quality and originality, and the financial means employed should be taken into greater consideration than before in the overall examination of the ravennate mosaics. Two of the main questions asked during the investigation concerned the choice of the pictorial themes on the one hand and the design of the various pictorial elements on the other. The choice of the subjects (and presumably of the overall programme) was made by the sponsor or commissioner either with regard to the relevant site or on the basis of personal preferences. As the comparative examples chosen have shown, the templates for the individual images were widespread in the antique world. The issue of the origin of model images, which was much discussed in older literature, has opportunely lost much of its topicality. We know of the existence of pattern books and that the composition could be determined more or less spontaneously, as is demonstrated by the famous example of the bishop of Clermont’s wife, who gave instructions for the design of the legend of St. Stephen. Considering the psychological insight and the time of creation (about 500) of scenes

S. Apollinare Nuovo, smiling angel

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like “Christ before Pilate” or “Jesus appears to his disciples” in S. Apollinare Nuovo, it is possible either that they were made by excellent local craftsmen on the basis of a lost template, or that they were newly created as a variation of well-known images. Another remarkable feature is the use of images impacting on the behaviour and the Christian values of the viewer. These images within the New Testament cycle encompass the sequence of the Parable of the Pharisee and the publican, the Widow’s mite, and the Separation of the goats from the sheep. Since this is the only early Christian depiction of the Parable of the Pharisee and the publican, and since the Separation of the goats from the sheep has a unique iconography, a deliberate selection and design of the scenes must be presumed. These images speak of humility and generosity, inviting the viewer to exercise these virtues in view of the Last Judgement. This aspect has been emphasised and analysed for the first time in this volume. The figures of the apostles in the dome of the Orthodox Baptistery are unique as well, since the individual features of the portraits show the apostles as living personalities, each with his own character. It is not possible to determine, however, if the design of the portrait-like faces relies on a lost template or on the craftsmanship of the mosaicists. They must be regarded as a climax of ravennate mosaic art. The variety in the apostles’ movements and their corporality are truly outstanding and found nowhere else in Ravenna. Apart from their educational, exhortative and eye-pleasing function, as mentioned in the texts quoted at the beginning, the liturgical function of these images is important as well. The mosaics support the liturgical ceremonies taking place in the sacred spaces; for instance, almost all of the (not preserved) depictions in the small niches of the Orthodox Baptistery as well as the image in the dome relate to the context of baptism. In S. Apollinare Nuovo, both the Wine Miracle and the following multiplication of the loaves and the fishes on the one side and the Last Supper on the other side refer to the Eucharist celebrated daily on the altars, while in S. Vitale this function is taken over by depictions of Old Testament sacrifices. It would seem that the Canon of the Mass had an influence on the choice of the imagery in S. Vitale and S. Apollinare in Classe. As far as the selection of scenes from the Old Testament is concerned, we should bear in mind that images from the Old Testament were generally more popular than those taken from the New Testament, even if the reasons for this

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preference remain obscure. The Transfiguration of S. Apollinare in Classe may be counted among the most impressive and symbolically complex pictorial creations of early Christian times: the events are translated into abstract theological considerations. Moreover, this is the oldest surviving depiction of the transfiguration of Christ. In order to understand the sophisticated pictorial programme of S. Vitale, it should not be forgotten that the depictions of Justinian and Theodora have a threefold purpose: visualize Maximian’s high-level contacts, express his loyalty towards the emperor, and include the imperial couple in the prayers said in this church. It was the imperial portraits that made S. Vitale famous, attracting the viewers’ attention. It may have been these depictions that induced Charlemagne to choose S. Vitale as a model for his palace chapel (even if the pictorial programme was not repeated there). The subject mentioned in some way or other in all spaces, binding them together thematically, is the Second Coming of Christ and the Last Judgement. In a sepulchral structure like the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia this subject matter is particularly appropriate, but all other churches and other sacred buildings show evident references to this topic as well. These themes and motifs became increasingly popular in mosaics and other genres since the late fourth century, and they are a typical element of early Christian art. In fact, they remind the viewer of his responsibility regarding himself and his life and of the fact that he will have to account for his deeds on Judgement Day at the latest. On the whole, the pictorial representations of the mosaics are mute, yet all the more eloquent, ever present and meaningful heralds of the Gospel. The images do not take any stand on the religious disputes of the time of their creation, and they do not propagate any non-Orthodox position – at least the iconographic analyses conducted here does not hint in this direction. The historical circumstances of the time plainly find their way into the imagery, for instance in the passion scenes of S. Apollinare Nuovo, where some palace guards are depicted with white socks, bright clothes, and elaborate hairdos. Another example is provided by the processions of male and female martyrs in the same church, showing how important the veneration of martyrs was in the sixth century, and reminding of processions organized in their honour. Both of these elements will play a significant role in the Middle Ages.

EPILOGUE

S. Apollinare Nuovo, shell niche with doves

NOTES 1 Further details in Dresken-Weiland 2015, in print. 2 “No pictures shall be found in chuches, so that that is adored in venerated in the church is not represented on the walls” (“Placuit picturas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur”), see E. Reichert, Die Canones der Synode von Elvira, Hamburg 1990, 141–143. 3 Greg. Nyss. 62,25, ed. J.P. Cavarnos, GNO 10,1–2, p. 62 f. J. Leemans in: J. Leemans, W. Mayer, P. Allen, B. Dehandschutter, “Let us die that we may live”. Greek homilies from Asia Minor, Palestine and Syria (c. AD 350 –450), London 2003, 85. 4 Hom. 19,2, Patrologia Graeca 31, col. 508 f. 5 Patrologia Graeca 31, col. 489. 6 Carmen 27, 580 –595. 7 T. Lehmann, Paulinus Nolanus und die Basilica Nova in Cimitile/Nola, Wiesbaden 2004, 192 f. 8 C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire, Englewood Cliﬀs 1972, 33; A. Cameron, The authenticity of the letters of St. Nilus of Ancyra, in: Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 17, 1976, 191. 9 Vita Severi, Patrologia Orientalis 2, 1971, 48–51; S. Brock, B. Fitzgerald, Two Early Lives of Severos Patriarch of Antioch, Liverpool 2013 (= Translated Texts for Historians) 58–60. 10 L. Pietri, M. Hejmans, Prosopographie de la Gaule Chrétienne, I, Paris 2013, 453 f. 11 Ep. 2,15, CSEL 64, 1985, 351 f.; R.W. Mathisen, Ruricius of Limoges and Friends. A Collection of Letters from Visigothic Gaul, Liverpool 1999, 159 f. – I wish to thank Beat Näf, Zurich, for his kind indicationo. 12 CCL 140aA, ed. D. Norburg, Turnhout 1982, Letter IX, 209, p. 768; Letter XI, 10, p. 873–876; see also G. Sprigath, Zum Vergleich von scriptura und pictura in den Briefen Gregors d. Gr. an Salvian von Marseille, in: Jahrbuch für internationale Germanistik 41, 2009, 69–111. 13 L.c., p. 875: “I would have you earnestly admonish your flock that from the sight of the story described they should conceive a more ardent sorrow for sin, and humbly prostrate themselves in homage to the almighty holy Trinity alone” (quotation from: E. Bevan, Holy Images (Routledge Revivals): An Inquiry into Idolatry and Image-Worship in Ancient Paganism and in Christianity, Oxon 2014, p. 126) (“Sed hoc sollicite fraternitas tua admoneat ut ex visione rei gestae ardorem compunctionis percipiant et in adoratione solius omnipotentis sacrae trinitatis humiliter prosternantur.”) 14 J. Dresken-Weiland, Ohne Laien keine Bilder. Zur Entstehung frühchristlicher Kunst, in: Credo – Christianisierung Europas im Mittelalter. Vorträge zur Ausstellung, Petersberg 2015, in print. 15 For the church in Nicomedia, destroyed 303, but was prominent in the townscape, see L. M. White, The social origins of Christian architecture. Texts and monuments for the Christian domus ecclesiae in its environment, Harvard 1997, 99 f. no. 23. 16 J. Dresken-Weiland, Ein wichtiges Zeugnis

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zum frühen Kirchenbau in Kleinasien, in: JbAC 48/49, 2005/2006, 2008, 67–76. 17 Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 142 f.; in the inscription, the cleric explains that these activities are relevant for the afterlife. 18 M. Donderer, Antike Musterbücher und (k) ein Ende. Ein neuer Papyrus und die Aussage der Mosaiken, in: Musiva & sectilia 6, 2008, 81–113; the templates for fabrics are discussed by A. Stauﬀer, Antike Musterblätter. Wirkkartons aus dem spätantiken und byzantinischen Ägypten, Wiesbaden 2008. 19 Diesenberger 2006, 312 with reference to Decem libri historiarum II, 17. 20 For the history of early Christian Ravenna see for instance E. Cirelli, Ravenna, rise of a Late Antique capital, in: D. Sami, G. Speed, Debating Urbanism Within and Beyond the Walls A.D. 300 –700, Proceedings of a conference held at the University of Leicester, 15th November 2008, Leicester 2010, 239–263; id., La storia di Ravenna scritta nei mosaici, in: F. Guidi, Tessere di storia. Dai mosaici di Pella alla basilica di San Vitale, Bologna 2011, 44–69. 21 Deichmann 1974, 66, Verhoeven 2011, 260 f. 22 A. M. Ianuzzi in: Rizzardi 1996, 180 –184, 185 fig. 73. 23 Deichmann 1974, 67. 24 Deichmann 1974, 53; Rizzardi 1974, 129; Vernia 2005, 1120; David 2013, 75. 25 Deichmann 1974, 53–55; S. Gelichi, Nuove ricerche archeologiche nella chiesa di Santa Croce a Ravenna, in: Corso 37, 1990, 195–208; Gelichi, Novara Piolanti 1995 passim; David 2013, 75 f.; Jäggi 2013, 102 fig. 58; Rizzardi 2013, 199 f.; David 2013a, 12–40. 26 Agnellus, LP 41; Deichmann 1974, 51 f.; Nauerth 1996, 210 –213 note 173; David 2013, 70. 27 Deichmann 1974, 52; Gelichi, Novara Piolanti 1995, 358; Rizzardi 1996, 130 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 73 f.; Verhoeven 2011, 35. 28 Sivas 2011, 158–161; M. David, Potere imperiale e devozione cristiana. La Santa Croce a Ravenna e a Roma, in: R. Cassanelli, E. Stolfi, Gerusalemme a Roma. La basilica di Santa Croce e le reliquie della Passione, Milan 2012, 47 f.; David 2013, 75. 29 Y. Duval, Loca sanctorum Africae. Le culte des martyrs en Afrique du IVe au VIIe siècle, Rome 1982, 331–337 no. 157 (Kherbet Oum el Ahdam, Sétif, Algeria, 359 AD); 351–353 no. 167 (Rusguniae, Bordj el Bahri, Algeria, ca. 350 AD). 30 David 2013a, 12 f. 31 Deichmann 1974, 66; Vernia 2005, 1129; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 74. 32 Deichmann 1974, 67; Gelichi, Novara Piolanti 1995, 359, 361; Rizzardi 1996, 133; Vernia 2005, 1118 f.; David 2013, 76; Jäggi 2013, 103; David 2013a, 13, 152 pl. 8. 33 Gelichi, Novara Piolanti 1995, 361; Sivan 2011, 161. 34 Gillett 2001, 147. 35 David 2013a, 13, 152 pl. 8. 36 Deichmann 1974, 63; Rizzardi 1996, 134; Dresken-Weiland 2003, 119 –121; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 74; Verhoeven 2011, 39.

37 Deichmann 1974, 63; Nauerth 1996, 214 f. note 182; Rizzardi 2011a, 25. 38 Gelichi, Novara Piolanti 1995, 363, 364–367; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 71, 73 f. 39 G. Mackie, The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia: a possible occupant, in: Byzantion 65, 1995, 396–404; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 83; Sivan 2011, 59. 40 Sivan 2011, 158–168. 41 Most recently Jäggi 2013, 105. 42 Sivan 2011, 164 f.; Rizzardi 2013, 210 –212 fig. 10; Jäggi 2013a. 43 Deichmann 1974, 64; Mackie 1995, 396; R. Michelini, Pigna marmorea sulla sommità del tetto, in: Rizzardi 1996, 210 –212; Rizzardi 1996, 135; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 82; Verhoeven 2011, 39. 44 Rizzardi 1996, 135; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 82. 45 Liverani 2014, 250, 251. 46 Korol 2011, 1854. 47 Rizzardi 1996, 138–140; David 2013, 76. 48 Deichmann 1974, 70; David 2013, 70. 49 Deichmann 1974, 51, 59; Rizzardi 1996, 119; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 72; Jäggi 2013, 103; David 2013, 77; David 2013a, 18. 50 David 2013a, 15 f. 51 Deichmann 1974, 65. 52 Y. Duval, Auprès des saints, corps et âme. L’inhumation “ad sanctos” dans la chrétienté d’Orient et d’Occident du IIIe au VIIe siècle, Paris 1988, passim; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 82. 53 Deichmann 1974, 65; LP 42; Nauerth 1996, 214; PCBE 2,2 (2000) 1448; Carlà 2010, 235 f.; David 2013, 16. 54 Rizzardi 1996, 62 f. fig. 50 –51, 225–228. 55 S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 227 f.; G. Koch, Frühchristliche Sarkophage, Munich 2000, 391 f. 56 Deichmann 1974, 65. 57 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, 51 note 30, 93 note 296. 58 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, 77 no. B 28 pl. 79, 80, 1–3; 154 (510 –530). 59 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, 79 no. B 29 pl. 80,4, 81; 159 (1st third of the 6th century). 60 Carlà 2010, 221 f. 61 Rizzardi 1996, 28 fig. 1, 136 f., 209 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 76. 62 Carlà 2010, 225, 231. 63 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 76; Verhoeven 2011, 261. 64 A.M. Ianucci, Il mausoleo ritrovato: dagli adattamenti settecenteschi ai progetti e restauri tra Ottocento e Novecento, in: Rizzardi 1996, 188. 65 Deichmann 1969, fig. 245–253; Deichmann 1974, 70; Verhoeven 2011, 261 f. 66 J. Engemann, Hirt, in: RAC 15, Stuttgart 1991, 583 f. 67 Dresken-Weiland 2011; J. Dresken-Weiland, Zur Entstehung der frühchristlichen Kunst, in: Das Münster 65, 2012, 244–250. 68 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 77– 95; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 64–76.

NOTES

69 Deichmann 1974, 70 –72, S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 215. The English quotations from the Bible are taken mostly from the NIV and the KJV. 70 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 77; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 64. 71 Deichmann 1974, 71; Felle 2006, 234 f. no. 505. 72 As argued by Rizzardi 2011a, 27. 73 Steigerwald 1999, 52. 74 Steigerwald 1999, 92–109. 75 Codex Theodosianus 10,20,18; 10,21,3. 76 H. Schneider, Purpur, in: DNP 10, Stuttgart 2001, 604 f.; Steigerwald 1999, 52. 77 C. Parisi Presicce, Konstantin als Juppiter. Die Kolossalstatue des Kaisers aus der Basilika an der Via Sacra, in: Konstantin der Große 2007, 117–131; K. Fittschen, P. Zanker, Katalog der römischen Porträts in den Capitolinischen Museen und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom, Mainz 1985, 145– 147 pl. 149. 78 I. Leventi, Zeus, in: LIMC VIII, Zurich/Düsseldorf 1997, 313, 340 no. 197, F. Canciani, Juppiter/Zeus, in: ibid. 424, 426 f. no. 25–51. 79 Cf. for instance the representation of the sitting Serapis on a Roman relief of mid-2th century AD (Aurea Roma 2000, 516 f. fig. 144) or of a standing Mars in the sacrifice scene on the Decennalia Base (ibid. 379 fig. 4). 80 F. Canciani, Zeus/Juppiter, in: LIMC VIII, Zurich/ Düsseldorf 1997, 427 no. 44, 45, 49. 81 Bisconti 2000a, 364 fig. 4. 82 M. Sapelli in: Aurea Roma 2000, 650 f. no. 362. 83 Cf. Bisconti 2000, 365 fig. 6. 84 Spier 2007, 46–48 no. 265–298. 85 Rizzardi 2011a, 31; Rizzardi 2011b, 53. 86 Arbeiter 2007, pl. 113. 87 Wisskirchen 1993, 169 f. 88 Steigerwald 1999, 52. 89 Merkt 2012, 33. 90 Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 110 f. 91 Fourlas 2012, 247 f. fig. 428–430, 432 f. 92 Fourlas 2012, 248 f. fig. 425, 431. 93 Fourlas 2012, 249 f. fig. 435–438. 94 Rizzardi 2011a, 31; Rizzardi 2011b, 53. 95 The stylised tendril motif in the window frames, probably did not belong to the original features, but was added in the late 5th or early 6th century, as argued by Fourlas 2012, 250 –252, 254 fig. 441–444. 96 Deichmann 1974, 75 –78; Rizzardi 1993, 391–393, S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 223 f.; L. Grig, Making Martyrs in Late Antiquity, London 2004, 136–141; Carlà 2010, 225; Rizzardi 2011b, 50, Jäggi 2013, 114. 97 Nordström 1953, 17–24; A. Weiland, Laurentius, in: LThK 6, 1997, 687 f. 98 Gagé 1964, 137; Deichmann 1974, 76. 99 Courcelle 1948, 29 ﬀ.; Deichmann 1974, 75 f.; Rizzardi 1993, 391–393; S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 223 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 78 f. 100 Gagé 1964, 131 f. 101 Deichmann 1974, 77; J. Ramirez, Sub culmine gazas. The iconography of the Armarium on the Ezra page of the Codex Amiatinus, in: Gesta 48, 2009, 1–18; see de Gregorio, The figure of Esra in the writing of Bede and the Codex Amiatinus, in: E. Mullins, D. Scully, Listen,

NOTES

o isles, unto me. Studies in medieval words and image in honour of J. O’Reilly, Cork 2011, 115–124, 348–350. – For chuch libraries see G. Cantino Wataghin, Le biblioteche della tarda antichità: l’apporto dell’archeologia, in: Antiquité tardive 18, 2010, 53–62. 102 Sörries 1993, 37; H. Kessler, Images of Christ and communication with God, in: Communicare e significare nell’alto medioevo. Settimane di studio della fondazione centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 52, Spoleto 2005, 1103. 103 Gagé 1964, 139. 104 Gagé 1964, 141 f. 105 Gagé 1964, 136. 106 Deichmann 1974, 78. 107 G.B. de Rossi, BAC 7, 1869, 33 pl. 1 no. 8; Deichmann 1974, 78; Mackie 1989, 55 fig. 2; Mackie 1995; Rizzardi 2011a, 30 fig. 9; Bisconti 2013, 365–368 questions the authenticity of the lead medalliono. Representations of martyrs’ deaths depicting violence have survived also outside of Rome, e.g. an altar in Sfax dated to the 4th century: R. Cacitti, G. Legrottaglie, G. Pelizzari, M.P. Rossignani, L’ara dipinta di Thaenae. Indagini sul culto martiriale nell’Africa paleocristiana, Rome 2011. See also the homilies of Greek theologians describing depictions of martyrs, Dresken-Weiland 2015, in print. 108 L. Avery, Early Christian Gold Glass, in: Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 16, 1921, 174; AS 1979, 572 f. no. 511; Rizzardi 2011 a, 32 fig. 10. 109 Brandenburg 2013, S. 263; M. Bonelli, S. Romano, I restauri al mosaico dell’arco trionfale della basilica pelagiana in S. Lorenzo fuori le mura, in: S. Romano (ed.), Riforma e tradizione. 1050 –1198, Milan 2006, 298–301. 110 Morey 1959, 82, 83, 85, 121, 221, 283; P. Porta, Arredo liturgico e culti martiriali in Italia tra IV e VI secolo: alcuni esempi, in: Martiri, santi, patroni 2012, 120 fig. 1. 111 Bisconti 2013, 208. 112 R. Moral, Vincenzo di Saragozza, in: Enciclopedia dei Santi 12, 1960, 1150 –1155; D. Ramos-Lissón, Vincentius, in: LThK 10, 2001, 800. 113 Mackie 1989; by contrast: E. Schurr, Die Ikonographie der Heiligeno. Eine Entwicklungsgeschichte ihrer Attribute von den Anfängen bis zum 8. Jh., Dettelbach 1997, 195–199. 114 See a German translation in: Prudentius. Das Gesamtwerk, eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert von W. Fels, Stuttgart 2011, 257–272. The mention of the sacred books in l. 180 –184, see Fels p. 262. 115 Mackie 1989, 54 f. 116 Rizzardi 2011a, 29; Rizzardi 2001b, 52; Rizzardi 2013, 215 f. 117 Ch. Diehl, Ravenne, Paris 1903, 32; Seston 1945, 37–50; Courcelle 1948, 30 –39; Gagé 1964, 136 –138; Deichmann 1974, 75; Rizzardi 2011a, 31; Rizzardi 2011b, 51 f. 118 Mackie 1989, 56. 119 Rizzardi 2011a, 32 fig. 11. 120 Seston 1945, 37–50; Courcelle 1948, 30 –39. 121 Gagé 1964, 137. 122 Jäggi 2013, 114. 123 Carlà 2010, 235; Bergjan, Näf 2013, 151.

124 Carlà 2010, 223. 125 Nordström 1953, 23 f. 126 Swift, Alwis 2010, 205; David 2013a, 15–17. 127 Swift, Alwis 2010, 199, 203, 205. 128 David 2013a, 16. 129 The stylised tendril motif in the window frame of the western lunette, appearing in a similar fashion in the window frame of the southern one, probably did not belong to the original features, but was added in the late 5th or early 6th century, as argued by Fourlas 2012, 250 –252, 254 fig. 441–444. 130 Deichmann 1974, 79; Domagalski 1990, 127 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 78; Rizzardi 2011, 48; Jäggi 2013, 112 f.; see also Felle 2006, 245 f. no. 529, 261 f. no. 567, 269 no. 582. 131 Salona IV, 241–243 no. 64, fig. on p. 242 and on the cover. 132 Deichmann 1974, 79; Domagalski 1990, 127; see Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 218. 133 Domagalski 1990, 124. 134 Felle 2006, 245 f. no. 529. 135 B. Domagalski, Hirsch, in: RAC 15, 1991, 572 f. 136 Domagalski 1990, 128. 137 WP pl. 150,3; DACL I, Paris 1907, 888 f. fig. 204; DACL II 2, Paris 1910, 3302; P. SaintRoch, Le cimetière de Basileus ou coemeterium sanctorum Marci et Marcelliani Damasique, Vatican City 1990, 105 fig. 43. 138 Rep. III, 211. 139 Rep. III, 465. 140 Rep. III, 297, 300, 301, 309. 141 Rep. II, 376. 142 Deichmann 1974, 79. 143 Deichmann 1974, 79; Brandenburg 2013, 46 fig. 19. 144 Arbeiter, Korol 2006, 59 pl. 7,4. 145 Brandenburg 2013, 158 f. fig. 93–94, 162. 146 The subject is yet underexplored, see H. Maguire, Christians, Pagans, and the Representation of Nature, in: D. Willers (ed.), Begegnung von Heidentum und Christentum im spätantiken Ägypten, Riggisberg 1993, 131–160. 147 Deichmann 1974, 88. 148 Rizzardi 1991, 369, 370 f. fig. 1c–1d, M. Martiniani-Reber, Lyon, Musée historique des Tissus. Soieries sassanides, coptes et byzantines Ve–XIe siècles, Paris 1986, 105 no. 90; A. Gonosová, The formation and sources of early byzantine floral semis and floral diaper patterns reexamined, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41, 1987, 230, 236 fig. 9. Rizzardi 2011, 55. I sincerely thank Philipp Niewöhner, Dumbarton Oaks, for his information on this mosaic. It is located on one of the arches between the gallery and the nave on the west gallery. 149 Ph. Niewöhner, N. Teteriatnikov, The South Vestibule of Hagia Sophia at Istanbul. The Ornamental Mosaics and the Private Door of the Patriarchate, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 68, 2014, 139 fig. 37. 150 Farioli 1992, 277 f.; S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 217. 151 Deichmann 1974, 80 f.; S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 222 f., 231; short Jäggi 2013, 111 f. The restoration in the acanthus zone and in the area of the lower vine tendrils are easy to spot due to the use of tesserae in diﬀerent colour. 152 Deichmann 1974, 81.

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153 Deichmann 1974, 80; H. Merten, Eine frühchristliche Marmorplatte mit Weinrankendekor in Trier, in: Kurtrierisches Jahrbuch 26, 1986, 38–43; M. Guj in: Bisconti 2000, 306; Arbeiter 2007, 204–211. 154 Cf. Arbeiter 2007, 259, for the depiction of vine tendrils in S. Costanza in Rome; F. Massa, Tra la vigna e la croce. Dioniso nei discorsi letterari e figurativi cristiani (II-IV secolo), Stuttgart 2014. 155 Deichmann 1974, 80; S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 222; Arbeiter 2007, 259 note 1379. 156 T. Nicklas, Balaam and the Star of the Magi, in: G.H. van Kooten, J. van Ruiten (ed.), The Prestige of the Pagan Prophet Balaam in Judaism, Early Christianity and Islam, Leiden, Boston 2008, 233–246. 157 F. Bisconti, La madonna di Priscilla: interventi di restauro ed ipotesi sulla dinamica decorativa, in: RACr 72, 1996, 7–34; Dresken-Weiland 2010, 268 f.; F. Bisconti, R. Giuliani, B. Mazzei, La catacomba di Priscilla. Il complesso, i restauri, il museo, Todi 2013, 40, 41 fig.1. 158 J. Spier in: Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osteno. Kult und Alltag im Byzantinischen Reich vom 4. bis 15. Jahrhundert, exhib. cat. Paderborn 2001, 326 no. IV.56; Spier 2007, 30 no. 112. 159 Spier 2007, 29 f. no. 87–111. 160 E. Dinkler, E. Dinkler-von Schubert, Kreuz I, in: RBK 5, 1995, 28 f. 161 E. Le Blant, Manuel d’épigraphie chrétienne d’après les marbres de la Gaule, Paris 1869, 29 (355 AD); Rep. II no. 150 pl. 61,1 (late 4th century). 162 Most recently Dresken-Weiland 2011a, 128. 163 Deichmann 1974, 81 f. 164 Liverani 2014, 250, 251. 165 Ferri 2013, 106–109 pl. 28–31. 166 Deichmann 1974, 83, 84; S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 231 f., 233 f. 167 Deichmann 1974, 83. 168 Avellis 2010, passim. 169 S. Kielau, Das Taubenmosaik aus der Villa Hadriana und seine Beziehung zu Pergamono. Neue Beobachtungen, in: Istanbuler Mitteilungen 54, 2004, 491–503. 170 Kielau loc. cit. 498, 503. 171 Deichmann 1974, 82, S. Pasi in: Rizzardi 1996, 232 f. 172 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 33–36; DreskenWeiland 2012, 31 f. 173 Lehmann 2004, 181. 174 J. Dresken-Weiland, Vorstellungen von Tod und Jenseits in den frühchristlichen Grabinschriften des 3.–6. Jhs. in Rom, Italien und Afrika, in: RQ 101, 2006, 295 f.; cf. also Rizzardi 2011, 48. 175 Deichmann 1974, 82. 176 Rep. I, 775. 177 Brandenburg 2013, 50, 51 fig. 23. 178 Brandenburg 2013, 50. 179 Deichmann 1974, 84; Engemann 1997, 60; Rizzardi 2005b, 282; Jäggi 2013, 112; Liverani 2014, 253 f. 180 Engemann 1997, 60 –62. 181 Dölger 1972, 211–219; Dinkler 1964, 77–87. 182 E. Peterson, Frühkirche, Judentum und Gnosis, Freiburg 1959, 15–35.

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183 As in M. Wallraff, Christus verus sol. Sonnenverehrung und Christentum in der Spätantike, Münster 2001, 152; Rizzardi 2005b, 277, 282. – An interpretation of the cross in a starry sky as “victoria crucis”, proposed by Pasquini 2005, evidently without being aware of Deichmanns explanations, falls short, all the more so since this interpretation is restricted to the cross; conversely, Swift, Alwis 2010 only examine the starry sky, without considering the cross. For other older and incorrect interpretations see Deichmann 1974, 85. 184 “ In the center, around the throne, were four living creatures, and they were covered with eyes, in front and in back. The first living creature was like a lion, the second was like an ox, the third had a face like a man, the fourth was like a flying eagle. Each of the four living creatures had six wings and was covered with eyes all around, even under its wings.” For the creatures with only two wings see for instance Engemann 1997, 60; Jäggi 2013, 112. 185 Deichmann 1974, 86; U. Utro in: Bisconti 2000, 287; Rizzardi 2013, 216. 186 Engemann 1997, 62. 187 Most recently Koch 2000, 315 f.; J. Dresken-Weiland, Sarcophagi, in: Cambridge Encyclopaedia of the Archaeology of Late Antiquity, in print. 188 Poilpré 2005, 108–112; Rizzardi 2013, 211 fig. 10; Jäggi 2013, 98 f. 189 Poilpré 2005, 112–116; Rizzardi 2013, 212 f. fig. 11; Jäggi 2013a. 190 Rizzardi 2005b, 280 –282, Marcenaro 2014, 143 fig. 24, see the volume volume for the current state of research on the Baptistery. 191 Agnellus, LP 42, Nauerth 1996, 214–217. 192 Kostoff 1965; Deichmann 1974, 15 – 47; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 87–100; Verhoeven 2011, 252–256; Jäggi 2013, 118–129. 193 Agnellus, LP 28, Nauerth 1996, 150 f.; Rizzardi 1996, 69. 194 Deichmann 1969, pl. 254; C. Muscolino, C. Tedeschi, Il restauro dei mosaici del battistero neoniano a Ravenna. Problemi di conservazione, in: Ravenna musiva. Atti del primo congresso internazionale. Conservazione e restauro del mosaico antico e contemporaneo, Ravenna 2009, Bologna 2010, 411–424; C. Muscolino, Restauri passati, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 89 –104. The central medallion of the dome was almost completely removed in 1938–1940 and later installed once again heads of the Apostles Bartholomew, Philippus, Jacobus, and Zebedaeus, ibid. 94. The plan with the additions, published by Corrado Ricci, ibid. 102 pl. 6 is not complete, see ibid. 92. An accurate survey is in preparation, ibid. 95. – The decay of the glass tesserae is a problem, see M. Verità, Glass mosaic tesserae of the Neonian baptistry in Ravenna. Nature, origin, weathering causes and processes, in: Ravenna musiva. Atti del primo convegno internazionale. Conservazione e restauro del mosaico antico e contemporaneo. Ravenna 2009, Bologna 2010, 89–103; id., Degrado delle tessere vitree del battistero Neoniano, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 133–142. 195 Kostoff 1965, 57 f.; Deichmann 1974, 22; Ianucci 1985, 82–86; Jäggi 2013, 71, 118. 196 Deichmann 1974, 46 f.; Ianucci 1985, 82;

Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 16; Jäggi 2013, 71. 197 Deichmann 1974, 22; Ianucci 1985, 80 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 69; Jäggi 2013, 69, 119 fig. 67. 198 Pasquini 2005a, 330; C. Muscolino, Gli apparati decorativi, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 35; id., Restauri passati, in: ibid., 91. 199 Deichmann 1974, 24. 200 Novara 1998, 131. 201 Deichmann 1974, 25; Ianucci 1985, 91 fig. 7, 93 fig. 8; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 93. 202 Deichmann 1974, 25; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 93. 203 Deichmann 1969, 73 fig. 94–95; Deichmann 1974. 204 Deichmann 1974, 19; Rizzardi 2011, 69. 205 Novara 1998, 133 fig. 29. 206 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 95 misinterprets Deichmann in stating that the inscriptions do not refer to images, see Deichmann 1974, 28. 207 G. Ciampini, Vetera Monimenta in quibus praecipuè musiva opera sacrarum profanarum aedium structura, Rom 1690, 234 pl. 79 fig. 2, 236 f.; Bovini 1974, 97 f. 208 In locum pascuae ibi me conlocavit, super aqua refectionis edocavit me: Ciampini a. O., Bovini 1974, 98–101, 106–109; Deichmann 1974, 28; Felle 2006, 271 f. no. 587; Rizzardi 2011, 78; Jäggi 2013, 121. 209 Ubi deposuit ihs vestimenta sua et misit aquam in pelvem et labit pedes discipulorum suorum: Ciampini loc. cit., Bovini 1974, 101– 103, 109 f., 113; Deichmann 1974, 28 f.; Felle 2006, 272 f. no. 589; Rizzardi 2011, 78; Jäggi 2013, 121. 210 Beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, et quorum tecta sunt peccata. Beatus vir cui non imputavit Dominus peccatum: Ciampini loc. cit., Bovini 1974, 103 f., 110 f.; Deichmann 1974, 29 f., Felle 2006, 272 no. 588; Rizzardi 2011, 77 f.; Jäggi 2013, 121. 211 Ihs ambula(n)s super mare Petro mergenti manum capit et iubente Dom(i)no ventus cessavit: Bovini 1974, 104–106, 112 f.; Deichmann 1974, 30; Rizzardi 2011, 77; Jäggi 2013, 121. 212 Fourlas 2012, 257 fig. 458, 259 f. fig. 459. 213 Fourlas 2012, 256 fig. 456 f. 214 Fourlas 2012, 258 fig. 460 –461. 215 Korol 2011, 1621 fig. 48,1; 49,1, 50,1. 216 Korol 2011, 1621. 217 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 261 note 913; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 207. 218 Deichmann 1974, 170 –172. 219 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 259 –266; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 203–209; Jensen 2012, 24. 220 Rep. I 58, 679, Rep. III 53, 412. 221 Rep. I 58, Rep. III 412. 222 Rep. I 679, Rep. III 53. 223 Sevrugian 1990, 58 f. pl. 10. 224 Zone 1: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 32 f. pl. IIa; Weigel 1997, 278 f. 225 Deichmann 1974, 29; P.F. Beatrice, La lavanda dei piedi. Contributo alla storia delle antiche liturgie cristiane, Roma 1983 passim; Jensen 2012, 48–50. 226 Strecker 2011, 1402, 1403. 227 Foletti 2009, passim.

NOTES

228 Korol 2011, 1617 f. 229 Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, pl. 15, 16a, 17a– b; Ferri 2013, 60 pl. 8,23–25. 230 Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, 40 –43 fig. 13– 14; Brandenburg 2013, 43. 231 De Bruyne 1958, 348. 232 Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, 43 fig.18–19, 303 pl. 7; A. Arbeiter, D. Korol, Wand- und Gewölbemosaiken von tetrarchischer Zeit bis zum frühen 8. Jh.: Neue Funde und Forschungen, in: Akten des 14. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Vatican City 2006, 56 f.; most recently G. Pelizzari, “Quando apparirà il supremo pastore, riceverete la corona di gloria” (1Pt 5,4). Il progetto iconografico dei mosaici dell’ottagono di Sant’Aquilino, in: R. Passarella (ed.), Il culto di San Lorenzo tra Roma e Milano dalle origini al Medioevo (= Accademia Ambrosiana, Studi Ambrosiani 8), Milan 2015, 235–286. 233 De Bruyne 1958, 349. 234 Ambrosius, De sacramentis 5,13, see J. Schmitz CSSR (ed.), Ambrosius, De Sacramentis, de mysteriis (=Fontes Christiani 3) Freiburg 1990, 162, 164. – Foletti 2009, 143; Jensen 2012, 77 f. K.O. Sandnes, Seal and Baptism in Early Christianity, in: D. Hellholm, T. Vegge, Ø. Norderval, C. D. Hellholm (ed.), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism. Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, vol. 2 (= Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 176), Berlin 2011, 1469 note 110. – For the connections between this psalm and the liturgy of baptism see J. Daniélou, Le Psaume 22 dans l’exégèse patristique, in: Richesses et déficiences des anciens Psautiers latins, Città del Vaticano 1959, 189–211. 235 Korol 2011, 1622–1644. 236 Rep. I, 365; Korol 2011, 1644 note 150 pl. 57,2. 237 Grabar 1958, 37 f. no. 11–12 pl. 43,1–2; G. Menella, Regio IX. Dertona, Libarna, Forum Iulii Iriensium (=ICI 7), Bari 1990, 135 f. no. 130, Vikan 2010, 61 fig. 40. 238 Korol 2011, 1638 note 126. 239 Korol 2011, 1644 note 150. 240 A. Musin, Die Anfänge russischer Forschungen der Christlichen Archäologie: Beitrag und Vermächtnis der Kaiserlichen Archäologischen Kommission in Russland (1859–1917), in: RQ 105, 2010, 275 f. fig.5a; Korol 2011, 1639 f., 1839 fig. 56. 241 Cf. Foletti 2009, 136 f. 242 J. Deshusses, Le sacramentaire grégorieno. Ses principales formes d’après les plus anciens manuscrits, Fribourg/CH 1971, 187. See also D. Serra, The Blessing of Baptismal Water at the Paschal Vigil in the Gelasianum Vetus: a Study of the Euchological Texts, Ge 444– 448,in: Ecclesia orans, 6 (1989) 323–344. I sincerely thank Harald Buchinger for his valuable indications about liturgic literature. 243 Korol 2011, 1854 fig. 71 and passim. The Good Shepherd was not depicted in the Baptistery of St. Peter’s, as stated by Jensen 2012, 77, see Ch. Gnilka, Prudentius über den colymbus bei St. Peter, in: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 152, 2005, p. 83 f. 244 “Luke’s Grave” in Ephesus: A. Pülz, Spätantike und frühchristliche Wand-

NOTES

malereien in Ephesos, in: N. Zimmermann/ S. Ladstätter, Wandmalerei in Ephesos von hellenistischer bis in byzantinische Zeit, Vienna 2010, 183 fig. 374 (2nd half of the 5th or early 6th century) 245 Column B of the ciborium, S. Marco, Zone 8: Weigel 1997, 272 (6th century). 246 Rabbula-Codex, fol. 5b: Bernabò 2008, 91 f. colour table 10. (586 AD). 247 Gold encolpion from Adana in Istanbul: Yalçin 1995, 530, 535. 248 Glass bowl in Rome: AS no. 401. 249 Deichmann 1974, 19. Different opinion: Bovini 1974, 115–130. 250 See Liverani 2014, 250 f. 251 Deichmann 1969, 150 f. 252 Deichmann 1969, fig. 255–256. 253 Deichmann 1974, 30 f.; Rizzardi 1996, 77; Jäggi 2013, 123. 254 Deichmann 1974, 30. 255 Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, pl. 79a–b. 256 Deichmann 1974, 30; Jäggi 2013, 123. 257 Deichmann 1974, 30. 258 Deichmann 1974, 45; Arbeiter 2007, 125 with note 212; Jäggi 2013, 71. 259 Dulaey 2001, 86–111; 158–166. 260 Jonas: Dulaey 2001, 88; Daniel: ibid. 161. For the relation of depictions of Daniel and Jonah to baptism see Jensen 2012, 153–156; 157–160. 261 Dresken-Weiland 2011a, 147–149. 262 Deichmann 1974, 57 f.; Rep. II, S. 23 no. 69. 263 P.G.J. Post, Conculcabis leonem … Some iconographic and iconologic notes on an early-Christian terracotta-lamp with an Anastasis-scene, in: RACr 58, 1982, 147–176. 264 Rizzardi 2013, 212 f. fig. 11; Jäggi 2013a, 46 fig. 1. 265 Deichmann 1974, 45. 266 De Mysteriis 7, see J. Schmitz CSSR (ed.), Ambrosius, De Sacramentis, de mysteriis (= Fontes Christiani 3), Freiburg 1990, 33 f., 208. See also Kostof 1965, 66–71; Wharton 1987, 362; Foletti 2009, 137; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 96; Strecker 2011, 1396 f. 267 Pasquini 2005a, 334; C. Muscolino, Restauri passati, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 91. 268 L. de Maria in: Bisconti 2000, 136 f.; F. Bisconti, Alle origini dell’iconografia battesimale: tempi, luoghi ed evoluzione, in: I. Foletti, S. Romano, Fons vitae. Baptême, baptistère et rites d’initiation (IIe–VIe siècle), Rome 2009, 89 –100; R. M. Jensen, Living Water. Images, Symbols, and Setting of Early Christian Baptism, Leiden/Boston 2011; Jensen 2012. 269 WP pl. 29,1; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 296. 270 D. Korol, Handauflegung II (ikonographisch), in: RAC 13, 1986, 493–519. 271 Korol loc. cit. 513. 272 Deichmann 1974, 37 f. 273 Deichmann 1969, pl. 254; Deichmann 1974, 33, 36; Wisskirchen 1993, 164; Rizzardi 1996, 72–75, Pasquini 2005a, 232; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 98; Jäggi 2013, 125, 127. Different opinion: Rizzardi 2001, 917–922, Rizzardi 2011, 72–75, who believes that the original version showed baptism by affusiono. However, the degree of accurary of Ciampini’s draw-

ings is debatable, considering that the dove restored in the 18th century is set too low. It is certain that Ciampini’s drawing is incomplete, since the Baptist’s left arm is missing. Foletti 2009, 137 f. note 95 also believes that Ciampini’s drawing is based on medieval or modern additions, and notes that the monuments cited by Rizzardi show the imposition of hands. He doubts that a paten was used for baptism in the 5th century. 274 Wisskirchen 1993, 169 f. 275 Wisskirchen 1993, 169 f.; Jäggi 2013, 128. 276 Wisskirchen 1993, 165–168. 277 Korol loc. cit. 513. Cf. an ivory in London, Volbach 1976, no. 141, most recently S. Marzinzik, Masterpieces: Early Medieval Art, London 2013, 60 f., or the ivory cathedra of Maximian in Ravenna. 278 Wisskirchen 1993, 164. 279 Engemann 1989, 486. 280 Schrenk, Rexin 2007, 183 f. pl. 28a, 198. The opinion expressed by Pasquini 2005a, 332, indicating that Christ wanted to dry his skin with the cloth, is both amusing and odd. 281 Schrenk, Rexin 2007, 183 f.; Foletti 2009, 138 f. 282 Volbach 1976, no. 140, 141, 149, Schenk, Rexin 2007, 184–187. 283 Liverani 2014, 250 f., 253. 284 M. Xanthopoulou, Les lampes en bronze à l’époque paléochrétienne, Turnhout 2010, 28–39, 231–278. Cf. also H.-U. Cain, Römische Marmorkandelaber, Mainz 1985, 15. 285 Dresken-Weiland 2003, 100 Kat. A 60, 118 Kat. E 25, 120 Kat. E 27. 286 Deichmann 1974, 40. 287 On the fragment of a sarcophagus lid from the 2st third of the 4th century in the Vatican Museums, Rep. I, 134, Christ is depicted with three rowers in a boat. The labels read “Iesus”, “Marcus”, “Lucas”, “[Joh]annes”, see C. Lega, D. Mazzoleni in: I. Di Stefano Manzella (Hg.), Le iscrizioni dei cristiani in Vaticano, Città del Vaticano 1997, 303 f. no. 3.8.4. On the sarcophagus (made about 400) from the Mausoleum of Las Vegas de Pueblanueva there were labels for the Apostles’ names, but they are not completely preserved, H. Schlunk, Th. Hauschild, Die Denkmäler der frühchristlichen und westgotischen Zeit, Mainz 1978, 129 pl. 21a. Apostle figures with name labels were shown in the mosaics of the narthex (built about 400) of S. Aquilino in Milan, see Bovini 1970, 65 fig. 4; Biscottini 2000, 64 with fig. 288 Agnellus, LP 18, Nauerth 1996, 150 f. 289 V. Tiberia, Il mosaico di Santa Pudenziana a Roma. Il restauro, Todi 2003; Brandenburg 2013, 150 fig. 84, 151. 290 Cf. Deichmann 1958, pl. 59, 157, 234. 291 Deichmann 1969, 146. 292 Engemann 2006, 1017. 293 Engemann 2006, 1030 f. – It is surprising to read in Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 98 that it is not clear whom the crowns are oﬀered. Deichmann 1974, 39 already said: “There should not be any doubt that the wreaths are oﬀered to Jesus …”. 294 For instance by Pasquini 2005a, 333; Rizzardi 2011, 76. 295 Engemann 2006, 1030 f.

303

296 Engemann 1989, passim, Engemann 1997, 143–146; most recently Jäggi 2013, 127. 297 In the southeast this architecture was restored, see Deichmann 1969, fig. 254. 298 N. Asutay in: Byzanz 2001, 99 f. no. I 18. 299 Wisskirchen 1990, 54; Nestori, Bisconti 2000, pl. 1; see also Dresken-Weiland 2004, 675 f. 300 Deichmann 1974, 43. 301 Deichmann 1969, 147 f.; Deichmann 1974, 41. 302 There are no elements of a city architecture, and therefore we cannot speak of a heavenly city, as was the case most recently in Rizzardi 2011, 76 f.; in fact, there is a sequence of interior and garden elements here. C. Muscolino, Gli apparati decorativi, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 38, proposes that it is the eternal “Domus dei”, the heavenly Jerusalem, but there is no solid evidence for that either. 303 U. Utro in: Bisconti 2000, 174; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 97; Rizzardi 2011, 76 f.; for the term “Hetoimasia” see most recently Di Natale 2013. 304 Deichmann 1974, 41 f.; Di Natale 2013, 708 f. 305 Foletti 2009, 142. 306 It has been proposed that the four Gospels refer to the “traditio evangeliorum” in the context of baptism, where the baptisands would be seeing the four gospel books on an altar; most recently Foletti 2009, 135. This situation is documented only in the Roman Sacramentarium Gelasianum of the 9th century. Given the long period of time between the making of the mosaics and that of the Sacramentarium, and considering the influence of Milan on the ravennate liturgy, this theory appears highly improbable. 307 Deichmann 1974, 42; Jäggi 2013, 128. 308 Deichmann 1974, 42; Jäggi 2013, 128. 309 A compilation of further interpretations that cannot be proven is in L. Sotira, Gli altari nella scultura e nei mosaici di Ravenna (V–VIII secolo), Bologna 2013, 103–107. 310 Most recently Bauer 2013, 53 f.; J.-M. Spieser, A propos de trois livres récents sur des monuments de Thessalonique, in: Antiquité tardive 22, 2014, 305 f. 311 Bakirtzis et al. 2012, 63 f., 67–71, 75–77. 312 Bakirtzis et al. 2012, 101–105, 107–109. 313 C. Muscolino, Gli apparati decorativi, in: Muscolino, Ranaldi, Tedeschi 2011, 36. The sequence described here begins with the modern entrance and then turns right. 314 Deichmann 1974, 251–258; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 177–187; Rizzardi 2011, 81–86; Jäggi 2013, 191–200. 315 Deichmann 1974, 245. 316 Deichmann 1976, 300 –303; Jäggi 2013, 192. 317 Most recently Penni Iacco 2011, 63 f. 318 Rizzardi 2011, 81; Jäggi 2013, 198. 319 Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 142 f. no. I 30. 320 Jäggi 2013, 197 note 447. 321 Most recently Wiemer 2013, 606 note 45. 322 H.-Ch. Brennecke, Deconstruction of the So-called Germanic Arianism, in: G.M. Bernt, R. Steinacher (ed.), Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed, Farnham 2014, 120, 126. 323 Schäferdieck 2001.

304

324 Jäggi 2013, 200. 325 Bockmann 2014. 326 Deichmann 1976, Plananhang, fig. 15; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 179 fig. 59; Rizzardi 2011, 82 fig. 56; Penni Iacco 2011, 63; Jäggi 2013, 192 fig. 124, 197. 327 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 180 f. 328 Deichmann 1969, 209; Deichmann 1974, 253. 329 Deichmann 1974, 251; Novara 2007, 113; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 180; Jäggi 2013, 197. 330 Rizzardi 2011, 83 note 175. 331 Deichmann 1974, 253; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 181; Verhoeven 2011, 145; Jäggi 2013, 200. 332 Deichmann 1969, 211; Deichmann 1974, 255; Rizzardi 2011, 83 f.; Penni Iacco 2011, 66. 333 Deichmann 1974, 150. 334 Deichmann 1969, 211. 335 Deichmann 1969, 211. 336 Deichmann 1969, 212. 337 Schrenk, Rexin 2007, 184. 338 Deichmann 1974, 254. 339 Deichmann 1974, 255–258. 340 Deichmann 1974, 255, Jäggi 2013, 197. Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 183 balances between water and light; an incorrect designation as water in Penni Iacco 2011, 65. 341 See ivory works in Milan, earlier 5th century, Volbach 1976, no. 119 pl. 63; in Berlin, Volbach no. 112 pl. 60, early 5th century; Werden Casket London, Carolingian, see P. Williamson, Medieval Ivory Carvings. Early Christian to Romanesque, London 2010, 156–158 no. 38. As an example of early Christian murals I wish to mention the depiction in the Pontianus Catacomb in Rome, see V. Fiocchi Nicolai, Considerazioni sulla funzione del cosiddetto battistero di Ponziano sulla Via Portuense, in: Il Lazio tra antichità e medioevo. Studi in memoria di Jean Coste, ed. by Z. Mari, M.T. Petrara, M. Sperandino, Rome 1999, 323–333; M. Minasi, Nuove acquisizioni dai restauri delle pitture altomedievali della catacomba romana di Ponziano, in: Martiri, santi, patroni 2012, 567–579. 342 Deichmann 1974, 254. An identification with the sudarium, as proposed by Rizzardi 2011, and accordingly Ch. Sturaro, Il battesimo di Cristo nei mosaici delle cupole dei battisteri di Ravenna: una interpretazione delle personificazione del Giordano, in: Iconographica 12, 2013,12, lacks any figurative parallel. See also Di Natale 2013, 712 f. 343 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 312 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 292 f. 344 Jäggi 2013, 200. 345 Dresken-Weiland 2004, 635 – 641, 655 – 658, 660 –665. 346 Most recently Wiemer 2013, 606 note 45. 347 Critically along these lines Ward Perkins 2010, 268–273, 286 f.; Bockmann 2014. 348 A position quoted in Jäggi 2013, 199. 349 Rizzardi 2001, 927–930, id. 2011, 85. 350 Deichmann 1974, 130 f.; Penni Iacco 2004, 27–32; Jäggi 2013, 170 –177. 351 Penni Iacco 2004, 84–147; Verhoeven 2011, 266–273. 352 Deichmann 1974, 130; Penni Iacco 2004,

35 f.; Novara 2007, 112; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 148; Rizzardi 2011, 87; Jäggi 2013, 171. 353 Deichmann 1974, 131–136; Penni Iacco 2004, 33–35; Jäggi 2013, 170 –173. 354 Deichmann 1974, 136 –139; Penni Iacco 2004, 65–71; Jäggi 2013, 170 –175. 355 Deichmann 1974, 139; J. Dresken-Weiland, Kathedra, in: RAC 20, 2004, 656; Penni Iacco 2004, 82; Jäggi 2013, 172 f.; Jäggi 2013b, 304. 356 Agnellus, LP 86; Nauerth 1996, 344 f.: Theodericus rex hanc ecclesiam a fundamentis in nomine domini nostri Iesu Christi fecit. 357 Deichmann 1974, 127 f.; Nauerth 1996, 344 f.; Penni Iacco 2004, 30 –32; Verhoeven 2011, 43. 358 Deichmann 1974, 128. 359 Deichmann 1974, 128; Rizzardi 2011, 87; Jäggi 2013, 168. 360 Most recently Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 171 f.; Jäggi 2013, 181 f. 361 Deichmann 1974, 129; Penni Iacco 2004, 23; Ward Perkins 2010, 282 (“a clear statement of Catholic triumph after the defeat of Ostrogothic Arianism”); Rizzardi 2011, 87; Verhoeven 2011, 44; Jäggi 2013, 168–170. 362 Agnellus LP 86, Nauerth 1996, 244 f. 363 Agnellus LP 89, Nauerth 1996, 348 f.; Jäggi 2013, 177. 364 Deichmann 1974, 129 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 87; Jäggi 2013, 168; Penni Iacco 2004, 24. 365 Deichmann 1974, 130. 366 Deichmann 1969, pl. 257–260. For the work sequence see C. Tedeschi, Mosaics from the 5th and 6th Centuries in Ravenna and Poreč, in: C. Entwistle, L. James, New Light on Old Glass: Recent Research on Byzantine Mosaics and Glass, London 2013, 61–64. 367 Jäggi 2013, 182. 368 Greek text of the Laudatio Marciani 47–77: Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, 14–22; English translation in Hamilton 1930, 183–187; French translation with commentary in Abel 1931, 17–23. 369 Penni Iacco 2004, 51–62. 370 Rizzardi 2011, 90 –97. 371 E. Penni Iacco, Il ciclo cristologico di S. Apollinare Nuovo alla luce delle fonti storico-letterarie ariane, in: La cristianizzazione in Italia tra Tardoantico ed Altomedioevo. Atti del IX congresso nazionale di archeologia cristiana, Agrigento 2004, Palermo 2007, 823– 842; id., L’arianesimo nei mosaici di Ravenna, Ravenna 2011, 50 –62. 372 Also Engemann 2014, 143. 373 A. Grabar, Christian Iconography. A Study of Its Origins, Princeton 1980, 119–121; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 157. 374 Schäferdiek 2001. 375 Dresken-Weiland 2015, in print. 376 Deichmann 1974, 160; R. Warland, Nimbus, in: RAC Lief. 199, Stuttgart 2013, 930. 377 Rep. II, 150; Rep. II, 152. 378 Jeremias 1980, 107. 379 Deichmann 1974, 160 f., thereafter Jäggi 2013, 189 f. 380 Deichmann 1974, 161. 381 Deichmann 1974, 162 fig. 120; Penni Iacco 2004, 52 f., Rizzardi 2011, 91 fig. 65–66. 382 Azevedo 1986 passim; M.P. del Moro, Nozze di Cana, in: Bisconti 2000, 232–234;

NOTES

Dresken-Weiland 2010, 177; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 149. 383 On a column sarcophagus in Cività Castellana, Rep. II, 124. 384 Ivory diptych in Mailand: Volbach 1976, no. 119 pl. 63; Book and wall painting, ciborium column B in S. Marco, Zone 5, W. Kuhn, Die Darstellung des Kanawunders im Zeitalter Justinians, in: W.N. Schumacher (ed.), Tortulae. Studien zu altchristlichen und byzantinischen Denkmälern, Freiburg 1966, 211 pl. 50a, Weigel 1997, 270. See also the back of a gold medallion on a pectorale in Berlin from the late sixth century, Die Welt von Byzanz 2004, 288 no. 484 (G. Platz-Horster); M. Radnoti-Alföldi, Das Berliner pectorale aus dem späten 6. Jh. Ein Hals- und Brustschmuck eines Eunuchen im Dienste des byzantinischen Kaisers, Mainz 2013; a jug in Rome (?) known from a drawing, Azevedo 1986, 185 f. no. 85, 5. Jh.; a merovingian jug from the grave of a the “Lord of Lavoye” in Saint-Germain-en Laye, in: Credo 2013, 143 f. no. 106. 385 Deichmann 1974, 163; Arbeiter 2007, 235 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2010, 177–180; Angheben 2011, 115; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 154; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 149 f. 386 B. Mazzei, Moltiplicazione dei pani, in: Bisconti 2000, 220 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2010, 162–174; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 139–148. 387 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 163; Angheben 2011, 115; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 140. 388 For instance in the Sinope Codex, Sevrugian 1990, 87 and pl. 22. See also the depiction on a tile in Hajeb-el-Aïoun, Tunisia, decorating (with others) the ceiling of a basilica, N. Ben Lazreg, Christlicher Bauschmuck aus Ton, in: Vandalen 2009, 338, 345 no. 293. 389 See for instance the urban sarcophagus of Milan, Rep. II, 150. 390 Korol 2011, 1626–1640, in particular 1638– 1640. 391 Column B in Zone 4: Weigel 1997, 271. 392 Deichmann 1974, 164 f. 393 Deichmann 1974, 165; Deichmann 1958, fig. 162. 394 Diﬀerent opinion in Rizzardi 2011, 92, speaking of the healing of two blind men near Jericho; however, those two are shown sitting and thus do not fit in with the iconography of the scene represented here. 395 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 253 –258; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 199–203. 396 Firatlı 1990, no. 98 pl. 38. 397 Jeremias 1980, 52 f. pl. 44. 398 Jeremias loc. cit.; Volbach 1976, no. 119 pl. 63. 399 AS no. 400; F. Baratte, Silver plate in Late Antiquity, in: F. Hunter, K. Painter, Late Roman Silver. The Traprain Treasure in Context, Edinburgh 2013, 69 fig. 6.17. 400 Sevrugian 1990, 88 f. pl. 23. 401 J. Spier, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems. Some unpublished examples, in: Ch. Entwistle, N. Adams, “Gems of Heaven”. Recent research on Engraved Gemstones in Late Antiquity, C. AD 200 – 600, London 2011, 199 f. fig. 66 (6th-7th century). 402 Deichmann 1974, 165; Dresken-Weiland 2010, 247–251; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 196–199. 403 The description of the healing of the

NOTES

bleeding woman in Matthew 9:20 –22 does not mention her prostrating before Christ. For the iconography see M. Perraymond, Emorroissa, in: Bisconti 2000, 171–173. 404 Frerich 1996, passim; M. Perraymond, Canaanea, in: Bisconti 2000, 140 f. 405 Bleeding woman: Nordström 1953, 60; Deichmann 1974, 165 f.; Frerich 1996, 568. Rizzardi 2011, 92 considers an interpretation as either the bleeding woman or the adelteress; this last hypothesis was already dismissed by Nordström 1953, 60 f. zurückgewieseno. 406 For the bleeding woman see Dulaey 2007, 133–149; for the canaanite woman see M. Perraymond, Canaanea, in: Bisconti 2000, 140. 407 Frerich 1997, 567 f. and passim; Dulaey 2007, 149–152. 408 AS 1979, no. 398; not in Spier 2007. 409 Korol 2011, 1645–1647. 410 Room below S. Giovanni in Laterano, later 4th century: V. Santa Maria Scrinari, Il Laterano imperiale, II. Dagli “horti Domitiae” alla Cappella cristiana (Città Vatican City 1995) 221 fig. 255, 225 f.; F. Romana Moretti in: Andaloro 1 (2006) 101 fig. 6. 411 Baptistery of Naples, Ferri 2013, 67 f. fig. 24 pl. 14; ciborium column B of S. Marco, Zone 5, Weigel 1997, 271. 412 Ivory: Ravenna, cathedra of Maximian, Volbach 1976, no. 140; ivory diptych Volbach no. 145, 152, pyxides Volbach no. 179, 180, 185; encolpion in Istanbul, clay wall panel with reliefs in Hadjeb-el-Aïoun, Tunisia, DACL 2,2 (1910) 2186 fig.2103 (H. Leclercq), N. Ben Lazreg in: Vandalen 2009, 344 f. no. 292; another example in: Die Welt von Byzanz 2004, 92 no. 117. 413 Rabbula Codex of 586, Sörries 1993, 96 pl. 53 fig. 6a; Bernabò 2008, pl. 11 fig. 30. 414 J. C. Elowsky, Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture. New Testament, IV A, John 1–10 (Downers Grove, Illinois 2006) 145–171, here 145–147. 415 Ibid. 148, 151–153. 416 Ibid. 153 f. 417 Penni Iacco 2004, 55; Rizzardi 2011, 92. 418 Dresken-Weiland 2003, 115. 419 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 217–219, 223–225, regarding non-Roman depictions; see also Dresken-Weiland 2012, 176 f., 180 f. 420 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, pl. 30,3; pl. 31,2. 421 Gorny und Mosch München, Auction 17.12.2014, no. 270; Spier 2007, no. 442 pl. 53. 422 Sevrugian 1990, 45 f. pl. 4; Sörries 1993, 71 pl. 38,1. 423 Column B, Zone 8: Weigel 1997, 272 fig. 96–97. 424 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 213 –217; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 174–176. 425 Sermo Mai 125,1 (= 139A), PLS 2, 499; Dulaey 2007, 167. 426 Deichmann 1974, 168; Penni Iacco 2004, 55; M. Ricciardi, Fariseo e Pubblicano, in: Bisconti 2000, 178 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 93. 427 Deichmann 1974, 168. 428 H. J. Sieben, Kirchenväterhomilien zum Neuen Testament. Ein Repertorium der Textausgaben und Übersetzungen, Den Haag 1991, 82; A. A. Just Jr., Luke. Ancient Christian

Commentary on Scripture, New Testament, III, Downers Grove, Illinois 2003, 278–280. 429 Just (see previous note) 279, 280. 430 Volbach 1976, no. 119 pl. 63; Castelfranchi 2005, 39 fig. 13. 431 Deichmann 1974, 168 f.; C. Curci in: Bisconti 2000, 234 f.; cf. also Brubaker 1999, 277 fig. 32. 432 “For by the voice of the Lord that widow is preferred to all of whom it was said: This widow has cast in more than all. In which instance the Lord characteristically teaches all, that none should be held back from giving assistance through shame at his own poverty, and that the rich should not flatter themselves that they seem to give more than the poor. For the piece of money out of a small stock is richer than treasures out of abundance, because it is not the amount that is given but the amount that remains which is considered. No one gives more than she who has left nothing for herself.” See the English translation of Ambrose, de viduis 5, 27 in: http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3408.htm 433 Deichmann 1974, 169. 434 Deichmann 1974, 169 f.; Engemann 1992, 337. 435 Deichmann 1974, 170. 436 Engemann 1992, 338–351. 437 Engemann 1993, 345–348. 438 Engemann 1993, 346 f. 439 Rep. II, 162. 440 Engemann 1993, 335 f.; id., Weltgerichtsdarstellung, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters 8, 1997, 2172 f. 441 Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 82 f., 95, 105–107, 137 –139, 182 f., 260 –262, 269–272. 442 Dresken-Weiland 2015, in print. 443 Deichmann 1974, 170; Penni Iacco 2004, 56 f.; M. Minasi in: Bisconti 2000, 243; Rizzardi 2011, 94. 444 The right half of the face is a later addition, as we can infer from the tesserae lacking in the lower right quarter of the nimbus, from the use of a green instead of a blue gemtone, and from the empty right eye. See also the drawing in Deichmann 1969, pl. 257. 445 The motif of the stretched-out hands is taken up again in early-medieval book painting, see Paris Ms. Gr. 510, fol. 316r: Deichmann 1974, 170, Brubaker 1999, fig. 32, S. 276. 446 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 259; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 204. 447 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 261 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 207. 448 Deichmann 1974, 170 f. with a reference to a depiction in S. Saba in Rome: P. Styger, Die Malereien in der Basilika des hl. Saba auf dem kl. Aventin in Rom, in: RQ 28, 1914, 66–68 fig. 12; P.A. Underwood, Some Problems in Programs and Iconography of Ministry Cycles, in: id. (ed.), The Kariye Djami, 4. Studies in the Kariye Djami and Its Intellectual Background, Princeton 1975, 294 f. fig. 31; F. Gandolfo, Gli aﬀreschi di San Saba, in: M. Andaloro u. a., Fragmenta picta. Aﬀreschi e mosaici staccati del Medioevo romano, Rome 1989, 183–187 (regarding dating to the 7th century); F. Betti, La pittura a Roma dal IV al IX secolo, in: Arena et al. Rome 2001, 128 fig. 91. 449 Penni Iacco 2004, 57; Rizzardi 2011, 94.

305

450 The colour tesserae in the interior of the cave are later additions, see Deichmann 1969, pl. 257. 451 M. Perraymond, Guarigione dell’ossesso, in: Bisconti 2000, 237. 452 Yalçin 1995, 530, 536. Dating is diﬃcult, cf. a medallion fragment in the art market, Gorny und Mosch, Antique Art, Auction 17.12.2014, no. 270. 453 Volbach 1976, no. 113 pl. 60 (dressed demociac, three pigs), no. 125 pl. 66 (barechested demoniac, his neck and arms bound, a demon coming out of his head), no. 142 pl. 75 (two naked demoniacs, their hands bound), no. 145 pl. 77 (demoniac bent to the ground, his hand and feet bound). 454 Column C of S. Marco, Zone 5, Weigel 1997, 275 f.; Zone 9, Weigel 1997, 278. 455 Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, Laudatio Marciani I, 67– 69; Hamilton 1930, 186; Abel 1931, 21. 456 WP pl. 246. 457 Volbach 1976, no. 125 pl. 66. 458 The demon slipping out of the demoniacs’ heads is shown in the scene with the healing of two demoniacs of Gadara (Matthew 9:28-32) in the Rabbula Codex; see Bernabò 2008, 98 colour plate 16. 459 Gold encolpia in Istanbul, ivory diptychs Volbach 1976, no. 125 pl. 66, no. 142 pl. 75, no. 145 pl. 77, column of S. Marco. 460 Volbach 1976, no. 113 pl. 60. 461 Deichmann 1969, 314 no. 179; Deichmann 1974, 173; Penni Iacco 2004, 57; Rizzardi 2011, 94. The picture was destroyed during an Austrian airstrike, and it was reconstructed from fragments. It matches the original iconography. 462 Dresken-Weiland 2011, 66. 463 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 260; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 205. 464 Compare with the layout in Sidret el-Balik in Libya, where four brick-built sigma-benches were used for funeral banquets, Dresken-Weiland 2012, 153 fig. 82, and with the luxury triclinium in the Villa at Faragola, where a long rectangular water surface was stretched out before the stibadium: G. Volpe, Stibadium e convivium in una villa tardoantica (Faragola – Ascoli Satriano), in: Faragola 1, 2009, 117–144. 465 Another “model” is shown in the depiction of the same scene in the Rossano Codex: a stibadium clad in gold, the revetment panels of which are each decorated with a bird; the tabletop is veined in pink, which means that it is made of marble. 466 J. Engemann, Fisch, in: RAC 7, 1969, 987 f. 467 See Dresken-Weiland 2010, 181–212, Dresken-Weiland 2012, 152–173. 468 Exception: On the Milan diptych, the disciple next to Christ is holding a drinking vessel, Volbach 1976 no. 119. 469 Volbach 1976, 119 pl. 63; Cutler 2011, 60 f. note 46. 470 Deichmann 1974, 173. For the authenticity of these epigrams see Gnilka 2009, passim. It is epigram no. 21, the last one of the tituli. The mention of this titulus in the last position could mean that it was placed close to the altar, and it could also be an indication of the cycle’s authenticity.

306

471 Column D, Zone 3: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 38–41 pl. II; Weigel 1997, 279. In the niche immediately to the right we see an apostle bringing food. The upright posture is no argument against an early Christian dating of the columns, since the Gospel of Augustine in Cambridge (late 6th century) also shows Jesus and the Apostles sitting upright, see Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 472 DACL II,2, Paris 1910, 243. 473 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 162–164; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 139–141. 474 Rep. III, 63, see Dresken-Weiland 2010, 167 fig. 75; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 142 f. fig. 75. 475 Traditionally, the right corner is the place of honour, Dresken-Weiland 1991, 243 pl. 32. 476 Cf. a sarcophagus lid in Oxford, Amedick 1991, pl. 36,9; the banquet scenes from the catacomb Wescher, Dresken-Weiland 2010, 211 fig. 98; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 171 fig. 98. 477 Deichmann 1974, 173; Sevrugian 1990, 57 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 94 f. 478 Sevrugian 1990, 57 f. 479 Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, Laudatio Marciani I, 72; Hamilton 1930, 186; Abel 1931, 22. 480 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. P. Guschewski, Das sogenannte Evangeliar des Heiligen Augustinus, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, Cod. 286, Diss. Erlangen 1996, 242, 256 dated to the second half of the 6th and the first half of the seventh century. 481 Column D, Zone 2: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 43–46 pl. Ib, IIa; Weigel 1997, 279. Rossano Codex: Sevrugian 1990, 65–67 pl. 14; Gospel of Augustine: Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 482 Arena et. al. 2001 463 f. no. III 12 (Fabio Betti). 483 Rep. III, 42. 484 Kollwitz 1933 pl. 1; Kalinowski 2011, 169 fig. 10b. We cannot determine whether the casket was manufactured to contain relics or jewels and other valuable items, see also Kalinowski 168 f. 485 Nordström 1953, 62. 486 B. Andreae, Das Mosaik der Sieben Weisen aus Sarsina in der Villa Albani in Rom und sein Verhältnis zum Philosophenmosaik aus Pompeji im Nationalmuseum von Neapel, in: Otium. Festschrift für Volker Michael Strocka, Remshalden 2005, 9–14. A fanciful interpretation proposal in M. Rashed, La mosaïque des philosophes de Naples. Une représentation de l’académie platonienne et son commanditaire, in: Omnia in uno. Hommage à A.-Ph. Segonds, Paris 2012, 27–49. 487 M. P. San Nicolás Pedraz, G. López Monteagudo, Los sabios y la ciencia en los mosaicos romanos, in: L’Africa romana. Atti dell’XI Convegno di studio, Cartagine 15–18 dicembre 1994 (Ozieri 1996) 71–110, hier 101–108. 488 Rep. II, 152; Rep. III, 42, 62, 83, 199, 498. 489 On column D, Zone 2: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 51 f. pl. Ia; Weigel 1997, 279. 490 Zone 3: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 52 pl. IIb; Weigel 1997, 280. 491 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 492 Rep. II, 152 (an apostle left of Jesus; behind Judas, the head of another figure is visible, but his body is covered by Judas); Rep. III, 42 (here Judas is represented Janus-faced; right of Judas appears a Jew, left of Christ is an

Apostle); Rep. III, 62 (two Apostles, one Jew); Rep. III, 199 (left of the group with Jesus and Judas is a figure with a sheath, the figure to the right is probably a disciple); Rep. III, 498 (the figure to Judas’ right is an Apostle). 493 Sörries 1993, 98 pl. 12a. 494 Kollwitz 1933 pl. 1; Kalinowski 2011, 169 fig. 10b. 495 Weigel 1997, 279 f. 496 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 497 Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, Laudatio Marciani I, 72; Hamilton 1930, 186; Abel 1931, 22. 498 Rizzardi 2011, 95 designates the scene as “Cristo condotto al giudizio”; likewise Penni Iacco 2004, 59. 499 The right leg of the figure to the far left is missing, and only one small black shoe can be assigned to the two figures in the background. On the right side, the grey-haired man in the background has been equipped with only one shoe. 500 A soldier: Rep. I, 49; two soldiers: Rep. I, 57, 680; Rep. III, 291, 416. Only one soldier preserved: Rep. II, 80. 501 Cf. also an ivory in Paris, Volbach 1976, no. 121 (5th century). The only exception I know of: Rep. I, 13, but it is not sure whether Jesus is shown before Caiaphas or Pilate. The representation on Rep. III, 203 is badly preserved. 502 Rep. I, 843, further examples in the depiction of Jesus before Pilate: Rep. I, 28, Rep. III, 412. 503 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 136 –140; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 120 –123. 504 Both motifs (touching of the left elbow or forearm and holding of the right hand): Rep. I, 6, 11, 22, 39, 40, 42, 43, 215, 220, 241, 621, 636, 674, 771, 772, 910, 951, II 21, III 33, 37, 221, Sotomayor 1975, 11, 12. 505 Rep. II, 58. 506 Th. S. Brown, Ebrei e orientali a Ravenna, in: Storia di Ravenna II. Dall’età bizantina all’età ottonina. Territorio, economia e società, Venice 1991, 146. 507 Goltz 2008, 517 f. 508 Deichmann 1974, 175; no information in Penni Iacco 2004, 59; Rizzardi 2011, 95. The false witnesses are mentioned in Matthew 26:60 f. and Matthew 14:55–59. 509 In Zone 3: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 59; Weigel 1997, 280. Between the first and the second witness we see a figure carrying a sword, Lucchesi Palli loc. cit., or a club, Weigel loc. cit. 510 Jeremias 1980, 136 note 202. 511 Kollwitz 1933 pl. 1; Kalinowski 2011, 169 fig. 10b. 512 Jeremias 1980, 56 f. pl. 18. 513 Gnilka 2009, 125 note 20 with a reference to G. Bernt, Das lateinische Epigramm im Übergang von der Spätantike zum frühen Mittelalter, Munich 1968, 71 f. 514 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 146 –148; Dresken-Weiland 2010a; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 127 f. 515 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 155 –158; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 134–136. 516 Cf. Post 1984, 168–173. 517 Rep. I, 677,3; Jeremias 1980, 54–56 pl. 46;

NOTES

for the restoration see Gennaccari 1996, 221 no. 11;. 518 Deichmann 1974, 176; Deckers, Mietke, Weiland 1994, 101 f. colour tab. 27b; Dresken-Weiland 2010, 158 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 136, 138. 519 Deichmann 1974, 176 points to a parallel in a Coptic codex of the 12th century, G. Millet, Recherches sur l’iconographie de l’évangile aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe siècles d’après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédoine et du MontAthos, Paris 1960, 350 f. fig. 369. 520 Kollwitz 1933 pl. 1; Kalinowski 2011, 169 fig. 10b. 521 Deichmann 1974, 176; Volbach 1976, no. 121 pl. 65; Post 1984, 46 no. 5. 522 Volbach 1976, no. 116 pl. 61; Picturing the Bible 2007, 229 –232 no. 57; Kalinowski 2011, 173 fig. 154. 523 Zone 3: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 63 f. pl. II; Weigel 1997, 280. The maid has not covered her hair, which could be an indication of her youth, and carries a cloth. 524 Zone 4: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 64 pl. III; Weigel 1997, 280. 525 A direct influence of the New Testament texts should not be assumed. Whether Peter’s standing position in the mosaics of S. Apollinare is to be taken as an indication that the scene is based on John 18:15–17, as argued by Deichmann 1974, 176, is questionable: Even if in Matthew 26:69 Peter is sitting, his position is not mentioned in Mark 14:66–72. However, since Peter’s standing or sitting is not relevant for the event, we may assume that the decision was made according to the overall composition: for instance, on the panel in London the sitting Peter was easy to integrate in the composition with the maid and the cock; his sitting position allows eye contact with Christ approaching crucifixiono. 526 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 148 f., Dresken-Weiland 2012, 128 f. 527 M. Perraymond, Giuda Iscariota, in: Bisconti 2000, 195 f. 528 Zone 4: Lucchesi Palli 1942, 69 f. pl. IVa; Weigel 1997, 280. 529 Sevrugian 1990, 74 pl. 15. 530 Volbach 1976, no. 232 pl. 107. 531 Rep. I, 28, 37, 45, 49, 58, 189, 211, 387, 667, 677, 680; II, 137, III 41, 43, 291, 416, 452, 453, 498, 512. 532 Deichmann 1974, 177; Kalinowski 2001, 169 fig. 10b. 533 Volbach 1976, no. 116 pl. 61; Kalinowski 2011, 173 fig. 154; Jeremias 1980, 57 f. pl. 50. 534 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 535 Sörries 1993 pl. 56 no. 12b. 536 The executing workman was not able to show Christ walking in an anatomically correct manner: Jesus’ right leg should be farther to the right, so that the figure can keep its balance. 537 Volbach 1976, no. 116 pl. 61; Picturing the Bible 2007, 229 –232 no. 57; Kalinowski 2011, 173 fig. 154. 538 Jeremias 1980, 59 pl. 51. 539 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41. 540 Jeremias 1980, 59 pl. 51. 541 Weitzmann 1977, pl. 41.

NOTES

542 Rep. I, 49. 543 Dresken-Weiland 2013, 133 –148. Older depictions are known from so-called “magic gems”, see most recently J. Engemann, The Argument from Silence. Iconographic Statements of 1981 on Faked Gems Reconsidered, in: ”“Gems of Heaven”. Recent Research on Engraved Gemstones in Late Antiquity, c. AD 200 –600, London 2011, 208 f. 544 This type of execution was probably practised until the late 4th century, Dresken-Weiland 2013, 141. 545 Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, Laudatio Marciani I, 75; Hamilton 1930, 187; Abel 1931, 22 f. 546 The text suggest a composition similar to the one on the wood door of S. Sabina, see Jeremias 1980, pl. 52. 547 Deichmann 1974, 156 f. 548 On the ciborium column D in S. Marco the figure of Christ in the crucifixion scene is replaced by a lamb to symbolise redemption, see the fig. in Weigel 1997, fig. 50. 549 See the series “Spätantike Zentralbauten in Rom und Latium”, most recently Arbeiter 2007; L. Venditelli (ed.), Il mausoleo di Sant’Elena, Rome 2011. 550 Dresken-Weiland 2003, 150 –160. 551 Deichmann 1974, 177 recognizes in this rock the stone that was removed from the grave; however, similar rocks are depicted various times in S. Apollinare, see for instance the previous scene with the crucifixion or the following one with the disciples of Emmaus. 552 The oldest known example is on the sarcophagus of Servanes in Arles, Rep. III, 42; there, the women meet Christ at the grave. A sitting angel survives on a sarcophagus fragment in Aix, Rep. III, 20 (third quarter of the 4th century), but the rest of the scene is missing. For the iconography of the woman at the grave see M. Perraymond, Donne pie, in: Bisconti 2000, 168 f. 553 Wood door of S. Sabina, Jeremias 1980, 64 f. pl. 53; Rabbula Codex: Sörries 1993, 98 pl. 57 no. 13a; Bernabò 2008, pl. 25 fig. 70. 554 See the ivory panels in Munich and London, Volbach 1976, no. 110 pl. 59; no. 116 pl. 61; Picturing the Bible 2007, 229 –232 no.; Kalinowski 2011, 173 fig. 154. On ciborium column D in S. Marco in Zone 6 both are holding a cloth which distinguishes noblewomeno. Weigel 1997, foldout table III,2, 182. 555 Ivory panel in Milan, Volbach 1976, no. 111 pl. 60. 556 Monza ampullae of the 5th-6th century, Grabar 1958 passim, for instance ibid. pl. 47; ivory pyxis in Sitten, Volbach 1976, no. 176 pl. 89 (6th century); pyxis in New York, AS 1979, no. 520 (6th century); lid picture on a reliquary of the Sancta Sanctorum, Donati 1996, 325 f., colour tab. S. 161 (6. Jh.); armband from the former Collection de Béarn and in the University of Missouri, G. Vikan, Two Byzantine Amuletic Armbands and the Group to which they belong, in: The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 49–50, 1991–92, 41 no. 18, 47 fig. 7, Vikan 2010, 67 fig. 45; gold ring in Baltimore, see the drawing in J. Engemann, Palästinensische Pilgerampullen im F.J. Dölger-Institut in Bonn, in: JbAC 16, 1973, 19 fig. 4, both probably 6th century. See also a painting (probably 8th cen-

tury) in the church Hagia Solomoni in North Cyprus, Dresken-Weiland 2005, 49 pl. 14. 557 Given the bad state of preservation of the surfaces and details, it is possible that a smiling face was abraded in other depictions. Cf. for the Middle Ages: W. Wilhelmi, Seliges Lächeln und höllisches Gelächter, Regensburg 2012. 558 Sörries 1993, 98 for fol. 13a. 559 M. Mrass, Kreuzigung Christi, in: RBK 5, 1995, 297 f.; Donati 1996, 325 f., colour tab. S. 161 (about 600). 560 Deichmann 1974, 178 f. 561 Deichmann 1974, 178 f. 562 We cannot determine whether the roof recognizable right of the porticus roof belongs to a wall tower or whether it is meant to indicate a circular building. 563 F. Bisconti, Emmaus, in: Bisconti 2000, 171; D. Cascianelli, La lotta fra Davide e Golia e i discepoli di Emmaus. Il frammento di sarcofago paleocristiano del convento “in ripa maris” di Spalato, in: Atti e memorie della Società Istriana di Archeologia e Storia Patria N.S. 60=112, 2012, 11–46. 564 For a depiction on the wood door of S. Sabina wrongly interpreted as a way to Emmaus see Jeremias 1980, 78–80 pl. 67. Cascianelli (see previous note) recognises an Emmaus scene on a sarcophagus in Split; however, it is preserved incompletely, it gives no reliable indication as to this iconography and thus allows also other interpretations. 565 Deichmann 1974, 179. 566 Deichmann loc. cit., see also H. Feldbusch, Emmaus, in: LCI 1, 1968, 622–626. 567 The feet of the two Apostles standing in the background are not showno. 568 The left foot of the second Apostle and the feet of the third Apostle are not showno. The left foot of the fifth Apostle may be recognizable in the framing, while the right one is missing. 569 Nordström 1953, 62; Deichmann 1974, 180, Penni Iacco 2004, 62. 570 Rep. II, 250 (late 4th century). 571 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, 55 Kat. B 2, Rep. II, 377 (early 5th century). 572 Volbach 1976, no. 116 pl. 61, Picturing the Bible 2007, 229 –232 no. 57; Kalinowski 2011, 173 fig. 154. 573 Grabar 1958, 25 f. no. 9 pl. 15; J.P. Sodini, La terre des gemelles: images pieuses ramenées par les pèlerins des Lieux saints (Terre sainte, Martyria d’Orient), in: Journal des savants 2011, 81; Grabar 1958, 37 no. 10 pl. 42,2, Vikan 2010, 63 f. fig. 43. 574 A. Eﬀenberger, H.-G. Severin, Das Museum für spätantike und byzantinische Kunst, Berlin 1992, 144 no. 56; J. Nesbitt, An early Byzantine lead seal with the image of the incredulity of Thomas, in: Byzantion 81, 2011, 129–131 fig. 2a–b, 127–137. Both items were made in the 6th-7th century. Nesbitt publishes on p. 131–136 fig. 3 a badly preserved lead seal showing Christ with an arm raised at the side of a stooped or kneeling Thomas. 575 Deichmann 1974, 180 with a reference to the codex in the British Library, Harley Ms. 1810 fol. 261v; O. Dalton, East Christian Art, Oxford 1925, fig. 57,2.

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576 Nordström 1953, 62 f. 577 Column D, Zone 7: Weigel 1997, 283. 578 Deichmann 1974, 189. 579 Deichmann 1974, 157–159, 181–183. 580 Gregory of Tours, Decem libri historiarum II, 17; Diesenberger 2006, 312. 581 In the scene with the transformation of water into wine the Apostle in the background is somewhat bigger. In the Carrying of the Cross Christ is almost the same size as the figures accompanying him. 582 Deichmann 1974, 152. 583 An outline of the restoration in Deichmann 1969, pl. 257–260: apart from the two figures mentioned, which are later additions, the heads of the 11th figure on the north side (counted from the entrance) and of the 9th figure on the south side (counted from the apse) are modern as well. Deichmann does not mention the restoration left of the mouth of the 12th Apostle on the north side (counted from the entrance wall). Some damage is recognizable in the face of the first Apostle on the south side. 584 Fourlas 2012, 260 –269. 585 Deichmann 1974, 152. 586 Deichmann 1974, 152, 153. 587 Bovini 1970, 63 f. fig. 3; Biscottini 2000, 66 with fig. (about 400). For the inscriptions see G. Cuscito, Mediolanum I. Inscriptiones christianae Italiae, Nova series 12, Bari 2009, 45–47 no. 50. 588 Most recently Muscolino, Tedeschi, Carbonara 2010, 427. 589 Deichmann 1974, 153; Andaloro I, 2006, 106–110. 590 Deichmann 1974, 153 with reference to H. Woodruﬀ, The iconography and date of the mosaics of La Daurade, in: Art Bulletin 13, 1931, 80 –104. 591 Deichmann 1974, 153. 592 They are discussed in this capacity by Nordström 1953, 55; Deichmann 1974, 153, but not by Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 158, Rizzardi 2011, 98. 593 See the third Apostle on the north side (counted from the apse), and on the southern side the third, 11th and 16th Apostle (counted from the apse). 594 A black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 138. Similar to the first figure on the northern clerestory wall, which is restored in some areas, Deichmann 1958, pl. 140 (left). 595 See the 6th figure (counted from the apse) on the southern clerestory wall. 596 See the third figure (counted from the entrance) on the southern side. A black-andwhite fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 141 (rechts). 597 See also the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 142. 598 Cf. a similar unrealistic contour of the second figure on the south side (counted from the entrance), see the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 136. 599 Most recently Muscolino, Tedeschi, Carbonara 2010, 427 f.; Muscolino, Tedeschi, Carbonara 2011, 114 f.; Muscolino 2013, 50. 600 Unfortunately, the opposite figure did not survive, and it was replaced by a modern one.

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601 It is worn by several disciples: in the scene with the woman from Samaria at the well, in the healing of the bleeding woman, in Gethsemani by the third disciple from the left; in the appearance of Jesus by the disciple behind Andrew on the left and by the disciple looking at his hand on the right side; also by the Pharisee in the parable of the Pharisee and the Publican, by the first blind man in the healing scene (sideburns), by the second guard clad in blue and arresting Christ, by Pilate. 602 See also the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 140. 603 See also the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 146. 604 See also the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 145. 605 See also the black-and-white fig. in Deichmann 1958, pl. 150. 606 Deichmann 1974, 152. 607 For the technical processes see Deichmann 1974, 139 f. 608 Wiemer 2013, 604. but see also S.D.W. Lafferty, Law and society in the age of Theoderic the Great, Cambridge 2013, 205–240. 609 Deichmann 1974, 141–145; Rizzardi 2011, 98; David 2013, 114; Jäggi 2013, 163–165. 610 Deichmann 1974, 145. 611 Deichmann 1974, 141; Penni Iacco 2004, 45; Rizzardi 2011, 98 fig. 78; Jäggi 2013, 163 fig. 99. 612 Deichmann 1974, 143; David 2013, 122 fig. 93–94. 613 Deichmann 1974, 143 f. 614 Most recently Jäggi 2013, 162, 164 f. 615 Deichmann 1974, 142 f.; Penni Iacco 2004, 43 f. fig. 20, Carile 2012, 145; Bonnekoh 2013, 454 f. 616 Deichmann 1974, 144, Carile 2012, 145– 149. 617 Deichmann 1974, 145; Penni Iacco 2004, 46 f. fig. 22; Rizzardi 2011, 98; Jäggi 2013, 166 fig. 100. Constantine and his sons were said to have been depicted treading a serpent in Constantinople, and therefore some authors argue that Constantine is also shown here; the facts speaking against this theory are that the three figures are wearing a tunic and pallium, and that the picture shows no imperial attribute at all. 618 Rizzardi 2013, 212 f. fig. 11. 619 Deichmann 1974, 145, Carile 2012, 150. Different opinion in Rizzardi 2011, 98. 620 Deichmann 1974, 144, 145 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 164 f. fig. 54–55. 621 Penni Iacco 2004, 46 f. fig. 21. 622 Deichmann 1974, 144; Penni Iacco 2004, 45 f. 623 Most recently, in short, kurz Penni Iacco 2004, 48. 624 Deichmann 1974, 145 f. fig. 118; Penni Iacco 2004, 38 f. fig. 13, 75; Rizzardi 2011, 100. 625 Deichmann 1974, 146. 626 Wiemer 2013, 604. 627 See Wiemer 2013, 608, 613. 628 Deichmann 1974, 146. 629 Most recently Jäggi 2013, 181 with this hypothesis; cautiously Penni Iacco 2004, 41; Goltz 2008, 531.

630 See in general K. Thraede, Frau, in: RAC 8, 1972, 239–269. 631 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 171 f. 632 Penni Iacco 2004, 73; most recently Baldini Lippolis 2012, 385. 633 Zanotto 2007, 490 f.; Penni Iacco 2004, 37–39. 634 Deichmann 1974, 146; Penni Iacco 2004, 48 f.; Baldini Lippolis 2012, 386 fig. 2; Jäggi 2013, 180. 635 The red closing loops have survived, Deichmann 1974, 147, Rizzardi 2011, 101. For the various reconstruction attempts: Penni Iacco 2004, 48–50. 636 B. Studer, Gott und unsere Erlösung im Glauben der Alten Kirche, Düsseldorf 1985, 163. 637 Beskow 1962, 26 f. 638 Beskow 1962, 269. 639 Beskow 1962, 274 f. 640 Zanotto 2007, 491–494. 641 Deichmann 1974, 147 f.; J. Dresken-Weiland, Ein oströmischer Sarkophag in Marseille, in: RQ 92, 1997, 9. 642 Nordström 1953, 79; Deichmann 1974, 148. 643 Volbach 1976, no. 127–129. 644 Deichmann 1974, 148. The cross on the Maphorion of Mary in the mosaic of the Panhagia Kanakaria in Lythrankomi on Cyprus is the result of later additions, see D. Korol, Die spätantik-christlichen Wand- und Gewölbemosaiken Zyperns (5.–7. Jh.) und ihre Geschichte, in: S. Rogge (ed.), Zyperno. Insel im Brennpunkt der Kulturen, Münster 2000, 159–162 fig. 1. 645 W.F. Volbach, Metallarbeiten der Spätantike, Mainz 1921, 17 no. 3, III; id., Frühchristliche Kunst, Munich 1958, 37 fig. 248; M.C. Ross, Catalogue of the byzantine and early medieval antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Washington 1965, II no. 36 pl. 28; Yalcin 1995, 539, 554 fig. 23; R. Cormack, M. Vasilaki, B. Mouseio, Byzantium 330 –1453, London, New York 2008, 92 f. 387 no. 38.1–2. 646 Cruikshank Dodd 1987, 165 f., 172 fig. 3. 647 J. Engemann, Das Kreuz auf spätantiken Kopfbedeckungen (Cuculla – Diadem – Maphorion), in: Theologica crucis – signum crucis. Festschrift für E. Dinkler, Tübingen 1979, 150 –153; E. Dinkler von Schubert, Kreuz I, in: RBK 5, 1995, 180 f. 648 J. Dresken-Weiland, Maria mit dem Kind: Ein Figuralkapitell in Herakleia Pontike, in: H. Grieser, A. Merkt (ed.), Volksglaube im antiken Christentum, Darmstadt 2009, 281 f. 649 Terry, Maguire 2007, vol.I, 152–156, vol. II, pl. 3, 4. 650 Deichmann 1976, 345 f.; Ihm 1992, 173 f. 651 Carile 2012, 140, 143 f. 652 Jäggi 2013, 190. 653 N. Lepri, Arte e potere: Il mosaico dei magi in S. Apollinare Nuovo a Ravenna, in: Porphyra 14, 2013, 4–21. 654 Deichmann 1974, 150; for the text by Agnellus see Nauerth 1996, 342–349; Penni Iacco 2004, 76, 77; Rizzardi 2011, 105; Jäggi 2013, 180; most recently J.-C. Schmitt, Images and the work of memory, with special reference to the sixth-century mosaics of Ravenna, Italy, in: E. Brenner, M. Cohen, M. Franklin-Brown, Mem-

NOTES

ory and commemoration in medieval culture, Farnham 2013, 13–32. 655 Rizzardi 2011, 105. 656 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 267–276; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 209–216. 657 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 169 f. thinks that the Magi’s position at the head of the procession is an anti-Arian feature. 658 The receiving of a wreath is also mentioned in some funerary inscriptions, see Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 151 f., 215 f. 659 This means that it is documented on sarcophagi earlier than in the emperor cult, Engemann 2006, 1030 f. As surviving examples of this iconography see a fragmented column sarcophagus in the Vatican, Rep. I, 59 with one of its fragments in Krakow, Rep. II 136, or a fragment of a column sarcophagus in Arles, Rep. III, 64. 660 Engemann 2006, 1031. 661 Deichmann 1969, 199; Deichmann 1974, 149, Penni Iacco 2004, 78 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 168; Baldini Lippolis 2012, 385 f.with note 17. 662 Deichmann 1974, 149. 663 Agnellus LP 88, Nauerth 1996, 346 f. 664 Most recently Baldini Lippolis 2012, 385, 389. 665 Baldini Lippolis 2012, 387 fig. 3. 666 Malezappi made a mistake also in transcribing the inscription on the Codex Christi, see Deichmann 1974, 146 f. 667 V. Saxer, Clemens von Rom, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1227 f. 668 S. Heid, Sixtus II., in: LThK 9, 2000, 643 f. 669 C. Scholten, Hippolyt von Rom, in: LThK 5, 1996, 147–149. 670 G. Schwaiger, Cornelius, Papst, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1313 f. 671 G. W. Clarke, Cyprian von Karthago, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1364–1366. 672 R. Pillinger, Cassian von Imola, in: LThK 2, 1994, 970. 673 G. De Sanctis, Giovanni e Paolo, in: Enciclopedia dei Santi 6, 1966, 1046–1049. A church was dedicated to them in Ravenna, Baldini Lippolis 2012, 390. 674 H.R. Seeliger, Vitalis, in: LThK 10, 2001, 826 f.; Carlà 2010, 236–250, 268. 675 A. Merkt, Ursicinus von Ravenna, in: LThK 10, 2001, 483; Carlà 2010, 242, 243, 247; Verhoeven 2011, 73–80. 676 Carlà 2010, 247; Verhoeven 2011, 73 f. 677 A. Caretta, Nabore e Felice, in: Enciclopedia dei Santi 9, 1967, 689–693; A. Franz, Nabor und Felix, in: LThK 7, 1998, 607 f. 678 H. R. Seeliger, Apollinaris, in: LThK 1, 1993, 828 f. 679 H.R. Seeliger, Sebastian, in: LThK 9, 2000, 360 f. 680 Bauer 2013, 31. 681 J. B. Bauer, Polykarp, in: LThK 8, 1999, 404 f. 682 D. Ramos-Lissón, Vinzenz von Saragossa, in: LThK 10, 2001, 800. 683 H. Drobner, Pankratius, in: LThK 7, 1998, 1313. 684 V. Saxer, Chrysogonus, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1190 f.

NOTES

685 V. Saxer, Protus und Hyacinthus, in: LThK 8, 1999, 670. 686 A. Franz, Sabinus, in: LThK 8, 1999, 1411 f. 687 Steigerwald 1999, 105–109; Volbach 1976, no. 119 pl. 63; Castelfranchi 2005, 38 fig. 12. 688 This is the assumption of Harlow 2002, 212. 689 Terry, Maguire 2007, 103 f. 690 Nordström 1953, 80 labels this element as “trabea or loros”. 691 The white garment is separated from it by a line, see the saints Pelagia, Agnes, Eulalia, Lucia, Valeria, Vincentia, Perpetua, Iustina, Anastasia, Eugenia. The undergarment is mentioned in Nordström 1953, 80. 692 Nordström 1953, 80 f., making reference to a paragraph in the Ceremonial of Constantine VII Porphyrogenetus (A. Vogt [ed.], Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, Le livre des cérémonies, II, Paris 1967, 63 ﬀ.), mentioning the clothes awarded when a woman was elevated in rank: an undergarment, an upper garment, and a white veil. The noblewoman wears her hair pinned-up. 693 Harlow 2002, 212 says it is not clear if the picture shows a garment that actually existed. 694 H. R. Seeliger, Eufemia, in: LThK 3, 1995, 991 f. A church was dedicated to her in Ravenna, Baldini Lippolis 2012, 391. 695 H. Grieser, Pelagia, in: LThK 8, 1999, 5. 696 M.-B. von Stritzky, Agatha, in: LThK 1, 1993, 225. A church was dedicated to her in Ravenna, Baldini Lippolis 2012, 391. 697 M.-B. von Stritzky, Agnes, in: LThK 1, 1993, 237 f. A church was dedicated to her in Ravenna, Baldini Lippolis 2012, 392. 698 O. Engels, Eulalia, in: LThK 3, 1995, 986. 699 M.-B. von Strizky, Caecilia, in: LThK 2, 1994, 873 f. 700 M.-B. von Strizky, Lucia, in: LThK 6, 1997, 1080 f. 701 W. Gessel, Crispina, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1347. 702 F. Staab, Severus, in: LThK 9, 2000, 505. 703 M.-B. von Strizky, Felicitas und Perpetua, in: LThK 3, 1995, 1217. 704 A. Merkt, Justina, in: LThK 5, 1996, 1107. 705 H. R. Seeliger, Anastasia, in: LThK 1, 1993, 598. 706 P. Saint-Roch, Chrysanthus und Daria, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1189 f. 707 B. Cignitti, Emerenziana, in: Enciclopedia dei Santi 4, 1964, 1162–1166; V. Saxer, Emerentiana, in: LThk 3, 1995, 624. 708 V. Saxer, Paulina, in: LThK 7, 1998, 1488. 709 V. Saxer, Anatolia, in: LThK 1, 1993, 605 f.; H. R. Drobner, Victoria, in: LThK 10, 2001, 771. 710 V. Saxer, Christina, in: LThK 2, 1994, 1137 f. 711 V. Saxer, Sabina, in: LThK 8, 1999, 1408 f. 712 H. Grieser, Eugenia, in: LThK 3, 1995, 983 f. 713 The procession of female saints was executed by another workshop, Deichmann 1974, 150. 714 Rep. I, 683; Volbach 1976, no. 38, 129, to mention just two examples from diﬀerent periods. 715 The contour of Caecilia’s left leg is inconsistent with the position of her foot; Emerentiana’s left knee cannot be seen beneath her

clothes if the foot is standing in the back on the entire sole. 716 Bergjan, Näf 2013, 81. 717 Prudentius, Peristephanon IX, 9 –92, M. Roberts, Poetry and the cult of the martyrs. The Liber Peristephanon of Prudentius, Ann Arbor 1993, 132–167. Asterius, hom. 11, Patrologia Graeca 40, 333–337; C. Datema, The homilies of Asterius of Amasea, Leiden 1970, p. 154. 718 Andaloro 2006, 381 fig. 4; 387 no. 25, 385 no. 22. 719 For the veneration of martyrs in Milan and for the dating of the mosaics in S. Vittore see most recently Collins 2012. 720 Deichmann 1969, 200; Deichmann 1974, 150. 721 Meier 2003, 489–502. 722 Agnellus, LP 86; Nauerth 1996, 342–345. 723 Agnellus, LP 86; Nauerth 1996, 342 f. with note 381; Penni Iacco 2004, 73 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 150; Jäggi 2013, 168. 724 G. Bovini, Edifici di culto d’età teodoriciana e giustinianea, Bologna 1970, 118, quoted by Rizzardi 2011, 104. 725 Agnellus, LP 86; Nauerth 1996, 342–345. Agnellus’s portrait is probably an adaptation of a depiction of an Arian bishop, Nauerth 344 note 383. 726 Deichmann 1969, fig. 187–188; Deichmann 1974, 151 f.; Penni Iacco 2004, 63– 65; Rizzardi 2011, 105 f. fig. 87; M. Kovacs, Mosaikporträt Kaiser Justinians, in: M. Puhle, G. Köster (ed.), Otto der Große und das Römische Reich. Kaisertum von der Antike zum Mittelalter, Regensburg 2012, 278–280 no. II.40. – Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 172 f. considers it possible that the portrait represented Justinian from the start, ignoring the evidence provided by the diﬀerent types of mortar. 727 Cf. the coronet of a porphyry head in Venice from the 6th century, Kovacs loc. cit.; Kovacs 2014, 201 f. 263 f. no. A 20 pl. 115,1. 728 See the drawing in Deichmann 1969 fig. 188. 729 C. Barsanti, Il medaglione d’oro di Teodorico: il ritrovamento, in: id., A. Paribeni, S. Pedone, Rex Theodoricus. Il medaglione d’oro di Morro d’Alba, Roma 2008, 3–9; A. Serra, Una riflessione sul medaglione di Teodorico, in: ibid., 21–25. 730 In greater detail M. Prusac, From face to face. Recarving of Roman Portraits and Late-Antique Portrait Arts, Leiden 2011. 731 Deichmann 1974, 89; Engemann 1997, 30. 732 PCBE 2,1, 1192–1195. 733 Agnellus, LP 59, Nauerth 1996, 268 f. 734 Examples with numbers in Cosentino 2006, 44; P. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle. Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350 –550 AD, Princeton 2012, 16–18. 735 Deichmann 1976, 24; Cosentino 2006, 43 f. 736 Cosentino 2006, 44. 737 Cosentino 2006, 44–47. 738 PCBE 2,1, 612–615. 739 Deichmann 1976, 9 –11; 48 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 225 f.; Kovacs 2014, 208; Rizzardi 2011, 128 f. chooses the years around 530. 740 PCBE 2,2, 1146–1153.

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741 Nordström 1953, 90; Deichmann 1976, 49; Engemann 1997, 131. 742 Deichmann 1976, 4 no. 5. 743 Deichmann 1976, 4 no. 6, 27. 744 Deichmann 1976, 29. 745 Agnellus PL 59, Nauerth 1996, 269. – For the liturgical use see E. Paliou, D.J. Knight, Mapping the senses: Perceptual and social aspects of Late Antique liturgy in San Vitale, Ravenna, in: E. Contreras, M. Farjas, F.J. Melero, in: Proceedings of the 38th annual conference on computer applications and quantitative methods in archaeology, Granada, Spain, April 2010, London 2013, 229–236. 746 Deichmann 1976, 47 fig. 4. 6; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 224; Rizzardi 2011, 129; Jäggi 2013, 240. 747 Deichmann 1976, 47–230; Pasi 2006; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 223–250; Rizzardi 2011, 128–146; Jäggi 2013, 238–259. 748 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 230. 749 Deichmann 1976, 62; Jäggi 2013, 245. 750 Deichmann 1976, 28 f.; Jäggi 2013, 240, 243. 751 Deichmann 1976, 81 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 228 f.; Jäggi 2013, 244. 752 Verhoeven 2011, 284 f. 753 Deichmann 1976, 59. 754 Deichmann 1976, 83, 85; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 230 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 128 f.; Jäggi 2013, 246 f. 755 Deichmann 1976, 85; Jäggi 2013, 247. 756 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 235 f. 757 Deichmann 1976, 58, 59, 135. 758 Deichmann 1976, 135–139; Jäggi 2013, 244 fig. 160, 245. 759 Deichmann 1976, 59, 139 –141; F. Dell’Acqua, “Illuminando colorat”. La vetrata tra l’età tardo imperiale e l’alto medioevo: le fonti, l’archeologia, Spoleto 2003, 26–28; Jäggi 2013, 245; David 2013, 269 no. 23. 760 Deichmann 1976, 135; Verhoeven 2011, 284. 761 Deichmann 1976, 113; Jäggi 2013, 247. 762 Deichmann 1976, 56; David 2013, 46 fig. 35; Jäggi 2013, 247; Jäggi 2013b, 309. 763 Deichmann 1969, fig. 72–76; Deichmann 1976, 114 f. 764 Farioli 1975, 120 –168 with fig.; Deichmann 1976, 54 f., 195–205, in particular 197 f. fig. 91–92; Jäggi 2013, 249. 765 Farioli, Deichmann loc. cit. 766 Most recently Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 231–234; Jäggi 2013, 245 f. 767 For the restorations see Fiori, Muscolino 1990. 768 Left of Paul’s head is a restoration documented already in the 17th century, see Fiori, Muscolino 1990, 27. 769 Deichmann 1976, 148. 770 Schrenk 1995, 10 –15, 58–63. 771 Terry, Maguire 2007, vol. 2, 13 f. fig. 13–14. 772 Nordström 1953, 94 f., Deichmann 1976, 155. 773 Genesis 22:11 mentions the “Lord’s Angel”, who, however, is seldom represented, see for instance the sarcophagus Rep.II, 4. 774 Deichmann 1976, 153; Engemann 1997, 141 f.

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775 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 294; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 228. 776 Deichmann 1976, 157. 777 Dresken-Weiland 2010, 294 –302; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 228–234. 778 Schrenk 1995, 60; Angheben 2011, 117. 779 Deichmann 1976, 151 f., 158. 780 Deichmann 1976, 146, Rep. III, 271, 514; L. Kötzsche, Der bemalte Behang in der AbeggStiftung in Riggisberg. Eine alttestamentliche Bildfolge des 4. Jahrhunderts, Riggisberg 2004, 154–160 pl.1 b no. VI-VII. 781 J. Engemann, Zu den Dreifaltigkeitsdarstellungen der frühchristlichen Kunst: Gab es im 4. Jahrhundert anthropomorphe Trinitätsbilder?, in: JbAC 19, 1976, 158; W. Gernhöfer, Die drei Männer an der Eiche Mambre und ihre Bedeutung in der frühchristlichen Kunst, in: RQ 104, 2009, 18 f.; Engemann 2014, 131. 782 An interpretation of Melchizedek as Justinian was already refuted by Deichmann 1974, 151 with sound arguments. 783 S. Schenk, Kain und Abel, in: RAC 19, Stuttgart 2001, 963–970. 784 G.K. Hasseloﬀ, Melchisedek, in: RAC Lief. 189–191, Stuttgart 2011, 626–628. 785 Nordström 1953, 110; Deichmann 1974, 148. 786 Nordström 1953, 110 –113; Deichmann 1974, 148–151, Schrenk 1995, 58. 787 Schrenk 1995, 60. 788 A. Nestori, F. Bisconti, I mosaici paleocristiani di Santa Maria Maggiore negli acquarelli della collezione Wilpert, Vatican City 2000, pl. 9. 789 Ambrose of Milan, De sacramentis 4,27, ed. J. Schmitz CSSR (=Fontes Christiani 3), Freiburg 1990, 152 f.; Ambrosiaster, Quaestiones Veteris et Novi Testamenti 109, 20 f., ed. H.J. Vogels, CESL 81,1, Turnhout 1966; G. Jeanes, Early Latin Parallels to the Roman Canon? Possible References to a Eucharistic Prayer in Zeno of Verona, in: The Journal of Theological Studies NS 37, 1986, 427–431. I wish to thank Harald Buchinger, Regensburg, for these indications. 790 Schrenk 1995, 15 f. 791 Engemann 1997, 133. 792 Deichmann 1976, 162. 793 It is completely restored in Isaiah, see Deichmann 1969, pl. 279. 794 Deichmann 1976, 160; Schrenk 1995, 62. 795 For the iconography see Bonnekoh 2013, 102–106. 796 For the iconography see Bonnekoh 2013, 106–114. 797 Deichmann 1976, 161 f.; Jeremias 1980, 37 f. 798 Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, 170 f.; Schrenk 1995, 60 –62. 799 G. Montanari, Iconologia nelle rappresentazioni di Mosè in S. Vitale di Ravenna, in: Corso 42, 1995, 627– 647; Pasi 2006, 47; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 248. 800 Nestori 1993, 208 s.v. Mosè; Lange 1996, 71 f.; Rep. III, S. 302 (Index); Dresken-Weiland 2010, 332; Dresken-Weiland 2012, 311 f. 801 See J. Beal, Illuminating Moses. A history of reception from Exodus to the Renaissance, Leiden 2014. 802 Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, 34–38.

803 Jeremias 1980, 36–40. 804 Deichmann 1976, 146 f.; Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, 170 f.; J. Elsner, G. Wolf, The transfigured mountain: Icons and transformations at the monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai, in: S.E.J. Gerstel, R.S. Nelson, Approaching the holy mountain. Art and liturgy at St. Catherine’s monastery in the Sinai, Turnhout 2010, 52 f. fig. 12–13, 56 fig. 15. 805 Engemann 1997, 133. 806 Deichmann 1976, 162; Engemann 1997, 134. 807 Engemann 1997, 135. 808 Deichmann 1976, 180. 809 G. Steigerwald, Die edelsteingeschmückten Städte Jerusalem und Bethlehem am Triumphbogen von S. Maria Maggiore in Rom, in: JbAC 54, 2013, 90 –102. 810 Engemann 1997, 132 f. 811 Deichmann 1976, 180. 812 É. Bonnard, Saint Jérôme. Commentaire sur S. Matthieu, 1 (Livres I–II) (=Sources Chrétiennes, 242), Paris 1977, 64 f. 813 Brenk 1982, 22 f. 814 Brenk 1982, 23. 815 Andreescu Treadgold 1992, 38. 816 Volbach 1976, no. 119; Castelfranchi 2005, 38 f. 817 Brenk 1982, 24. 818 Deichmann 1976, 163. 819 Deichmann 1976, 164 f.; Engemann 1997, 133. 820 G. Canuti, Il globo celeste quale immagine del cosmo sferico nei mosaici ecclesiali tardoantichi, in: C. Angelelli, A. Paribeni, Atti del XII colloquio dell’associazione italiana per lo studio e la conservazione del mosaico, 2006, Rome 2007, 481–488. 821 Engemann 1997, 134. 822 Deichmann 1976, 163 f. 823 For the restorations see Deichmann 1969, fig. 283; Deichmann 1976, 141. See also Pasi 2006, 61 f. 824 Ihm 1992, 27. 825 Deichmann 1976, 179 f.; Pasi 2006, 63 f. 826 Ihm 1992, 25. 827 Carlà 2010, 198–211. 828 Carlà 2010, 236–250. 829 Brandenburg 2013, 263 fig. 183. 830 Terry, Maguire 2007, vol. I 109–111, vol. II 24 fig. 33. 831 Terry, Maguire 2007, 59 – 61, 68 f.; C. Tedeschi, Mosaics and materials from the 5th and the 6th centuries in Ravenna and Poreč, in: Ch. Entwistle, L. James in: New light on old glass. Recent research on Byzantine mosaics and glass, London 2013, 60 –69. 832 Engemann 1997, 136 f. 833 Wisskirchen 1990, 55. 834 For the restorations see Deichmann 1969, fig. 285; Andreescu Treadgold, Treadgold 1997, 716. 835 Meier 2003; M. Meier (ed.), Justiniano. Neue Wege der Forschung, Darmstadt 2011; Leppin 2011 passim. 836 Kovacs 2014, 208 note 153. 837 Kovacs 2014, 209. 838 Kovacs 2014, 209.

NOTES

839 Dresken-Weiland 1991, fig. 159, 163. 840 Carlà 2010, 257–261. 841 Agnellus LP 72–73, Nauerth 1996, 306–311. 842 Agnellus LP 50, Nauerth 1996, 240 –243; Deichmann 1974, 202; Jäggi 2013, 221. 843 Kovacs 2014, 210, 294 no. B 146, pl. 119,1–2. 844 Kovacs 2014, 209 f., 266 no. B 11, pl. 77,1–2. 845 Kovacs 2014, 210 f. 846 PCBE 2,2, 2000, 2278–2280. 847 Andreescu Treadgold, Treadgold 1997, 716–718; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 239; Jäggi 2013, 254. 848 Andreescu Treadgold, Treadgold 1997, 716. 849 Agnellus LP 73, Nauerth 1996, 310 –313. 850 Deichmann 1952, 7. 851 Andreescu Treadgold, Treadgold 1997, 711. 852 Deichmann 1976, 184. 853 Leppin 2011, 310. 854 Deichmann 1976, 182. 855 See the hypotheses of G. Steigerwald, Ein Bild der Mutter Kaiser Justinians (527–565) in S. Vitale zu Ravenna (547?), in: U. Lange, R. Sörries, Vom Orient bis an den Rheino. Begegnungen mit der Christlichen Archäologie. Peter Poscharsky zum 65. Geburtstag, Dettelbach 1997, 121–145; Pasi 2006, 23 f., 37 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 242; Rizzardi 2011, 142, 144; Jäggi 2013, 253. 856 For Theodora see H. Leppin, Kaiserliche Kohabitation: Von der Normalität Theodoras, in: Ch. Kunst, U. Riemer, Grenze der Macht. Zur Rolle der römischen Kaiserfrauen, Stuttgart 2000, 75–85; Leppin 2011, 288–293. 857 Most recently Leppin 2011, 311. 858 Leppin 2011, 79. 859 Deichmann 1952, 9; Deichmann 1976, 182; Pasi 2006, 33–35; Rizzardi 2011, 143. 860 Deichmann 176, 182; Pasi 2006, 33. 861 Bakirtzis et al. 2012, 82 f. 862 Cf. earlier examples in D. Stutzinger, Das Bronzebildnis einer spätantiken Kaiserin, in: JbAC 29, 1986, 146–165. 863 Most recently Leppin 2011, 311. 864 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 243. 865 Deichmann 1974, 94. 866 Deichmann 1974, 107–124, in particular 122 f.; Engemann 1997, 136; Poilpré 2005, 108– 112; Rizzardi 2013, 211 fig. 10. 867 Deichmann 1974, 122 f.; Leppin 2011, 312 with the reference to Pulcheria. 868 Most recently Leppin 2011, 311. 869 Leppin 2011, 313. 870 Leppin 2013, 297, 313. 871 Leppin 2011, 313. 872 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 231; J. Fried, Karl der Große. Gewalt und Glaube, München 2013, 411 f. (However, S. Vitale is not an imperial church); S. Weinfurter, Karl der Große. Der heilige Barbar, Munich 2013, 149. 873 PCBE 2,2, 2354 f. 874 Agnellus, LP 24, Nauerth 1996, 286 f. 875 Agnellus, PL 77, Nauerth 1996, 320 f. 876 For the topography in general see A. Augenti, Classe: Archeologia di una città scomparsa, in: I. Baldini, S. Cosentino, Potere e politica nell’età della famiglia teodosiana (395–455). I linguaggi dell’impero, le identità dei barbari, Bari 2013, 219–234.

NOTES

877 Dresken-Weiland 2003, 348. 878 Deichmann 1989, 167 f.; Dresken-Weiland 2003, 150; Jäggi 2013, 260. 879 H.R. Seeliger, Apollinaris, in: LThK 1, 1993, 828; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 259. 880 Deichmann 1989, 167 f.; Jäggi 2013, 259 fig. 174. 881 G. Lucchesi, Apollinare di Ravenna, in: Enciclopedia dei Santi 2, 1962, 239–246; H.R. Seeliger, Apollinaris, in: LThK 1, 1993, 828 f.; Michael 2005, 129–132; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 259 f., 387 note 283; Rizzardi 2011, 147; Jäggi 2013, 261. 882 Deichmann 1976, 238. 883 Deichmann 1976, 239 f.; Jäggi 2013, 265 fig. 180. 884 Deichmann 1976, 237 f.; Jäggi 2013, 263. 885 Deichmann 1976, 236; Jäggi 2013, 264. 886 Deichmann 1976, 235; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 263; Jäggi 2013, 264. 887 Rizzardi 2011, 149 f. 888 Deichmann 1976, 241; Jäggi 2013, 267. 889 U. Peschlow, Kapitell, in: RAC 20, 2004, 87. 890 Jäggi 2013, 267, 269. 891 Deichmann 1976, 244; Rizzardi 2011, 150; Jäggi 2013, 271. 892 Deichmann 1976, 236; for an altar that could have been made for S. Apollinare see Jäggi 2013, 267 f. fig. 182. 893 Deichmann 1976, 234; Jäggi 2013, 269. 894 Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 260. 895 Rizzardi 2011, 150. 896 Deichmann 1969, pl. 289; Jäggi 2013, 272. 897 Muscolino 2013, 46. 898 Muscolino, Carbonara, Agostinelli 2008, 104 fig. 24. 899 Ibid. 900 Muscolino, Carbonara 2010, 162, 163. 901 Deichmann 1976, 246; Pasi 2011, 94 fig. 9–10; Jäggi 2013, 271 f. 902 Rizzardi 2011, 152. 903 Deichmann 1976, 247. 904 Nordström 1953, 132; Deichmann 1976, 269; Michael 2005, 218. 905 J. Dresken-Weiland, Orans, in: RBK 52, 2013, 528–535. 906 Michael 2005, 58 f. 907 Michael 2005, 223; Deichmann 1976, 269 f.; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 268; Rizzardi 2011, 152. 908 Michael 2005, 224. – An interpretation of these lambs as Apostles is not imperative, Deichmann 1976, 270. 909 Deichmann 1976, 259; Michael 2005, 224. 910 Deichmann 1976, 246 f. fig. 124, 126; Rizzardi 2011, 153, 203 fig. 2. 911 Deichmann 1976, 146 f.; Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, 170 f.; Casartelli Novelli 2000, 66; R. Nardi, Il restauro del mosaico della trasfigurazione nel monastero di Santa Caterina nel Sinai, in: RendPARA 82, 2010, 3–18. 912 Abramowski 2001, 319–331. 913 Cf. Michael 2005, 219 f. 914 Casartelli Novelli 2000; Ch. Milner, The role of the prophet Elias in the transfiguration mosaics at Sinai and Classe, in: Byzantinische Forschungen 24, 1997, 207–217; Rizzardi 2011, 153.

915 Wisskirchen 1990, 90 fig. 83a–b; C. Gaetano, La decorazione musiva della basilica dei Ss. Nereo ed Achilleo a Roma, in: Arte medievale 7, 1993, 2, 21–45. 916 Michael 2005, 149. 917 Michael 2005, 148. 918 Michael 2005, 148; Engemann 2014, 152. 919 Michael 2005, 148. 920 Michael 2005, 82 f. 921 C. Metzger, Deux panneaux d’église du musée du Louvre, in: Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 2004–2005, 154–156. 922 Patrologia Graeca 48, 826 f.; Clavis Patrum Graecorum no. 4326. English translation: P. W. Harkins in: M. A. Schatkin, P. W. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom apologist (= Fathers of the Church 73), Washington 1985, 226 f. (IX, 8–9), p. 181–184 for dating. 923 Deichmann 1976, 266; Michael 2005, 79– 87. 924 E. Dinkler, E. Dinkler-von Schubert, Kreuz, in: RBK 5, 1995, 100; Michael 2005, 118. 925 Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osten, Paderborn 2001, 147–150. 926 Michael 2005, 100 –105. 927 See the cross from the treasure of Antiochia in New York, M. Mundell Mango, Silver from Early Byzantium, The Kaper Koraon and Related Treasures, Baltimore 1986, 192–197; a cross in the Ortiz Collection in Geneva, Cruikshank Dodd 1987, 166 f. 928 Michael 2005, 87–91; G. Vikan, Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Art, Washington 2010. 929 Spier 2007, 116 no. 677 f. 930 R. Warland, Das Brustbild Christi. Studien zur spätantiken und frühbyzantinischen Bildgeschichte, Freiburg 1986, 118 f. 931 Brandenburg 2013, 231 fig. 156. 932 Michael 2005, 99. 933 Michael 2005, 87–91. 934 Dresken-Weiland 2010a, 38. 935 Dresken-Weiland 2010a, 35. 936 A. Zestermann, Die Kreuzigung bei den Alten, Brussels 1868, 17, 18 f., 19. 937 Chorikius Gazaeus 1929, Laudatio Marciani I, 75; Hamilton 1930, 187; Abel 1931, 22 f. 938 Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Martyrs I, 22, ed. R. van Dam, Liverpool 1988, 41 no. 22. X. Baral y Altet, Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle, VII. Province ecclésiastique de Narbonne, Paris 1989, 22. 939 J. Dresken-Weiland, Fish, in: Brill Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, Leiden 2015, in print. 940 See for instance L. Jalabert, R. Mouterde, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, II. Chalcidique et Antiochène, Paris 1939, 458 (about 500); P.-L. Gatier, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, XXI. Inscriptions de la Jordanie, 2, Région centrale (Amman, Hesban, Madaba, Main, Dhiban), Paris 1986, 60. 941 Deichmann 1976, 254; Michael 2005, 116. 942 Deichmann 1976, 254, 267 f.; Michael 2005, 116 f., 184. 943 Sermo 16, 2, CCSL 9A, Turnhout 1974, 73; Tractatus IV in Mathaeum II, 1–9, ibid., 211.

311

944 Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei III 21,9, CCSL 77, Turnhout 1969, 185. 945 Expositio in psalmum 66, CCSL 97, Turnhout 1958, 584; in psalmum 70, ibid. 634; Complexiones in Epistulas apostolorum, epistula Johannis I, PL 70, col. 1372. 946 A. Baumstark, Der Orient und die Gesänge der Adoratio crucis, in: Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 2, 1922, 1–17; A. Rücker, Die Adoratio Crucis am Karfreitag in den orientalischen Kirchen, in: Miscellanea liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg, 1, Rome 1948, 379–406; Michael 2005, 182. 947 L. van Tongeren, Exaltation of the Cross. Toward the Origins of the Feast of the Cross and the Meaning of the Cross in Early Medieval Liturgy, Leuven 2000, 27–39. 948 J. Deshusses, B. Darragon, Concordances et tableaux pour l’étude des grands sacramentaires, III/4, Concordance verbale (Q-Z), Fribourg 1982–1983, 121–126. I wish to thank Harald Buchinger, Regensburg, for his kind support and the bibliographical references regarding liturgical context. 949 Deichmann 1976, 254. 950 Deichmann 1976, 255 f. 951 Deichmann 1976, 245 fig. 126, Michael 2005, 214; in general Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 268 f. fig. 94; Rizzardi 2011, 153 fig. 141; Jäggi 2013, 274 f. fig. 188. 952 Rizzardi 2005b, 280 –282, Marcenaro 2014, 143 fig. 24. 953 Michael 2005, 80 –87. 954 Deichmann 1976, 257 f.; Michael 2005, 185, 187 f. 955 Michael 2005, 218. 956 Michael 2005, 215. 957 Cf. Michael 2005, 222, 225, but see also Jäggi 2013, 273. 958 PCBE 2,2, 2354. 959 PCBE 2,2, 2361 f. 960 PCBE 2,2, 2052 f. 961 PCBE 2,1, 612–615. 962 Deichmann 1976, 262. 963 Deichmann 1976, 246; Schrenk 1995, 64– 71; Rizzardi 2011, 156; Jäggi 2013, 277 fig. 190. 964 Original situation: Deichmann 1969 pl. 287; Schrenk 1995, 65 fig. 1. 965 Schrenk 1995, 69. 966 Schrenk 1995, 71 f. 967 Schrenk 1995, 73 f. 968 Deichmann 1969, pl. 286; Deichmann 1976, 273f; Pasi 2011, 89–92 fig. 3–7. 969 Deichmann 1976, 273–279, Pasi 2011, 83 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 158; Jäggi 2013, 278. 970 Deichmann 1976, 274; R. Wisskirchen, Leo III. und die Mosaikprogramme von S. Apollinare in Classe in Ravenna und Ss. Nereo ed Achilleo in Rom, in: JbAC 34, 1991, 141. 971 Pasi 2011, 87. 972 Pasi 2011, 88. 973 Pasi 2011, 89 f. 974 Deichmann 1976, 276; Pasi 2011, 85. 975 Deichmann 1976, 277 f. 976 Deichmann 1976, 276; Pasi 2011, 86. 977 Credo 2013, 98 f. no. 75. 978 Agnellus LP 114, Nauerth 1996, vol. II, 422–425. 979 Deichmann 1976, 278; Pasi 2011, 85.

312

980 Deichmann 1976, 278; Agnellus LP 114, Nauerth 1996, vol. II, 424 f. 981 Deichmann 1976, 278. 982 Pasi 2011, 92 f. 983 Pasi 2011, 87. 984 Pasi 2011, 94; see in general G. Gardini, I frammenti musivi dell’antica basilica Ursiana presso il museo arcivescovile di Ravenna: note iconografiche e museali, in: C. Angelelli (ed.), Atti del XIX colloquio dell’associazione italiana per lo studio e la conservazione del mosaico 19, Rome 2014, 553–564. 985 Rizzardi 1985, 407; Rizzardi 2011, 160. 986 S. Janeras, Le Trishagion: une formule brève en liturgie comparée, in: R.F. Taft, G. Winkler (ed.), Comparative Liturgy Fifty Years after Anton Baumstark (1872–1948). Acts of the International Congress, Rome, 25–29 September 1998, Rome 2001, 499. I thank Harald Buchinger, Regensburg, for these indications. 987 Janeras a. O. 495–562; M. E. Johnson, Recent Research on the Anaphoral Sanctus: An Update and Hypothesis, in: Id. (ed.), Issues in Eucharistic Praying in East and West. Essays in Liturgical and Theological Analysis, Collegeville 2010, 161–188. 988 For instance Cruikshank Dodd 1987, 166 f. 989 L. Jalabert, R. Mouterde, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, IV, Paris 1955, no. 1914; id., Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, V, Paris 1959, no. 2176 (dated 618/619); É. Bernand, Inscriptions grecques d’Égypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre, Paris 1992, no. 112 (5th century); G. Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Égypte, Paris 1907, no. 354. 990 Leppin 2011, 312 proposes interpreting the Trishagion as an expression of “an ongoing willingness to integrate the Miaphysites”. An introduction to the theological discussion: ibid., 49 –73, in particular 53 f. regarding the debates on the addition to the Trishagion; 92–98, for Justinian’s religious policy towards the Miaphysites 189 –191, 247, 292, 315, 347. However, it is not very probable that a theological debate carried on usually only in the eastern part of the Imperium would have had an impact on the development of the figurative decoration; the decisions rather relied on liturgical custom. 991 Deichmann 1976, 270 f. 992 Ihm 1992, 5, 7, 14, 34–36, 92 f., 119, 133, 137 f., 139, 147 f. 993 Wisskirchen 1990, 47 f. 994 Wisskirchen 1990, fig. 53; fig. 29a-b. 995 Deichmann 1976, 272. 996 Terry, Maguire 2007, pl. 17, 42, 116. 997 Terry, Maguire 2007, pl. 107, 109. 998 Deichmann 1976, 272; Andreescu Treadgold 1992, 35 f. 999 Andreescu Treadgold 1990, 34 f. 1000 PCBE II,2, 1739–1742. 1001 Moretti 2008, 146. 1002 Gerola 1932, 756, 77 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 106. 1003 Gerola 1932, 112–121; Jäggi 2013, 222. 1004 Moretti 2008, 147; Rizzardi 2011, 107; Jäggi 2013, 222. 1005 Novara 2007, 115; Moretti 2008, 148, 150. 1006 Agnellus LP 50, Nauerth 1996, 240 –243; Moretti 2008, 152.

1007 D. Mauskopf Deliyannis, Agnellus of Ravenna. The book of pontiﬀs of the church of Ravenna, Washington 2004, 162. The Latin text, Nauerth 1996, 242: “Aut lux hic nata est, aut capta hic libera regnat./ Lux est ante, venit caeli decus unde modernum,/ Aut privata diem pepererunt tecta nitentem,/ Inclusumque iubar secluso Olimpo./ Marmora cum radiis vernantur, cerne, serenis/ Cunctaque sidereo percussa in murice saxa./ Auctoris pretio splendescunt munera Petri./ Huic honor, huic meri-tum tribuit, sic comere parva,/ Ut valeant spatiis anplum superare coactis./ Nil modicum Christo est. Artas bene possidet aedes,/ Cuius in humano consistunt pectore tenpla./ Fundamen Petrus, Petrus fundator et aula./ Quod domus, hoc dominus, quod factum, factor et idem,/ Moribus atque opere. Christus possessor habetur, /Qui duo cunsocians mediator reddit et unum./ Huc veniens fundat parituros gaudia fletus,/ Contritam solidans percusso in pectore mentem./ Ne iaceat, se sternat humo morbosque latentes/ Ante pedes medici, cura properante, recludat./ Saepe metus mortis vitae fit causa beatae.” 1008 See the translation by Longhi 2012, 47. 1009 Gerola 1932, 72; Deichmann 1974, 199. 1010 Deichmann 1974, 199; ICUR II, 4105, 4116. 1011 Dresken-Weiland 2012a, 80, 105–107. 1012 Deichmann 1974, 199; Jäggi 2013, 223. 1013 Gerola 1932, 73; Moretti 2008, 146 f. 1014 Rizzardi 2011, 109. 1015 Deichmann 1974, 202. 1016 Moretti 2008, 150. 1017 Gerola 1932, 74; Longhi 2012, 49. 1018 Ep. 2,15, CSEL 64, 1985, 351 f.; R.W. Mathisen, Ruricius of Limoges and Friends. A Collection of Letters from Visigothic Gaul, Liverpool 1999, 159 f. 1019 Deichmann 1974, 203; Rizzardi 2013, 108. A drawing of the restored parts in Deichmann 1969, pl. 265. 1020 Le décor géometrique de la mosaïque romaine. Répertoire graphique et descriptif des compositions linéaires et isotropes, Paris 1985, vol. 1, 191. 1021 Farioli 1992, 279–294. 1022 Farioli 1992, 289 f., 291 fig. 1–2; A. Pope, A survey of Persian art. The art of the book, textiles, carpets, metalwork, minor arts, 1939, 170 no. 1 fig. 241; 712 no. 11 fig. 246. Unfortunately, this volume was not available to me. 1023 I wish to thank Dr. Cäcilia Fluck, Berlin, for this information and her kind support. 1024 L. von Wilckens, Mittelalterliche Seidenstoﬀe, Bestandskatalog XVIII des Kunstgewerbemuseums, Berlin 1992, 31 f. no. 39–40. 1025 Moretti 2008, 148. 1026 A drawing of the restored parts in Deichmann 1969, pl. 266. See also Mackie 2003, 109 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 110. 1027 Rizzardi 2011, 110 f. 1028 “Ego sum via, veritas et vita”. 1029 Felle 2006, 273 no. 590. 1030 Deichmann 1974, 202; Sörries 1983, 250 f.; Moretti 2008, 149; Rizzardi 2011, 111. 1031 Deichmann 1974, 203; Sörries 1983, 248– 252; Ferrua 1991, 29 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 111. 1032 Moretti 2008, 153. 1033 Goltz 2008, 62 f.; Wiemer 2013, 606. 1034 Goltz 2008, 532.

NOTES

1035 Gerola 1932, 119; Mackie 2003, 111. 1036 Deichmann 1974, 202; Moretti 2008, 151 f.; Rizzardi 2011, 114; Jäggi 2013, 222. 1037 Deichmann 1969, pl. 268–271. 1038 Mackie 2003, 108. 1039 Firatlı 1990, 46 no. 81; B. Kiilerich, The Sarigüzel Sarcophagus and Triumphal Themes in Theodosian Art, in: G. Koch (ed.), Akten des Symposiums Frühchristliche Sarkophage, Mainz 2002, 137–144; C. Proverbio, La figura dell’angelo nella civiltà paleocristiana, Todi 2007, 65 f. fig. 23. 1040 Kollwitz 1940, 135; Deichmann 1974, 204;

Rizzardi 2011, 111.1041 Bakirtsis et al. 2012, 72, 73. 1042 Deichmann 1974, 204; Rizzardi 2011, 111; a diﬀerent opinion in Longhi 2012, 51. 1043 Mackie 2003, 112; Rizzardi 2011, 131. 1044 Mackie 2003, 111. 1045 Kollwitz-Herdejürgen 1979, Kat. B 6 pl. 34,1; Kat. B 8 pl. 42,3; Kat. B 15 pl. 53,2; Dresken-Weiland 1991, 182 f. 1046 Deichmann 1974, 204; Moretti 2008, 151; Rizzardi 2011, 113. 1047 C. Spadoni, L. Kniﬃtz (ed.), San Michele in Africisco e l’età giustinianea a Ravenna, Milan 2007, 20 f.,30 –35; Rizzardi 2011, 24, 126.

1048 Gerola 1932, 74; Mackie 2003, 106; Mauskopf Deliyannis 2010, 192. 1049 Bauer 2013, 53 f. 1050 Diesenberger 2006, 312. 1051 Deichmann 1974, 204. 1052 R. Bockmann, Märtyrer Karthagos. Ursprünge und Wandel ihrer Verehrung in den Kirchenbauten der Stadt, in: Römische Mitteilungen 120, 2014, 360 f. 1053 Rizzardi 2011, 114. 1054 Terry, Maguire 2007, 85–87 fig. 70, 84. 1055 M. Weidemann, Kulturgeschichte der Merowingerzeit nach den Werken Gregors von Tours, Mainz 1982, vol. 2, 186.

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INDEX Topographical Index Ravenna Architectural sculpture, imported from Constantinople 63, 117, 217, 255 Arian Baptistery 30, 63, 80, 103–113, 297 Baptistery of the Cathedral 31, 44, 63–100, 108, 112, 162, 163, 290, 298 Baptistery of Neon see Baptistery of the Cathedral Baptistery of Ursus see Baptistery of the Cathedral Basilica Ursiana 278 Braccioforte, Pignata Sarcophagus 40 Bronze cross from the Baptistery of the Cathedral 63 Cappella Arcivescovile 22, 72, 81, 82, 162, 283–295, 297 Cathedra (marble, 1st century) 117 Equestrian statue of Theodoric 180 Marble throne 117 Mausoleum of Galla Placida 15–57, 64, 71, 72, 80, 82, 112, 162, 196, 229, 233, 235, 286, 298; position of sarcophagi 16, 40; »Sarcophagus of Constantius« 16,47, 55; »Sarcophagus of Honorius« 16, 47, 55; »Sarcophagus of Galla Placidia« 16 Mausoleum of Lauricius 16 Monasterium Sancti Andreae Apostoli 283, 286 Monasterium Sancti Nazarii 16 Museo Arcivesovile, Cathedra of Maximian 81 Museo Nazionale, five-part ivory diptych 136 Orthodox Baptistery see Baptistery of the Cathedral Pine cones on the roof of the mausoleum 16 S. Apollinare in Classe 213, 253, 255–281, 297, 298 S. Apollinare Nuovo 11, 38, 46, 64, 72, 82, 108, 117–210, 217, 226, 232, 242, 257, 290, 297, 298 S. Croce 15, 16, 55, 57, 180 S. Giovanni Evangelista 16, 55, 252, 291 S. Maria Maggiore 195 S. Michele in Africisco 213, 291 S. Vitale 96, 108, 162, 202, 213–253, 267, 291, 297, 298 Outside of Ravenna Aachen, Palatine Chapel 253, 298 Arles, Musée de l’Arles Antique: »Eucharistic sarcophagus« 139; frieze sarcophagus 140, 142 Albenga, Baptistery 55, 288 Art trade, gold amulet 127 Bawit, »Chapelle XVII« 139 Beirut, St. Mary’s church 11

INDEX

Berlin, Museum für Spätantike und Byzantinische Kunst: gold medaillion 160; sassanid silk 286; throne relief 82 Bern, Abegg Foundation, tapestry 227 Bobbio, San Colombano, ampullae 70, 160 Brescia, Museo Civico, casket 140, 143, 147, 154 Cambridge, Corpus Christ College Library, Gospel of Augustine 140, 143, 144, 147, 152, 154, 156 Capua Vetere, S. Maria, lost mosaic 44 Casaranello, S. Maria della Croce 55, 268 Château de la Tourette, strigillated sarcophagus 40 Chersonnesos, marble slab fragment 70 Clermont, St. Stephen’s church 11, 161, 295 Dura Europos, Baptistery 16, 64, 69, 70, 232 Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Codex Amiatinus 37 Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Rabbula Gospel 38, 143, 154, 157 Fundi, apse image 133 Gaza, St. Sergius’ church 70, 122, 136, 140, 144, 156, 266 Istanbul, Archaelogical Museum: gold encolpion or amulet 136; limestone relief 125 Istanbul, Hagia Sophia, imperial door 22; narthex and west gallery, mosaic 44; hippodrome, base reliefs of the obelisk of Theodosius 242; church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus 217 Istanbul, imperial palace 180 London, ivory relief 81 London, British Library, Ms. Harley 1810 160 London, British Museum: ivory box 150, 152, 154, 156; water jug 125 Lyon, Musée des Beaux Arts, ivory relief 81 Lyon, Musée des Tissus, silk fragment 44 Manchester, John Rylands Library, ivory relief 194 Milan, Basilica Ambrosiana 139 Milan, cathedral treasure, cover of a gospel book 125, 132, 139, 140, 202, 233 f.; ivory tablet, ca. 900, 152 Milan, Sant’Aquilino 69, 163 Milan, S. Vittore in Ciel d’Oro 71 Mainz, Baptistery 69 Marseille, local sarcophagus 40, 44 Mérida, Museo de Arte Romano, philosophers’ mosaic 142 Monza, ampullae 160 Munich, berg-crystal gem 125 Munich, C.S. Collection, gem 125, 268; standing cross 266

Narbonne, church with representation of the crucifixion 266 Naples, Baptistery 16, 55, 69, 70, 126, 288 Naples, Museo Nazionale, philosophers’ mosaic 142 New York, Metropolitan Museum, gold glass 37; hematite amulet 126; sarcophagus lid with separation of the sheep from the goats 133, 151 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Sinope Codex 125 Paris, Church of the Apostles 163 Paris, Musée du Louvre, ivory diptych 136; ivory slab fragment 150; floor mosaic with representation of a church interior 266 Poreč, Euphrasian Basilica 194 f., 202, 217, 226, 242, 280, 295 Qasr Amra, Umayyad bath 286 Reims, sarcophagus known only from a drawing 40 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vergilius Vaticanus 137, 139 Rome, Campo Santo Teutonico, fragment of a column sarcophagus 146 Rome, Fabbrica di San Pietro, column sarcophagus 150; strigillated sarcophagus 203 Rome, Baptistery of the Lateran, mosaic in the east apse 40, Oratory S. Giovanni Evangelista., ceiling mosaic 55; room beneath S. Giovanni in Laterano 126 Rome, Musei Vaticani, fragment of a sarcophagus (part of a crucifixion scene) 156; column sarcophagus 156 Rome, Catacombs: Commodilla 150; Coemeterium Maius 203; Hermes 136, 202; Marcus and Marcellianus 40; Praetextatus 283; Priscilla 45; Thrason 203 Rome, Mausoleum of the Theodosian dynasty 15 f. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano: statuette of Christ 23; gold medallion with representation of Theodoric 210 Rome, S. Cecilia in Trastevere 280 Rome, S. Clemente 44 Rome, S. Croce in Gerusalemme 14 Rome, S. Lorenzo fuori le mura 37, 242 Rome, S. Maria Antiqua 158, 278 Rome, S. Maria Maggiore 22 f., 82, 202, 227 Rome, S. Maria in Via Lata 140 Rome, Ss. Nereo ed Achilleo 263 Rome, S. Prassede 280 Rome, S. Saba 136

Rome, S. Paolo fuori le mura 162, 208 Rome, (Old) St. Peter’s, Baptistery 69 Rome, S. Sabina, wood door 122, 125, 147, 150, 152, 154, 156 Rome, S. Stefano Rotondo 266 Rome, Sancta Sanctorum, reliquary 158 Rossano, Museo Diocesano, Codex 69, 127, 139, 140, 152 Saint Petersburg, Ermitage, frieze sarcophagus 146 Salona, Baptistery, mosaic 40 Sinai, St. Catherine’s 232, 257, 263 Thessaloniki, Rotunda of St. George 96, 252, 291; Hagios Demetrios 291 Toulouse, La Daurade 162 Tours, St. Martin 70, 132 Venice, San Marco, ciborium columns 69, 124, 127, 136, 139, 140, 143, 144, 147, 150, 151, 152, 160; ciborium with columns and dome 269 Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, encolpion 194; Monza ampulla 157, 266

Iconographic Index Abel 226 f., 228, 269 Abraham 269; Abraham and the three men at the oak of Mambre 226 f., 233; Abraham’s sacrifice 226 f. Adoration of the Magi 195, 252 Agatha of Catania 202, 203 Age diﬀerence of Jesus within the NT cycle 122; between the Pharisee and the Publican 132 Agnes, saint 37, 202, 203 Alpha and Omega 46, 233, 266, 268, 290 Altar 96, 227, 252, 269; cover 227, mensa 227 Anastasia, saint 202, 203 Anatolia 202, 203, 208 Andrew 82, 124, 142, 158, 160, 162, 217, 291 Angel, companion of the righteous 132 f., accompanying those sentenced to hell 133; smiling 157, 161; hovering with a monogram of Christ 290, hovering on globes 96, 235, with standard and trishagion 278, 280, 297; see also Gabriel and Michael Anguish of Jesus 142, 143, 157 Animals 72, 100 »anti-arian iconography« 290, 298 »arian« iconography 103, 112 f., 122, 298 Apocalyptic creatures 55, 56 Apollinaris 201, 268 f., 297 Apostles 36, 37, 46 f., 55, 217, 291;

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procession of the apostles 82, 108, 112 Appearance of Christ among his disciples 82, 158, 169 f., 298 Appraisal of imagery in church interiors 11 Aurum Coronarium 82 Balaam 46 Baptism of Christ 74, 80 f., 108, 112 Beard fashion, contemporary 112, 139, 140, 143, 152, 171, 298 Betrayal by Judas 143 f., 161 Blue, meaning of the colour 16, 46, 71, 81 Bonnet 125, 126, 150, 157, 194, 202, 226, 252 Book, closed 217, 229 Bookcase 36, 37 Boots, with black and white stripes 143, 156 Braid (brought up behind the head) 201 f. Bucolic landscape 70 Caiaphas, Jesus before Caiaphas 147, 151, 162 Calf, attribute of Luke the evangelist 233 Call of Moses 229, 232, 280 Calling of Peter and Andrew 124 f. Candelabrum 81 f. Cassian of Imola 196, 201, 203, 208, 291 Cecilia, saint 202, 203, 208, 291, 295 Censer 269 Christian and pagan art, relation between 113 Christina of Bolsena 203 Christogram 20, 45, 46, 56, 223, 242, 291 Christus Victor 286, 290, see also Jesus Christ stepping on lion and serpent Chrysanthus 291 Chrysogonus 201, 291 Cities (representations of): Bethlehem 233, 280; Classe 158, 180, 195; Emmaus 158; Jerusalem 233, 280; Ravenna 158, 180, 195 Clement of Rome 196, 203, 208 Clothes, enwrought in gold 82; white 46 Clothing: of the female martyrs 201 f.; contemporary 154, 156, 162 Clouds, apocalyptic 194, 242, 268, 280, 291 Cock 72, 148, 150 Coins of Anicius Olybrius, 267; of Justinian II. 38 Colours of Christ’s dress 23 Cornelius, bishop of Rome 196, 203, 208 Courtiers 112, 171, 252 Court lady 252, 286 Cosmas and Damian 291 Cosmos 235 Crispina of Tebessa 202, 203, 208 Cross: 30, 31, 55, 291; bust or medallion on the cross 266–269; crux gemmata with expanded

318

arms 266; on Golgotha 266; in the sky 263, 266–269; in the east 37, 55, 56; above Mary’s forehead 194; Bearing of the cross 154, 156 f. Crucifixion 156 f., 266 Cross staﬀ 30, 31, 36, 74, 80, 291 Crown 96, 201, 203, 229 Cushion, Mary’s with stars 181, 194 Cyprian, bishop of Carthage 196, 201, 203, 208 Daniel in the lion’s den 72, 73 Daria, saint 202, 203, 291, 295 Deer with vase 72; Deer at the water / spring 38–44, 56 Demetrius of Thessaloniki 201, 203 Demon 133 Direction of reading 36 Disciples as witnesses of the theophany 122 Dolphins 226 Dominus legem dat 46 Doves 46, 55, 96, 162, 235, 286; Dove of the Holy Spirit 47, 74, 80, 112 Duck 286 Eagle, attribute of John the evangelist 233 Ecclesius 235, 242, 252, 269, 280 Ego sum rex gloriae 181, 194 Elijah 263, 266, 298 Emerentiana 202, 203, 208 Emmaus 158, 161 Emperor portrait in the cross 266 Episcopal vestments 242, 288 Eugenia, saint 202, 203, 295 Eulalia of Mérida 202, 203 Euphemia of Chalcedon 202, 203, 208, 291, 295 Eusebia 291 Evangelist symbols 257, 280, 290 Ezra, high priest 37 Fabrics 44, 47, 82, 122, 137, 163, 180, 202; as church decoration 122 Felicitas see Perpetua Felix see Nabor Fish, Fishes 30, 124, 266 f., as elaborate dish 137, Miraculous draught of fish 124 Feet, missing 124, 146, 161, 243 Foot washing 68 f. Forgiveness of sins 136 Fruit garland 31 Gabriel 278, 280 Gammadion 36, 46 Garden landscape 55, 96 Gervasius 201, 203, 208, 217, 242 Gethsemane, Jesu praying in 140, 142 f. Goat 72 Good Shepherd 22–36, 44, 56, 69 f., 80, 229 Gospel book(s) 36, 96 Grate, instrument of torture 37 Guard of honour accompanying Jesus 146 Guinea fowl 286 Hairdo 154, 171, 201, 298 Hand of God 226, 232, 263, 269 Hare 72

Healing of the Gerasene demoniac 136 f. Healing of two blind men 124 f., 161 Healing of the bleeding woman or healing of the Canaanite woman’s daughter 125 f. Healing of a paralytic 63, 64, 68, 70, 71 Healing of the paralytic at Bethesda 137 Healing of the paralytic at Capernaum 133, 136 Henchmen in the scene of Jesus’ betrayal 143 f. Hetoimasia 96 High priests 143, 146, 147, 151, 152, 157 Hippocampi 72 Hippolytus of Rome 196 Hyacinth 201, 203 Images as an appeal to penance 11, 283; as appeal to the viewers 132 f., 161, 297; design and layout of images 11, 297, 298; liturgical function 11, 56, 69, 70, 74, 112, 113, 229, 243, 259, 278, 298 Imposition of hands 112 ΙΧΘΥΣ 267 f. Isaac 226 f., 269 Isaiah 229 Jeremiah 229 Jesus Christ 31, 46, 64, 69, 74, 80, 82, 96, 112, 122–162, 180, 263, 267, 290; medallion of Christ 257, 266–269, 280, 291; Christ stepping on lion and dragon (serpent) 2, 72, 74, 180, 286, 290; Christ on the throne 171, 180, 181; see also Good Shepherd; for the miracles of Christ see separate entries Jesus under arrest 146 f., 161 Jews 143 f., 146 f. John, evangelist 233 John and Paul 201 John the Baptist 31, 74, 108 Jonas, thrown in the sea and spit out by the fish 72, 74 Jordan 30, 80, 81, 108 Judas 139 f., 143 f.; Remorse of Judas 151 f. Judgement, Last Judgement 40, 132, 133, 136, 151, 242, 297, 298 Justina, saint 202, 203 Justinian, emperor, 194, 232 242 f., 252, 269, 278, 298; portrait 209 f. Justinian II, emperor, coins of 38 Kantharos 40, 44, 72, 235, 252 Keys as attribute 112 Lamb: of the Apocalypse 235; attribute of Agnes 203; with cross 72; in sacrifice scene 269; lamb frieze 257, 280 Last Supper 137, 139, 140, 298 Lawrence 22–38, 44, 55, 56, 80, 196 Lazarus, Raising of Lazarus 126 f., 161 Lion with kantharos 72 Lion, attribute of Mark the evangelist 233

Lion and dragon (serpent), Christ stepping on 2, 72, 74, 180, 286, 290 Lucia of Syracuse 202, 203 Luke, evangelist 233, 257 Maid in the scene of the betrayal by Peter 150 f. Magpie 286 Man, attribute of Matthew the evangelist 233 Mark, evangelist 233, 257 Martin, saint 117, 181, 196 Mary: gold dress 22; with the Child Jesus on the throne 44; 157, 171, 180, 181, 194, 226, 295; purple garment 181, 194 Matthew, evangelist 233 Maximian, bishop of Ravenna 213, 242 f., 252 f., 298 Meadow 31, 81 Medallions with portraits of apostles and saints 291 Melchizedek 226 f., 228, 269, 278, 280 »Messengers of Christ or witnesses of his actions« 162–179, 297 Michael 278, 280 Monograms in the Baptistery of the Cathedral 71 Moses 229, 232, 257, 263, 266; Moses receiving the law 232, 280 Motifs derived from antique art 96, 208 Multiplication of the loaves and the fishes 82 123 f., 139 Nabor and Felix 78, 201, 208 Nimbus 36, 80, 108, 122, 157, 226, 229, 235, 278; cross nimbus 122 Open-work slabs 96 Oﬃcials’ dresses 180 f. Ornamental mosaics 44 f., 64, 71 Orpheus 31 Palace guards, uniform 154, 156, 162 Palms 257, 280 Pancratius, saint 201, 203 Paradise 31, 44, 55, 108, 195 f., 280; rivers of Paradise 235 Parakeet, ring-necked 96 Parrot 286 Parable of the Pharisee and the Publican 127, 132, 151, 152, 161, 298 Parousia 21, 37, 55, 56, 80, 112, 298 Paul 37, 46, 56, 82, 108, 112, 196, 213, 291; Paul, saint paired with John 203 Paulina, saint 202 Pedum 112 Pelagia of Antiochia 202, 203 Pendilia 269 Perpetua and Felicitas 202, 203, 208, 291, 295 Peter 31, 37, 46, 56, 82, 108, 112, 124, 140, 142, 143, 146, 148, 150 f., 158, 196, 213, 291; Peter and the cock 147 f., 150; Denial by Peter 150 f., 162; Peter receiving the keys 72, 74 Peacock 72, 96, 286 Pheasant 96

INDEX

Philosophers’ portraits 162 Pilate 152, 154; Pilate’s dress 152; Pilate washing his hands 152, 154; Christ before Pilate 151, 152, 154, 161, 298 Place of honour 139 Polycarp of Smyrna 201, 203, 291 Privilegia mosaic 269, 278, 280 Prophets 45 f., 71, 72, 162–179 Protasius 201, 203, 208, 217, 242 Protus and Hyacinth 201 Procession of the imperial couple for the donation of altar equipment 243, 252; processions of martyrs 195–209, 298 Purple 21, 30, 82, 112, 122, 157, 181, 194, 217, 242, 262, 269 Purple gallinule 96 Partridge 96 Raising of Lazarus 126 f., 161 Rescue of Peter 70 f. Resurrection of Jesus 31, 45, 80, 112, 157, 233, 263 Rock partridge 96 Sabina, saint 202, 203 Sabinus of Spoleto 201 Sacrifice of Isaac see Abraham’s sacrifice Sacrifice mosaic 269, 278, 280 Salus mundi 267 f. Samaritan woman at the well 126 f. Sanhedrin 146 f. Sara 226 f. Scroll, sealed 229, 242 Seated motif (Christ) 23 Sebastian 201 Separation of sheep from goats 132 f., 161, 295, 297 Severus, 12th bishop of Ravenna 203, 269 Shell niches 46, 72, 96, 122, 226, 243 Shepherds’ depictions 22 Shoes 158, 226, 242, 278 Simon of Cyrene 156 Sixtus II 196, 208 Socks, white 154, 298 Sovereign portraits of the 6th century 242 Stars 288, 290; starry sky 16, 55, 288; star-spangled cushion of Mary 181, 194 Stibadium 137, 139 Temple of Jerusalem 152 Textiles see Fabrics Theodora 243, 252 286 298 Thomas in the scene of Jesus’ apparition 158, 160 f. Throne 82, 96, 108, 112, 152; Throne with back and footrest 82, 96; »empty throne« 96; Christ on the throne 113, 171, 180, 181; Mary on the throne 44, 81, 157, 180, 181, 194, 280; Throne of God 242 Transfiguration 257, 263, 266–269, 298 Trishagion 278 Tropaion 30, 56; soldiers below the tropaion 30 Thurible 242, 269 Typological interpretation 226 f. Ursicinus 201, 269

INDEX

Ursus 269 Valeria, wife of Vitalis 201, 202, 242, 295 Veneration of the cross, antiphon to 288 Victoria, saint 202, 203, 208 Victories 233 Vincent of Saragossa 37, 201 Vincentia, wife of bishop Severus 202, 203, 208 Vine tendril 44; vine 235 Vitalis 201, 226, 235, 242 Walking on water (Christ and Peter) 70 Wedding of Cana, miracle of the transformation of water in wine 122 f., 298 Widow’s mite 132, 151, 161, 297 Women at the empty tomb 156 f., 162 Wreath 82, 196, 242 Zeus or Jupiter, sitting 23 Zachary 280

General Index Altar 123, 137, 213, 217, 226, 255, 278, 298 Ambrosian Rite 69, 74 Arians see Homoians Arianism see Homoianism Autocephaly 278 Banking business, profits 213 Baptism 100 Conflicts with Jews 519/520 146 Commissioner 161 f., 297 Consecration of baptismal water on Holy Saturday 70 Corporeality, decreasing interest in 161, 163, 203, 208 Craftsmen, division of work 161; own decisions 162; different or working at the same time 44, 108, 151 f., 161, 171, 203, 280; differences in quality 291, 295, 297; discontinuation of works 108; availability of workmen 297 Differences in mosaic quality see Craftsmen Eucharist 117, 123, 139, 140, 213, 226, 227, 235, 253, 269, 278, 298 Eucharistic Prayer 228 Forgiveness of sins at baptism 68 Garment, transparent, as an indication of female beauty 203 Homoians, Homoianism 103, 113, 122, 290 Interest 213 Litanies of saints 208 Locating image templates 162 Origin of image templates 297 Problems in supply of materials 163, 243, 297 Profits from banking business 213 Pattern books 11, 297 Processions 100 Relics 15, 16, 40, 117, 196, 213, 226, 291, 295 Relics of the True Cross of Christ 15, 16

Restitution of buildings to the Catholic Church in Ravenna 103, 117, 180 Reworking of portraits 210 Sacramentary of Gregory the Great 70 Salvation, meaning and history of 11, 80, 96, 146, 227, 229, 235, 263, 267, 278 Sanctus 278 Shepherd of Hermas 47 Synod of Elvira, Canon 36 11 Tax privilege 269 Trinity 233 Trishagion 278 Veneration of martyrs 242 Virtue 133, 295

Persons Agnellus, bishop of Ravenna (561–569) 209, 210 Agnellus, author of the Book of Pontiﬀs 15, 16, 63, 117, 195, 196, 208, 213, 255, 283, 286 Ambrose of Milan 69, 74, 132, 139, 242, 252 Anicius Olybrius, emperor, coins 267 Apollinaris 255 Asterius of Amaseia 208 Athanasius 290 Audofleda 181 Augustine 127 Balaam, martyr 11 Basil of Caesarea 11 Cassiodorus 267 Ceraunia, wife of Namatius 11 Charlemagne 253, 298 Chorikios of Gaza 122, 140, 144, 156, 266 Chromatius of Aquileia 267 f. Constans II, emperor 269, 278 Constantine IV, emperor 269, 278 Ciampini, Giovanni 63, 123 Damasus, pope 69, 242 Ecclesius, bishop of Ravenna 195, 213, 242, 280 Eugenios, Markos Iulios 11 Galla Placidia 15, 16, 22, 37, 56, 252 Gregory the Great 11, 161 Gregory of Nyssa 11 Gregory of Tours 11, 162, 266, 295 Heraclius 278 Hilarius, pope 55 Jerome 233, 268 John I, pope John Chrysostom 266 Julianus Argentarius, banker 213, 255 Justinian, emperor 194, 209 f., 232, 242 f. 252, 269, 278, 298 Justinian II., coins 38 Kleopas 158 Malezappi, Francesco 196 Maurus, bishop of Ravenna 269, 278 Maximian 213, 252, 255 Nabor, saint 71 Namatius, bishop of Clermont, wife of 11, 295, 297 Nilus of Ancyra 11

Paulinus of Nola 11, 47, 55, 133, 161 Pelagius II, pope 37 Peter II, bishop of Ravenna 283 Prudentius 31, 37, 70, 147, 208 Pseudo-Fulgentius 37 Reparatus, bishop of Ravenna 269 Rufinus of Aquileia 268 Ruricius of Limoges 11, 286 Serenus of Marseille 11 Severus of Antioch 11, 161 Sidonius Apollinaris 283 Sixtus III, pope 69 Symmachus, pope 283 Theodora, empress 213 236 243 252 286 298 Theodore, recruit 11 Theodore, bishop of Ravenna 63 Theodoric, king of the Osthrogoths 117, 147, 162, 171, 180, 181, 209, 283, 290 Theodosius, son of Galla Placidia 16 Tiberius 278 Ursus, bishop of Ravenna 63 Venantius Fortunatus 69, 283 Vincent of Saragossa, saint 37 Zachary, saint 11

Biblical references OT Genesis Genesis Genesis Genesis Exodus Exodus Psalms Psalms Psalms Psalms Psalms Psalms

4:3–5 227 14:17–20 227 18:1–15 226 18:12 226 3:1–6 229 19:20 –21 232 23 (22):1 63 23 (22):2 69, 70 24:7–9 181 32 (31):1 62 42 (41): 2 38 90 (91):13 72, 290

NT Matthew 4:18–20 124 Matthew 9:1–8 63, 133, 137 Matthew 9:27–30 125 Matthew 14:13–21; 15:32–38 123 Matthew 15:21–28 126 Matthew 17:1–6 257 Matthew 18:12–14 22 Matthew 20:57 146 Matthew 22:22–32 64 Matthew 24:30 55 Matthew 25:31–46 132 Matthew 26:33–35 148 Matthew 26:65 147 Matthew 26:69–75 150 Matthew 26:75 148 Matthew 27:3–5, 151 152 Matthew 27:12 152 Matthew 27:32 154 Mark 1:16–18 124 Mark 2:1–12 63, 64, 133, 136 Mark 5:1–20 136 Mark 5:25–34 126 Mark 6:30 –44; 8:1–8,10 123 Mark 7:25–30 126 Mark 9:2–7 256 Mark 12:41–44 132

319

Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Luke Luke Luke Luke Luke Luke

14:26–31 148 14:53 146 14:63 f., 147 14:72 148 14:66–72 150 15:3 152 15:20 –22 154 16:1–8 157 5:1–11 124 5:17–26 63, 64, 133, 136 8:26–29 136 8:43–48 126 9:10 –17 123 9:28–35 257

Luke 9:31 236 Luke 15:3–7 22 Luke 18:9–14 127 Luke 21:1–4 127 Luke 22:31–34 148 Luke 22:54 146 Luke 22:54– 62 150 Luke 22:62 148 Luke 23:2.5.14 152 Luke 23:26–33 154, 158 Luke 24:15–27 158 Luke 24:18 158 Luke 24:50 55 Joh 2:1–11 122 f.

John John John John John John John John John John John John John John

4:5–26 126 4:14 40 5:1–18 137 6:1–13 123 8:12 286 10:7 ﬀ. 22, 31 11:1–44 126f. 13:4–5 63, 68, 69, 70 13:36–38 148 14:6–7 290 15 44, 235 17:1–12, 142 18:3 143 18:10 –11, 143

John 18:12, 146 John 18:25–27 150 John 20:19–29 158, 160 John 21:15–18 148 Acts 1:9–12 55 Revelation 1:8 46 Revelation 4:6 242 Revelation 5:1–14; 14:1–4 235 Revelation 15:2 242 Revelation 19:8 46 Revelation 19:11 38 Revelation 21:6, 40, 46 Revelation 22:7 40 Revelation 22:13 46

PHOTO CREDITS In spite of thorough investigation, it has not always been possible to identify the right holders of the illustrations. Justified claims will be satisfied according to usual agreements. The colour photos of buildings and mosaics in Ravenna were made by Basilio and Matteo Rodella of BAMSphoto Rodella, also: p. 31 bottom, p. 38 bottom; p. 74, p. 80 right, p. 132 left. We wish to thank the Curia Arcivescovile di Ravenna and the Soprintendenza per i Beni Architettonici e Paesaggistici per le province di Ravenna, Ferrara, Forlì-Cesena, Rimini, for granting the authorizations to photograph the sites subject to their control. Photo Jutta Dresken-Weiland: p. 31 top, p. 57 left, p. 70, p. 127 right, p. 140 bottom. Jaca Book Archive: p. 36 right, p. 40, p. 56 left, p. 144 bottom right, p. 148 top left, p. 150 top right, p. 152 right, p. 154, p. 265, p. 291. Castelfranchi 2005, 38– 40 fig. 12–14: p. 123 right, p. 125 left; p. 133 left, p. 137 (left and right), p. 139 right, p. 202 bottom, p. 235. The Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: p. 142 left and right, p. 142 right, p. 144 right, p. 148 bottom, p. 157 left. Comparison images in the text: p. 23: P. Liverani, I colori del bianco, Rome 2004, 39 fig. 97; Rep. I 396; p. 30 left: C. Parisi Presicce, Konstantin als Juppiter. Die Kolossalstatue des Kaisers aus der Basilika an der Via Sacra, in: Konstantin der Große 2007, 131; top right: Nordström 1953, pl. 13; bottom left: A. Donati (ed.), Pietro e Paolo, Milan 2000, 126 no. 48. p. 31 centre: Rep. II 150; p. 36: wikimedia/commons/4/44/CodxAmiatinusFolio5rEzra.jpg; p. 37: http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/ search/465923, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, OASC; p. 38 (from top to bottom):

320

Salona IV, p. 242; Rep. III, 211; Rep. III, 301; p. 44: M. Martiniani-Reber, Lyon, Musée historique des Tissus. Soieries sassanides, coptes et byzantines Ve–XIe siècles, Paris 1986, 105 no. 90; Philipp Niewöhner, courtesy of; p. 45: F. Bisconti, R. Giuliani, B. Mazzei, La catacomba di Priscilla. Il complesso, i restauri, il museo, Todi 2013, 41 fig. 1; p. 47: Rep. I 775, Rep. II 143; p. 56 right: wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9f/Casaranello11.jpg; p. 57 right: Marcenaro 2013, 62 fig. 3; p. 64: Rep.III 479, Rep. I 770; p. 68: Rep. III 53, W.F. Volbach, Frühchristliche Kunst, München 1958, fig. 258, bottom: Lucchesi Palli 1942, pl. IIa; p. 69: Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, pl. 15, 16a, 17a–b, 40 fig. 14; p. 71: Rep. I 365, Grabar 1958, pl. 43,1; p. 80 left: Volbach 1976, pl. 78 no. 149; bottom: Rep. II 8; p. 81: Rep. II 150; p. 82: Rep. II 136; p. 96: J. Engemann, Roma. Lo splendore del tramonto, Milan 2014, 164 fig. 144; p. 123: Deichmann 1974, 162 fig. 120, bottom: Sevrugian 1990, pl. 22; p. 124: Deichmann 1958, fig. 162; p. 125 right: Jeremias 1980 pl. 44, bottom: Sevrugian 1990, pl. 23; p. 126: http://www. metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/464456, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, OASC; p. 132: Kollwitz, Herdejürgen 1979, pl. 31,2; Sörries 1993, pl. 38,2; p. 133 right: Y. Christe, Jugements derniers, Zodiaque 1990, 33 fig. 2; p. 136: RQ 28, 1914, 67 fig. 12; p. 139: Weitzmann 1977, pl. 13; p. 140 top: Sevrugian 1990, pl. 11; p. 142 bottom: Sörries 1993, pl. 39,3; p. 143: Otium. Festschrift für Volker Michael Strocka, Remshalden 2005, 13 fig. 2; p. 144 left: Lucchesi Palli 1942, pl. Ia; bottom left: Rep. III, 62; p. 146: Rep. I 843, Rep. II 58; p. 148: top right Jeremias 1980, pl. 18; centre: Jeremias 1980, pl. 46; p. 150 bottom: Volbach 1976, Nr. 121 pl. 65; p. 151: Picturing the Bible 2007, Nr. 57; p. 152 left: Lucchesi Palli 1942, pl. IVa; right: J. Engemann, Roma, Lo splendore del tramonto, Milan 2014, 205 fig. 185; p. 156: Picturing the Bible 2007, Nr. 57; Jeremias 1980, pl. 51; p. 157 right: Vikan 2010, pl. 39; p. 158: Jeremias 1980, pl. 53; p. 160:

Picturing the Bible 2007, Nr. 57, O. Dalton, East Christian Art, Oxford 1925, fig. 57,2; Grabar 1958, 25 f. Nr. 9 pl. 15; p. 181: Deichmann 1974, 145 f. fig. 118; p. 194: Volbach 1976, Nr. 127, Volbach 1958, fig. 248; p. 195: Terry, Maguire 2007, vol. 2, fig. 3; p. 196: Rep. III, 64; p. 202: Wilpert, Schumacher 1976, pl. 52; p. 208: Rep. I, 683; p. 209: Deichmann 1969, fig. 188; Kovacs 2014, pl. 115,1; p. 210: F. M. Aubüttel, Theoderich der Große, Darmstadt 2003, 73 fig. 10; p. 227: Rep. III, 271, centre: A. Nestori, F. Bisconti, I mosaici paleocristiani di Santa Maria Maggiore negli acquarelli della collezione Wilpert, Città del Vaticano 2000, pl. 9; p. 229: Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, fig. 41, fig. 71; p. 232: Weitzmann, Kessler 1990, fig. 42, fig. 75; p. 242: Dresken-Weiland 1991, fig. 163; p. 252: E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, Chr. Mavropoulou Tsioumi, Ch. Bakirtzis, Mosaics of Thessaloniki 4th–14th century, Kapon Editions, Athens 2012, 83, courtesy of Ephoreia of Antiquities, Thessaloniki / Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Education and Religious Aﬀairs; p. 257: Ch. Stiegemann (ed.), Frühchristliche Kunst aus Rom und Konstantinopel, Paderborn 1996, 179; p. 263: Terry, Maguire 2007, fig. 286; p. 267: Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 2004– 2005, 154–156, Nordström 1953, pl. 32, bottom: Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osten, Paderborn 2001, fig. p. 149; M. Mundell Mango, Silver from Early Byzantium, The Kaper Koraon and Related Treasures, Baltimore 1986, 197 fig. 42,6; p. 268: AS Nr. 524, Spier 2007, 116 Nr. 678; p. 278: Credo 2013, 98 f. Nr. 75; p. 281: Terry, Maguire 2007, pl. 116, pl. 107; p. 286: B. Mazzei in: F. Bisconti, H. Brandenburg, Sarcofagi tardoantichi, paleocristiani e altomedievali, Città del Vaticano 2004, 120 fig. 3; p. 295: E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, Chr. Mavropoulou Tsioumi, Ch. Bakirtzis, Mosaics of Thessaloniki 4th–14th century, Kapon Editions, Athens 2012, 113, courtesy of Ephoreia of Antiquities, Thessaloniki / Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Education and Religious Aﬀairs.

PHOTO CREDITS