Chisvo, T - The Spirit of Heritage: Using Selected Artefacts to Read the Material History and Con...

THE SPIRIT OF HERITAGE: USING SELECTED ARTEFACTS TO READ THE MATERIAL HISTORY AND CONFLICTING MEMORIES IN COLONIAL-ERA ARCHITECTURE IN THE SADC REGION

Tonderai Chisvo 219647050

THE SPIRIT OF HERITAGE: USING SELECTED ARTEFACTS TO READ THE MATERIAL HISTORY AND CONFLICTING MEMORIES IN COLONIAL-ERA ARCHITECTURE IN THE SADC REGION by Tonderai Chisvo 219647050

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE IN ARCHITECTURAL TECHNOLOGY (STRUCTURED) at the DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE AND INDUSTRIAL DESIGN in the FACULTY OF ENGINEERING AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT at the TSHWANE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY

Main supervisor: Prof J Laubscher Co-supervisor: Mr SP Steyn November 2021

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Figure 1.0: Video QR Code Source: https://youtu.be/NVfONYMqVnc

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DECLARATION ON PLAGIARISM

The Department of Architecture and Industrial Design emphasises integrity and ethical behaviour concerning the preparation of all assignments.

In accordance with Regulation 4.1.11.1(j) of Chapter 4 (Examination Rules and Regulations), and Regulations 15.1.16 and 15.1.17 of Chapter 15 (Student Discipline) of Part 1 of the 2021 Prospectus,

I, Tonderai Chisvo

Student number: 219647050

Declare the following: 1.

I understand what plagiarism entails, and I am aware of the university's policy in this regard.

2.

I declare that this assignment is my own original work. Where someone else's work was used, it was acknowledged, and reference was made according to departmental requirements.

3.

I did not copy and paste any information directly from an electronic source (e.g. a web page, electronic journal article or CD-ROM) into this document.

4.

I did not use another student's previous work and submitted it as my own.

5.

I did not allow and will not allow anyone to copy my work to present it as his/her own work.

I further declare that this research proposal is substantially my own work. Where reference is made to the work of others, the extent to which that work has been used is indicated and fully acknowledged in the text and list of references.

Signature:

Date: 06 January 2022

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere gratitude and admiration to my lecturer, Mr Stephen Steyn, for the valuable guidance and input in the development of my project.

My queen, Naledi, for her love, enthusiasm, sympathy and never-ending encouragement towards my education and future endeavours.

My princesses, Katlego and Marang, in particular for their invaluable input, encouragement, disruptions and mental support throughout my studies in these difficult and straining times.

My parents for instilling a work ethic into me that has stood me in good stead.

My family, friends and colleagues for the inspiration and extra motivation.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION ON PLAGIARISM ........................................................................................ i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................... ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................................... iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... v LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... viii CHAPTER 1: CONTEXT OF STUDY .................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Objectives of the study ................................................................................................ 4 1.3 Research questions ..................................................................................................... 4 1.4 Delimitations ................................................................................................................ 5 1.5 Methodology ................................................................................................................. 5 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................. 7 2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 7 2.2 Colonial-era architecture ............................................................................................. 7 2.3 Conflicting memories................................................................................................... 8 2.4 spirit of heritage ........................................................................................................... 9 2.5 SADC........................................................................................................................... 10 CHAPTER 3: STUDIES AND ANALYSIS OF SITES .......................................................... 12 3.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................ 12 3.2 Elements ..................................................................................................................... 13 3.2.1 Spatial composition ........................................................................................... 13 3.2.2 Height and scale ............................................................................................... 14 3.2.3 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 15 3.3 Church Square ........................................................................................................... 16 3.3.1 Background ...................................................................................................... 16 3.3.2 Spatial composition ........................................................................................... 17 3.3.3 Drawing from memory and actual ................................................................... 22 3.3.4 Significance of the statue .................................................................................. 23 3.3.5 Proposals in terms of statue or plinth position .................................................. 25

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3.3.6 Re-imaging the statue ....................................................................................... 29 3.3.7 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 32 3.4 Voortrekker Monument .............................................................................................. 33 3.4.1 Background ...................................................................................................... 34 3.4.2 Great Trek......................................................................................................... 34 3.4.3 Spatial composition ........................................................................................... 35 3.4.4 Height ............................................................................................................... 38 3.4.5 The Cenotaph .................................................................................................. 39 3.4.6 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 49 3.4.7 Floor ................................................................................................................. 50 3.4.8 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 54 3.5 Africa Unity Square .................................................................................................... 55 3.5.1 Background ...................................................................................................... 55 3.5.2 Site/placement ................................................................................................. 55 3.5.3 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 66 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS ................................................................. 67 4.1 Reiteration of the research problem and the objective of this study ..................... 67 4.2 Findings from primary data and review of literature ............................................... 67 4.2.1 Establishment of new means of expressing and describing the colonial architectural legacy ........................................................................................... 67 4.2.2 Significance of artefacts, details and materials in analysing colonial traces and legacies in the SADC ........................................................................................ 68 4.2.3 Review of policies of architectural decolonisation ............................................. 69 4.2.4 Reform of colonial architectural structures ........................................................ 69 4.2.5 Possibility of new orders ................................................................................... 70 4.2.6 New means of expressing or describing colonial architectural legacy ............... 70 4.3 Conclusions ............................................................................................................... 71 4.4 Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 71 LIST OF REFERENCES ..................................................................................................... 73 APPENDIX A: ETHICAL CLEARANCE CERTIFICATE ..................................................... 77

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.0: Video QR Code ................................................................................................... 2 Figure 1.1: The original Casa del Fascio in Bolzano, Italy ..................................................... 3 Figure 1.2: Casa del Fascio (Bolzano, Italy) after recontextualisation ................................... 3 Figure 2.1: SADC countries................................................................................................. 11 Figure 3.1: Sites selected for the study ............................................................................... 12 Figure 3.2: Pretoria central locality map .............................................................................. 17 Figure 3.3: Church Square and surroundings ...................................................................... 18 Figure 3.4: Church Square layout plan ................................................................................ 20 Figure 3.5: Sections along Church and Paul Kruger Streets................................................ 21 Figure 3.6: Church Square aerial view ................................................................................ 21 Figure 3.7: Paul Kruger Statue -drawn from memory .......................................................... 22 Figure 3.8: Statue of Paul Kruger ......................................................................................... 23 Figure 3.9: Paul Kruger statue and plinth ............................................................................ 24 Figure 3.10: Plinth and statue removed from the central point............................................. 27 Figure 3.11: Plinth and statue replaced with smaller plinth .................................................. 29 Figure 3.12: Another statue next to Paul Kruger .................................................................. 30 Figure 3.13: Replacing Paul Kruger .................................................................................... 31 Figure 3.14: Reduced height of statue ................................................................................ 31 Figure 3.15: Empty plinth at Church Square ........................................................................ 32 Figure 3.16: Voortrekker Monument .................................................................................... 35 Figure 3.17: Voortrekker Monument location ....................................................................... 35 Figure 3.18: Voortrekker Monument .................................................................................... 36 Figure 3.19: Voortrekker Monument drawn from memory .................................................... 37 Figure 3.20: Voortrekker Monument drawn from memory .................................................... 37 Figure 3.21: City development around the Voortrekker Monument ...................................... 38 Figure 3.22: City development within urban setup ............................................................... 39 Figure 3.23: Sunlight shining on the cenotaph .................................................................... 40 Figure 3.24: 16 December light ........................................................................................... 41 Figure 3.25: Cenotaph inscribed in 11 languages ................................................................ 42 Figure 3.26: Adding another Cenotaph next to the existing ................................................. 44

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Figure 3.27: Beam splitter for light on both Cenotaphs ........................................................ 45 Figure 3.28: Closing the opening between the Hall of Heroes and Hall of the Altar ............. 46 Figure 3.29: Upper dome opening closed............................................................................ 48 Figure 3.30: Upper dome opening closed and rooftop created ............................................ 49 Figure 3.31: Floor of the Hall of Heroes from above ............................................................ 50 Figure 3.32: Rainbow patterned floor .................................................................................. 51 Figure 3.33: Rainbow floor option ....................................................................................... 52 Figure 3.34: Broken tiles ..................................................................................................... 53 Figure 3.35: Broken tiles flooring ......................................................................................... 54 Figure 3.36: Locality map of Africa Unity Square ................................................................. 55 Figure 3.37: Africa Unity Square layout plan ....................................................................... 57 Figure 3.38: Walkways north of the square removed ........................................................... 58 Figure 3.39: Raised walkway elevation ............................................................................... 59 Figure 3.40: Raised walkway detail ..................................................................................... 59 Figure 3.41: Bridge crossing ............................................................................................... 60 Figure 3.42: Square with a water garden............................................................................. 61 Figure 3.43: Square with meandering pathways.................................................................. 62 Figure 3.44: Main walkway with trees and grass ................................................................. 63 Figure 3.45: Elevation with trees and grass......................................................................... 64 Figure 3.46: One walkway with trees on both sides ............................................................. 65 Figure 3.47: Elevation with trees ......................................................................................... 66

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1: Summary of elements ......................................................................................... 15

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ABSTRACT

The built legacy of colonisation has left a lasting indelible impression on the infrastructure landscape of countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). While colonial construction was primarily focused on physical structures that provided the required hardware for economic exploitation, a significant portion of the physical legacy is imbued with ideas of identity and representation. Most colonial-era structures survived independence and were immediately repurposed (and are still used in the post-colonial era). These built legacies foster memory in a complicated fashion, serving as a ‘lieu de memoire’ for both colonised and colonisers, bearing sometimes conflicting memories.

This study desacralises, alters, and reinterprets the legacies of colonial architecture through an analytical close reading of materials, history, and memories and proposing alterations to and the reinterpretation of selected artefacts, details, monument, and sites. The identified and selected elements (artefacts and details) were exploded and modified and multiple meanings for diverse audiences were extracted through design proposals and considerations. This involved being critical of the existing designs and addressing elements that the designs or layouts overlooked by being critical of the existing layouts in light of the contemporary times and seasons. The outcome serves to inspire and refresh insight to guide built environment and construction professionals, managers of heritage buildings, and policy-makers in establishing new means of expressing and describing the colonial architectural inheritance. The research portrays the possibilities and opportunities for new orders and designs that emerge from such legacies when they are reconfigured, redefined, or transformed, rather than removed or completely abolished.

Keywords: Colonial-era architecture, conflicting memories, SADC, spirit of heritage

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CHAPTER 1: CONTEXT OF STUDY 1.1 Introduction This study focuses on translating and reinterpreting the colonial architectural heritage to counteract the evidence of conflicting memories and meanings. Murrey (2020) defines colonialism as the subjugation of native groups of people by an external group on a territorial, juridical, cultural, linguistic, political, and economic scale. The imperialists put various formulas in place to achieve dominion, yielding frictions and power struggle with the subjects. Some of the characteristics of colonialism include the restructuring of markets, cultural introduction through Christian missionary work, accumulation by dispossession, natural resource extraction, forced labour, taxation, and racism, among other things. In the South African context, apartheid is not considered part of a post-colonial project is rather a continuation and exacerbation of colonial practices, neo-colonialism or late colonialism.

The present study acknowledges that the spirit, materials, history, and memories related to the colonial heritage structures and the colonial heritage structures themselves cannot be modified completely. Therefore, this study proposes that meaning should be reinterpreted (even completely) by changing the perspectives of the generations who do not share the identity of the designers. According to Article 9 of the International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS, 1965), any restoration should “aim to preserve and reveal the aesthetic and historical value of the monument and is based on respect for original material and authentic documents”. However, Article 9 does not address instances where respect for the original material is inappropriate, for example, glorifying imperialism, colonialism, and concurrent subjugation.

An outstanding example of this type of modification is the recontextualisation of a frieze on the Casa del Fascio, a building in a public square in Bolzano in Italy (Figure 1.1). In 2017, a competition was held to recontextualise the original script on the frieze that proposed to alter it from “Believe, Obey, Combat” to include an inscription in LED lights over the original reading “No-one has the right to obey” (Figure 1.2).

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German Jewish political philosopher Hannah Arendt, who survived the Holocaust, is the author of the new quote (derived from Kant), which serves to counteract the command of the original script while still leaving it legible (Hökerberg, 2017).

Hökerberg (2017) argues that such an initiative offers a new interpretation of the monument not based on a schism between groups and instead proposes a critical reconciliation. Steyn and Vally (2018) presented the example of South African history where some past events are viewed and regarded as ‘a nightmare’. They speculate that some memories can be transferred using architectural designs and be translated and reinterpreted into the present to bring them to conscious memory for interrogation.

In the wake of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis on 25 May 2020, many statues globally that had anything to do with colonial or racial injustice were defaced, relabelled, removed, or destroyed. It was like a wave swept across the global village.

This wave of action prompted debates about why statues are erected and why they must be changed and recontextualised from time to time. To this end, in October 2021, authorities in Mexico City moved the statue of Christopher Columbus that was on the city’s most prominent boulevard to a less prominent site and replaced the statue with a statue of an indigenous woman (a replica of a pre-Columbian statue known as the Young Woman of Amajac). Some of the reasons for this action were to rewrite Spain out of Mexico’s history, diminish the Spanish role in the country’s founding and culture, and elevate women because of under-representation (Agren, 2021).

In light of the background, this study aimed to focus on the potential of making alterations to selected colonial architectural inheritances in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The SADC was formed in 1992 by heads of government as a transformation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). The main focus of the SADC is “to advance the cause of national political liberation in southern Africa and to reduce dependence, particularly on the then-apartheid South Africa” (Gettleman, 1993:461). An investigation of these potential alterations assists with the formulation of procedures and policies for the reformation, rethinking, and repositioning of these legacies.

The Casa del Fascio frieze has 57 panels of variable widths, is 2,75 metres high and has a total length of 36 metres. Figure 1.2 depicts the affixing of an illuminated

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inscription bearing the quotation written by Hannah Arendt in Italian, German, and Latin.

Figure 1.1: The original Casa del Fascio in Bolzano, Italy Source: http://www.euroviews.eu/2012/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/DSCF62026.jpg

Figure 1.2: Casa del Fascio (Bolzano, Italy) after recontextualisation Source: https://www.eurac.edu/en/blogs/eureka/when-conflict-is-written-in-stone

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1.2 Objectives of the study The aim of this study was to determine the potential of alterations and modifications to selected artefacts and sites through analysing and reinterpreting some architectural details to counteract the evidence of conflicting memories and meanings.

Consequently, the research objectives of this study were formulated as follows: •

To establish a new means of expressing and describing the colonial architectural legacy

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To shed light on the significance of artefacts, details, and materials in analysing colonial traces and legacies in the SADC

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To contribute to the review of policies related to the architectural decolonisation of controversial architectural heritage artefacts (statues, monuments, and sites)

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To investigate the spirit, materials and conflicting memories in the context of southern African heritage to illustrate the dynamic perspectives and descriptions of this inheritance

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To contribute to the reform of colonial architectural structures

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To investigate the possibility of new orders that may emerge from colonial heritage structures if they are reconfigured, redefined or transformed

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To establish a new means of expressing and describing the colonial architectural legacy.

1.3 Research questions In light of these research objectives, the research questions for this study were stated as follows: •

How can the colonial architectural legacy be described in the context of the SADC region?

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What is the significance of artefacts, details, and materials in analysing colonial traces and legacies in the SADC?

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How can the policies related to the architectural decolonisation of controversial architectural heritage artefacts (statues, monuments, and sites) be reviewed in the SADC?

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How can the spirit, materials, and conflicting memories of the SADC heritage be investigated and illustrated?

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To what extent can colonial architectural structures in the SADC be reformed?

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What new phenomena can be envisaged after reconfiguring, redefining, or transforming colonial heritage structures in the SADC region?

1.4 Delimitations The delimitations of this study were set out as follows: •

This study only focused on the colonial architectural inheritance, however, this study acknowledges that there are other forms of inheritances from colonial powers.

•

This study focused only on materials, history, and conflicting memories in colonial-era architecture

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This study focused on heritage buildings in the SADC region, although the whole African continent (except Ethiopia and Liberia) was subjected to western colonisation (Ertan, Fiszbein & Putterman, 2016).

1.5 Methodology This study took the form of a close analytical reading of materials and history. The analysis

was

performed

by investigating

potential

design

alterations

and

modifications to selected artefacts at three sites in the SADC, namely the Voortrekker Monument and Church Square in Pretoria, and the African Unity Square in Harare.

The researcher visited all the sites to obtain first-hand information and experience of the spaces and materials. The visits were followed by implementing sketches, and such drawings are made from memory and after-image drawings. Drawing from memory is an exercise where artists allow their visual memory to retain what they saw. Drawing from memory is different from drawing directly or sketching from life.

Drawing from memory annotates the items that stand out in the process of remembering. After-image drawing, similar to drawing from memory, is the image that continues to appear in the mind after a period of exposure to the original image.

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The identified artefacts were analysed with the expectation of identifying possibilities for recontextualising and identifying details pertinent to the current political environment. In order to achieve this, it has to be kept in mind that the original designs and constructions were done before independence and democracy. Some of the motives behind these designs and constructions were to endorse the ideologies and authority of those in power at the time and future. Some were to celebrate heroes, heroines, and victories and battles conquered. With the shift in political leadership and ideologies, these inheritances must be revisited and viewed in light of the current and anticipated future.

This study identifies elements and extracts multiple meanings that appeal to diverse audiences from the reading and analysis using personal memory. This analysis involves being critical of the designs and addressing elements that the designs or layouts overlooked. Simply put, the researcher had to be critical of the existing layouts in light of the contemporary times and seasons.

This study argues that by allowing for differing narratives and perspectives, it may be possible to open these sites to produce diverse and neutral meanings without having to demolish them totally. As explained and demonstrated in later chapters, using sketches and alternatives, colonial heritage sites become open and engaging sites that encourage the process of renewal, healing, rejuvenation, and change. Sarup (Meents 2009) elaborates on the role of metaphor: Metaphors can be productive of new insights and fresh illuminations.

They can promote unexpected or subtle parallels or analogies.

Metaphors can encapsulate and put forward proposals for another way of looking at things. Through metaphor we can have an increased awareness of alternative and possible worlds.

The least defensible and readily camouflaged statements of intent are public statues, buildings, monuments, and public areas. The literate and illiterate, the custodian and the vandal can all reinterpret them.

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CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction This chapter presents a discussion of colonial-era architecture, the conflicting memories contained in the architecture, and the spirit of heritage in the SADC region.

2.2 Colonial-era architecture According to Lagae (2004), colonisation is a method of appropriating a region or territory, and it is a physical action in one way or another. The building of structures is a way of indicating one’s presence in a colonised region. The three primary actors in colonisation: the government, missionary congregations, and colonial enterprises, used architecture to symbolise their presence in the colonial environment (Lagae, 2004).

Baines (2014) argues that memorials serve as significant markers of post-colonial society’s construction and reconstruction of its past. A look at the commemoration of the liberation struggle in post-apartheid South Africa is exemplified by Freedom Park at Salvokop in Pretoria, while Zimbabwean and Namibian models of remembrance have developed along different lines. Zimbabwe and Namibia pursued policies of reconciliation that do not stir up past conflicts, while South Africa investigated and constructed a record of human rights violations and human rights abuses. South Africa’s approach resulted in contentions and divisions instead of promoting reconciliation and unity.

In the Zimbabwean context, conflicting values are ascribed to colonial infrastructure.

The conflicting values are evident in post-independent Zimbabwe, where appreciation, regard, disregard, and disdain for colonial heritage remains controversial because of the associated significance (Nyambiya & Mutyandaedza, 2020:11). Regardless of the controversies, this heritage forms part of the nation’s varied and deep history.

In considering the development of architecture in Angolan and Mozambican cities, Tostões (2016) states that reconsidering colonial-modern architecture as a hybrid

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process brings fresh insights into the way citizens recognise buildings and acknowledge their heritage.

2.3 Conflicting memories According to Mare (2007), the function of memory has a degree of complexity, as memory constitutes aspects of personal and communal memory. The predicament arises when memory becomes biased, highly selective, and misleading regarding the narrated events. Monuments and statues serve the purpose of endorsing and upholding political ideologies. In light of this, memory is concluded to be a factor in the interpretation of history.

Cabrera (1998:29) raises the question of forgetting: When considering the question should we remember? It is very important to firstly ask, has any victim forgotten? Could they ever forget? Secondly, we should ask, who wants to forget? Who benefits when all the atrocities stay silent in the past?

Hökerberg (2017) insists that through the contextualisation of the Casa del Fascio frieze in Bolzano in Italy, politically charged infrastructures can be castrated of their character and can give birth to new interpretations. The process reveals the possibility for controversial, politically significant structures to become legitimate parts of a community’s modern heritage. The Caso del Fascio monument was built between 1939 and 1942 to remember Italian soldiers who fell in the First World War. There were long-standing calls for the monument to be demolished, specifically from the political groups offended by the fascist propaganda displayed. In 2017, the original inscription was altered from “Believe, Obey, Combat” to include “No-one has the right to obey”. This initiative offers a rather new interpretation of the monument with a physical alteration that still leaves the original largely intact.

Memory influences how history is interpreted; therefore, it is not surprising that the past keeps changing (Albarracín & Wyer, 2000). Thelen (1993:119) states that “a memory becomes not a fixed or fully-formed record of past reality but an invention that can be assembled with any contents and styles”. In colonial heritage structures, memory has always had political or ideological overtones embedded in the material through the design philosophies. Mare (2007) furthers the school of thought that

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holds that while individual memories and interpretations are psychologically valid in the post-colonial era, monument designers invariably cast a certain memory and message in the structures they create.

These arguments support the belief that most storytellers add, subtract, and change narratives depending on the audience, using the stories to consolidate and legitimise their power. Therefore, it can be concluded that sometimes what is retrieved from the past is determined by its usefulness in lending legitimacy to present and current interests. For example, incidences that legitimise rulers are memorialised, and ones that delegitimise rulers are ignored. Therefore, it is the responsibility of every generation to choose its past, because inheritances are chosen as much as they are passed on. Hartman (2008) encourages us to seek the moment to turn towards the future: [W]hat we recall has as much to do with the terrible things we hope to avoid as with the good life for which we yearn. But when does one decide to stop looking to the past and instead conceive of a new order? … When is it clear that the old life is over, a new one has begun, and there is no looking back.

In light of these thoughts, this study sought to illustrate the possible dynamic perspectives and descriptions of architectural inheritance if altered and transmuted.

There is the possibility of halting the retrospection and conceiving a new order.

2.4 Spirit of heritage The spirit of heritage is defined in this context as the tangible and intangible values, honour, respect, and significance for past, present, and future generations. The spirit of some (military) heritage sites often refers to historical events, former wars, and battles. The spirit is therefore associated with mixed emotions, for example, in terms of the glory of armies, nations, and some nostalgic sentiments for the victor, as well as bitterness, undesirous, and humiliating sentiments for the vanquished.

Heritage buildings and sites are important historic emblems for cities and countries and constitute living encryptions of both cultural tradition and diversity (Bastian, Spiekman & Troi, 2014; Tokede, Udawatta & Luther, 2018). The latter authors state that heritage buildings denote an identity of a society and accentuate the need to

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protect that identity. According to Parkinson, Scott, and Redmond (2017), the management of atrocity historic sites is problematic due to the sites' numerous uses, of which tourism is only one, as well as the issue of the emotions elicited by such locations.

2.5 SADC The Berlin Conference (also known as the Congo Conference or West Africa Conference) took place between 1884 and 1885 at the invitation of Portugal and was organised by German chancellor, Otto von Bismarck. Representatives from Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Norway, the Ottoman Empire, and the United States gathered. According to Gettleman (1993), the conference can be regarded as the formalisation of the colonial partitioning of Africa, and a beginning of immense settlers’ activities by these European powers. Europe captured practically the entire continent in less than half a century. From an understanding of how each of Africa’s countries was colonised by imperial European powers, particularly the United Kingdom, France, Portugal, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Belgium, it becomes clear that each country in Africa has a unique story about its colonisation.

To advance national political liberation in southern Africa, and to reduce dependence mainly on South Africa, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) was established in 1980. The SADCC was then transformed into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 1992, focusing on the integration of economic development.

The SADC member countries (Figure 2.1) are Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

The built environment left by the colonial powers attests to its lingering impacts in shaping the present and the future trajectory of post-colonial cities in the SADC and Africa at large.

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Figure 2.1: SADC countries Source: Author’s own adaptation

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CHAPTER 3: STUDIES AND ANALYSIS OF SITES 3.1 Introduction

Figure 3.1: Sites selected for the study Source: Author’s own compilation (2021)

The sites that were selected for this study represent some of unique forms of inheritance and legacy from colonial-era architecture and include a monument (Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria), public square (Africa Unity Square in Harare), and public statue (Church Square in Pretoria). The following criteria were used for selecting these sites.

•

Accessibility – the sites were easily accessible to the researcher given the pandemic travel restrictions and limitations

•

Language and communication – the ability and familiarity with the language spoken in Zimbabwe and South Africa also played an important role in the selection of the sites

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•

Shared British colonialists – the histories of the two nations shared a background and dealing with the British imperialists and authority

•

Symbolism

•

Spatial representation.

With the guidance of the elements discussed next, this chapter investigates creating new signification for the colonial-era sites. More significantly, the chapter investigates how to transform the original symbols into contemporary and relevant narratives. In this way, symbols that seem redundant can be reworked and applied to the sites within contemporary society without demolishing them. This reworking is one way the sites can remain relevant and engaging within contemporary society, despite their strong association with a questionable past.

3.2 Elements 3.2.1 Spatial composition Dan Stanislawski provided one of the earliest systematical geographical traces of the origin and diffusion of the grid-pattern town in the mid–twentieth century (RoseRedwood, 2008). He concluded that as a spatial form, the grid pattern influences a range of human activities, from urban planning, architecture and modern art to graphic design, archaeology, and cartography.

While it is often thought that colonisation brought the urban grid pattern to Africa, some cities in modern-day Senegal are said to have had orthogonal grid systems hundreds of years before any colonisation (Silva, 2015). The grid pattern existed in places where elites lived and acted as a democratising agent. The contemporary grid has certain resemblances to grids of the past, and these can also be attributed to pre-colonial habitats.

European colonisation brought about the convenience of infrastructure and resources and perfected a system already in existence and evident in some places.

The notable difference is that while colonial cities elicited control through racial, discriminatory, and violent means, pre-colonial cities drew control through family and hierarchical structures and the many complex levels of social relationships and cultural values (Njoh, 1999).

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Grid patterns are a distinguishing feature of early Boer towns in South Africa, echoing Pretoria with Church Square at its centre. The Boer towns were based on a simple standard model, well understood by both planners and users, with its regular design lines of order imprinted on the land and the wild landscape (Van der Vyver, 2018). Church Square, or Market Square as it was also called, was the heart of Pretoria, the focal point from which the city grew.

On 13 September 1890, the Union Jack was first raised at Fort Salisbury (now Harare) to mark the British settlement in the Mashonaland territory by the Cecil Rhodes’ Pioneer Column. The place where the flag was hoisted became Cecil Square, presently known as Africa Unity Square. The square was the centre of colonial Salisbury from which the colonial city developed.

The two central axes in Pretoria and Harare therefore became dominant visual and spatial features that gradually expanded as a grid system from which the respective cities developed. As the heart of the two cities (Pretoria and Salisbury, now Harare), Church Square and Africa Unity Square occupied the position of privilege and significance in the respective capital cities of South Africa and Zimbabwe. The third site selected for the study, the Voortrekker Monument, is a prominent landmark built on a hilltop that stands out on the Pretoria horizon and is visible from almost all directions as one approaches Pretoria. It is regarded as the cultural home of the Afrikaans people.

3.2.2 Height and scale Height is defined as the measurement of something from base to top or the vertical distance. It is measured along the vertical axis (y) between two points in a twodimensional Cartesian space that does not have the same y-value. If the y-values of two points are the same, their relative height is 0.

According to Timothy Judge of the University of Florida, and the researcher, Daniel Cable of the University of North Carolina, tall people may have greater self-esteem and social confidence than shorter people (Dittmann, 2004). They also highlight that tall people may be viewed as more leader-like and authoritative by others (Dittmann, 2004). These led to the conclusions that taller men or women are perceived as more powerful than shorter men or women. Perceived power here refers to how dominant and influential a person is in work or social situations. Taller people are therefore

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viewed as more dominant and assertive. They are easily visible and recognisable in a public environment. Similarly, when it comes to buildings and structures, and in the vertical world, height enhances presence and signifies power (Brittan, 1989). Short buildings are like short people who do not stand out in a crowd.

In this study, the elements that depict height or scale are considered and the implications discussed. Church Square (where there is the larger-than-life statue of Paul Kruger on an elevated plinth), the Voortrekker Monument (the 62-metre high colossus on a mountain ridge), and the Africa Unity Square (plain level ground and the volumes created by trees) are discussed. Design considerations and possibilities are proposed.

Table 3.1 presents a summary of the elements of siting/axis/location and height and scale of the sites selected for the study.

Table 3.1: Summary of elements Proposed or identified design interventions Site Element

Church Square

Voortrekker Monument

Africa Unity Square

Siting/location/axis/layout

Pretoria CBD central axis

Elevated ground

Centre of Harare CBD Union Jack flag

Height/scale

Statue elevated and bigger than life size

62 m high building

Plain ground

Details

Trees or volume Floor pattern Frieze layout

Source: Author’s compilation (2021)

3.2.3 Conclusion This section revealed the criteria for investigating how objects and design decisions make meanings. By illuminating these factors in more detail, the following sections investigate each of the selected sites (namely, Church Square, the Voortrekker Monument, and Africa Unity Square) in more detail. The sites illustrate the revelation of new possible narratives without totally demolishing the site.

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There is potential for and the possibility that colonial heritage sites may become open (less sacred) and engaging sites that could encourage the process of renewal, healing, rejuvenation, and even, change.

3.3 Church Square

Figure 3.1: Church Square symbol Source: Author’s compilation (2021)

3.3.1 Background Figure 3.2 indicates Church Square as the centre of two central axes in Pretoria.

They form the dominant visual and spatial features that gradually expand as a grid system. The north-south axis terminates in the Daspoort Mountain range (north) and the Schurweberg Mountain Range (south) and runs along Paul Kruger Street. The east-west axis runs along Church Street (renamed WF Nkomo Street and Helen Joseph Street) that ends at the crossing of the Apies River to the east and the Steenhoven Spruit to the west (Sesana, 2020).

As the historic centre, Church Square becomes a point of so much significance and privilege, attention, and the centre of activities. Apart from being a general-purpose open space, the square played an important role in the social history of Pretoria and South Africa. In its early days, it was used as an auction site, sports field, and later served as the venue for some anti-apartheid protests, national celebrations and the

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swearing-in of heads of state ceremonies (Clarke & De Villiers, 2015). It was also the setting for the Rivonia Trial that led to the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela and his co-accused.

The city of Pretoria developed inside the natural landscape of ridges, the river and the spruits (tributary streams). Church Square was the central point of the city and the heart of the new capital of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (Van der Vyver, 2018). It is surrounded by buildings that represent the state, commercial, and judicial power (Figures 3.3 and 3.4).

The name, Church Square, originated from the succession of three churches that were built in the middle of the Square between 1850 and 1904/5. The first church was replaced by a larger church, which after burning down, was replaced by a larger one in 1885 that was demolished in 1904 (after the funeral of Paul Kruger was conducted in it). The churches were built at the original point of the square as it was the centre of the Afrikaans community.

3.3.2 Spatial composition

Figure 3.2: Pretoria central locality map Source: Adapted from Google Maps (2021)

The square was designed as the primary gathering and processional space. It has witnessed various political marches, processions, parades, and daily rituals. Despite

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more than a century’s absence of church infrastructure from the square, the name Church Square has prevailed.

The square has not experienced significant structural changes since the last addition in 1954 of the statue of Paul Kruger (one of the most dominant political and military figures in South Africa during the nineteenth century and who is known as the father of ‘Afrikanerdom’).

The Tshwane Rapid Transport system (TRT) station located between the Old Raadsaal and the Standard Bank Building confirmed the square as a transport node, and unfortunately obscured the vista of Paul Kruger Street to Pretoria Station (Clarke & De Villiers, 2015).

Figure 3.3: Church Square and surroundings Source: Adapted from Google Maps (2021)

Political protests in and around the square prove that it is still loaded with political meaning and still viewed in the same bracket with colonialism and apartheid. While some political parties and activist organisations object to the offensive concept of Church Square and wish to destroy images of past powers (such as the Paul Kruger

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statue), other Afrikaans people and beneficiaries of colonialism protect their cultural heritage and memory. For example, the city of Tshwane (previously Pretoria) changed street names in an exercise to transform the city into an ‘African City’ (Van der Vyver, 2018).

The present Church Square is modelled on the layout of Trafalgar Square (south) in London and the Place de la Concorde in Paris and was designed by Vivian S ReesPoole in 1912 (Information board on site, 2021). This design won a competition for the redesign of the gently sloping site. The layout separated traffic and pedestrians and created the terraced layout and the central-lawned park circled by traffic. The layout created an opportunity for locating a monument at the very centre of the city that was once occupied by a fountain and eventually by the statue of Paul Kruger.

According to Clarke and De Villiers (2015), the statue was originally intended for the square but rather located further to the west.

The statue of Paul Kruger was created by sculptor Anton van Wouw and has been on the square since 10 October 1954. The further discussions in this section focus on the position of the statue that is on the central axis of Pretoria and on the height of the plinth and the statue (Figures 3.4 to 3.9).

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Figure 3.4: Church Square layout plan Source: Author’s own compilation (2021)

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Figure 3.5: Sections along Church and Paul Kruger Streets Source: Author’s compilation (2021)

Figure 3.6 shows an aerial view of Church Square and surrounding buildings.

Figure 3.6: Church Square aerial view Source: Author’s own compilation (2021)

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3.3.3 Drawing from memory and actual Drawing from memory in this context is defined as the exercise of allowing one’s visual memory to retain what is seen. The practice involves doing numerous drawing exercises during set periods. It is different from drawing directly or sketching from life. The main benefit is to interpret or reconstruct something from own understanding of the Paul Kruger statue and plinth (Figure 3.7). The memory drawing reveals the elements that were captured and stood out in one’s memory, and in this case, these include the statue, the plinth, the pedestal, and the four soldiers at the base of the statue.

Figure 3.7: Paul Kruger Statue -drawn from memory Source: Author (2021)

Figure.3.8 presents the actual image of the statue of Paul Kruger as photographed by the researcher on one of his investigative visits to the site.

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Figure 3.8: Statue of Paul Kruger Source: Author (2021)

3.3.4 Significance of the statue At the centre of Church Square and looking northwards towards the Palace of Justice is the larger-than-life bronze statue of Paul Kruger, guarded by four Boers or burghers, with their guns at their feet (Figures 3.8 and 3.9). Paul Kruger is depicted in full ceremonial dress, wearing the sash of the Transvaal government across his chest, with a top hat and tails, and a cane in his right hand. He is one of the role models for Afrikaner cultural and political leaders and a revered and respected figure. He died in 1904 in Switzerland where he had fled before the end of the Anglo Boer War (1899-1902).

Kruger became the cornerstone of Afrikaner nationalism, and one of the highlights of the cultural and political narrative was epitomised by the construction of the monument and statue. The statue is at a significant focal point of the capital city. The first free elections for South Africa in 1994 ushered in a democratic and non-racial

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South Africa. The statue became (and is still) the subject of much national debate that questions why Kruger should continue to be honoured in such a way.

Figure 3.9: Paul Kruger statue and plinth Source: Author (2021)

The statue has been defaced, vandalised, attacked, and protested against countless times. The Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality erected an ‘inappropriate’ security fence to protect the monument from physical attacks. However, while the fencing protects the statue, the fencing limits access and imposes restrictions and limitations on the very communities whose history the fenced monuments purport to represent.

Entry beyond the fence is exclusive to a group of photographers who make a living from tourists to the site. For the present study, the researcher managed to gain

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access to the statue because of the student card identification and explanation that he was researching for academic purposes.

The critics of the statue say that Kruger is a relic and artefact from the oppressive, racist colonial and apartheid era and should be removed for the city truly to belong to the original inhabitants. On the other hand, defenders argue that Kruger is a pivotal part of the Afrikaner cultural heritage and should be respected and honoured as such. For many people, the statue represents values associated with Afrikanerdom, while for others and represents the inherent and institutionalised racism of the South African society before 1994. The anti-Kruger activists argue that the statue is a painful reminder of centuries of oppression and there is no place in modern South Africa to celebrate a figure central to that history. Historians have also written extensively about his involvement in government corruption and manipulation of the Transvaal1 elections (Du Toit, 2020).

Kruger was also the Afrikaans peoples’ spiritual leader during their bitter war of resistance against British rule, the consequences of which have become a point of reference in Afrikaans peoples’ collective consciousness. In the same war, black South Africans lost any claim to their country. Kruger inevitably became the embodiment and representation of black dispossession, oppression, and racism. As a result, when the Afrikaans peoples’ view the artefact, they may venerate their hero and icon. In contrast, black South Africans are often reminded of the torturous past and their loss of national identity.

3.3.5 Proposals in terms of statue or plinth position This section presents two proposals that may change the narrative in terms of the historical meaning of the site by relocating the statue or removing the statue.

Consideration A In light of the numerous sentiments around and perspectives on Paul Kruger (the person and the statue), it is evident that statues tell not so much what the people on the plinths did, as that which the people who put them there want society to believe

1

The Transvaal province in the north of South Africa between 1910 and 1994 (Wikipedia).

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and become. Instead of using statues to genuinely honour and commemorate historical figures, governments and politicians can abuse them to advance ideologies or mythologies, as in the case of Kruger.

However, this should not be interpreted as an erasure of this type of Afrikaner heritage and history. Another question that may be asked is: should the statue of Paul Kruger be replaced by another Afrikaner icon who has no controversy surrounding him or her, or is the animosity too deep-seated as it is?. Will the Afrikaans peoples’ accept anyone other than Kruger?

Consideration A (Figure 3.10) suggests removing the plinth and the statue from the sacred centre of the square and the heart of the city and relocating it to another place within the square. The original position is then left open. The openness of the central section of the city neutralises the claimed identity of the city and may give a sense of belonging and accessibility to anyone, regardless of their gender, political position or contribution, race, or colour.

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Figure 3.10: Plinth and statue removed from the central point Source: Author (2021)

The consideration potentially yields many possibilities and interpretations. Leaving the space open may also imply a different meaning and resemblance, which this study believes is neutral compared to having a controversial figure occupying the most prominent space of the capital of a democratic republic.

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Consideration B Another option is to replace the statue and its plinth and install a 2000mm radius circular plinth of 150mm height (Figure 3.11). Although interfering with the flow and movement of people, this form of intervention may also work as traffic control and attention-grabbing feature of the square and city, thereby raising awareness of the sacredness of the heart of the city.

The benefit of such an option is that it contains no symbolic or hidden meaning; instead the plinth merely acts as a reminder or highlight to raise awareness of one being in a privileged place, namely, the centre of the city. Anyone still has access and uses the area. For example, the place may be graced with a photo frame for willing users to capture memories.

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Figure 3.11: Plinth and statue replaced with smaller plinth Source: Author (2021)

3.3.6 Re-imaging the statue One way to deal with such a contentious historical artefact is to re-imagine it, and to change the meaning ascribed to it. This section presents four different proposals for re-imaging the statue of Paul Kruger in Church Square.

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Consideration A Figure 3.12 illustrates how an image can be added to the existing monument to put it into the present context. Another statue could be added alongside the Paul Kruger statue to balance the lack of consistency or appropriateness of a Boer republican standing in pride of place in a democratic Pretoria (Tshwane).

However, the challenge is which black African leader should be represented? Which direction should they be facing? Should a different gender be used to address the issue of women under-representation? Public consultation may be necessary to determine which African leader to replace (Figure 3.12) or stand next to Paul Kruger.

Figure 3.12: Another statue next to Paul Kruger Source: Author (2021)

Consideration B This proposal replaces Paul Kruger with an African leader (Figure 3.13.) The implication suggests the question: who occupies the privileged space? Alternatively, the leaders may be changed at intervals or tenures of occupancy.

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Figure 3.13: Replacing Paul Kruger Source: Author (2021)

Consideration C

Figure 3.14: Reduced height of statue Source: Author (2021)

Lowering the elevation of the existing statue and reducing the focal point (Paul Kruger piece) has the effect of removing the notion of hierarchy and sacredness from the exalted ruler about whom the South African people has mixed and conflicting

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emotions. The proposal (Figure 3.14) adds a psychological element of inclusiveness and equality. This approach may not be as offensive to the Afrikaans people’s culture as the total removal of the statues, which may be interpreted as an erasure of their heritage and history. However, the critics of the person and character of Paul Kruger will continue to have the same grounds for disapproval and allegations against him.

Consideration D

Figure 3.15: Empty plinth at Church Square Source: Author (2021)

As plinths and statues are becoming questionable, some are left empty such as the fourth plinth in Trafalgar Square. Despite the unusual image of unoccupied plinths, this study believes that empty plinths inspire communities, especially artists who continually imagine what or who could occupy the plinth.

The plinth could be left open for temporary exhibitions of artworks, current lifechanging and iconic moments (Figure 3.15). This plinth opens the place to engage with the communities in which it is erected, or perhaps society has to adopt a future of empty plinths.

3.3.7 Conclusion There are so many questions that have to be answered, for example, how do we tell the story? How do we teach the history? How do we deal with the dark side of the past and not hide it away? How do we live in the communities now without making the past a weapon of continuing oppression? Should we be giving up on the idea that we place people on pedestals at all? The pedestals innovate and promote other

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forms of preserving and teaching history other than stone and bronze monuments and statues.

This study suggests that society has to consider adopting the idea of replacing the people placed on the pedestals from time to time and from generation to generation and having a defined system of the people (for example, civilians, athletes, academics, and achievers) that qualify to be periodically (annually or biannually) lifted onto pedestals in the societies. Such a consideration allows statues to be transformed to honour and celebrate people or institutions for outstanding achievements or contributions instead of acting as memorials.

Contentious historical artefacts must be re-imagined to place them into the present context and simultaneously leave room for future generations to recontextualise them according to the relevance of their times and seasons. The Paul Kruger statue and monument could be complemented by another statue to balance the lack of consistency or appropriateness of a Boer republican standing in pride of place in a democratic Pretoria (Tshwane).

However, with so much potential for transformation, one of the challenges that Church Square faces is merging historical identity with a function that reflects current and future needs. The square is still attached to colonialism and the origins of Afrikaner nationalism through the surrounding buildings.

3.4 Voortrekker Monument

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3.4.1 Background The Voortrekker Monument is a prominent landmark that stands out on the Pretoria horizon. This monumental edifice was designed by architect Gerard Moerdijk and built between 1937 and 1949. The monument was built in honour of and is a memorial to the Voortrekkers and the Great Trek who left the Cape Colony between 1835 and 1854 in search of freedom from British rule. Another significant event symbolised here is the Day of the Covenant celebrated on 16 December, the day of the Voortrekker victory over Dingaan’s Zulu warriors at the battle at Blood River.

Historian EA Walker described the Great Trek as a journey inspired by a very definite spirit and intention with lasting and widespread results. It is considered great because it was and still is the central event in the history of the Europeans in southern Africa. The dream of the architect was to design a monument to stand as a memorial for a thousand years and longer to explain the history and significance of the Great Trek to future generations.

3.4.2 Great Trek The Great Trek was a migration from the eastern borders of the Cape into the inland wilderness of South Africa. Approximately 20 000 white pioneers of European descent left the Cape Colony searching for opportunities, self-government, and selfassurance. The Voortrekkers and their coloured workers travelled in groups that left the Cape from 1835 to 1854. Several factors contributed to their discomfort and inspired their journeys. These factors included policies of the British colonial authorities and their government, lack of land, capital, and uncertain modes of existence, among others.

Preceding the main migration, various groups undertook exploratory trips into the inland that gave a passable picture of the interior of South Africa. During these travels, the groups encountered many indigenous groups and cultures with whom they traded, formed treaties, or had conflicts and battles. The need for sufficient grazing pastures largely determined the trek routes since most people were stock farmers (Theart-Peddle, 2007).

The Voortrekker Monument is shown in Figure 3.16.

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Figure 3.16: Voortrekker Monument Source: Author (2021)

3.4.3 Spatial composition

Figure 3.17: Voortrekker Monument location Source: Adapted from Google Maps (2021)

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The granite colossus (Figure 3.16) of about 62 metres in height is visible from almost all directions as one approaches Pretoria (Figure 3.17). The monument was built in the Art Deco style and embodies elements of traditional African symbolism. The history of the Great Trek, lifestyle and the philosophy of the early pioneers is depicted within the walls of the monument.

The location of the Voortrekker Monument offers views of the city and a direct view of the Union Buildings, a representational space of the Union Government that was architecturally conceived as a symbol of imperial power (Steenkamp, 2008). The site provided advantages, benefits, and expressed the significance of the values that the Afrikaans people attached to nature, land, and veld. Steenkamp (2008:103) elaborates about the chosen position of the monument: The monument will be outside this city [Pretoria] ... and the countryside about it will be so laid out and maintained that it will breathe the atmosphere of the veld as much as possible. I can assure you we do not propose to allow that atmosphere to be violated. No factories or houses will ever be allowed to be built there. On the other hand, if we erected the monument on some secluded spot on the platteland, there would be nothing to stop persons from erecting tin shanties and houses near it, thus destroying the atmosphere we sought to create.

Figure 3.18: Voortrekker Monument Source: Author (2021)

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Figure 3.19: Voortrekker Monument drawn from memory

Figure 3.20: Voortrekker Monument drawn from memory Source: Author (2021)

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Figures 3.18 to 3.20 indicate the Voortrekker Monument as drawn from memory. The most striking and outstanding properties are the height and the flight of steps that leads to the monument building.

3.4.4 Height The Voortrekker Monument is visible from almost all directions as one approaches Pretoria because of its construction on higher ground. To counter and neutralise the effect of the monument on the landscape, the author proposes the development of the city around the edifice with infrastructure that competes and overshadows its height. However, this will not address the wealth of symbolism in and around the building.

Figure 3.21: City development around the Voortrekker Monument Source: Author (2021)

This proposal distorts the monument as a symbol of imperial power and sacredness due to its standing alone and overlooking the capital city. It removes the privileges the site has enjoyed since its inception. The sacred atmosphere of the monument is dishonoured if it becomes clustered with neighbouring buildings the city proposes to develop in its vicinity.

The planners of the monument intended that ‘no factories or houses will ever be allowed to be built there’, as developments around the monument diffuse and dilute the sacredness and respect with which it is bestowed (Figure 3.22 illustrates the Voortrekker Monument surrounded by building of equal height).

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Figure 3.22: City development within urban setup Source: Author (2021)

3.4.5 The Cenotaph The cenotaph is situated in the centre of the Hall of the Altar and is the monument's focal point. The hall can be viewed from the Hall of Heroes and from the dome at the top of the building, from where much of the interior of the whole monument can be seen.

Through an oculus in the dome, a ray of sunlight shines annually, exactly at noon on 16 December, falling onto the centre of the cenotaph, illuminating the words “Ons vir jou, Suid-Afrika” (“We for thee, South Africa”). The ray of light may be interpreted as a symbol of God’s blessing upon the work of and the aspirations of the Voortrekkers.

Figure 3.23 is a photograph showing how the sunlight shines on the Cenotaph at exactly 12:00 on 16 December.

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Figure 3.23: Sunlight shining on the cenotaph Source: Waskow (2017)

Figure 3.24 indicates a section through the monument building showing the ray of light falling on the Cenotaph on 16 December at noon.

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Figure 3.24: 16 December light Source: Author (2021)

This section presents four proposals that may change the narrative in terms of the historical meaning of the site.

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Consideration A As the sun rays fall, they illuminate the words “Ons vir jou, Suid-Afrika” on the red granite Cenotaph. The language of the inscription was relevant during the colonial era and in upholding the Afrikaner ideologies. With the coming of democracy in the Republic, this study proposes that the Cenotaph be inscribed not only in Afrikaans and in the other official languages of South Africa as indicated on Figure 3.25 (Sepedi, Sesotho, Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda, Xitsonga, English, isiNdebele, isiXhosa, and isiZulu).

Figure 3.25: Cenotaph inscribed in 11 languages Source: Author (2021).

By bringing in the other languages, it interferes with the ideology that only the Voortrekkers sacrificed for the birth of the nation. In some sense, this acknowledges both the victors and the victims from the battles and conflicts fought and won. All the

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ethnic groups represented by the languages will receive the blessings of the Almighty in their endeavours and aspirations in like manner.

The order of the inscription is in alphabetical order and on no preferential basis of the languages or cultural groups represented. The translations were gathered from colleagues and friends and might differ in their understanding of the phrase. Below are the gathered translations that are subject to corrections.

1. Afrikaans

-

Ons vir jou, Suid-Afrika

2. English

-

We for thee, South Africa

3. IsiNdebele

-

Sikwenzela wena Mzantsi Afrika

4. IsiXhosa

-

Sikwenzela wena Mzantsi Afrika

5. IsiZulu

-

Singabakho Mzansi Afrika

6. Sepedi

-

Rena go lena Ma-Afrika Borwa

7. Sesotho

-

Re ba Afrika Borwa

8. Setswana

-

Re ema le Afrika Borwa

9. SiSwati

-

Sibase ningizimu Afrika

10. Tshivenda

-

Ri vha a Afrika Tshipembe

11. Xitsonga

-

Ri vo nwino Afrika dzonga.

Consideration B Apart from covering the Cenotaph with inscriptions in other languages of the Republic, another grave can be added next to the existing one.

This has the effect of creating a balance in the lack of consistency in the narrative of the establishment of the Republic of South Africa. It can symbolically mean that Voortrekkers and Africans (black and coloured) sacrificed for the nation. Attention is given to the detail of the proposed finish as black granite compared to the existing red granite.

Figure 3.26 illustrates the concept presented above.

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Existing Cenotaph (red granite finish)

Proposed new Cenotaph next to the existing one (black granite finish)

Figure 3.26: Adding another Cenotaph next to the existing Source: Author (2021).

The existing grave is strategically and deliberately positioned at the centre of the monument axis. Relocating the existing from the privileged position and complementing it with another Cenotaph breaks the order or language of centrality.

The 16 December midday sunray of blessings then has no target. Figure 3.27 proposes how to redirect the sunrays to both Cenotaphs.

Consideration B (implication) As discussed, the proposal to complement the existing Cenotaph with another and then shift them both away from the central position affects the target for the sunray’s illumination on16 December at noon.

Therefore, introducing a beam splitter in the Hall of the Altar splits the light and directs it to both Cenotaphs (Figure 3.27). This split may then symbolise God’s blessings on all the people who sacrificed for South Africa.

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Figure 3.27: Beam splitter for light on both Cenotaphs Source: Author (2021)

Some research has indicated that it is possible by using non-polarised beam splitters (Two Way Mirrors, 2021) to split the light into two directions at a specific ratio while maintaining the incident light’s original polarisation state.

Consideration C Apart from introducing a complementary Cenotaph, further considerations may be explored by introducing as many Cenotaphs as one can imagine into the Hall of the

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Altar to transform it into the Hall of the Altars. The multiplicity allows for introducing more Cenotaphs and includes closing the opening between the Hall of Heroes and the Hall of the Altars and transforming the lower hall into a ‘tomb’ (Figure 3.28).

Figure 3.28: Closing the opening between the Hall of Heroes and Hall of the Altar Source: Author (2021).

The transformation of the Hall of the Altar to become a tomb by closing the opening implies hindering the rays of sunshine from illuminating the Cenotaphs and rendering the lower hall a mass tomb and hindering the rays of sunshine from shining on any of the Cenotaphs. Instead, the rays are reflected back into the Hall of Heroes. The

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redirection of the sunrays symbolically suggests movement away from the bad memories, wounds, and ills of the past. The symbolism may include a proclamation of reconciliation and future nation-building without referencing past atrocities.

Furthermore, the blessings of the Creator are needed for the living more than they are for the deceased (who are believed in some religious and faith-based teachings to be at their resting places).

Figure 3.28 shows three tombs as a representation of the Voortrekkers (fighters), the natives (defendants), and the neutrals (coloured slaves of the Voortrekkers). This proposal acknowledges all the lives sacrificed and lost during the battles. If another group of people sacrificed for the birth of the republic, another Cenotaph could be added in the Hall of Tombs.

Consideration D After adding more Cenotaphs and closing the opening between the Hall of the Altar and the Hall of Heroes, a further consideration (Figure 3.29) is to close the opening on the upper dome that enables the rays of sunshine to fall into the Hall of Heroes on 16 December at midday.

This date, 16 December, has been publicly commemorated since 1864. At first, the date was commemorated as a church service in the vicinity of the battlefield and later in the northern provinces, becoming a public holiday in the twentieth-century national calendar (Britz, 2018). The date’s significance to the monument is that the battle of Blood River occurred in 1838, the cornerstone of the monument was laid in 1938 (100 years later), and the inauguration ceremony in 1949 (11 years later).

This date was the day many Zulu warriors died (approximately 3 000) as they tried to ford the river, and the Voortrekkers subsequently renamed the Ncome River to Blood River. According to the Voortrekker Monument Visitors Guide and Souvenir, Voortrekker leader Andries Pretorius learnt on 15 December 1838 from his scouts about an imminent attack from the Zulus. In preparation, the Voortrekkers formed an encampment of wagons (laager) with gates of branches placed strategically facing the direction the attacks were anticipated to come from at the confluence of the Ncome River and the gulley. However, the Zulus did not attack at night as they usually did because of a reported dense mist that blanketed the laager.

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The following day, on 16 December, a reported handful of Voortrekkers defeated between 12 000 and 15 000 Zulu warriors. The battle lasted about five hours and claimed the lives of approximately 3 000 Zulu warriors and wounded three Voortrekkers. (Theart-Peddle 2007:36)

Figure 3.29: Upper dome opening closed Source: Author (2021)

Closing all the openings of light into the hall from the opening on the dome deprives visitors of the sacred qualities of the monument. If light is the symbol of God’s blessings, why should it be an annual event? What if it is cloudy or raining on the day of 16 December at noon? Will there be no blessings or divine endorsement that year?

In the consideration in Figure 3.30, the rooftop opens for use as a recreational space instead of a sacred and untouchable part because of the light entering into the building. As a space open to the public, it can be used to view the city landscape or a place of philosophical thinking that reflects the inner self.

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Figure 3.30: Upper dome opening closed and rooftop created Source: Author (2021)

The implication of this intervention is the reduction of the sacredness of the monument. The apex or head is a treasured space, and using the space for recreation defies its privilege and sacredness.

3.4.6 Conclusion The Cenotaph (Fig.3.23) is the heart and central part of the monument, and the text on the Cenotaph (Ons vir jou, Suid-Afrika) constitutes the religious statement. This study proposes to maintain the Cenotaph and inscribe it in the official languages of South Africa, bringing a humble acknowledgement of all who sacrificed for the nation. This study advocates for one Cenotaph because death is the ‘ultimate equaliser’. All living things die, so every living thing has death in common.

Furthermore, regardless of one’s station in life while alive, the way or reason for all death of all people is exactly the same.

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Note: At the beginning of this study, I visited the Voortrekker Monument and read and considered possibilities and design opportunities for the masterpiece. I visited it again on 16 December 2021. I had a personal experience of the atmosphere, the performances, and activities on the day. I experienced the day's proceedings to imagine the considerations’ applicableness and whether such possibilities are implementable.

3.4.7 Floor The marble floor of the Hall of Heroes consists of ever-widening circular patterns.

This design represents ripples when a stone is cast into water that becomes progressively wider until the ripples fill the entire hall. The ripples symbolise the diffusion of the spirit of sacrifice generated by the Voortrekkers that eventually spread throughout the country, dominating and overpowering systems and orders.

Figure 3.31: Floor of the Hall of Heroes from above Source: Author (2021)

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Three proposals are presented to re-imagine the floor and to change the narrative associated with it.

Consideration A

Figure 3.32: Rainbow patterned floor Source: Author (2021)

The ever-widening floor pattern circles (Figure 3.32) and their significance would have been relevant had it not been for democracy. Therefore, the floor layout should be recontextualised and recalibrated to be coordinated with the narrative of reconciliation and democracy. Consideration A proposes that the floor be laid out to resemble the rainbow and reflect the term ‘rainbow nation’.

The symbolic flooring encapsulates the unity of multi-culturalism and diversity that defines post-apartheid and democratic South Africa. The proposal distorts the original exclusionary and dominating imagery to a more inclusive narrative, recognising everybody in the country and encouraging the coming together of the

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various ethnic groups in a republic that was once characterised by the strict division of white and black under the apartheid regime.

The colours must not be taken literally to represent particular ethnic or cultural groups but to bring an understanding that although people might seem different, there is a thin line in the colour spectrum as light is refracted and reflected through water. South Africans can co-exist (without dominating each other) for the good of the nation.

Light and water are part of the original imagery of the monument. In this consideration, both are altered in both application and interpretation to be contemporary and relevant to the current socio-political climate of the nation.

Altering the tile layout or pattern of the Hall of Heroes diffuses the perception of dominance, which is contrary to the doctrine of reconciliation. Everyone is as equal as light is in water.

Consideration B

Figure 3.33: Rainbow floor option

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Source: Author (2021)

Consideration B (Figure 3.33) introduces another layer to the rainbow flooring with imaginary lines and arrows flowing from the four cardinal points towards the heart and centre of the Hall of Heroes. As a metaphor, this indicates and promotes working together as a nation towards the same goal. The imagery suggests South Africans setting aside their cultural, social, and political differences to work towards the common agenda of nation building.

Consideration C

Figure 3.34: Broken tiles Source: Author (2021)

Consideration C (Figures 3.34 and 3.35) uses flooring made from material waste in the form of breakages and off-cuts. This flooring material is collected from places where offcuts are produced for reuse when laid as flooring in the Hall of Heroes. The materials include tiles, timber flooring, vinyl sheeting, carpet, glass, and all

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construction material used as floor finishes, regardless of their quality, value, and comfort.

Their diverse properties and the challenge of laying and levelling, weaving, and linking the flooring material raises many meanings and reflections on contemporary society. This floor culminates in the imaginative experience of walking and maintaining (cleaning, sweeping) such a floor. This study believes that individuals would feel more comfortable stepping over some sections than other sections.

The implication of such a consideration gives a true reflection of the identity of South African people that comprises the old and young, rich and poor, and diverse cultures and races. These people and their differences are expected to live in harmony, be led, and be guided by the same laws and constitution.

The question arises, is such a society realistic: People equal regardless of where they come from? Where no one is more privileged than another? Where people are treated equally?

Figure 3.35: Broken tiles flooring Source: Author (2021)

3.4.8 Conclusion The original flooring of the Hall of Heroes held much relevance and meaning before democracy, when Afrikaner nationalism was the dominant force. With democracy and reconciliation, this study suggests a recontextualisation of the floor to maintain the floor’s relevance. A combination of the rainbow and the broken floor finishes

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using various materials and textures would appeal to the contemporary setting. The challenge would be to find ways to bring the rainbow and flooring together to achieve the desired floor level.

Apart from the Cenotaph and the flooring, a question that should be asked is: ’What does this monument mean today, after the collapse of British colonialism and Afrikaner nationalism?’ Attempting to answer this frees one to envisage new possibilities and opportunities to reconfigure, redefine, or transform the Voortrekker Monument and a range of contentious inheritances.

3.5 Africa Unity Square 3.5.1 Background On 13 September 1890, the Union Jack was first raised at Fort Salisbury (now Harare) to mark the British settlement on the Mashonaland territory by Cecil Rhodes’ Pioneer Column where the flag was hoisted later became Cecil Square. (Huyai.com) It was named after Robert Cecil, the first Lord Salisbury (British prime minister in 1890). The square was the centre of colonial Salisbury. It is surrounded by Parliament House, the Anglican Cathedral, and the Meikles Hotel.

3.5.2 Site/placement

Figure 3.36: Locality map of Africa Unity Square Source: Adapted from Google Maps (2021)

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The square is the oldest and most central of the city’s parks. According to the Editor (Herald 2021), in the 1990s, there was a competition to redesign the park to bring a ‘green lung’ into the middle of the city. The boundaries of the fort were paced, and the city was developed from the street grid in both directions. The streets of Harare were aligned to magnetic north-to-south in September 1891. The city blocks are the width of the old fort.

Nothing was done in the early 1890s after the fort was first destroyed, and the fort was then washed away for the second time by the rains. A part of the square served as the first cricket field of the country before it was converted into a park. The original layout had three trails, two diagonals connecting the corners, and another trail from east to west. The remaining spaces were planted with trees without lawns since the only water sources then were wells.

At a later stage, the north-to-south trail was added to give a resemblance to the Union Jack. The Union Jack, or Union Flag, is the de facto national flag of the United Kingdom. Although no law was passed officially making the Union Jack the national flag of the United Kingdom, it has effectively become the national flag through precedent.

The central fountain was built in the 1950s, and in the 1970s an intervention resulted in the long concrete water features. Figure 3.37 indicates the current layout of the square and the Union Jack print as produced from the pathway.

Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain on 18 April 1980, after which relations between the two countries deteriorated as Zimbabwe slipped into greater autocracy and economic decline. Britain withdrew development aid, and sanctions were imposed on the president (the late Robert Gabriel Mugabe) and his inner circle.

The square no longer fits the modern and current needs of the country, specifically in terms of the colonial design and the insistence on making the square resemble the Union Jack flag. Proposed alterations to the layout are discussed in the following sections to recontextualise and give hope to the ailing nation. This reconfiguration of ‘squareness’ suggests using and reusing architecture, the city, and social spaces for the psychological and social healing of the inhabitants and users.

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Figure 3.37: Africa Unity Square layout plan Source: Author (2021)

The square is surrounded to the north by the Parliament of Zimbabwe and cathedral, to the east by a car showroom and office block, to the south by a hotel and shops, and offices to the west. The northern side of the park is more reserved and is a highsecurity section of the park because of the parliament. State and private security constantly monitor the space. The southern side is more engaging and interactive, accommodating vending stalls for souvenirs, cultural items, and flowers.

Consideration A This proposal considers removing the walkways to the northern half of the square that complete the image of the Union Jack flag and replacing the walkways with

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raised walkways as indicated in Figure 3.38. Trees are moved from the southern side to be replanted on the northern side.

Figure 3.38: Walkways north of the square removed Source: Author (2021)

The implication of Consideration A is that it dissolves the British flag imprint on the square. The remaining pathways constitute approximately half of the Union Jack image that acknowledge the influence and contribution of the imperialists in the systems and structures that govern the nation. Irrespective of the effects of colonialism in Africa, many states are still established on the colonialist’s blueprint and systems, which is visible in the economy, transport, education, and infrastructural development.

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As Africa continues to seek solutions to the challenges of poor governance, poverty, low resilience to natural disasters etc without much reliance on Europe, this design consideration offers future generations an opportunity to wipe out the remaining pathways and to claim the layout as wholly African and local.

Figure 3.39: Raised walkway elevation Source: Author (2021)

Figure 3.40: Raised walkway detail Source: Author (2021)

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The raising of the walkways (Figures 3.39 and 3.40) re-imagines how leafy green environments are designed in dense cities in the future. The pathways invite people to wander through the paths that twist around tree trunks and give the square a unique signature look.

The elevated pathways would create a new interaction with trees at various latitudes.

The consideration would undoubtedly challenge the way architects and designers create public parks in the future by bringing nature into architecture. Public green spaces elevated above ground level are unique.

Figure 3.41: Bridge crossing Source: Author (2021)

Figure 3.41 connects the bushy northern and southern sides of the square and bridges the two different worlds and systems.

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Consideration B

Figure 3.42: Square with a water garden Source: Author (2021)

A variation of the design proposal of raised walkways would be the introduction of a water garden. The consideration is inspired by the precedent art biotop water garden of Junya Ishigami and Associates in Tochigi Japan (Publicdelievery.org) .

The project entails importing other trees to the square to create a dense forest. The trees are rearranged, and countless ponds are filled with water from an irrigation system that flows continuously at various rates. The ponds and the trees are spread across the northern side of the square (Figure 3.42).

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The implication of this proposal is that a new nature appears on the site as a planned landscape. The scenery of a forest is given order through the planning of ponds and positions of trees. This formal landscaping process involves moving and bringing in trees, indicating a ritual performance of process.

The proposal brings nature to an urban context and changes the living environment, in which the natural environment interacts with the human environment in an urban setup.

Consideration C

Figure 3.43: Square with meandering pathways Source: Author (2021)

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Considerations C, D, and E eradicate all the diagonal pathways and the pathway along the south-to-north centre line. The only walkway is the east-to-west walkway with water features that continue George Silundika Street. These proposals dissolve the Union Jack imprint on the square and remove any political connotations or remembrances.

Consideration C (Figure 3.43) provides meandering pathways to the southern half of the square to control how people move. The northern and southern parts of the park remain open for public use.

Consideration D

Figure 3.44: Main walkway with trees and grass Source: Author (2021)

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Consideration D does not have any pathways other than the main east-to-west pathway. The northern side consists of trees and the southern side is a lawn landscape. Both sides of the park are open for public use (Figure 3.45 indicates the section-elevation).

The implication is that no-pathways allow users to choose the landscape with which they wish to interact (trees and grass or grass only). The lack of pathways promotes privacy for the parliament building and separates people in the building from the public they serve and represent. Another positive aspect might be street-level noise management.

Figure 3.45: Elevation with trees and grass Source: Author (2021)

Consideration E Consideration E (Figures 3.46 and 3.47) maintains the main east-to-west pathway.

The square is planted with trees to bring a forest into the heart of the city, thus creating an urban forest. Trees moderate the local climate and slow wind and stormwater. They are also critical in cooling the urban heat-island effect.

Air quality can be drastically improved, although the trees have to be spread throughout the whole city instead of only concentrated in a single square or block.

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Figure 3.46: One walkway with trees on both sides Source: Author (2021)

The proposal overwrites the stamp of the British flag and authority at the heart of the city and stamps the independence of the nation of Zimbabwe with their rule and authority.

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Figure 3.47: Elevation with trees Source: Author (2021)

3.5.3 Conclusion In disrupting the imprint of the Union Jack at the heart and centre of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, this study suggests that a more practical design proposal would maintain the main east-to-west pathway and water features. This maintained infrastructure can be achieved by removing the diagonal walkways and introducing raised walkways using the existing and new trees.

Consideration E shows meandering pathways linked to the trees in the park. The pathways benefit the environment and users of such spaces. The proposal undoubtedly challenges the way architects and designers create public (city) parks in the future by bringing nature into architecture. The researcher desires public green spaces above ground level.

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CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS The primary focus of this chapter is to summarise the findings of this study and to make conclusions and recommendations based on the findings. In presenting the findings of this study, the research objectives stated in Chapter 1 are used as a guide. In order to ensure comprehensiveness and clarity, the chapter is structured as follows: reiteration of the research problem and main research objective, summary of the findings from primary and secondary data, conclusions, and recommendations.

4.1 Reiteration of the research problem and the objective of this study This study sought to desacralise, alter, and reinterpret the legacies of colonial architecture through a close reading of materials, history, and memories by proposing alterations and reinterpretations of selected artefacts, details, buildings, monuments, or sites. This reworking of the colonial-era legacies is in light of the built legacy of colonisation that is evident in the infrastructure landscape of the SADC region to this day. This study aimed to portray the possibilities and opportunities of the new orders that emerge from the legacies when reconfigured, redefined, or transformed, rather than removed or completely abolished.

4.2 Findings from primary data and review of literature The presented findings are compared and contrasted with the literature to ensure rigour. The findings of this study are presented below.

4.2.1 Establishment of new means of expressing and describing the colonial architectural legacy The primary focus of colonial establishments (in the context of this research: statues, and monuments) was the history, culture, and ideologies of the white minority settlers. According to Ndletyana and Webb (2017:101), “97% of all declared national monuments reflected the values of the white community while the remaining 3% represented the art, architecture, and artefacts of the black majority that make up

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84% of the population” in South Africa. With democracy and independence in the SADC, these legacies have become outdated and must be recontextualised.

Societies and communities have begun to comprehend that not all monuments were created equal. Some were erected for cynical reasons that have little to do with history or heritage. History is a complex and ever-changing process and not a single position. Therefore, history is not best written in bronze, stone, and marble. History is all things that statues and monuments are not, as they only represent what designers and patrons wanted (Olusoga 2017).

However, efforts should be applied to disassemble these artefacts, and in the process, to propose new meanings. Maré (2007:36) reminds us that although “memorials and statues inevitably cast a specific memory in stone and the structure cannot be modified; but unfortunately, meanings can be reinterpreted”. Erasing colonial and historical structures does not change the history of a community or nation and does not automatically address the current challenges that SADC countries and the world face.

As Meents (2009) asserted, the consequence of a monument’s unyielding fixedness usually results in some demise over time. The fixed and rigid impression created by monuments and statues in establishing certain ideologies are passed to new periods, sometimes appearing outmoded, strange, and irrelevant to a contemporary society's values and thoughts. Buildings and infrastructures should remain open and flexible to the present and future needs and interpretations.

4.2.2 Significance of artefacts, details and materials in analysing colonial traces and legacies in the SADC The hidden meanings in the designs and layouts of these legacies should not be overlooked as they carry the language and coding of the designers and patrons.

They have a wealth of meaning, symbols, and metaphors. Statues and memorials can play a critical role in promoting social cohesion and the construction of national and cultural identities. However, this potential allowed the emergence of protests, confrontations, and revolts that often achieves the opposite of social cohesion and national identity (Ndletyana & Webb, 2017). This cohesion is achievable once an understanding of the underlying message and ideology is perceived in the minds of the audience.

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4.2.3 Review of policies of architectural decolonisation There is a need to review the policies of architectural decolonisation in light of the controversial architectural heritage artefacts (statues, buildings, and places). Attacks on statues and memorials are not new in democratic South Africa. Literature has records of debates centred on how colonial and apartheid-era symbols should be treated in relation to what they represent and the memories they stir. Some groups still view statues as symbols of untransformed power relations.

Political transition and independence did not immediately address the meanings invested in colonial-era architectural legacies. In the context of South Africa, reconciliation was narrowly interpreted to mean leaving the artefacts of the past intact, while in some cases, establishing new artefacts (often alongside).

Reconciliation also meant not provoking the white minority by transforming their monuments and memorials. According to Ndletyana and Webb (2017), the legislative and policy framework guiding memorials and statues is exposed as inadequate.

Before the elected democratic government of South Africa assumed power in 1994, the apartheid regime took significant steps to neutralise efforts to tamper with symbols of their ideologies. This neutralisation of tampering was achieved by establishing Section 21 companies that existed independently of the state postapartheid. These companies own and protect several iconic institutions fundamental to Afrikaner nationalism.

4.2.4 Reform of colonial architectural structures Architecture might not completely resolve and heal modern or future societies from the ideological divisions caused by colonial ill-treatment embedded in constructions.

Nonetheless, the built environment must adapt and reject biased or single-sided ideologies and reflect new and contemporary ideologies.

A holistic approach to the social, cultural, political, and economic solutions has to be sought. A more inclusive interpretation must be sought that does not ignore history and its relevance to various communities and actively creates a live-able environment in the current economic, socio-political context (Clarke 2015).

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4.2.5 Possibility of new orders The possibility of new orders emerging from colonial heritage structures exists if the structures are reconfigured, redefined, or transformed. There is an opportunity for a type of practice for architects of every generation to perform checks and balances on whether colonial inheritances are still relevant and take ownership and bring relevance.

In other words, architects will address legacies with conflicting memories in the context of their time and age in order to continue rather than to immortalise such inheritances. The processes of reconfiguration, redefinition, and transformation of architectural structures present precedencies for the continuation of the process by their counterparts and future professionals. As a result, architects will be designers of the processes and not the products of expressing ideologies.

In this way, colonial heritage structures will always be alive, refreshed, and above all, relevant to past, present, and future generations. The spirit of heritage will continually be passed on.

4.2.6 New means of expressing or describing colonial architectural legacy Colonial-era

architectural

legacies

must

be

allowed

to

be

reconfigured,

recontextualised, reconfigured, and transformed, acknowledging that meaning changes over time, especially when viewed from a post-colonial vantage point. This revision produces an inclusive interpretation of history and the past that is not selective and biased.

Viewing and describing these legacies makes it possible to comprehend the truths and values the patrons and designers intended to express in the memorials.

Although monuments and memorials, as architectural structures, may be overloaded with symbolic values, they may also be seen as works of art or performance.

According to Mare (2007:37), monuments may also be viewed as “cultural resources with a bias toward a propagandistic intent for influencing the remembrance of a patriotic group of a past event or heroic figure(s) in a prescribed way”.

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4.3 Conclusions There are many possibilities and opportunities for reconfiguring, redefining, reinterpreting, and transforming the artefacts, details, and materials of outdated colonial-era legacies in the SADC region. The ideologies these legacies represented and symbolised are no longer relevant in the post-colonial, independent, and democratic SADC. Times have changed and continue to change. Architecture should likewise transform these legacies to keep them relevant to modern times.

Where a statue, monument, event, or figure divides rather than unites, where it causes resentment instead of understanding, it should be contextualised and reconfigured. Preserving such legacies in a fixed state for the sake of commemorating an intangible memory of the past fails to address the legacies’ worth in terms of the present and future society with its evolving needs and values. The colonial architectural legacy has to be relevant to the past, present, and future.

Throughout this work, the researcher was conscious of the endless opportunities for transforming emotionally and controversially charged colonial-era built legacies without completely removing or demolishing them.

4.4 Recommendations For the decolonisation of these architectural legacies to be implemented and to establish a foundation for continual contextualisation and transformation, there is a need for serious policy review. These monuments are heavily protected by the constitution, national laws, and international laws. It may be tempting to conclude that the colonialists foresaw a period and time in the future where their legacies would be questioned, tampered with, or demolished.

Decolonising the controversial colonial-era heritage requires a very pragmatic approach that entails built environment professionals and stakeholders engaging with and reviewing or revising relevant policies, laws, and heritage preservation acts.

The statutes and laws enacted by the patrons of these built legacies protect the heritage from future alteration and demolition. This protection also means developing other ways of preserving, commemorating, and narrating the past.

There is a need to develop and employ inclusive models and novel interpretations in terms of colonial-era legacies. These models must appreciate history and its

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relevance to various communities and societies while acknowledging the evolution that allows accommodation of the changed present and future. However, efforts should be applied to disassemble these artefacts, and in the process propose new meanings that can be changed again in the future, as necessary.

There might be need and opportunity to engage with the community to gather responses to design proposals and considerations to alter and recontextualise monuments, public statues and squares. The strategic use of community engagement, participatory democracy and social learning builds trust and confidence in both the decision-makers and the decision process. Communities may be involved through surveys, pilot studies and gathering their opinions to inform more balanced and accommodative decisions and solutions (process).

As such, built environment professionals should reject establishments based on biased or single-sided ideologies. These professionals can play an important role in bridging the gap between clients and communities. Boldness is required when advising clients regarding the imbued controversies related to such proposals.

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APPENDIX A: ETHICAL CLEARANCE CERTIFICATE

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