東亞泉志
No. 16
2019. 11 / Issue 34
THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS 中英雙語 - 電子季刊
25 th
周年
Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly
1900 年（庚子）京局製造光緒元寶銀幣一套 5 枚， 原模後鑄品，均為 Kann、Sweeny 舊藏
1900 年（庚子）京局製造光緒元寶 庫平一錢四分四厘銀質樣幣 ( 原版 )
JEAN 1994-2019
1900 年（庚子）京局製造光緒元寶 庫平七分二厘銀質樣幣 ( 光邊 )
『本期專題 | FEATURES 』 庚子年（1900年）京局製造銀幣 THE PEKING COINS OF 庚子 (1900)
張獻忠江口沉銀及出水貨幣綜述
Review of the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site in Jiangkou Town and the Salvaged Currency
從《清明上河圖》探析南宋銀錠的出門稅及金銀鋪
Analysis of the City Gate Tax Levied People Passing Through the Gate and the Gold and Silver Shops in the Southern Song Dynasty from the Scroll Painting Along the River During the Qingming Festival
JEAN
《東亞泉志》為冠軍拍賣公司總裁周邁可先生和著名錢幣學 專家史博祿先生于1994年創辦，是一本學術性錢幣研究專
《東亞泉志》
業雜誌。旨在讓廣大錢幣收藏家、研究學者更深入地了解錢 幣知識，讓世界各地的讀者更好地了解中國深厚的錢幣文化。
2020 免費訂閱
《東亞泉志》于1994年7月份問世，1999年停刊，發行了18 期。2015年5月，周邁可先生決定于2016年1月復刊《東亞
中英雙語 - 電子季刊
Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly
No. 16
25 th
周年
JEAN 1994-2019
泉誌》 ，聘請著名錢幣研究學者袁水清先生擔任主編。
以披露最新錢幣收藏研究成果、推介泉界成 功人士的事跡為主。主要欄目有學術研究、 人物專訪、鑒賞爭鳴、拍賣回顧、重要資訊等。
2019. 11 / Issue 34
東亞 泉
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《東 亞 25 周 泉 志》 年紀 念章
往期電子雜誌
THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS
Welcome to contribute articles. 欢迎投稿 ! Chinese / 中文 / jeanzg@163.com English / 英文 / championghka@gmail.com
Advisor
Chinese Editor
Che-lu Tseng
Yuan Shuiqing
顧問
中文主編
曾澤祿
袁水清
Hans-Henning Goehrum 漢斯 · 亨甯 · 格魯姆 Technical Advisor
Ma rket i ng Adv isor
US Correspondent
European Correspondent
Gu Jun
Mark Sutton
J. Matthew Brotherton
Oliver Strahl
技術顧問
市場顧問
顧軍
馬克·修頓
美國通訊員
馬修 · 布拉澤頓
Publisher & Editor in-Chief
Advertising & Circulation Manager
Michael H. Chou
Yotin Ring
Senior Editor
Design Director
出版人、總編輯
奧利弗·斯特拉爾
廣告與發行經理
周邁可
林逾婷
高級編輯
Esther Zhao 趙婷婷
美術設計
Bruce W. Smith
Steve Feller
史博祿
「 中英雙語 · 電子季刊
歐洲通訊員
史蒂夫·費勒
|
Zheng Huiqun 鄭會群
Tan Wanmei 譚婉梅
Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly 」
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ďźˆ
FOREWORD
More than 20 years have passed since James O. Sweeny's Peking Coins of 1900 article was written and published in the Journal of East Asian Numismatics. This article was based on Mr. Sweeney's years of research on these 1900 Peking coins with the assistance of many leading Chinese numismatic researchers, including Andrew De Clarment, Don Canoparo, Tseng Che Lu, Richard Wright, Bruce Smith, R.B. White, Kwan Rong Liu, and Haru Chang. This article revealed a lot of important information about this special series of Chinese coins struck during this difficult period in Chinese history. Jim's research included technical testing of the Kann set of 1900 Peking coins and an additional Kann collection 1900 Peking dollar from mid-west collector Michael O'Brien, which were sent to the curator of the British Royal Mint Grame Dryer for inspection and testing. We also have additional points of view on the Peking coins of 1900 by Richard Wright and Bruce Smith.
1995. Sweeny's Straits Settlement set, which is the finest of three known sets, went to Sam's friend and fellow Singaporean lawyer Eric Low. The 1900 Peking set was sold to my friend in the mid-west for US$46,000 and we auctioned this set again 20 years later in 2015 for over US$400,000 in Macau. The Kann collection 1900 Peking dollar from Michael O'Brien was sold in the first JEAN mail bid auction in 1994 to an advanced collector in California for US$24,600.
Mr. Sweeny was an avid collector of the coinage of 1900, and he wrote A Numismatic History of the Birmingham Mint . As compensation for writing the history of the Birmingham mint, the mint allowed him to select two sets of coins from their archive. Jim selected the 1900 Sarawak coins and 1900 proof Straits Settlement coins which we sold in the James O. Sweeny 1900 JEAN mail bid auction in 1995 with the 1900 Kann Peking set and 1900 Kiangnan dollar (which was later graded by PCGS as MS-66+).
Our editorial department has submitted an interesting article which is a review of the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site in Jingkou Town and Salvaged Currency .
Sweeny's Proof 1900 Sarawak set, which is the finest of two known sets, went to my friend Singapore Supreme Court Justice T.S. 'Sam' Sinnathuray in
This issue also includes an interesting interview conducted by the Chopmark Club editor, Colin Gullberg, of my close friend J.C. Lee of Hwadong Company Ltd. in Seoul, South Korea which first appeared in this year's Chopmark News newsletter. We continue our series on chopmarked coins from the book Chopmarked Coins - A History by Colin Gullberg.
Finally, we have another fascinating article by our friend Dr. Che-lu Tseng entitled An Analysis of City Gate Taxes and Gold and Silver Shops in the Southern Song Dynasty from the scroll Painting along the River During the Qingning Festival. I'm sure you will find it of great interest. Michael Chou Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
CONTENTS
20
The Peking Coins of 庚子 (1900) Another View on The Peking Mint of 1900
FEATURES
Notes on the Peking Mint
50 57
James O. Sweeney〔USA〕 Bruce W. Smith〔USA〕 RNJ Wright〔UK〕
Review of the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site in Jiangkou Town and Zhou Bian〔Shanghai〕 the Salvaged Currency Analysis of the City Gate Tax Levied People Passing Through the Gate and the Gold and Silver Shops in the Southern Song Dynasty from the Scroll Painting Along the River During the Qingming Festival
Che-lu Tseng〔USA〕
78
Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
Jilin Copper Coins Collection of Sichuan Malan Tokens
Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
J.C. Lee Interview
Colin Gullberg〔Taipei〕
Update From the Summer 2019 ANA World’s Fair of Money Show in Chicago
Chopmarked Coins Chapter 3 - Understanding Chopmarks Exploring Official Versions of Chinese Modern Precious Metal Coins
J. Matthew Brotherton〔USA〕
Colin James Gullberg〔Taipei〕 Zhao Yansheng〔Beijing〕
COLUMN
64
Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
The Ancient Coin Book Series
DEPARTMENTS
06 07 08 12 16
前言 （
qian
yan
20 多年前，詹姆斯 · 史成 尼先生（James O Sweeny）
1900 年 沙 撈 越 套 幣 有2 套 已 知 的 精 製 套 幣， 其 中 較
首次刊載於《東亞泉志》。史成尼先生根據自己多年以
新 加 坡 原 最 高 法 院 法 官 的 朋 友 辛 納 特 利 · 薩 姆（TS
（ Andrew De Clarment）、唐 · 卡納帕羅先 生（ Don
其中最好的1套也曾為史成尼先生所有，在薩姆的新加
完 成了《 庚 子 年（1900 年）京局製 造 銀 元 》一文，並
來對庚子京局銀元的研究，在安德魯 · 德 · 克拉芒先生
Canaparo）、曾澤祿先生、理查德 · 賴特先生（Richard
好 的1套 原 屬 史 成 尼 先 生， 於1995 年 轉 手 至 我 擔 任
Sinnathray），而海 峽 定 居 套 幣則有3套已知 的 套 幣，
坡律師朋友艾瑞克 · 羅（ Eric Low）手中。他的1900
Wright）、布魯 斯 · 史密 斯 先 生（ Bruce Smith）、懷
年庚子京局銀元套則以46 000 美元的價格賣給了我住
Liu）、張秀青先生（Haru Chang ）等人的幫助下完成
門將這套銀元再次拍賣，最終價格超過400 000 美元。
特 先 生（ R.B. White）、 劉 寬 鎔 先 生（ Kwan Rong
在美國中西部的朋友，而 20 年後，我们在 2015 年於澳
了這一文章。文中透露了很多關於 這一在中國艱難時
而邁克爾 · 布萊恩先生手中的庚子京局銀元則在1994
尼先生將耿愛德先生（ Eduard Kann）所藏庚子年京
元的價格賣給了一位來自美國加州的資深藏家。
先 生（ Michael O'Brien）的原耿氏 所藏 庚 子年京局
高林先生（Colin Gullberg ）是戳記幣俱樂部的編輯，
期發行的特別系列硬幣的重要資訊。在研究中，史成 局銀元套幣及另1枚由美國中西部藏家邁克爾 · 布萊恩
年9月的第一節《東亞泉志》郵購拍賣中，以 24 600 美
銀元套幣，寄送至英國皇家造幣廠錢幣收藏館長格雷
他對我任職於韓國首爾豐山 - 華東公司的朋友李濟哲
除此 之外，我們還提供了理 查德 · 賴特先 生和史博 祿
今年的《戳記幣通訊》上。
厄姆 · 戴爾先生 (Graham P. Dyer) 處進行技術測試。 先生關於京局製造銀元的不同看法。
史成尼先生是1900 年發行銀幣的忠實藏家。他還曾著
有《伯明罕造幣廠歷史》，伯明罕造幣廠為此同意他從
檔案中挑選 2 套硬幣。他挑選的是1900 年沙撈越套 幣 和1900 年精製海峽移民套幣，我們將其和耿愛德先生
的1900 年庚 子 年京局 銀 元 套 幣、1900 年 江 南 銀 元一
先生（J.C. Lee）進行了有趣的採訪，該採訪曾刊載於
我們還 繼 續連載了高林先生所著《戳記幣簡史》中的 戳記幣系列內容。
此外，我們的編輯部門還提交了一篇有趣的文章⸺
《張獻忠江口沉銀及出水貨幣綜述》。
同在《東亞泉志》1995 年舉辦的詹姆斯 · 史成尼1900
本期還有一篇我的朋友曾澤祿先生所著的《從〈清明上
在之後評級中被評為 PCGS MS66+。
盎然。
年硬幣郵購拍賣中出售，其中，1900 年庚子江南銀元
河圖〉探析南宋 銀錠的出門稅 及 金 銀 鋪》，同樣 趣味
《東亞泉志》總編輯兼出版人 ：周邁可
目錄 mu
專 題
35 54 61
lu
庚子年（1900 年）京局製造銀幣 對 1900 年北京造幣廠的另一看法
文 / 詹姆斯·史成尼 譯 / 曾澤祿〔美國〕 史博祿〔美國〕
賴特〔英國〕
京師銀元局評注
張獻忠江口沉銀及出水貨幣綜述
周邊〔上海〕
從《清明上河圖》探析南宋銀錠的出門稅及金銀鋪
09 10 11 14 18
《古泉文庫》
周邊〔上海〕
《幽蘭識——四川馬蘭錢幣鑒賞》
周邊〔上海〕
71 86
《戳記幣簡史》第三章 瞭解戳記
《吉林銅元》
李濟哲先生訪談錄
2019 年夏季美國錢幣協會芝加哥年會
中國現代貴金屬幣“官方版別”探秘
周邊〔上海〕
高林〔臺北〕 馬修·博勒頓〔美國〕
高林〔臺北〕 趙燕生〔北京〕
曾澤祿〔美國〕
部 門
專 欄
The Ancient Coin Book Series
An Old Book Reedited——The New Trend of Coin Collecting Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
The Ancient Coin Book Series is a project launched by websites Huaxia Coin Auction, Guang Yin Ge, Long Xiang Gu Quan Coin and Imfancy, together with some coin collectors. The project follows the noble ambition of the great collectors of the past to produce public tools for public use. A limited number of single existing copies and rare books have been selected and then duplicated in an ancient style by using traditional techniques. Moreover, there are also some related books newly edited and bound in an ancient style to share traditional coin collecting culture with amateurs and modern collectors.
Commemorative Coin Record for the Establishment of Silk Road Coin Society, and Highlight of Coins along the Maritime Silk Road by Du Weishan, Muyuan 120 Coin Rubbing.
The Ancient Coin Book Series involves both literature and monograph. In terms of its bookbinding craft, handmade rice paper is bound manually, and rubbing paper is also pasted by hand. It works to duplicate the original style of the ancient book through threading rolled paper, cutting, binding, labeling, packing in addition to other procedures. At present, the series includes A Complete Collection of Ancient Coins by Imai Teikichi (Japanese), The Collection Birthday Congratulation Coin Rubbing made in modern times for those coins minted for the birthday of some celebrities, Zuzhai Coin Rubbing by Dai Baoting, Ancient Coins magazine which is the earliest magazine of Ancient Coin Society in China, new
6
J
E
A
In recent years, many newly published coin books have followed the ancient bookbinding style, and The Ancient Coin Book Series is among the most outstanding. Since the issue of related works was limited in early times and many of them have lost, to publish newly edited books of this type is of fresh historical significance to search old anecdotes of coin collecting and present the much told stories, and it also ushers in a new stage for the spread of tradition coin collecting culture.
N
1 6
部门
DEPARTMENTS
Jilin Copper Coins
An Indispensable Reference Book for the Collection and Study of Chinese Copper Coins Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
Jilin Copper Coins (ISBN: 978-7-5478-44748) is the first academic monograph which makes a systematic study of Jilin copper coins. It was written by Zheng Renjie, Cui Xiangrong, Hu Po and Luan Xingang, and was published by Shanghai Scientific and Technical Publishers in August, 2019. The 224-page colorful hardcover book of 195mm×271mm size is about 300,000 characters in length, and costs 180 RMB in China.
The book contains photos of 661 Jilin copper coins from hundreds of collections as well as from websites, covering all denominations. The book distinguishes, denominations, rates and prices all these coins, and initiates to classify their types and versions.
the beginning of the 21st century, more and more people have initiated studies and the number of Collections has been on the rise, which has laid a solid foundation for the publication of this book. Jilin Copper Coins features abundant content accompanied with colorful photos, and there are even some rare varieties published for the first time. The writers of the book are all outstanding numismatists specialized in the collection and study of Jilin copper coins. Therefore, they have made comprehensive historical research of the coins and shared their unique opinions in this book. They have also grouped these Jilin copper coins in numerous varieties, so as to make a clear outline of all known information. With all these efforts, this specialized collection of Jilin copper coins has made an academic study and textual research on related culture and history. This excellent work is the most comprehensive and indepth study in this field to date and will definitely have a huge influence on the collection and study of Jilin copper coins and other copper coins nationwide.
The book consists of 11 chapters. The first chapter is about the history of mints in Jilin and the coins they struck. The second character makes a study of the Jilin copper coins according to the periods when they were struck. The remaining chapters make introductions of various types of Jilin copper coins. Finally, there is an appendix and postscript at the end of the book. Though the number of Jilin copper coins struck in the late Qing dynasty is small, they stand as a local currency full of local characteristics and history with many diverse versions. Some numismatists have studied and collected them as early as the beginning of the Republic of China, and some foreigners have also started to study and classify them in recent years. Since
J
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7
Collection of Sichuan Malan Tokens Appreciation of Malan Tokens Zhou Bian 〔Shanghai〕
Identification of Orchid: Sichuan Malan Tokens Appraisal (ISBN: 978-7-5410-8667-0) by Li Liang, Guo Lingli, Wang Yuyuan, Xie Wen, Wang Xiaojiang, et al. was published by Sichuan Fine Arts Publishers in July, 2019. The 216-page hardcover book of 195mm×271mm size is about 1,100,000 characters in length with 682 photos, and costs 168 RMB in China.
To begin with, the book gives an introduction to the minting and issue of malan tokens (tokens engraved with horses and orchids). The tokens are classified according to their material, property and patterns. The book also gives descriptions of each type, including materials, spin-offs and related articles, together with information about malan tokens struck in Japan. Historical photos, well-printed paintings of horses and orchids, and poetry about orchids also add luster to the book. Malan tokens struck and issued in the Republic of China were given birth in Sichuan which enjoys profound culture. These
tokens are full of local characteristics, as a perfect integration of numismatic culture and practicability, popular among collectors at home and abroad. With the help of domestic numismatists, Li Liang, et al. spent six years in editing the book Collection of Sichuan Malan Tokens and it is the first time for a book to gather malan tokens of all kinds. It allows readers to have a comprehensive and systematic understanding of malan tokens through researching, classifying, rating and pricing. Clear photos manifest the beauty of token craftsmanship and shape. With all these efforts, the book has ushered in a new stage for the study of malan tokens.
書
R E V I E W S
K BO O
《古泉文庫》
評
老書新編——泉幣界收藏的新動向 周邊 〔上海〕
由華夏古泉、廣銀閣、龍驤古泉、天眷堂等網站與部分錢幣界同仁組成併發起《古泉文庫》系列計畫，承襲泉界先賢公器公 用的宏願，精選了部分孤本、善本，採用傳統技術，遵古式樣少量複刻。也有按古籍形式新編的泉譜，將傳統泉學文化與 愛好者們共同分享。
《古泉文庫》分文獻類與著作類，新版古籍則用手工宣紙
發現國內泉幣界近來有許多新版書籍，都用傳統的古籍樣
裝盒等工序儘量按原樣複製古籍。目前，已有（日）今井
於早期的錢幣著作發行數量少，許多在輾轉流傳過程中都
手工裝 訂，拓紙手工 粘貼。經 穿撚、裁切、裝 訂、貼簽、
式裝訂成冊， 《古泉文庫》系列書籍則是其中的佼佼者。由
貞吉《古泉大全》、近現代國內古泉界為祝壽而製作的《壽
已亡佚。所以再版這類書籍為搜羅故舊的藏泉掌故，重現
泉集拓》、戴葆庭著的《足齋泉拓》、中國最早的“古泉學會
舊時泉壇佳話，賦予了新的歷史意義 ；也為推廣、傳播傳
“會刊《古泉雜誌》。以及新編的《絲綢之路錢幣學會創會
統泉學文化開闢了新的園地。
紀念泉譜》、杜維善《海上絲綢之路錢幣要覽》、 《沐園百廿 泉拓》等書籍問世。
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《吉林銅元》
中國銅元集藏與研究不可或缺的工具書 周邊 〔上海〕
《吉林銅元》，是第一部對吉林銅元作系統研
究與闡釋的學術專著。鄭仁傑、崔向榮、胡 泊、欒心剛著，上海科學技術出版社 2019 年
8月出 版。 約300千 字，224頁， 大16K 彩 色
精 裝。定價 人民 幣180元。國際標 準 書號 ：
ISBN978-7-5478-4474-8 。
本書共收錄了國內外近百位藏家及網站的661枚吉林銅元實
林銅元的人數與藏品日益發展與提高，為此書的出版打下了
物照片，集合了吉林銅元所有的面值，加以區分、定名、定
堅實的基礎。
級與定價。並開創性地進行分類與分版。
《吉林銅元》圖文並茂，許多珍貴的版別首次披露。其作
本書內容分為十一章，第一章 吉林造幣機構沿革及其鑄
者都是吉林銅元集藏與研究專題群體中之翹楚，他們對吉
幣 ；第二章 吉林銅元分期研究 ; 第三章至第十一章為吉林
林銅元的歷史考證，翔實全面，見解獨到。版式龐雜的吉
銅元各分類，其後為附錄和後記。
林銅元，經甄 選辨別，分 類歸納，綱目分明，條 理清晰， 將專題集藏提升到學術研究和文史考證的層面。是一部吉
吉林銅元在清末鑄量較少，版別繁多，形成極具地域特色
林銅元研究上迄今最全面與深入的佳作。對於吉林銅元乃
的地方貨幣。早在民國時期即有人研究與收 藏 ；近年來，
至中國銅元的集藏與研究，都會產生極大的影響。
國外也有人研究與分類。進入 21世紀後，國內研究收藏吉
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《幽蘭識
DEPARTMENTS
四川馬蘭錢幣鑒賞》
蘭◇生◇幽◇谷◇有◇人◇識 周邊 〔上海〕
《幽蘭識⸺ 四川馬蘭錢幣鑒賞》, 李亮、郭玲莉、王瑜遠、謝文、王肖江等編著，四川美術出版社 2019 年7月出版。字數
100千，圖幅 682 ，216頁，尺寸190mmx245mm，精裝，國際標準書號：ISBN978-7-5410-8667-0。定價人民幣168元。
本書首先介紹馬蘭錢的鑄行歷史，其後，按馬蘭錢的材質、
馬蘭錢出自文化底蘊深厚的民國四川，是極具地方特色民
首馬背麥 穗、銀質馬蘭、光背、祝壽、青蚨、牡丹馬蘭、
合在一錢之中，深受收藏界大眾的青睞，享譽國內，蜚聲
俗氣息的幣種，將貨幣文化、職能用途與幣章界限完美融
性質、圖案等分類為 ：早期奔馬、名人政要制增馬蘭、回
海外。李亮等人編著的《幽蘭識⸺ 四川馬蘭錢幣鑒賞》 ，
嘉禾、梅花折枝、紀值馬蘭、石束蘭花、反向馬、雙面馬（蘭
歷時六載，得國內諸多方家助力，第一次將紛繁的馬蘭錢
草）、雙色合金馬蘭等，分別予以介紹。並將與馬蘭錢有關
集於一冊，歸納考證，梳理分類，評級定價，使讀者對馬
的資料、衍生品、相關文章及日本鑄的馬蘭玩錢附錄於後。
蘭錢有了全面、系統的瞭解和認識 ；錢幣清晰的照片，再
書中的歷史照片與印製精美的馬、蘭花的古人名畫，以及
展了馬蘭錢工藝造型之美 ；本書為獨樹一幟的馬蘭錢研究，
古代詩人的詠蘭詩詞也為本書增色添彩。
搭建了一個新的臺階。
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CG - Colin Gullberg ——JCL - Mr. J. C. Lee
J.C. Lee Interview Colin Gullberg〔Taipei〕
CG: Do you collect anything yourself?
In this issue, I interview Mr. Jai-Chul (‘JC’) Lee. Mr. Lee is the president of Poongsan Hwadong Coins, the biggest coin dealer in South Korea. I interviewed him in his office in Seoul.
JCL: No, I don’t. But I’m very interested in history and coin history is human history.
CG: What is the collecting market in Korea like? How has the coin business changed over your career? JCL: When I entered the market as a dealer the coin market in Korea was very small. Korea issued few coins in the past so apart from cash coins and charms there wasn’t much to collect. But there was a lot of potential as the country’s economy started to grow. Korea was very poor up until the 1970s but economic evidence shows that once GDP per capita crosses $1500 people start to have the money to collect. It’s still small and centered on modern commemorative coins but bigger than before. The big market changer was when South Korea held the 1988 Olympics and the first Korean commemorative coins were issued.
CG: How long have you been a dealer and why did you get into the business? JCL: Hwadong Coins was founded in 1972 by founder K.I. Lee and I joined the firm in 1986. I was originally an engineer specializing in the construction of nuclear power plants. Korea was just starting to boom in the 1980s and there was lots of engineering work but I was offered the chance to enter the coin business and I took it.
CG: Can you briefly introduce Poongsan Hwadong?
CG: What is/are the most important books to read/ have about Korean coins?
JCL: Sure, we’re Korea’s premier coin dealer. As I mentioned the firm was founded in 1972 and, in 1989, Hwadong entered the jewelry business. We split into two firms in 2004 – one focused on coins, which I run, and the other on jewelry. In 2011, we merged with Poongsan as a partner. Some of the highlights of the firm’s history are in 1988 when we became the distributor for the 1988 Olympic coins which were held in Seoul. We were also sole distributor for the commemorative coins for the 2002 FIFA World Cup which was held in Korea and Japan and the 2018 Winter Olympics held in Pyeongchang, South Korea.
JCL: The key book is the ‘Korean Coins and Banknote Catalogue’ which is basically the ‘Red book’ for Korean coins. It’s in Korean but has some basic information in English. It also gives pricing details [in Korean won].
CG: Do you know of any books or references in Korean that talk about chopmarked coins? JCL: No, none.
CG: Are there any coin shows in Korea? What is the biggest one every year?
In addition, Hwadong also runs the biggest coin club in Korea, has a retail store, has two to three coin auctions per year and also acts as sales agent for more than 20 major mints in Korea. Poongsan was a metal producer mainly producing copperbased metals for use in the defense and industry. We started producing coin blanks for Taiwan in 1973. Now we produce a variety of different types of blanks for over 60 mints around the world.
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JCL: No, there aren’t any current shows.
CG: How do you write ‘chopmark’ in Korean? It’s useful to know when using Google to search key words in other languages.
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JCL: ‘Chopmark’ is ‘ 각 인 ’ (‘gag-in’, which also means ‘to
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CG: I’ve seen 5 Yang and 1 Whan Korean coins with chopmarks, have you seen others?
engrave’) in Korean. Koreans understand 각 인 but another term is 촙 마 르 크 [‘chob maleukeu’] which is the phonetic
JCL: No, only ‘5 yang’ and ‘1 whan’
translation, but actually we always use the English term in auction lot descriptions. Few Koreans would know this term.
CG: What, in your experience, are the rarest or scarcest chopmarked coins you have come in contact with?
JCL: When I joined this coin business in 1980s, most of collectors were interested in Korean coins and banknotes. We have been introducing foreign commemorative coins for more than 30 years and recently we started to introduce foreign rare coins. In the near future, Korean market will be for not only Korean but also foreign coins.
JCL: ‘1 whan’ but it was not in good condition.
CG: Are chopmarked coins available or have you noticed a decline in the supply over the past decade or so.
CG: What sorts of chopmarked coins do you see in Korea?
JCL: I saw fewer than 5 piece 20~30 years ago, but recently basically none.
JCL: Only the 5 yang and 1 whan that were briefly issued.
CG: Besides Japanese coins, were Mexican (and other foreign coins) used in Korea?
C G: W h a t d o Ko r e a n c o l l e c t o r s f e e l a b o u t chopmarked coins? Do they like them?
JCL: No, only Japanese and Chinese.
JCL: Most of chopmarked coins’ conditions are not in good condition which is why collectors do not regard them as anything special.
CG: Does Korea have a national coin collection or museum with chopmarked coins? JCL: I don’t think so.
CG: Do you know of any chopmark collectors in Korea?
CG: What advice would you give to a new collector (not specifically chopmarked coins)?
JCL: No, I don’t.
JCL: I would recommend collecting not only Korean but also historical foreign coins.
CG: Were coins chopped in Korea or was it done in China?
CG: Finally, what do you think the future of coin collecting in Korea will be? What will the future of Poongsan Hwadong be?
JCL: I don’t know, but probably in China.
CG: Looking through The Korean Coins and Banknotes Catalogue I notice that apar t from cash coins Korea issued very few machine-made coins. Only a few types from the 1885-1903 and the designs either strongly resemble Japanese or Russian coins. Why did Korea start so late making its own coins?
JCL: Korean coin market will be growing, and Poongsan Hwadong will lead the Korean numismatic market.
CG: Thank you so much for your time. JCL: You’re welcome.
JCL: At that time, Korea was not much stable countr y politically and economically. Many foreign countries like Japan, China, Germany, and Russia tried to have the initiative in Korea. Korean modern coins were made by foreigners trying to influence power.
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高 - 高林先生— —李 - 李濟哲先生
李濟哲先生訪談錄 高林〔臺北〕
高 ：請問現在韓國的收藏市場是什麼樣的狀況？硬幣行業對
2019年8月， 筆者前往韓國首爾， 在韓國最大
您的職業生涯產生了什麼樣變化？
幣商豐山 - 華東錢幣有限公司會長李濟哲先生 (Jai-Chul Lee) 位於首爾的辦公室內， 對其進行
李 ：我剛剛作為幣商進入市場的時候，韓國的硬幣市場規
了採訪。
模還很小。國家此前幾乎沒怎麼發行過硬幣，因此藏家除
了流通硬幣和作吉祥飾物的硬幣外沒什麼可收藏的。但是
高 ：請問您從事幣商工作有多久了？為什麼選擇進入這一領
此後國家的經濟開始上行，在這樣的背景下，硬幣收藏市
域？
場便具有巨大的潛力。韓國直到20世紀70 年代都還處在非
常貧困的狀態，但是有經濟方面的證據顯示，一旦人均國
李：華東錢幣有限公司成立於1972年，由李建一先生創立，
內生產總值 超 過1 500美元，人們便開始有錢可以從事收
我在1986年進入公司。我起初是專門從事核電站建設工作
藏。現在韓國的硬幣收藏市場仍然很小，而且主要集中在
有很多工程方面的工作，但我有幸獲得了進入了硬幣行業的
改變韓國硬幣收藏市場狀況的主要因素，則是1988年在韓
的工程師。20世紀80 年代，韓國剛剛進入繁榮發展的時期，
現代紀念幣收藏領域，但是規模已然比之前擴大不少。而
機會，於是我便抓住了這次機會。
國舉辦了奧運會併發行了韓國的首款紀念幣。
高 ：請簡單介紹一下豐山 - 華東錢幣有限公司。
高 ：請問，如果想要瞭解韓國硬幣，需要閱讀或瞭解的最 重要的書籍有哪些？
李 ：我們是韓國最大的幣商。我之前有提到，華東公司成
立 於1972年， 從1989 年 又 開 始 進 軍 珠 寶 行 業。2004 年，
李： 《韓國硬幣和紙幣目錄》是最為重要的一本書，可以說是
公司一分為二，其中一家是我經營的幣商公司，另一家則
韓國硬幣的“紅寶書” 。這是本韓文書籍，但是一些基礎資
從事珠寶生意。2011年，我們作為合作夥伴，與豐山公司
訊有相關英文。該書還給出了硬幣具體的價格 （按韓元計價） 。
合併。1988年，公司成為首爾奧運會紀念幣的經銷商，這
是我們發展歷程中的一件大事。我們還是 2002年國際足聯
高 ：請問您是否瞭解一些關於戳記幣的韓文書籍或參考資
日韓世界盃紀念幣和2018年韓國平昌冬奧會紀念幣的獨家
料？
經銷商。
李 ：我對此沒有瞭解。
除此之外，我們還經營著韓國最大的硬幣俱樂部，有一家 自己的零售商店，每年舉行兩到三次硬幣拍賣會。我們還
高 ：請問韓國是否會舉行一些錢幣展？每年最大的錢幣展又
是 20多家韓國主要造幣廠的銷售代理。豐山公司過去主要
是哪一場？
從事國防和工業銅基金屬的生產工作。我們從1973年開始
為臺灣生產硬幣坯餅。現在，我們為全世界 60多家造幣廠
李 ：韓國現在沒有錢幣展。
生產各類坯餅。
高 ：請問“戳記幣”在韓語如何書寫？因為用穀歌搜索其他 語言的關鍵字時，瞭解這一資訊會有所幫助。
高 ：請問您自己有收藏愛好嗎？ 李 ：我自己沒有進行收藏，但是我對歷史非常感興趣，我
“ 戳 記 幣 ” 在 韓 文 裏 寫 作“ 각 인 ” （ 讀 作“gag-in”， 李：
認為硬幣的歷史也就是人類的歷史。
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為“雕 刻”之 意）。韓國人 雖 然 知道각인這一說 法，而戳
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記 幣 還 有一 個 的 音 譯 術 語， 叫 做 촙마르 크（ 讀 作“chob
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高 ：我見過5兩和1圓的韓國戳記幣，請問您還見過其他種
maleukeu”），但事實上，我們的拍品介紹都使用英文術語，
類的韓國戳記幣嗎？
所以幾乎沒有什麼人知道這一韓文術語。
李 ：沒有，我也只見過5兩和1圓的韓國戳記幣。
高 ：請問在您從業的這段時期內，硬幣市場總體上發生了
什麼樣變化 ? 如果有一位學識廣博的藏家想要另謀高就，
高 ：在您的從業經歷中，接觸過的最珍貴或最罕見的刻戳
李 ：我在20世紀80年代的時候進入硬幣行業，當時有很多
李 ：我見過的最珍稀的硬幣是一枚1圓硬幣，但是它的保存
記幣有哪些？
您是否建議他從事硬幣買賣這一行？
藏家對韓國的硬幣和紙幣感興趣。我們在過去30年間不斷
狀況不太好。
引入外國紀念幣，近年來，我們又開始引入國外珍稀硬幣。 在不久的將來，韓國的硬幣收藏市場將不僅限於韓國硬幣，
高 ：請問您是否注意到市場上能否購得到戳記幣，或是說
高 ：請問您在韓國見過哪些類型的戳記幣？
李 ：我在二三十年前見過一些，數量不超過5枚，但是近年
還會有外國硬幣。
戳記幣的供應量在過去十來年中呈下降趨勢？ 來都不曾見到戳記幣了。
李 ：我只見過曾短暫發行的5兩硬幣和1圓硬幣。
高 ：韓國除了日本硬幣外，是否還曾使用過墨西哥硬幣（或
高 ：請問韓國藏家對戳記幣持怎樣的態度？他們喜歡戳記
其他外國硬幣）？
幣嗎？
李 ：沒有，韓國只使用過日本和中國硬幣。
李 ：大多數戳記幣的保存狀況都不太好，這也是藏家認為
高 ：請問韓國是否有藏有戳記幣的國家級硬幣收藏或博物
戳記幣沒有什麼值得收藏的原因。
館？
高 ：請問您是否對韓國的戳記幣藏家有所瞭解？
李 ：我想沒有。
李 ：我對此沒什麼瞭解。
高 ：請問您對新手藏家有何建議？ （不限於收藏戳記幣的藏
高 ：韓國的戳記幣一般是在韓國加蓋戳記，還是在中國加
家。）
蓋戳記？
李 ：我建議他們不要僅僅收藏韓國硬幣，還可以收藏歷史 上發行過的外國硬幣。
李 ：這點不太清楚，但我認為可能是在中國加蓋的戳記。
高：最後，請問您認為韓國的硬幣收藏市場未來前景如何？
高 ：我在查閱《韓國硬幣和紙幣目錄》的時候注意到，韓
國除現金硬幣外，鮮有發行機鑄幣，只在1885年到1903年
豐山 - 華東錢幣有限公司的未來又會如何？
年間少量發行過，而且硬幣的圖案或是和日本硬幣非常相 似，或與俄羅斯硬幣非常相似。為什麼韓國這麼晚才開始
李 ：韓國硬幣收藏市場將不斷增長，而豐山 - 華東公司將
李：那個時候，韓國的政治、經濟都不太穩定。日本、中國、
高 ：感謝您接受我的採訪。
國現代硬幣便是由這些試圖影響韓國政權的國家所鑄造的。
李 ：不客氣。
會成為韓國錢幣市場的領軍者。
鑄造自己的硬幣？
德國、俄羅斯等國都試圖在韓國產生影響。當時發行的韓
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Update From the Summer 2019 ANA World’s Fair of Money Show in Chicago J. Matthew Brotherton 〔USA〕
World’s Fair of Money in Chicago, the new ANA Board was sworn in for their two-year terms, as a result of the recent ANA elections. Col. Steven Ellsworth, Ret. became the ANA's 61st president, succeeding current President Gary Adkins, who will serve as a non-voting, ex-officio member of the Board. Dr. Ralph Ross W. Ross was sworn in as ANA Vice President, along with new Board members Muriel Eymery, Mary Lynn Garrett, Shanna Schmidt; and returning members Michael Ellis and Clifford Mishler, will join current members Greg Lyon and Paul Montgomery on the ANA Board of Governors.
This year the Summer American Numismatic Association (“ANA”) World’s Fair of Money show was held in Chicago, the great “Windy City” on Lake Michigan, from August 13th -17th at the Donald E. Stephen Convention Center. Chicago is an exciting city with lots to do in the Summer, and this year’s Summer ANA Coin show was red-hot with great coin deals and a large crowd in attendance. This show was the most active that I have personally been to in several years and numerous coin dealers mentioned this as well, all of this being great news for the numismatic industry which is seeing boom of interest recently as the price of precious metals continue to rise!
Besides the vast number of dealers with a wide-range of collectibles, the ANA Museum Showcase was on display with such numismatic rarities as the 1804 U.S. Silver Dollar “the
For those readers unfamiliar with the location, Chicago is the third largest city in the United States and contains an allstar list of activities and attractions to participate in. A few popular things to do in Chicago include visiting the Willis Tower, Millenium Park, the “Magnificent Mile” of shopping down Michigan Avenue, taking in a Cubs game at Wrigley Field, visiting one of the city’s renowned museums, eat some delicious deep-dish pizza, or listen to some world-class blues music at numerous venues in the city. This Chicago Summer ANA show was the largest coin and currency show in the United States this year with over 500 dealers from all over the world and marked the 100th anniversary of the Chicago Coin Club, the host association. At the annual ANA Banquet at the
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From left: Jennifer Gloede, Michael Chou, Corinne Zielke, Ellen Feingold, Tom Michael, Mark Sutton
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Gold Gilted Silver Medal for the 25th Anniversary of JEAN
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Silver Gilted Copper Medal for the 25th Anniversary of JEAN
info here). Our readers will be glad to know that vintage Chinese currency, and Southeastern Asia currency remained hot as collectors continuously browsed our inventory of these items and made purchases. The Philippine Collectors Forum was held in conjunction with the Chicago Summer ANA, resulting in many collectors browsing and purchasing vintage coins and currency from the Philippines. Both, Heritage Auctions and Stack’s Bowers Galleries conducted official auctions at the 2019 World’s Fair of Money in Chicago. The Stack’s Bowers’ auction featured the Q. David Bowers collection of encased postage stamps and Hard Times tokens, while the Heritage Auction’s highlighted the Cape Coral and Cook collections of world coins.
King of US coins”, the coveted 1913 US Liberty Head Nickel, and a recently discovered 1942 high-relief US cent pattern, as well as a selection from the Harry W. Bass, Jr. collection of rare US coins. Also, on public display for the first-time ever were the four famous and extremely rare US $1 pattern coins from the “Black Cat Collection” including William Barber’s 1872 and 1879 “Amazonian” designs and George T, Morgan’s 1879 “Schoolgirl” designs. In addition to the ANA Showcase and numerous collector exhibits on display, classes and presentations were held to benefit both the young and experienced collectors alike. The Young Collector’s Corner, led by ANA Numismatic educator Sam Gelberd is especially great for the hobby as it introduces a new generation of collectors into the numismatic world for which we all have a passion for.
The Chicago Summer ANA World’s Fair of Money proved to be a huge success. With the surge of precious metal prices, it was great to see a huge interest and demand for gold and silver coins and bullion. It was also a great sign that Chinese and Southeastern Asia coins and currency are maintaining their demand amongst US collectors. The Macau Numismatic Society’s 31th Annual Coin Show on Nov. 22nd -24th with the opening ceremony at 17:30 P.M. on Nov. 21st , the annual coin show from 11:00 A.M. to 18:30 P.M. on Nov. 22nd -24th , and the International Forum from 14:00 P.M. to 17:00 P.M. on 23rd, all at the Kam Pak Community Center. The Macau show will culminate with the Champion Auction, highlighting the amazing “Chinese Family Collection” will take place on Nov. 24 th at the Sofitel Macau Pointe 16. My business partner, Richard Stelzer will be in Macau which promises to be an excellent show, very exciting auction, and hopefully sees the continued recent hot streak of Asian coins and currency! Until next time, I wish you all the best in your numismatic pursuits and if ever in the Sarasota, Fl area be sure to stop by and say hello!
The Summer ANA World’s Fair of Money show is usually very busy for dealers with lots of public traffic and this year in Chicago w as no exception. With the recent price of gold moving up and gold coins being sold and melted, it was evident at this show that dealers were looking for material to purchase with these new funds. With Chicago being an international city, I also noticed a substantial increase in the number of international dealers at this year’s show as compared to last year’s Summer ANA show in Philadelphia. I stayed consistently busy throughout the show, as did my business partner Richard Stelzer of Estate Coin & Jewelry Galleria out of Sarasota, FL, Glen Jorde (Lake Region Coin & Currency of Devil’s Lake, ND) and Ron Dickenson, a renowned currency dealer out of Virginia, all of whom shared a table with me in Chicago. Our good friend, Michael Chou, Owner of Champion Auctions, was set up right next to us and had an amazing display of Asian coins and currency, highlighted by a 2 Kilo 2019 silver commemorative Panda honoring the 30th Anniversary of the Macau Numismatic Association that caught the attention of nearly every passerby (insert upcoming Champion Auction
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2019年夏季美國錢幣協會芝加哥年會 馬修·博勒頓〔美國〕
夫 · 埃 爾 斯 沃 思 (Col. Steve Ellsworth) 接 替 加 裏 · 阿 德
2019年8月13日至8月17日，2019夏季美國錢幣協會年會在 密歇根湖畔風城芝加哥的史蒂芬會展中心拉開帷幕。芝加
金 斯 (Gary Adkins), 就任 學 會 第61任 主 席，而 前任 主 席
多活動，而本年度夏季美國錢幣協會年會上將舉行諸多盛
羅 斯 博士 (Ralph Ross W. Ross) 宣誓 就任 學 會副 主 席，
阿德金斯將作為理事會中無投票權的當然成員。拉爾夫 ·
哥是一座能夠挑動人們興奮神經的城市，這裏的夏天有很 大的錢幣交易，幣商和與會者蜂擁而至，無疑是芝加哥今
穆 裏 爾 · 埃 默 裏 (Muriel Eymery)、 瑪 麗 · 林 恩 · 加 勒 特
年的芝加哥年會最為熱鬧，而其他很多硬幣幣商也這樣認
成 為 理 事會 新成 員，回 歸成 員 邁 克爾 · 埃 利 斯 (Michael
(Mary Lynn Garrett) 和肖娜 · 施密特 (Shanna Schmidt)
夏的一大熱門活動。在我近年來親自參加的硬幣展中，今
Ellis) 和 克 利 福 德 · 米 什 勒 (Clifford Mishler) 將 與 現 任
為，這些對錢幣行業都是重大利好，而近年來貴金屬價格
成 員 格雷 格 · 里昂 (Greg Lyon) 和 保 羅 · 蒙 哥馬 利 (Paul
持續攀升，越來越多的人開始對錢幣行業感興趣。
Montgomery) 共同加入美國錢幣協會理事會。
可能有讀者不是很瞭解這次年會的舉辦地芝加哥。芝加哥
除了眾多幣 商攜 各 類 藏品參展，美國 錢幣協會 博 物 館的
是美國第三大 城市，是各種 活動舉 辦勝地，還有 諸多引
人嚮往的景點。你可以在芝加哥參觀西爾斯大廈、千禧公
園、購物中心密歇根大道上的“華麗一英里”，也可以在瑞 格利球場觀看大超聯賽，參觀城市著名的博物館，享用美
味的厚底比薩，或是在眾多的城市聚會場所中欣賞到世界
頂級的藍調音樂，這些都是芝加哥頗受歡迎的文化活動。 夏季美國錢幣協會芝加哥年會是美國今年最大的硬幣和貨 幣展，有超過500名來自世界各地的幣商參加，而這場活
動同時也是為了紀念主辦方芝加哥錢幣俱樂部成立100周
年。而美國錢幣協會也剛剛選出了新任理事會，因此在今
左起 ：詹妮弗 · 格洛德、周邁可、科琳 · 齊爾克、埃倫 · 費、湯姆 · 麥克、 馬克 · 修頓戈爾德
年的年度宴會上，新任理事會宣誓就任，任期兩年。史蒂
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《東亞泉志》25周年銅鍍金章
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《東亞泉志》25周年銅鍍銀章
展臺還展出了一些珍稀硬幣，比如被譽為“美國錢幣之王”
幣，尤其是其中的一枚為紀念澳門錢幣學會成立30周年鑄
1913年自由女神頭像鎳幣、近年發現的1942年高浮雕美分
所有過路者的目光。現在，中國古幣及東南亞貨幣仍是一
造的2019 年2公斤熊貓紀念銀章，這枚紀念章幾乎吸引了
的美國1804 年自由女神像1美元銀幣、藏家們求之若渴的
樣幣，以及小哈裏 · 巴斯 (Harry W. Bass, Jr.) 珍稀美國硬
大熱點，藏家不斷來翻看我們的相關存貨並且進行購買，
幣藏品中的精品。除此之外，展會上還展出了4 枚非常著名
我們的 讀者想必 很高興 看到這一消息。菲律賓 藏家論 壇
且極為罕見的1美元樣幣，它們出自美國著名的“黑貓收藏
也和該次芝加哥年會一同舉行，因此也有很多藏家來翻看
套幣”，這也是這些樣幣首次公開展出，其中包括威廉 · 巴
並購買來自菲律賓的古幣和貨幣。除此之外，遺產拍賣公
伯 (William Barber) 設計的1872年及1879 年“亞 馬遜人”
司和斯坦科鮑爾斯拍賣行公司舉行的官方拍賣會也在此舉 行。斯坦科鮑爾斯拍賣行公司的特色拍品是大衛 · 鮑爾斯
美元樣幣和喬治 · 摩根 (George T. Morgan) 設計的1879 年“女學生”美元樣幣。除了美國錢幣協會展臺及眾多藏
(Q. David Bowers) 收藏的封裝郵票及“艱難時期”代用
論是年輕的新藏家還是經驗豐富的藏家都可以從中有所收
克 (Cook) 來自世界各地的藏品為特色。
Gelberd) 帶頭建立的年輕收藏家則帶領新一代收藏家進入
此次夏季美國錢幣協會芝加哥年會大獲成功。貴金屬價格
一大益事。
不失為一個好消息。另外還有個利好，即美國藏家繼續保
幣，而遺產拍賣公司則以開普 · 科勒爾 (Cape Coral) 和庫
家展出的展品，年會上還舉辦了各種錢幣課程和演講，不 穫。而由美國錢幣協會錢幣教育家山姆 · 蓋爾伯德 (Sam
激增，各方對金銀幣和金條都很感興趣，需求量巨大，這
了我們都熱愛的錢幣世界，這對錢幣收藏這一愛好無疑是
持對中國和東南亞硬幣和貨幣的需求。澳門錢幣學會31周
年年會將在11月22日至 24日舉行，開幕式將在 21日下午5 ：
夏季美國錢幣協會年會所在地有大量的公共交通，年會期
而近期金價上漲，幣商紛紛出售並熔化金幣，因此，今年
30舉行，展會在 22日至 24日進行，開展時間為每天上午11 時至下午 6 ：30，23日下午2 時至5時 還 將 舉 辦 國 際 論 壇，
買的材料。芝加哥是一座國際化大都市，我注意到今年參
的最後一項活動是由冠軍拍賣舉辦的拍賣會，活動將於24
間，幣商們通常會非常忙碌，今年的芝加哥年會也是如此。
上述所有活動均在金碧文娛中心舉行。澳門錢幣學會年會
幣商顯然是想要在展會上尋覓可以使用這些新的資金來購
展的國際幣商數量與去年的費城年會相比大幅上漲。我在
日在澳門十六浦索菲特酒店舉行，拍賣會的焦點是華人家
拉索塔地區地產、硬幣和珠寶百貨公司的理查德 · 施特爾
澳門，澳門錢幣學會年會也必將精彩絕倫，年會上的拍賣
族藏品。我的合作夥伴，理查德 · 施特爾策先生還將前往
展會期間一直非常忙碌，我的生意夥伴，來自佛羅里達薩 策 (Richard Stelzer)、北 達 科 他 州惡 魔 湖 湖 區硬幣 和貨
也必定激動人心，屆時，亞洲硬幣和錢幣的熱潮很可能繼
幣公司的格倫 · 喬德 (Glen Jorde) 和佛吉尼亞州的著名幣
續高漲。
商羅恩 · 迪克遜 (Ron Dickenson) 也都是非常忙碌，而我 和他們在芝加哥年會上共用一個展臺。冠軍拍賣總裁周邁
可先生 (Michael Chou) 是我們的好友，他的展臺就在我 們的邊上，裏面展出了各種令人嘖嘖稱奇的亞洲硬幣和貨
CHICAGO WORLD'S FAIR OF MONEY
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THE PEKING COINS OF 庚子 (1900) James O. Sweeney〔USA〕 © All Rights Reserved
There exists in the hands of a very few fortunate collectors a family of coins bearing the Chinese sexaginary cycle date 庚 子 (Geng Zi) and Chinese characters translating to "Made by the Capital Mint" on their obverses, and the English word PEKING (literally "North Capital") on their reverses. The sexaginary date corresponds to the period 31 January 1900 to 18 February 1901 - a time of chaos and confusion in Imperial China, and especially in Peking (Beijing), the capital of the Middle Kingdom.
Description of the Series There are f ive denominations in this ser ies1. The f ive nominally silver pieces are usually referred to in terms of their corresponding US denominations, but the coins’ legends give only their weights in relation to the Kuping tael (1 tael = 10 mace = 100 candareens = 37.31 grams). The reeded edge Dollar and the 50- cents pieces are known in both gold and silver; the reeded 20-cents, 10-cents and 5-cents in silver only. There are also two sets of plain edge silver specimen strikes of each of the five denominations, one set having stamped serial numbers on the edges of the coins.
coin was not made available; the vendors retained 2 sets for themselves. "Generally the belief exists among collectors of Chinese coins that only the 10-cents and 20-cents values of the PEKING set are Sextant, and that consequently all other denominations must be forgeries or bogus pieces. As a matter of fact, forgeries of the 1-dollar and the 50-cents specimens do exist, though easily recognizable as such when comparisons with the genuine coins are made. However, in the light of actualities, there is a probability that at least 10 sets were struck in the PEKING mint by way of essays. Certainly some more of the 10 and 20cent coins were produced.
These very rare pieces constitute a first magnitude numismatic puzzle enclosed within an enigma and surrounded by confusion and contradiction. Elements of the puzzle include all of the following: Where were they struck? When? By whom? For what purpose? In what quantities? Who made the dies? Divergent views exist regarding each of these. Two views were expressed by a longtime resident of China, Eduard Kann (1880-1962), in his Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins2. On pages 99-100, Kann says:
"That a small mint existed in Peking in 1900 is proved by an official mint report from Hangchow (Chekiang), stating that in 1898 that city was ordered to despatch its minting plant to PEKING. During the Boxer Rebellion of 1900/01 the Peking mint is said to have been destroyed in common with numerous other buildings. "One of the author's Chinese numismatic friends holds a somewhat different opinion regarding the Peking series. He agrees that a small quantity of the 10 and 20-cent pieces of the Peking series was struck in the capital's mint, but work had to be suspended owing to the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion. He furthermore agrees that the original steel dies were saved and sold to curio dealers, who resold the punches to a Chinese Shanghai collector, since 1947 resident of Hong Kong. According to my friend's opinion, a moderate quantity of the 1 $, 50, and 5 cents was privately coined (at Shanghai) from the original dies. He admits that these are not forgeries in the accepted sense of the word, but restrikes in a civilian machineshop. "
"For years the author endeavored to obtain the authentic story relative to the creation of the set of PEKING silver pieces, until finally he has cause to believe that he has unravelled the facts, namely: The Boxer Trouble of 1900 was synonymous with wholesale destruction and extensive looting, especially in Peking itself. One of the many instances goes to show that a worker of the PEKING mint saved the original master of 4 values and brought them down to Tientsin. There, he offered these steel dies to 2 well-known Chinese collectors of antiques, a Mr. Fang and a Mr. Yo, who in later years (1912) ran the Chinese newspaper The Daily News at Tientsin. "These 2 collectors were introduced by a Mr. Chang Tong-po to a well-known native numismatist (since 1947 resident of Hong Kong), to whom Fang and Yo offered to sell valuable ancient bronze coins, as well as Chinese Sycees from the Tang, Sung and Ming dynasties; also the master dies for 4 values of the 1900 PEKING dollar and subsidiary coins, together with 8 sets of PEKING silver coins. The steel punch [sic] for the 10-cents
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There has been much speculation as to whether known pieces are genuine coins, pattern issues, restrikes, fantasies or outand-out forgeries. This article will bring together in one place what is known about these "coins" , and attempt to deduce their likely provenance from both facts and logic.
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The Peking Mint As stated previously, the first part of the puzzle has to do with where the coins were made. Their legends claim that they are products of the Peking Mint. Without doubt, a Peking mint did exist in 1900. Its justification and history, gathered from a variety of sources, is as follows. Until the time of the emperor Kuang Hsu, China's coinage generally consisted of cast copper coins. Those so-called "cash" coins had apparently ser ved China's essentially agrarian economy well throughout its history, but were quite inadequate if China were ever to become an active member of the international community. Recognizing the potential advantages of foreign trade, and desiring to move China into the moder n world, Emperor Kuang Hsu in 1887 approved a memorial by the viceroy Chang Chih-tung for the construction of China’s first modern mint for silver coins. It was built in Canton by an English firm, The Mint, Bi r m i ng h a m Li m it e d 3 , a nd b eg a n operations in 1889 under the direction of Edward Wyon, a member of the famed Wyon family of England and previously an employee of the Birmingham Mint4. D u r i ng the next ten years, quite a number of other provincial mints sprang up in China. With no cent ral mint exercising overall control, this soon resulted in many coinage abuses in the provincial mints. Finally, recognizing the need for firmer control over the nation's coinage, the Empress Dowager Tz'u Hsi, who meanwhile had usurped the throne and placed Kuang Hsu in house arrest, on 5 June 1899 ordered her
ministers, the Tsungli Yamen, to consider establishing a mint in Peking5. There is a very remote possibility that her ministers anticipated her decree by ordering the transfer of the Anhwei (Anking) mint to Peking 6. Kann7 says that " ..the old mint of Anking was opened in November, 1897....But after having been in operation for less than two years, the Mint was permanently closed in August 1899 by order of the Imperial Commissioner Kang Ⅰ. "8 The English language newspaper Peking
1 There is also a sixth coin, a 10 cash piece known in both copper and brass, that is, however, generally believed to be a fantasy. The coin is 28mm in diameter and weighs about 6½ grams. It was first referenced in The China Journal, Vol. XXIII, No. 6, 1935, wherein it was listed in one of a series of articles by A.M. Tracey Woodward titled "Notes on the Minted Coins of China." Woodward said about it: "A neat coin, ostensibly having been made for circulation in Peking, but which, after a few trial pieces had been minted, was discarded as unsuitable....n Its great rarity, and the fact that this was the earliest published reference to any of the Peking issues, would seem to give some credence to Woodward's description. Those who doubt its authenticity do so only on the basis of logic - no known evidence proves either conclusion. 2 Originally published in Hong Kong in 1954, and issued in reprint in 1966 by Mint Productions of Riverside, NY. 3 James O. Sweeny, A Numismatic History of the Birmingham Mint (Birmingham, The Birmingham Mint, Ltd., 1981), p.78. See also R.N.J. Wright, "The Silver Dragon Coinage of the Chinese Provinces," Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XVI, 1976. 4 Ibid., Appendix II. 5 As reported quite a bit after the fact in the North China Herald of 17 January 1900, the Tsungli Yamen had by June of 1899 already come to a conclusion that "...the establishment of a large mint with foreign machinery in the capital [Beijing] would be really a great benefit to people of all classes, while the manner of working such a mint would be a protection against dishonesty and fraud now only too common in the older mints.” The June 5th decree ordered them to now deliberate "...as to What regulations shall be required for the establishment of a foreign-modeled mint in Peking, which shall supersede the older mints...." The term "older mints" apparently referred to the relatively new provincial silver mints.
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been commenced in Peking. " The explicit use of the term "cash" in the newspaper announcement might just conceivably relate to the Peking 10 cash piece referred to in footnote 1 on page 1. The timing of these newspaper announcements is consistent with the possibility of the Anking mint having been moved to Peking some time around the middle of 1899.
and Tientsin Times on 17 June 1899 had reported, perhaps prematurely, that "The coinage of cash and silver by machinery will be commenced in the Capital on the 23rd instant, " implying that facilities were on hand for so doing. On 29 July 1899 it further reported that "Cash coining by machinery has
It has not previously been reported exactly where, in Peking, the new mint was located.9 From a study of many diaries of persons who were in the legations during the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, it develops that it was apparently sited on one side or the other of the new Imperial Bank of China, which was located as shown on the above map (an enlargement of the area enclosed by dashed lines on the map on page 3). It has usually been assumed that the Peking mint came about only through the transfer of the Hangchow mint machinery to the capital, and this is probably correct. Records show that in 1899 a mint with German machinery10 was ordered dismantled in Hangchow and re-erected in Peking11. It thus appears that by the end of 1899, there was an incomplete mint in Peking, with
China proper: The modern mints of 1888-1900.
The Inner City in Peking 6 No records known to this author confirm the eventual destination of the Anking mint machinery, leaving open Peking as a speculative possibility. However, a statement in the British Royal Mint report of 1900 saying that "This mint has been closed-the machinery to be sent to the Wuchang Mint," suggests otherwise, and is supported by the logic of geography and need. 7 Eduard Kann, "The History of Minting in China," China Journal, Vol. 30, 1939. 8 Kang I was a Grand Secretary in the court of Her Imperial Majesty the Dowager Empress. 9 In fact, the only known details of the mint facility appear in the March 1900 order for equipment, wherein it is stated that the six rolling mills "...are intended to be erected in a factory measuring 80 ft. long x 30 ft. wide x 14 ft. high," Note that a complete facility the size of the 1887 Canton Mint (627 feet by 424 feet) built by Heatons' would have required almost two-thirds of the entire block in which the Peking Mint was located. 10 The Peking and Tientsin Times of 2 December 1899 reported that "The Board of Revenue has purchased a German Minting plant which reached Peking a few days ago." Despite the time discrepancy, it is assumed that this refers to machinery from Hangchow, as documented in footnote 11. The British Royal Mint report for 1900, page 41, states as follows: "Hangchow.-This mint was closed on Aug. 3rd, 1899, and converted into an arsenal. The machinery, of German manufacture, was sent to Peking." The US Mint report of 1899-1900, page 320, states: "During the year [1898-99] the erection of the mint [undoubtedly Hangchow] for the coinage of silver dollars and subsidiary coins was completed, and work actually commenced, but later on orders were received to discontinue operations here and forward the machinery to Pekin. The foreign expert, who arrived in the autumn of 1898, was transferred to Nanking." 11 Imperial Maritime Customs Decennial Report of 1892-1901, Vol. H p. 9: "In October 1899 the Hangchow Mint was dismantled and the machinery sent to Peking; the services of the foreign Superintendent had already been dispensed with."
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foreigners in Peking cannot be accurately ascertained. Many private individuals owned dwellings in various parts of the city. A large compound in the Kou Lan alley, belonging to the Imperial Maritime Customs, was fired with the rest, involving immense loss to the Chinese Government. The electric light works fared no better than the unfinished Imperial Bank of China and the new Imperial Mint. " From these and other corroborating accounts, we learn that the Imperial Mint on about June 22, 1900 suffered the same fate as did many other government facilities, including, tragically, the Han Lin Academy with its magnificent library of priceless ancient Chinese books and dynasty records.
additional machinery required. Negotiations began in January, and on 6 March 1900 the Chinese Minister in London placed an order on The Mint, Birmingham, Ltd. It required delivery by August 6, 1900 of six lathes, six rolling mills, one coin press suitable for striking all five coin denominations, and a 150 HP steam engine (possibly the original steam engine was retained in Hangchow for use in the arsenal). Birmingham Mint records show that the order was shipped on time, but its arrival in Peking is highly doubtful; more than likely it was diverted to Tientsin. Five additional lathes were ordered on June 6th, 1900, and were probably similarly diverted to Tientsin. In the year 1900, anyone or anything foreign, including facilities equipped with foreign machinery, was at great risk. Early that year the Boxer society, a grass-roots organization dedicated to ousting all foreign influences from China, began its operations, first in Shensi province but rapidly expanding northeastward into other provinces. By May of 1900 the Boxers had infiltrated Peking itself, and on June 9th, with the tacit approval of the Empress Dowager, they began concerted attacks on the foreign legations in the Tartar City, and on foreign churches in both the Tartar and Chinese Cities. These two, together with the Imperial City, constituted the walled city of Peking, as seen on the contemporaneous map of the city shown on page 3.
In summary, it can be definitely stated that in mid- to late1899 construction was begun on an Imperial mint in Peking, involving equipment from the discontinued Hangchow Mint (and possibly from the Anking Mint). It was located in the Tartar City adjacent to the Imperial Bank of China, probably at the south-west corner of Ha-Ta Men Street and Tung Ch'ang An Street (at the northern extremity of the Tung Tan Park). Two orders for additional machinery were placed on the Birmingham Mint, but the equipment probably did not arrive in China before the Boxers destroyed the Peking mint on about June 22, 1900.
Mint Operations
The unsuccessful siege of the legations continued until the arrival of a large contingent of troops of eight foreign powers12 on August 15. The mint, however, did not survive the first two weeks of the siege. Coltman13 reported that: "On June 13, a Boxer attack on the new mint and the Imperial Bank of China was checked by rifle-fire from the east corner of the legation." Smith14 goes on to say that: "During all that night [June 13] the heavens were aglow with the lurid glare of burning buildings in every part of the city, and in the course of the next two or three days it became known that with the exception of those defended by foreign troops every place in Pekin belonging to or occupied by foreigners was destroyed. " Although the mint may have received some protection on June 13, it was only temporary. Nine nights later, on June 22, the Boxers torched the new mint and many other foreign buildings near the legations.
There is a very real question as to whether the Peking Mint, in its short existence, actually struck any coins for circulation. Not considering the coins that are the subject of this article, there are no known coins that can be positively identified as issues of the Peking Mint, either on the basis of their legends or from existing records - despite the probably premature report of 17 June 1899 in the Peking and Tientsin Times. It is apparent that early steps had been taken by the Board of Revenue to provide the new mint with operating personnel. An interesting account of one such step appeared in the May 1944 issue of Ch'uan Pi ( 幣泉 or "Quan Be" in the Pinyin system), Volume 24, which was a Chinese language numismatic journal published in Shanghai. Written by Wang Chun-fu and titled 湖 北 紫 銅 樣 幣 始 末 記 ("The Fate of the Hupei Bronze Pattern Coins"), it reads (in a free translation16) as follows:
Later on in his account, Smith15 amplifies thusly: "The amount of property destroyed in this vast organized attack upon
12 The nations that, in a rare show of international cooperation, put down the Boxer Rebellion in 1900 were the United States, Great Britain, Japan, Germany, Russia, Italy, France and Austria. 13 Robert Coltman, Jr., M.D., Beleaguered in Peking (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Co., 1901), page 210. 14 Arthur H. Smith, China in Convulsion (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1901), Vol. One, page 237. 15 Ibid, page 238. 16 The author is indebted to Dr. T.W. Liao for this translation, who cautioned that it may contain some mistakes because of his unfamiliarity with the history of the period. 17 Personal correspondence with a curator in the Chinese History Museum confirms that these five coins are those described by Kann as copper essays and numbered 40x to 44x. Their reverses were all similar to the dollar, which had the English legend HU-PEH PROVINCE 7 MACE AND 2 CANDAREENS around a Heaton-style dragon. The identical obverses had the Chinese legend 造省北湖 around the four characters 光寶緒元 within a beaded circle and surrounding four Manchu characters. A set of these patterns was in the Kann sale (Schulman Coin & Mint, Inc. & "Quality Sales” Corp.) of June 18, 1971 as Nos. 44-48. The patterns may well have been struck in 1899, but it seems likely that the dies were actually made in 1896 for the regular issue coins. This is more or less confirmed by another article in the same issue of Ch'uan Pi, written by a Mr. Wang In-cha. He states that the wooden box for the Hupeh copper patterns is labeled with 10 characters, meaning "THE FIVE SILVER COINS OF THE HUPEH MINT." He said that he owns a set, adding, "It is easy these days [1944] to find silver coins with the same design, but copper patterns are extremely rare."
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"Five denominations of coins made from phosphor-bronze dies were produced at the Hupeh Silver Dollar Mint [in Wuchang] (a set consists of a dollar, half-dollar, twenty-cents, ten-cents and five-cents piece). Each set was encased in a rosewood box. Some people believe that the dies were made when the Hupeh mint was first established [in 1893-4], but I must correct that impression here, and reveal the fact that the die project was initiated in the 25th reign year of Emperor Kuang Hsu (1899)17. In July of that year, the Honorable Wang Yin-chia (father of the author) was ordered [to Peking] to establish the Capital Silver Coinage Mint. [Thereupon], a total of forty sets of [these] die specimens were designed and produced with the intention of [his] presenting a number of the specimen sets to three [Peking officials having responsibilities regarding the Imperial Peking Mint]; Honorable Minister Hsing and Vice-Ministers Li and Kuo, and other dignitaries.
there was no reason to hire any die-draftsman from abroad. And the reason for using bronze [for the specimen coins] instead of silver was to avoid the possibility of a suspicion that these coin sets were a means of offering a bribe [to the Peking officials]. But in order to accent the value of these specimens, the silk linings of the rosewood boxes were most exquisitely made. All these considerations by my father had contributed to the fine quality of the specimens. "After the death of my father, the family finally moved away [from Wuchang]. During the move my family members thought little of these sample boxes and used them for fire wood. Even the few left-over specimen sets were traded for other items from the neighbors. At the time of this writing there are only a few pieces of the specimens left as mementos of the affair. Not even a complete set is in my possession. For this reason I wish to put in writing these transactions for a permanent record.
"However, just prior to the planned fall journey for Peking, my grandmother became very ill and died in September. The trip was therefore postponed18. In the month of October, another order was received from the Empress Dowager, granting him a mourning period of one hundred days, after which my father must betake himself to Peking as soon as possible. Since the role of establishing a mint is an unusual undertaking that requires special techniques, the Empress Dowager urged his early presence to establish the mint.
"As to the official correspondences and telegrams, they are posted separately in another book." Although some parts of this account may have been a bit inf lated, it can be reasonably concluded that it had been intended to staff the new Imperial Mint with experienced mint personnel from Wuchang, one of the best of the provincial mints. The actual supervision of the new mint, however, was apparently offered to a foreigner. The Peking and Tientsin Times of 9 September 1899 carried the following rather cryptic report: "The Manager of the Canton Mint [Edward Wyon] has been recommended to take charge of the mint in Peking." Mr. Wyon may indeed have been given that responsibility. His obituary21 stated as follows:
"When the waterway opened in the spring [of 1900], my father started his trip to Peking. Upon arriving at Shanghai, he was informed that a rebellion by the Boxers had started. By then, however, several [mint] officers and technicians had already left for Tientsin by sea19. Their ship was sunk by the so-called Allied Forces of eight nations at the Tientsin seaport.
"M r. Wyon wa s held i n h ig h e st e e m by t he C h i ne se Government and his services [as Chief of the Operative Department of the Canton Mint] were recognized by the conferment upon him of a distinguished order. While at Canton, he went to Pekin on behalf of Messrs. Heaton to conduct some negotiations in connection with the proposed establishment of a mint there. This was during the Boxer disturbances and Mr. Wyon who was accompanied by his wife entered Pekin shortly before the European Legations were besieged. He and his wife were locked up in the city throughout the siege and Mrs. Wyon died during that trying time. Mr. Wyon escaped without injury although on one occasion he
"Having learned that both Emperor Kuang Hsu and the Empress Dowager had left for Sian for a hunting trip20, my father decided to return [to Hupeh]. Therefore, only a few sets of the die specimens, which were not taken to Peking by the vessel, were left in the family's possession. "It is to make known that the design of the dies was actually made by a Mr. Huang who was hired from Shanghai to work in the Mint at Hupeh (he died with the destroyed vessel). My father was to present these specimens to the various responsible officials for the purpose of convincing them that
18 According to ancient custom, one must remain home in mourning for three years when a parent dies. 19 The trip from Wuchang to Peking involved a voyage down the Yangtze River to Shanghai, then a sea voyage through the Yellow Sea, the Gulf of Chihli and the Pei River to the port of Tientsin, and finally a railroad connection to Peking - in all about 1400 miles, the start of which had to await the spring high-water stage of the Yangtze River. 20 Actually, they had fled Peking to escape capture by the Allied Forces. The departure of the Royal Court from Peking took place just before the Allied Forces arrived on August 15, 1900. 21 Birmingham Daily Post, 24 August 1906. 22 The brothers J.S. and A.B. Wyon were partners in the private die-engraving firm that was established by Thomas Wyon in London in the first decades of the nineteenth century. On the death of his father Thomas in 1830, the firm passed to Benjamin Wyon, and then to his two sons. Under their proprietorship, it was known as J.S. & A.B. Wyon, and the firm was joined by brother Allan Wyon in 1872, It was undoubtedly Allan who made the Peking dies. 23 According to a report in the London Graphic of 19 May 1888, the dies for the first coinage of the Canton (Kwangtung) mint, operating under Edward Wyon's supervision, were engraved by Allan Wyon on order from The Mint, Birmingham Ltd. 24 The author is indebted to Mr. Philip Attwood for copies of those pages of the Wyon die register that show the Chinese dies.
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likely have done, just as he did when he set up the Canton Mint in 188823. This is proved by a document now in the British Museum 24 listing a group of 308 dies, made by the Wyon firm, that were acquired by the London firm of John Pinches in February of 1933. The list includes complete sets of dragon punches and working dies and an almost complete set of matrices for the Peking coins of 1900.25
was reported as dead and his death was recorded in the home [English] press." Wyon's arrival in Peking in probably late 1899 was almost certainly at the request of the Board of Revenue rather than on behalf of the Birmingham Mint. It is true that the Birmingham Mint began negotiations with the Chinese legation in London in early 1900 to supply equipment to the Peking mint, but a study of the personal correspondence between Wyon and Ralph Heaton V in that period discloses no mention of Wyon having had any part in those negotiations, nor of his having been asked by Heaton to undertake any work on their behalf. Neither is there any mention in any of the diaries written by foreign legation personnel in Peking in 1900 of the death of Mrs. Wyon, nor of the Wyons being among those foreigners who had taken refuge in the legations. It would therefore appear that Wyon was indeed seeing to the startup of the mint in Peking, and was either incarcerated by or provided with safe haven by the Chinese during the period of the rebellion.
From these facts, it can be inferred that on Edward Wyon's order, Allan Wyon of the London firm of die-engravers made a set of matrices for the Peking coinage, from which he produced a set of working dies that were sent to Peking26. Whether these dies were ever used while in the Peking Mint is speculative. It is inferred from the nature of the equipment orders of March and June 1900 that the machinery transferred from Hangchow was insufficient to allow any significant production to be undertaken. Certainly, however, those working dies were somewhere to make some quantity of coins. All observed specimens of Peking coins exhibit die characteristics so similar as to indicate their descent from a common set of dies.
That Edward Wyon was brought in to take charge of the new mint is supported by two relevant events. Orders placed on the Birmingham Mint in March and June of 1900 are consistent with what Wyon had done at the Canton mint, there always sourcing that mint's needs from Birmingham. The events suggest that when Wyon arrived in Peking in 1899, he first surveyed the equipment from Hangchow and made a list of needed additional equipment. This was sent to the Chinese Embassy in London for procurement from Birmingham.
The Peking Silver Coins of 1900 – Total Population Kann (see page 1) says, "… these is a probability that at least 10 sets were struck in the PEKING Mint by the way of essays. Certainly some more of the 10 and 20-cent coins were produced."He goes on to quote a friend (Kalgan Shih) as agreeing regarding the 10 and 20 cent coins, but claiming that "… a moderate quantity of the 1$ , 50 and 5 cents was privately coined (at Shanghai) from the original dies." In personal correspondence with the author, one other well-known Hong Kong (but not Chinese) numismatist stated that "everybody
Mor e sig n i f ic a nt ly, it t u r n s out t h at d e s pit e K a n n's understanding, a set of dies for the Peking coins of 1900 were ordered from a die-engraving firm in London 22. This too is what Edward Wyon, with no die-makers on hand, would most
25 Also included are matrices, dies and punches for the undated first Kwangtung silver coinage issue (7 mace 3 candareens, etc.) from the Canton Mint in about 1889., 26 He retained the matrices, from which he made another set of working dies that he used to strike at least two sets of silver plain-edge specimen coins for the firm's own reference collection. Those two silver sets are now in the collection of Mr. Haru S.C. Chang of the Chang Foundation in Taipei, having been sold from a Wyon estate to Spink & Son in the 1980s, from where they found their way into the Chang collection. The edges of the coins of both sets are without reeding, and those of one set are stamped with serial numbers 950 to 954, which identify them as having come from the Wyon firm's collection of their own coins and medals. That edge-marked set is illustrated in Rare Gold and Silver Coins of the late Qing Dynasty, published by the Chang Foundation in 1990, and also in An Overview of...the Gold and Silver Coins and Medals of Modern China, Dong Wenchao, China, 1992. That the markings were for the purpose stated above is inferred from a talk, titled "The Private Medals of the Wyon Family" given to the British Art Medal Society by Laurence A. Brown in about 1989. 27 In this chart, no information disclosed to the author as confidential - either expressly or implied - is being published. Only material in the public record, or material for which releases have been obtained, is shown. Note that dealers, public auctions, and published Fixed Priced Lists, are shown italicized. Dates shown are consignment or sale dates. 28 In letters to the author, Mr. H. Chang, a leading Chinese numismatist of his times, expressed opinions regarding the Peking coins exactly in agreement with those attributed by Kann to "One of the author's Chinese numismatic friends...." Mr. Chang stated as a fact that only the 10 and 20-cents pieces were struck in the Peking Mint, and that of those original strikes, he "...estimated about 10 pairs were in collectors’ hands." He added that unofficial strikes were made from J.D. Chen's (see footnote 30) four dies, and thus the number of extant 20-cents pieces was somewhat more than that of the 10-cents pieces. 29 The auction catalog description reads as follows: "Between 1962 and 1967, Mr. Goodman made approximately 15 trips to Hong Kong. There he purchased many coins from a Mrs. Wong, including three sets of the elusive Peking coins. Mrs. Wong had two coin display tables on the ground floor of a large antique store owned by T.Y. King in the old Alexandria House Building on the Hong Kong side (now demolished). "Mr. Goodman learned to his surprise that Mrs. Wong, a warm respectable woman about 60 years old, was none other than the widow of the coin collector [this is in error] ... who had bought the Peking dies and eight sets of Peking coins mentioned by Kann! Mrs. Wong's friend, T.Y. King (since deceased), had been a collector friend of her husband's. When King's two sons took over their father's antique store on his death, they kept his promise to let Mr. Wong's widow continue to have her space rent-free for the rest of her life. "Mrs. Wong confirmed to Mr. Goodman that she and her husband had owned all 8 Peking sets, minus several minor pieces, and that no more could be struck because the dies had been broken. It seems a civilian shop had been trying to use them when they shattered. Goodman sold two of these fascinating Peking sets in Japan around 20 years ago, and kept one for his collection (which is in this sale)." 30 Wong So-chaine operated his coin shop in Shanghai prior to the communist take-over in China. Along with the antique dealer T.Y. King and a wealthy speculator Chen Jen-dau, he made his way to Hong Kong in about 1947. There he continued to operate a coin dealership on the premises of a new antique shop established by T.Y. King. Wong and King both died in the 1950s. King's family continued to operate the antique business, and allowed Mrs. S.C. Wong to carry on the coin dealership on the ground floor of their establishment - at least into the 1960's. 31 Dr. Coole, in his A Bibliography on Far Eastern Numismatics (Peking: California College in China, 1940), page 245, says that Raeburn was employed in Shanghai by the English firm of Jardine, Matheson & Co.
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the sales activity.
agrees that the former owner of the dies must have at least made a shoebox full of restrikes."
Based on the sales records, and allowing for a reasonable nu mbe r of a dd it ional u n re corde d pie ce s, t h is aut hor estimates the population of Peking silver issues of 1900 to be approximately 10-15 pieces of each denomination except the 20-cents piece, which is estimated at 20-25 pieces. These numbers are consistent with both Kann's and his Chinese friend's (Kalgan Shih) conclusions, also with an opinion privately expressed to the author by Mr. H. Chang28 of Hong Kong, and is not significantly inconsistent with the description that accompanied the Goodman sale by Superior in 198829.
Between these two extreme views, the evidence seems to support the Kann conclusion regarding quantities. The author has tracked every published and unpublished sale he could find of all five denominations of the Peking coins, from the earliest sales in the 1950’s until well into the 1980's. The total observed transactions of 20-cents pieces are representative of all the denominations, and were as follows.27 Woodward (Shanghai) <1951> Schulman <1951> Keefer? <?> Spink? <?> Bowker <1970> ?
The Peking Coins of 1900 - When and where they were struck
Seaby 1961 FPL <1977> English collection Mrs. S.C. Wong <1962-7> Goodman <1988> Superior <1988> ?
Published references to the Peking silver coins gives some indication as to when they were first observed, and therefore to the latest dates when they could have been produced. Here is a summary of significant references known to the author.
Mrs. S.C. Wong <1962-7> Goodman <?> Japan <?> ? Mrs. S.C. Wong <1962-7> Goodman <?> Canapero <1971> Spink <1972> Japan <?> Spink <?> O’Conner <?> ?
1. The first reference to Peking coins of 1900 was in a book dated 8 February 1935 and titled Rare Chinese Coins by Mr. S.C. Wong30, proprietor of Universal Coins & Stamps Co. of Shanghai. This priced compilation of Chinese coins included these entries relating to the Peking series:
Von Halle (Hong Kong) <1966> Glendining <1966> ? Kann <1971> Quality Sales <1971> New York collection <?> ? Canapero <1971> Peters FPL <1972> Carolina collection Superior <1973> ?
Page 20
Subsidiary Coinage
#39
Pe King 10 cent
- $5
—
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#40
Pe King 20 cents
- $10
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Coppers Coins
#19
Peking 10 cash copper
-$3
Money Co. <1976> Elman <1976> Lepczyk <1977> Texas collection Spink Australia <1978> Spink England <1978> C.C.Liu <?> ? Chang Foundation (Taipei)
2. The first reference to the fake Peking silver coins of 1900 was in a paper titled "Coins That Never Were," presented by G. Duncan Raeburn31 to the Numismatic Society of China on 10 November 1937, and published in The China Journal in June 1938. The published edition included a clear photograph of a Peking 50 cents coin of the type described by Kann (Kann 234F) as a fake.
Here, then, is a record of some 30+ transactions involving no more than twelve different coins - and possibly as few as seven different pieces, based on initial and final sale dates shown. None of the other denominations have experienced this much activity, and their records all indicate fewer extant pieces. Of course, there are undoubtedly some pieces that have been buried in private collections throughout this period, so that the total number of extant pieces may be larger than indicated by
3. The next reference to Peking silver coins was in M. Comencini's 32 Coins of the Modern World, 1870 - 1936,
32 According to Dr. Coole (ibid, page 230), Comencini was a coin collector who served with the Shanghai-based International Settlement Police from 1905 to 1934, after which he retired to England. 33 C.C. Tsiang was a brother-in-law of S.C. Wong. The plates for this book, some of which had also been used for Wong's earlier book, eventually passed into the hands of Eduard Kann, who seriously considered using them for his 1954 book but finally decided to use photographs instead of line drawings. 34 In the 1947 edition of this frequently up-dated book, Mr. HSü listed five denominations with no qualifications as to their legitimacy or source. The illustrations in the last (1991) edition are identical with those in the first (1947) edition, but the text identifies all as "restrikes". Two unillustrated entries for 10 and 20-cents pieces identified both as "original". 35 There is also a fake dollar coin which, like the fake 50-cents piece, is ornamented with arabesques corresponding to those on the 20-cents coins rather than those on the genuine 50-cents and dollar coins - an anomaly that must be considered significant.
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(London: Methuen & Co. Ltd, 1937). In it are illustrated and described the Peking 20 and 10-cents coins. Comencini said: "These two coins were minted to relieve scarcity after the relief of the besieged Foreign legations by the Expeditionary Force." As has already been shown, the number of extant specimens does not support this contention, nor did the destruction of the mint admit of such timing.
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Mint made a test minting of a two dime and a one dime. These were minted for it in Tianjin [Tientsin], They cast dies for five denominations from one dollar to five cents, but only test minted two of these. This set of dies later fell into private hands, and several sets were minted, as well as a gold version." Gold specimens of the $1 and 50-cents pieces, with reeded edges, appeared as Lots 578 and 579 in the Superior Stamp and Coin Company auction of June, 1973.
4. Only shortly thereafter, C.C. Tsiang33, in his Illustrations of Chinese Gold Silver and Nickel Coins, published by Universal Stamp and Coin Co. of Shanghai in 1939, pictured the same Peking coins, and described them as follows: "These 20-cent and 10-cent coins were the last mintings of the Peking Mint in the 26th year of 'Kuang Hsu' because of the Boxer Uprising. They were good in model and percentage, and only few in circulation. They are now rare and valuable."
Several conclusions can be drawn. Most importantly, the fact that references to the 10 and 20-cents pieces significantly preceded those to the other three denominations lends credence to the belief that those two were struck in an official mint. Whether they were made in Peking, as was generally believed, or in Tientsin as stated by Peng, would not affect their legitimacy, since both were "official" mints. This author is inclined to accept the Peking mint theory, only because it conflicts less with the whole body of evidence.
5. The first reference to the full set of silver coins was made by T.K. HSü in his Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins, published in Shanghai in 1947. In it on page 27 he illustrated and listed all five denominations of the silver Peking coins, but included no comments relative to them.34
Based on publication dates, the 10 and 20-cents pieces came into being some time before 1935 - twelve years before the first reference to the complete Peking silver series appeared. Furthermore, the fact that the fake 50-cents piece was known by 1937 - before there were any published references to the dies or to the three larger denominations of the Peking series suggests that its design was based on the design of the already then known 20-cents piece.35 Finally, the reference to the dies in Kalgan Shih's 1949 book, and to the full set of Peking coins in T.K. HSü's 1947 book - but not in the T.S. Tsiang's 1939 update of Wong’s earlier book, would argue for the birth date of the Peking dollar, 50-cents, and 5-cents to be in the 19391947 period. It might also be no coincidence that all three publications came out of Shanghai.
6. Kalgan Shih’s Modern Coins of China（ 中 國 近 代 鑄 幣 匯 考 ）(Shanghai: June, 1949) illustrated two Peking coins, and said: "In 1900 the Metropolitan Mint struck 20 cent and 10 cent pieces. When the Boxer Uprising broke out, its plant was partially burned down and it was forced to suspend its operations. These subsidiary coins were not circulated. At one time a plan to strike one dollar and fifty cents were contemplated as it is shown by the existence of the dies therefore." This is apparently the first reference to the Peking dies. 7. The next significant reference to the Peking issues was in E. Karin's Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins, originally published in 1954. Kann's description of the series is given in full on page 1 and 2. In it he illustrates the five pieces he considered official, as well as a fake 50-cents piece.
According to recent Chinese publications36, the belief exists in China that after the Peking Mint was burned in 1900, a worker salvaged four of the Peking dies (less the 10-cents die) along with several 10 and 20-cents pieces, all of which were sold to a Tientsin collector named Fang Yau-yü. He later sold his entire numismatic collection to a Shanghai collector named Chen Jen-dao. The dies were loaned to Mr. S.C. Wong, a local coin-shop proprietor, who in about 1940 had several sets of the Peking coins struck from them. After Chen moved to Hong Kong, he sold his numismatic holdings to the Chinese History Museum in Beijing.
8. The first reference to the gold strikes of the Peking series appeared in the first (1954) edition of a book by P’eng Hsinwei titled Chung Kuo Huo Pi Shih (A Monetary History of China). In the English translation of the third (1965) edition is this statement: "In Guangxu 26 [1900], Beijing's Capitol
36 See particularly a 1983 article by Jie Qian in the 1st edition of Chinese Numismatics (Zhongguo
Qianbi) titled 京局製造七錢二分銀幣是後鑄幣 (Dollar Coins "Made by the Peking Mint" are Restrikes). 37 Coole, Bibliography, page 110.
38 Arthur Braddon Coole, An Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins (Denver: A.B. Coole, 1967), p. 23. 39 This information was contained in personal letters to the author in the period 1972-73. Mr. Smith, author (with Brian Matravers) of Chinese Banknotes, graduated from Yale in 1939, received his MA from Columbia, and was a Ph.D. candidate at Harvard, specializing in the Chinese language. He spent some twenty years in the Far East as a journalist/correspondent, where he became close friends with most of the participants in this drama, including Eduard Kann, T.Y. King, and S.C. Wong. 40 Mr. Qian also stated in his recent letter to the author that in the 1960's he had personally talked to the brother of S.C. Wong, who told him that he had assisted Wong in getting "restrikes" made from the four Peking dies owned by J.D. Chen. This final bit of information seems to this author to be the piece de resistance in verifying major conclusions of the study.
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Parts of this account are supported by a good evidence. First, the dates are fully in accord with the references cited previously. Furthermore, the persons involved can be otherwise identified. According to Dr. Coole37, Mr. Fang Yao-yü, whose self-chosen name was Jo Fang (which probably accounts for Kann’s mistaken reference to a Mr. Fang and a Mr. Yo), was a prominent collector and author who lived in Tientsin. Interestingly, and perhaps pertinent to this story, he was a close friend (but not a relative) and collaborator of Mr. Fang Yü-Lou, whom Coole describes as a coin collector and a dealer in old curios, living in Peking at "16 Ch'iu Lu Hutang, a few blocks north of the Ch’ien Men." Elsewhere38, Coole says of this man, "He was an old-time Chinese scholar and had sworn that he would never allow a foreigner inside his house...." It is not proved, but it seems likely that Mr. Fang Yü-lou was the deus ex machina whereby those dies were saved and came into the possession of Mr. Fang Yao-yü.
Peking coins from her in the nineteen sixties. H. Chang told the author in 1973 that the Peking sets were no longer available from Mr. Chen’s family - suggesting that the sets sold by the Wong’s were ones that actually belonged to Chen. There remains the question of what happened to the dies. Goodman told the author that when he tried to buy a fourth set of the Peking coins from Mrs. Wong, she told him the dies broke while being used to make restrikes. Mr. H. Chang, in a personal letter to the author, said that in about 1950 or 1951 Chen sold his entire collection of Chinese coins, as well as the four dies, to the People's Government of China for HK$800,000. Ward Smith stated positively in a personal letter to the author that Chen sold his collection to agents of the Chinese government, whom Smith knew personally, for about US$200,000 [approximately HK$800,000], although he did not know if the dies were part of the sale. The Jie Qian ( 錢傑 ) article referred to in footnote 35 says that Chen sold his coins to the History Museum of China, "...hence the set of steel dies are in Peking now." In correspondence in 1980-81 with the Museum of Chinese History in Beijing, this author was unable to confirm or deny their presence in Beijing. However, Mr. Jie Qian stated in late 1994 in a personal letter to this writer that he had visited the Museum, where he met with the curator of the numismatic collections. He was told by the curator that the dies are in fact in the museum's collections, having been acquired from Mr. J.D. Chen. He was also told that the die for the 10-cents piece is in the Shenyang City Museum in Liaoning Province, and that the Beijing Museum had tried to purchase the die for its own collection, but had not been successful. Although Mr. Qian was not actually shown the dies, there can be little doubt that his information is correct.40
Coole goes on to say that in 1939 he was told by personal letter from his friend Chang Chiung-po of Shanghai (this is Kann's Chang Tong-po) that Chang's close relative Mr. J.D. Chen (Chen Jen-dao, or Chen Jen-tao) had bought all of Fang Yauyü's coin collection. Chen was the anonymous person referred to by Kann as "since 1947 resident of Hong Kong." According to Ward Smith 39, who knew the man, Mr. Chen "...was not really a [coin] collector — just a speculator [apparently a very astute one] in many fields, e.g. antiques, real estate, etc...." That being the case, it is reasonable that he would have consulted a prominent Shanghai coin dealer, S.C. Wong, about the dies he had acquired from Fang Yao-yü. Wong would have known where to have "coins" struck from them. That this was done is supported by the fact that Peking 20-cents pieces exist with two different reeding counts, 114 and 126 ridges, although both have the same number of denticles and beads. Apparently the original collars were not saved when the dies were salvaged from the burned mint - if, indeed, the salvaging took place after the burning. It is to be noted that the Peking dollar also exists with two different reeding counts, 144 and 152, suggesting the possibility that additional strikes were later made in Hong Kong.
This would appear to confirm not only the broad conclusions already arrived at herein, but it explains the absence of any 10-cents restrikes. Apparently the 10-cents die was never made available to Mr. Fang Yü- lou, but nevertheless does still exist. How it got to Shenyang remains a mystery. In summary, the body of evidence supports this version of the story: Some time before 1935, a small number of the Peking 10 and 20-cents coins were struck – possibly in the Peking mint – from legitimate dies. Perhaps through his Peking friend Fang Yü-lou, Fang Yao-yü of Tientsin eventually acquired four of the dies (lacking the 10-cents die) which he sold in 1939 to Chen Jen-dao of Shanghai. The fifth die followed a separate, still unknown, route to the Shenyang City Museum. Through
Some time after 1947 Chen and Wong moved to Hong Kong, where Wong set up shop and again sold coins. After he died in the late nineteen fifties, his widow continued the business, although perhaps on a smaller scale, at a stand in the antique store operated by the T.Y. King family. In any event, Goodman (see footnote 29, page 9) says that he bought three sets of the
41 H. Chang, in personal correspondence with the author, stated that Kann bought his set in 1946. If so, this would have been when Wong and Chen (and the restrikes) were still in Shanghai. Chang also stated that Chen came to Hong Kong in 1948. 42 This view was expressed by Mr. Chang to the author in these terms: "No Chinese collectors here [Hong Kong] would care to collect the $1, 50¢ & 5c pieces because they know these are all unofficial strikes from genuine dies." 43 The author is indebted to Mr. Graham P. Dyer, Librarian and Curator of the mint, and to his fellow employees, for their considerable expenditure of time and effort in this examination.
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official coins. Others believe that only the 10-cents pieces and some of the 20-cents pieces were struck in the Peking mint, and that therefore those struck outside the mint are, at best, unofficial restrikes42. Then there is a middle group who believe that both official and unofficial strikes of all but the 10-cents piece exist, and that they can be distinguished by their strike characteristics.
the Shanghai coin dealer Wong So-chaine, the four dies were used in Shanghai to make some ten silver sets of Peking coins, one of which may have been acquired by Kann41, and at least two gold specimens. After moving to Hong Kong in 1948, the Wongs sold the remainder of the sets in their coin shop, and Chen sold the dies in about 1952, along with his accumulated Chinese coins, to agents of the Chinese Government.
To test this latter view, several specimens were submitted in 1981 to the British Royal Mint43 for examination. The group included two dollars, two 20-cents pieces, and one each of the other denominations. The coins were found to have the metallurgical and die characteristics shown in the following table.
Status of the Peking Issues There has been much controversy as to the legitimacy of the Peking issues. Some accept the Kann belief that ten sets were struck in the Peking Mint - and that therefore all are legitimate
COIN
DENOMINATION
WEIGHT (gms)
SPECIFIC
METAL CONTENT
DIAMETER (mm)
EDGE
Actual
Std.
GRAVITY
Actual
Std
Actual
Std.
RIDGES
1
$1 (ex Kann)
23.08
26.86
10.39
.935 Ar
.900 Ar
38.7
39.5
144
2
$1
27.41
26.86
10.37
.922 Ar
.900 Ar
39
39.5
152
3
500 (ex Kann)
13.16
13.43
10.44
.967 Ar
.860 Ar
32.5
33.5
178
4
200 (ex Kann)
5.4
5.37
10.41
.948 Ar
.820 Ar
22.5
23.5
126
5
200
5.78
5.37
10.02
.693 Ar
.820 Ar
22.9
23.5
114
6
100
2.56
2.69
9.97
.660 Ar
.820 Ar
18.6
18.5
94
7
50 (ex Kann)
1.38
1.34
10.39
.935 Ar
.820 Ar
15.9
16
98
assessment of their value in that regard, however, has to take into account the relatively small sample involved in the study. The most striking result of the study is the clear difference in composition between the Group A and Group B coins. Accepting that the 10-cents coins were not restruck (because of the missing die), then coin No. 5, with a ridge count of 114, has to be an original strike. This is consistent with a conclusion reached by Mr. H. Chang and reported to the author in private correspondence. The two varieties of the Peking $1 suggest the possibility that similar edge reeding varieties of the 50-cents and 5-cents coins also exist.
Comments by the Royal Mint giving their observations can be summed up as follows. From a composition standpoint, the coins fall into two groups: Group A includes coins 5 and 6; Group B includes all others. The Group A coins have a lower specific gravity (hence lower silver content). The beading and the edges of both coins, always critical features, are good, bespeaking proper striking procedures. The spectrometer scans of the Group B coins indicate a higher silver content and a consistency of composition, with the uniform copper peak being more significant in this respect than the peaks for iron or silver. Comparing strike characteristics, there is less difference between the two dollar coins than between the two 20-cents coins. In both cases, observable differences indicate that each of the paired coins were struck on quite separate occasions, although nothing stands out to indicate which were struck earlier. The Kann $1 is rather better struck than the other coins in Group B, all of which exhibit some degree of doubling.
Overall Conclusions The following account represents the author's conclusions based both on known or developed facts, as well as on logic and rationales that do not conflict with known facts.
These technical observations clearly support the conclusions given on the previous page, although they do not speak to the question of where or when the coins were struck. Any
In 1899 the Ch'ing government ordered the construction of a mint in Peking in order to provide more centralized control of
44 This is the Fang in Kann's account of the Peking coins. 45 This is the Mr. Yo in Kann's account. Fang Yao- yü’s personal name was Jo Fang, which an Austrian would pronounce Yo. 46 See Coole, Bibliography, page 59.
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in the Peking mint, but were probably not authorized by the government as circulation strikes, and so they cannot be called "official" strikes. The $1, 50-cents and 5-cents pieces were not struck in Peking, so the Shanghai and Hong Kong productions cannot be called "restrikes" (a term implying previous strikes). Perhaps the term "off-strikes" might apply to the $1, 50 and 5-cents coins, while "restrikes" might be applicable to those 20-cents coins that were struck outside the Peking Mint. The 10-cents coins and those 20-cents coins with a reeding count of 114, all struck in the Peking Mint, should be considered as "original strikes". The possibility exists that when the Wyon firm forwarded the dies to Peking, they also forwarded one or two sets of the five coins, made from the those same dies. If so, these coins would probably be visually indistinguishable from the offstrikes and restrikes. Their most likely distinguishing feature would be a uniform silver content of 0.925 (British sterling). No such pieces are known to the writer.
the many provincial mints scattered throughout the country. The management of mint operations was entrusted to Edward Wyon, previously from the Canton mint. Operating personnel from the Wuchang mint were conscripted, but never arrived on scene. Machinery from the Hangchow mint was shipped to Peking and installed in a 30' x 80' building located adjacent to the new Imperial Bank of China on Ch'ang An Chieh street. Dies for a new coinage were ordered from the Wyon firm of London, and supplemental machinery was ordered from The Mint, Birmingham, Ltd. The dies did arrive, but because of the Boxer Rebellion, the machinery necessary to enable operations to begin never showed up. Some quantity of the 10 and 20-cents pieces were produced in the still incomplete mint (perhaps to pay mint employees, or perhaps as a trial run). Eventually, a few of these pieces found their way into collector's hands, and through this channel into the coin shop of S.C. Wong of Shanghai. After the mint was burned by the Boxers on June 22, 1900, looters retrieved the dies, one of which migrated to the Shenyang City Museum, and four of which were sold to a local coin collector and curio dealer, Fang Yü-lou44. Because his interest was in ancient cash coins, Fang sold the dies to his friend Fang Yao-yü45 of Tientsin, whose collection of Chinese coins included struck gold and silver as well as cash coins.46 In 1939 Fang Yao-yü sold his entire collection to J.D. Chen of Shanghai, who commissioned or allowed S.C. Wong to obtain specimen strikes from the four Peking dies. These were spurned by local collectors, but were taken along when Wong and Chen moved to Hong Kong in 1948, and eventually disposed of to foreign dealers and collectors. A few additional strikes were made in Hong Kong before the dies went back to China when Chen sold his numismatic holdings in about 1952.
However they are regarded, all are examples of a coinage that was intended to serve as an official model for the nation's struck silver coinage, and so are perhaps best described as "unofficial specimen strikes." This same terminology would be equally appropriate for the plain edge pieces now in Taiwan, which were probably struck in London from working dies made from the same matrices that produced the dies sent to Peking. Whatever they are called, all are rare examples of a coinage that was planned - but never took place. They are historically significant for two reasons. First, they speak of a time when there was much corruption in the operation of some of the provincial mints - which corruption was the Peking coins' sole reason for being. Second, they speak of a time when China was engulfed in a war to rid itself of the hated foreign incursion - which war was the reason the Peking coins never came into circulation. Thus because of what they represent all of the unofficial specimen strikes should be regarded by the numismatic fraternity as collectible and highly desirable.
All of which raises the question of how to regard those Peking coins. All were struck from legitimate dies, so they cannot be called fakes or counterfeits. The 10-cents pieces, and those 20-cents pieces with a reeding count of 114 were probably struck
Acknowledgements
During the twenty years that this paper has been researched, many correspondents have shared their considerable expertise with the author - sine qua non! A particular debt is owed to Richard Wright, whose knowledge of Chinese struck coinage is peerless, and who has been a never-failing source of support. Several others have already been mentioned in notes and footnotes throughout the text, to which names should be added Don Canaparo of Aptos, CA; Kwan R. Liu, Tsan-sheng Hsu and Haru Chang, all of Taiwan; Jianlin Zhai, temporarily of North Carolina; Patrick D. Hogan of Iowa City, 10; M.J. O'Brien of Aurora, IL; André de Clermont of London, England; Justin C. Wang of Houston, TX; and R.B. White of Sheldonville, MA. I would particularly thank Jack Qian of Shanghai for his generosity in sharing his personal knowledge about these coins - acquired by dint of much effort on his part. Finally, I thank my brother, Hale C. Sweeny of Durham, NC, for assisting with translations, and for his hours spent in my behalf weaving through the maze of the Internet. Highlands, NC February 6, 1995
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Another View on The Peking Mint of 1900 Bruce W. Smith 〔USA〕
Sheng xuanhuai was not only an representative advocate of the westernization movement of the late Qing Dynasty, but also a prestigious politician, enterpreneur and philanthropist. He was credited as the father of Chinese industry, the originator of Chinese merchant as well as the initiator of higher education. Sheng Xuanhuai created ten kinds of "Chinese first", that is, the first civilian joint-stock enterprise（Chinese Merchants Steamship Navigation Company）, the first Chinese telegraph office, the first inland river steamboat company, the first trunk railway (Hankou-Beijing railway), the first Chinese iron and steel conglomerate (Hang-Zhi-Ping company), the first higher normal school (Nan Yang Public School, nowadays university of Communications), the first public library, the first modern university (Beiyang college, nowadays Tianjin University) as well as the Red Cross Society of China.
Mr. Sweeny’s article on the Peking Mint of 1900 and its coins is a fine piece of work and an important contribution to our knowledge of the development of modern mints in China. Both this article and Richard Wright’s commentary assume that the mint was set up by the Chinese government to be a central mint or a model mint. I would like to suggest the possibility that the mint was not set up by the government at all, but by an individual. In 1897 the Chinese industrialist and government official, Sheng Hsuan-huai (also known as Sheng Kung-Pao), was granted permission by the Ch’ing government to set up the first modern Chinese bank. The Chinese name of this bank was Chung Kuo T’ung Shang Yin Hang (S/M C293) which means” Chinese Bank of Commerce”, but the English title used on its notes was “Imperial Bank of China” (Pick A36-A55). Some historians claim that this was a government bank, but in fact, Sheng set up this bank to help finance a scheme to build a railroad. Part of its capital was raised from investors, but the remainder was put up by the Chinese government. The bank was run by business people but the government had the right to oversee its operations.
Sheng Hsuan-huai or officers of the bank to produce coinage as allowed in its charter. This is further suggested by the small size of the mint. Sweeny and Wright suggest that the mint was probably equipped with only two or three stamping machines. This would have made it the smallest modern mint in China (Canton had 90 stamping presses; Kaifeng had 8 presses), and certainly unable to be a central mint producing coins for the whole country. Three presses would have been enough to supply the area around Peking, but there was already an active mint nearby in Tientsin (the Peiyang Mint). Furthermore, if this was to be a central mint or a model mint, why weren’t its coins inscribed “Empire of China” or “Board of Revenue” or with some other official sounding name? A series of coins inscribed with the name of a city seem quite unofficial. Finally, if this was an official government mint, we should have found some mention of it in Ch’ing government records. For more information on Sheng and his bank, see Albert Feuerwerker’s book “China’s Early Industrialization: Shentg Hsuan-huai and Mandarin Enterprise”, Harvard University Press 1958. Chapter 6 section 4 is on the Imperial Bank of China. A two volume collection of Sheng’s letters and telegrams dealing with modern industry in late Ch’ing China was published in Taiwan in 1933 by the Institute of Modern History (Academia Sinica). The editors were Wang Erh-min and Alice Lun Ng. Sheng’s papers are apparently in Hong Kong. In 1990 the Chinese University of Hong Kong began a research project on Sheng’s unpublished papers. A search of these papers might provide more information on the Peking Mint of 1900.
In its charter, the Chinese government also granted to the bank the right to issue coinage. In his original memorial requesting to set up a bank, Sheng had suggested the minting of machine struck silver coins denominated in ching p’ing taels (the tael used in Peking). Its charter, however, stated that the type of coinage to be minted would be decided later. The notes issued by the bank’s Peking branch are in fact denominated in ching p’ing taels, but no ching p’ing tael coin is known. The location of the Peking Mint of 1900 next to the Imperial Bank, raises the possibility that the mint was really set up by
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Notes on the Peking Mint. RNJ Wright 〔UK〕 I have read the excellent paper on 'The Peking Coins of 1900' with the greatest interest. Jim Sweeny has produced new facts - including most importantly the hitherto hidden origins of the dies for the coins - which provide a convincing framework for what actually occurred in a numismatic sense between 1900 and the 1950s. I would like now if I may to try to add some circumstantial evidence or theory, which may help to pad out the background to the setting up of the Peking mint itself. A look at the mintage figures of the principal Chinese mints for the year 1898 shows an output along these lines:
Area
Mint
Dollars
20/10/5-cents
North China
Peiyang
3 million
1½ million
Central China
Nanking
1½ million
15 million
Wuchang
2 million
10 million
South China
Foochow
Nil
3 (or 6) million
Coast
Canton
½ million
39 million
About 7 million
About 7 million
(A limited number of 50-cents were struck, mainly at the Peiyang mint.)
As output was tailored to market requirements, it is evident from the above figures that while North China favoured the dollar coin, South China preferred small silver coin. (Similarly, when West China was equipped with mints the 50-cent coin became most popular there as it equated with the Indian rupee). While small silver coin could be struck on a medium size press (Heaton No. 2), dollars and 50-cents required a large press (Heaton No. 4). Two Heaton No. 4 presses would have been sufficient to strike the entire 7 million Chinese provincial dollar output for 1898. Not much is known about the new Hangchow mint of 1898/9 except that it may have had an output of up to 200,000 coins pd, or 50-60 million coins pa. But from the evidence of the Chehkiang coins the mint clearly did strike a few dollars and 50-cents, and therefore must have been equipped with one No. 4 press. However, the bulk of its output in 1899 were the South China favourites, 20, 10
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& 5-cent coins, and thus the remainder of its presses may have been No. 2s. As a British Foreign Office report of 1907 records that the Hangchow silver coins were 'light and inferior', this could provide a reason for the mint's downfall. In 1899 provincial silver mints were proliferating, and standards of design, weight and silver fineness deteriorating. Imperial decrees and newspaper reports of the period were confusingly contradictory as to official intentions. What probably did happen is that a decision was made to suppress any incomplete or 'bad' mints; and to establish a 'model' mint in Peking right under the eye of the Board of Treasury, which would become 'The Mint for North China', as well as providing an example for the selected mints of Central and South China. Logically, therefore, it would be primarily a dollar producer. Thus it could be that the capacity of the officially undesirable Hangchow mint was mutilated by the simple process of removing just its coining presses and lighter machinery: and the sending of them to Peking, which served a double purpose. However, the presses seemingly included only one No. 4 press, which would have been insufficient for a potential dollar producer; and hence, possibly, the reason for the inclusion of a single No. 4 press in the order placed with The Mint, Birmingham, Ltd [Heaton] in March 1900; which was otherwise for lathes [for dies], and for the rolling mills and steam engine which would produce the all-important silver strip for the coin blanks. Jim Sweeny notes that delivery of this machinery was required 'by August 6, 1900': so despite the impression of haste in the newspaper reports of 1899, the Peking mint was apparently not due to come into mass production until late in 1900. On the other hand, once the Peking mint had become established in North China in 1901 it may be assumed that the neighbouring Peiyang Arsenal mint would have been closed down forthwith. In the meanwhile the design of the high quality dies was going ahead at the workshops of J.S. and A. B. Wyon in London. While details are lacking, it appears likely that in the Spring of 1900 a set of working dies - together with, almost certainly, a set or two of specimen coins, although these seem to have disappeared - was sent out to Peking for approval of the design and to test the dies in the coining presses. Bearing in mind that the method of transport was by steamer, this would still allow time for London to make any changes, if required, before sending out the punches: after which the mint could commence making its own working dies in time for the end of year start up. A curious feature of the limited number of 20- and 10-cents which appear to have been struck at the mint is that they are in substandard silver (660/693 fine, instead of 820). As the Peking mint was intended to set an example in coinage, it would be unlikely therefore that these coins were intended for circulation. More likely is that they were trial or test pieces, the coining blanks or silver strip having been obtained from the Peiyang Arsenal mint at Tientsin. One can only hazard a guess that it was the events at Peking in June 1900 as described by Jim Sweeny which terminated the process of testing the other denominations - after which the remaining dies started travelling.
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Appendix:
Some Newspaper Accounts Mentioning the Peking Mint of 1900
Imperial Decrees ďź We received lately a memorial from Liu Ch'ing-fen, a Secretary at the Tsungli Yamen, advocating the coining of copper cash in Peking and that machinery should also be purchased for the making of silver dollars and subsidiary coins in lieu of the present copper and silver currency now in use in the capital. The said memorial was handed to the Tsungli Yamen to be reported on, and the said yamen now states that, after exhaustive inquiries and careful investigation in the commercial and trading centers of Peking, the members of the yamen have come to the conclusion that the establishment of a large mint with foreign machinery in the capital would be really a great benefit to the people of all classes, while the manner of working such a mint would be a protection against dishonesty and fraud now only too common in the older mints. Since this is the case, we hereby command Yi K'uang, Prince Ch'ing, First Order, to deliberate with the members of the Grand Council and the Board of Revenue as to what sort of regulations shall be required for the establishment of a foreign-modelled mint in Peking, which shall supersede the older mints with all the dishonesty and fraud which accompany them.
[A Diary of Events in Peking] 21st June. This morning the firing commenced again with terrific earnestness, and as I was trying to find out whether we were in great danger or not, I perceived several Kansu soldiers on top of our western neighbor's house firing into the Austrian Legation ......... At about 1:30 PM the Austrian Legation was captured by the Kansu troops, and at about 5 PM they began setting on fire the buildings nearby. The fire was just south of my house, distant about 150 yards and separated only by a street -- the Ch'ang An Street. As night fell the buildings just east of the Austrian Legation, namely the Imperial Chinese Bank, and the Dollar Mint, got on fire, spreading everywhere and illuminating the heavens all night. None of us dared to sleep this night. This eye witness account was written by an unnamed Chinese high official in one of the Six Boards, in a letter to his family.
Some Newspaper Accounts Mentioning the Peking Mint of 1900 North China Herald 1 August 1900 page 252
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庚子年（1900年）京局製造銀幣 文 / 詹姆斯·史成尼
譯 / 曾澤祿 〔美國〕 © 版權所有
有極少數幸運的藏家，他們藏有庚子年（1900 年）京局製造的銀幣，正面有中國干支年份“庚子”及漢字“京局製造”字樣，
（意為“北京”），下麵以英文記述銀兩數目。干支庚子年 中間珠圈內有光緒元寶之中文與滿文，背面是英文“PEKING”
即西曆1900 年1月31到西曆1901年2月18日，期間正是義和團之亂（亦即庚子之亂）與八國聯軍侵華之時，中國，尤其是首 都北京，正處在一片混亂迷惘之中。
銀幣幣值種類
這一系列幣值共有五種1。各銀幣幣值與美國幣值一樣，但
在錢幣界裏， 一般認為京局製造銀幣中只有1角和2角是
知的齒邊7錢 2 分（1元）及50 錢（5角）有銀質及金質兩種。
實有1元和5角的偽品存在， 不過只要和真品進行比較，
光邊銀制試驗品，其中一套在其邊緣印有序列號。
銀元局曾製造至少10套試驗品。 當然， 製造的1角及2角
以 庫平之 銀兩為主（1兩 =10 錢 =100 分 =37.31公克 ）。已
真品， 其他幣值的銀幣都是偽品或假幣。 但事實上， 確
齒邊 2角、1角、5分僅有銀質。此外，五種幣值都各有兩套
便可以很容易地分別。 而實際情況則很有可能的是京師 可能較為多一點。
這些硬幣非常罕見，也是現在錢幣界最大的疑問之一，包 圍在重重迷霧之中，既具神秘感又令人迷惑不清，主要疑
問包括 ：這些銀幣在哪里製造？在何時製造？由誰製造？ 目的又何在？數目有多少？誰 造 鋼模？大 家 對於 這些問題
而在1900年，北京確實有一家小型錢幣廠，這在1898年 （ 浙江） 杭州造幣廠公文中得到了證明， 公文表示要將 杭州廠設備移轉至北京。 但因1900年1月的義和團之亂，
看法各異。其中有兩項疑問已被長期生活在中國的耿愛德
京師銀元局也和其他無數的建築一樣遭到破壞。
(Eduard Kann)(1880-1962)，在他所著《中國銀幣目錄》
2
中解決。他在書的第99-100頁提到 ：
筆者（ 耿氏） 的一位錢幣界朋友對京局製造銀幣之事持 不同意見。 他認可京師銀元局鑄造了少量1角及2角銀幣，
作者多年來一直在尋求有關京局製造銀幣的真相， 直到
但因義和團之亂而未再繼續鑄造這一觀點。 他也同意，
最後， 他有足夠的理由相信自己已經揭開了真相， 事實
原來的鋼模被搶救了出來， 並賣給古董商， 後又轉售給
就是，1900年發生了義和團之亂， 破壞與劫掠四起， 北
上海收藏家，該收藏家在1947年移居香港。但我朋友認
京尤是如此。 有位銀元局工人搶救出四種鋼模， 並將其
為，有一部分1元、5角及5分硬幣是由私人使用原模具（在
帶到天津。 他在天津將這些鋼模出售給了中國知名的古
上海） 鑄造的。 他表示這些都不能算是真正意義上的臆
董藏家方若（ 方藥雨） 先生。 方先生曾於1912年在天津
造品，但卻是私人後鑄之品。
辦中文日報。
至於這些錢幣是真品、是試鑄品、是後鑄幣、是臆造品或 是完全的偽品，還有許多爭論。這篇文章是希望將關於這
方先生後來經上海張絅伯介紹， 認識了上海大藏家陳仁
些“硬幣”的已知資訊集中起來，並試圖通過事實和邏輯
濤（ 自1947年起定居香港）， 並將中國珍稀古代青銅錢
推斷出它們可能從何而來。
幣、 唐宋明銀錠、4套庚子銀元及輔幣鋼模， 以及8套京 局製造銀幣出售給陳仁濤。 但其中不含1角的鋼模 ；而售 者自己仍持有其中2套銀幣。
1 此外還有第6 種幣值，即10文，已知有銅幣及黃銅幣兩種材質。然而，人們一般認為這種幣值的僅為臆造品。該幣直徑 28毫米，重6.5克。1935 年《中國研究》第23 卷第6 期中首 次提到這種硬幣，列於伍德華 (A.M. Tracey Woodward) 題為《中國機制銅元》的系列文章中。伍德華說到， “這一小巧的硬幣似乎是為在北京流通而製造的，但在鑄造了幾枚試 鑄幣後，被認為並不合適流通而遭到放棄……”10文銅幣數量極為稀少，而這又是所有資料中最早涉及北京發行錢幣的參考資料，因此伍德華的描述似乎頗為可信。有人基於邏輯
推論對其真實性表示懷疑，但沒有任何已知的證據可以證實兩種結論中的任何一種。
2 原在1954出版於香港，後由紐約河濱造幣廠於1966 年再次印刷。
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京师银元局
如前文所提到的，關於這套銀幣的第 一個疑問是其在何處鑄造。據說，銀
幣 是由北 京銀 元 局 鑄造。1900 年 時，
確實已經有京師銀元局，這點毫無疑 問。各方數據來源都可以證明其存在 和歷史，具體如下 ：
直到光緒之前，中國貨幣一般都以銅
錢 為主。顯 然，這些“銅 錢”硬幣 基 本滿足了農業經濟的需要，但如果要
積極參與國際社會，那麼僅有銅錢是
不夠的。而光緒皇帝意識到和外國通 商所能帶來的潛在利益，並且希望中
國也能步入現代化，所以他在1887 年
批准了總 督 張 之洞 錢 幣 改革 的 奏 摺，
允許 在 廣 東興 建 第一座 近代 造 幣廠， 製造銀幣。這所廣東造幣廠是由英國 伯明翰公司3建造，1889 年，造幣廠由
愛 德 華 · 懷 恩 (Edward Wyon) 負 責
開始 運作。愛 德華 · 懷恩是英國知名
的懷恩家族成員，曾任職於伯明翰造 幣廠4。
之後的十年間，中國有幾個省也紛紛
興建造幣廠，但因為沒有中央政府造
幣廠進行總體控制，各省相繼建廠造
幣，出現 銀幣氾濫。當時，慈禧太后
正 垂 簾 聽 政， 軟 禁 光 緒皇帝。 最 終， 慈禧認為必須要控制國家幣制，所以
在1897年11月開廠， 但在運營僅一年多之後， 便在1899年8月按欽差大臣奕
在北京建造造幣廠一事5。
文日報》也曾提到， “北京即將在6月23日開工鑄造銅錢及銀幣”，這樣做便說
在1899 年 6月5日命令總 理衙門，籌劃 但當時的大臣不太可能按照慈禧的命
令將安徽（安慶）造幣廠轉移到北京6， 儘管耿氏7曾提到， “ 舊的安慶造幣廠
劻8的命令停辦。 ”1899 年 6月17日，也有可能是在更早的時候， 《北京與天津英
“ 已經開始 明當時設備已經準備就緒。在1899 年7月29日，日報進一步報道稱，
在北京用機械製造銅錢” 。這裏明確使用術語“銅錢”或許就是第1頁註腳1中提
到的那枚有爭論性的當10文京制銅錢，因為報紙上的報道和安慶造幣廠搬至北
京的時間一致，都在1899 年年中。
3 詹姆斯 · 史成尼 :《伯明翰造幣廠錢幣史》（伯明翰，伯明翰造幣廠，1981年），第 78頁。也可參見賴特於1976 年出版的《錢幣編年史》第16 卷，《中國省造銀質龍紋硬幣》。 4 同上，附錄二。
5 其後不久，1900 年1月17日《北華捷報》進行了報導，總理衙門在1899 年 6月時已經決定， “……在首都建造配備有外國設備的大型造幣廠有益於各個階級，而且現在的舊造幣廠 不誠實和欺詐行為頻現，運行這樣一座造幣廠，可以防止這些行為。”6月5日，敕令總理衙門仔細考慮， “……在北京建造外國模式的造幣廠應該遵循什麼樣的規程來取代舊造幣廠
……”“舊造幣廠”一詞明顯是指相對較新的省級造幣廠。
6 據作者所知，沒有任何記錄可以證實安慶造幣廠機械設備最終運往何地，因此京師銀元局究竟是如何建立的便只能推測其可能性。然而，1900 年英國皇家造幣廠報告中的一項 聲明稱， “這座造幣廠已經關閉，機器將被送往武昌造幣廠”，這一說法表明情況並非如此，並有造幣廠地理位置和建廠需求為證。 7 耿愛德 ： 《中國造幣史》， 《中國研究》，第39 卷，1939 年。 8 奕劻是慈禧太后把持朝政時的內閣大臣。
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此前還沒有人報道過京師銀元局的確切地址9。但從1900
1臺可以製造5種不同幣值的銀幣的硬幣壓印機，以及1具
道，該廠明確位於新開的大清銀行隔壁，如上圖所示（虛
工廠使用）。伯明翰造幣廠的記錄顯示這批訂購的機器如
年在北京經歷了義和團之亂的外國使館員的記述中可以知
150馬力蒸汽發動機（原來的蒸汽機可能留在了杭州，供兵
線區域的放大圖見第3頁）。
期到達，但此時正是義和團之亂，這些及其是否有到北京 尚有疑問，可能僅運送到天津而已。1900 年 6月6日可能還 額外訂購了5具鍛車床，也同樣轉運至天津。
人們通常認為，京師銀元局只可能是通過轉移杭州造幣廠 的機械來建成的，而這種推測很有可能是正確的。1899 年
12月2日， 《北京與天津英文日報》在報道稱， “配備有德國
1900年，任何外國人、外國物品都處在巨大的危險之中，
國皇家造幣廠在1900 年的報告書中稱， “杭州廠在1899 年8
發，該民間組織起於陝西省，致力於扶清滅洋，很快就蔓
北京去”，美國造幣廠在1899至1900 年的報告書裏第320頁
和團在慈禧太后的默許下，開始共同破壞北京韃靼城內的
其機器被轉移到北京去”，所以北京鑄幣廠極可能是由杭
北 京城 地圖如圖3所 示，韃 靼城 和漢人城 連同皇城一起，
其中也包括工廠裏的外國設備。1900 年初，義和團運動爆
機器 的杭州造幣廠被下令拆除， 並在北京重建” 。英 10
11
延 到東北部 各 省。在1900 年5月發展 至北 京，6月9日，義
月3日關閉而轉為兵工廠，這杭州廠的德國機器就被轉移到
中提到， “在1898-1899年已建立而成的杭州廠已停工，而
外國大使館，以及韃靼城及漢人城內的各個教堂。當時的
州之德國機器轉移到北京去。似乎在1899 年年底前，北京
構成了北京城圍城。
便已有一座造幣廠，但設備並不完全，需要再加一些裝備， 所以在1900 年1月及3月6日，中國駐倫敦大使向伯明翰造幣
義和團對大使館的圍攻未能成功，但一直在持續，直到 8
月15日八國聯軍抵達12 。而銀元局在圍攻的頭兩周裏免不
廠訂購，要求在1900 年3月6日前運送6 具鍛車床、6臺軋機、
9 事實上，已知的造幣廠設備詳情僅見1900 年3月的設備訂單，訂單中含有6 臺軋機， “計畫安裝在長80 英尺，寬30 英尺，高14 英尺的工廠中。”其中指出完整的設備規格和希頓家 族在1887年建造的廣東造幣廠（627 英尺 × 424 英尺）一樣，這些設備占京師銀元局近乎三分之二的位置。
10 1899 年12月2日，《北京與天津英文日報》報導稱， “戶部已購買德國造幣設備，並於幾天前運抵北京。”儘管時間上尚存疑問，但可以推測，這裏的設備指的是注腳11中的杭州 “杭州造幣廠在1899 年 8月3日停辦，轉作兵工廠。造幣廠中的德國設備運送至北京。”美國造幣廠1899 年至1899 年報告的第 造幣廠設備。1900 年英國皇家造幣廠報告第 41頁稱， 320頁指出， “這一年（1898-1899 年），製造銀元及輔幣的造幣廠（無疑是杭州造幣廠）竣工，正式投產，但之後接到命令，要求即刻停工，將機器轉移至北京。1898 年秋抵達造 幣廠的外國專家也轉移至南京。”
11 1892 年至1901年《皇家海關十年報告》第8 卷第9頁稱， “1899 年10月，杭州造幣廠拆除，機器運送至北京 ；國外負責人也共同調派北京，提供服務。” 12 1900 年，由英、美、日、德、俄、意、法、奧組成的八國聯軍鎮壓義和團，這種國際聯合頗為少見。
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了遭到了破壞，滿樂道 (Robert Coltman)13報告稱， “6月
京天津英文日報》可能曾在1899 年 6月19日預報， “6月22日，
“6月13日整晚， 北京四處都有建築在燃燒， 火光 告稱，
現存的記錄，明確確定其為京師銀元局所發行的。
在北京將有機器之銅錢與銀幣”。但除本文所涉及的硬幣
13日， 義和團攻擊新建的銀元局， 大清銀行遭到來自大
外，目前尚未有任何一種已知的錢幣，可以根據其傳說或
使館東角的來福槍射擊。”明恩溥 (Arthur H. Smith) 報 14
沖天， 之後兩三天， 大家都知道了， 除了有外國軍隊保
衛的地方， 北京所有屬於外國人或被外國人佔領的地方
戶部明顯已經採取前期行動，向新建銀元局派遣運營人員。
但這只是暫時的。9天後的6月22日，義和團再度攻擊新建
的第24 期中刊載了一篇由王君複所寫的《湖北紫銅樣幣始
對此，上海出版的中文錢幣期刊《泉幣》在1944 年5月發行
都遭到摧毀。”儘管銀元局可能在6月13日當日得到了保護，
的銀元局及大使館附近的外國建築物。
末記》，其中有一項有趣的記載。內容如下（意譯16）：
“在這次有組織的 之後，明恩溥15在其記載中由此闡發道，
湖北（ 武昌） 造幣廠所鑄紫銅樣幣， 五種為一套（ 一套
大規模攻擊在京外國人的行動中， 遭到破壞的財務數量
由1元、5角、20分、10分及5分組成 ）， 貯以柟合。 或
難以準確查明。首先，在北京各處有很多個人住宅。其次，
以為鄂局開辦時所鑄（1893年至1894年）。 餘曰， 此光
位於口欄巷（ 音） 的皇家海關大院也與其他建築一起焚
緒二十五年（1899年）17 7月， 先提法公（ 王秉恩） 奉召
毀， 給中國政府造成了巨大損失。 電廠的情況和未完工
入京開辦京師銀元局所鑄， 以呈慶邸軍機處王大臣， 戶
的大清銀行和新建的京師銀元局同樣糟糕。 ”根據上述內
部六堂及那京卿（琴軒相國時尚為京卿），李通正，郭太
容，以及其他的確鑿記載，我們可以知道，京師銀元局在
常（三人欽派銀局提調）諸人者。共鑄四十套。
1900年6月22日前後遭遇了和很多其他國營企業一樣的命
運，有無數無價中國古代書籍和王朝記錄藏於其書庫內的
政（ 正） 束裝待發， 而先王母許太夫人病劇18 ， 至九月
翰林院也同樣遭此厄運。
藥養18。十月又奉懿旨，以此等局差與地方事務不同，令
於穿孝百日後，迅速來京，以資熟手，欽此。
總 而 言之，我們可以確 定，京師 銀 元 局在1899 年 年中至
1899年末在北京開工，其中便有來自停辦的杭州造幣廠的
次年（1900年）（ 是年北京鑄有“ 京局製造” 各幣）， 開
鄰大清銀行，可能位於崇文門大街及長安街西南角（東單公
象先行19 。（ 樣幣及湖北官佈局之布皆預備土物） 抵津，
設備（也有可能來自安慶造幣廠）。銀元局位於韃靼城，毗
凍後北行， 甫至滬， 拳亂已作， 首批員司工匠及應用對
園最北邊） 。曾兩次向伯明翰造幣廠訂購額外的機器，設備
為聯軍兵艦擊沉。
可能未能在1900 年 6月22日義和團摧毀京師銀元局之前抵
達中國。
兩宮既西狩。 先公仍折回湖北20 。 故僅餘樣幣數套之留
藏篋笥未攜赴京師者。
銀元局經營
緣此樣幣之範， 為鄂局所用滬匠黃某（ 此人歿於津沽）
京師銀元局存在的時間非常短暫，那麼它是否真的鑄造了
所鑄鐫， 先公攜之至京， 陳之各堂， 以示無須賃用洋匠
任何用於流通的硬幣？這是一個非常現實的問題。儘管《北 13 滿樂道 ： 《北京被圍記》（費城 ：戴維斯公司，1901年），第210頁。·
14 明恩溥 ： 《動盪中的中國》（紐約 ：弗萊明瑞威爾公司，1901頁），第1卷，第237頁。 15 同上，第238頁。
16 感謝廖博士 (T.W. Liao) 進行翻譯，可能因為他不熟悉這一時期的歷史。該內容翻譯有一些錯誤。
17 在和中國歷史博物館的一位負責人的私人通信中可以確認，這 5枚硬幣正是耿氏在其銅幣系列文章中所提及的編號為 40x 至44x 的那些硬幣。其背面和 1元銀幣相似，在希頓風格的龍紋邊上是英文“HU-PEH PROVINCE 7 MACE AND 2 CANDAREENS”字樣。其正面圖案也都相同，珠圈內的 漢字直讀“光緒元寶”，周圍印有中文及滿文“湖北省造”字樣。其中一套樣幣是由耿氏在1971年 6月18日出售（舒爾曼鑄幣公司及品質銷售公司），編號為 44-48 。該試鑄幣可能是在1899 年鑄造的，但其鋼模似乎是1896 年為常規發行的硬幣所制。這點可以在同期發行的《泉幣》雜誌中由王君複所寫的另一篇 “那些 文章中得到印證。他稱湖北銅幣樣幣的木盒上有10 個漢字作為標記，該標記意為“5 枚湖北造幣廠制銀幣”。他提到自己擁有一套試鑄幣，並補充道， 日子裏（1944 年），想要找到有相同設計的銀幣是件很容易的事，但銅質試鑄幣極少。” 18 根據古代習俗，父母過世必須守孝三年。
19 從武昌到北京要沿長江行至上海，然後經黃海、直隸灣和培江至天津港，最後經鐵路至北京，全程約14 00 英里，而這段行程必須等到春季黃河水位高 漲時才能啟程。
20 事實上，他們航行至北京以逃離聯軍追捕。1900 年 8月15日，聯軍抵京，皇室離開北京。
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1900年初開始就向京師銀元局提供設備一事與中國駐倫敦
之意。用銀鑄，與通行者無別，且近賄賂，故以銅為之。
大使館進行協商，但是根據一份對懷恩先生與拉爾夫 · 希
麗以官布。皆先公在鄂所辦理之成績也。
頓 (Ralph Heaton) 在那段時期的私人通訊的相關研究顯
示，懷恩先生並未參與任何協商事宜，也並非代希頓先生
前歲移局， 摒 擋什物， 家中人以木合 無用， 付之炊爨
承擔任何工作。而1900 年在京工作的外國使節人員所寫日
（cuan）。 年來則僅存樣幣之成套者， 亦為人易去。 今惟
記中並沒有提到懷恩夫人之死，也沒有提到懷恩夫婦在那
殘餘小品一二枚，以為紀念。因記始末如右。
些在大使館中避難的外國人之中。因此，懷恩似乎確實見
證了京師銀元局的開建，並在庚子之亂期間被中國人監禁，
至往來函電公牘， 另黏成冊， 以為家乘雲。 後四十有四
或受中國人庇護。
年癸末九月，華陽王文燾識於蘇城僦舍。
愛德華 · 懷恩能夠負責新建銀元局得益於兩件事。1900 年
儘管這篇記載中的部分內容略為言過其實，但我們有理由 可以推斷，在光緒二十五年（1899 年），戶部已經開始着辦
3月及6月，銀元局向伯明翰造幣廠訂購的設備和懷恩在廣
洋匠之意”，即銀元局同時也從最好的省級造幣廠之一的武
自伯明翰造幣廠。這表明，懷恩在1899 年到達北京之後，
東造幣廠訂購的設備一致，而該造幣廠的設備也一直是來
京師銀元局，同時招募洋匠。文中提及到“以示無須賃用 昌造幣廠招募經驗豐富的造幣技術人員，但是實際上北京
首先便是調查了從杭州轉移來的設備，並且列出所需的額
京天津英文日報》有報道過， “廣東造幣廠的主管愛德華 ·
幣廠採購所需設備。
《北 製幣廠卻是由外國人作為總監技術主管。1899 年9月9日
外設備。該清單寄至中國駐倫敦大使館，據此從伯明翰造
懷恩被推薦到北京造幣廠當主管”，由此可知，愛德華 ·
懷恩在1899 年年底到達北京，在北京的新式造幣廠中檢驗
更 重要的是，儘 管耿氏 所 知甚多，但1900 年京師銀元局
文書送到在倫敦的中國大使館在1900 年1月再跟伯明翰交
的。22愛德華 · 懷恩當時沒有可用於供應的鋼模製造廠，於
生產 硬幣所用的鋼模實則是從倫敦的一家 鋼模公司訂購
由杭州轉來的機器，知道尚欠幾樣之機器，把所要的機件
涉，所以在1900 年3月及6月，伯明翰才把各種欠缺之機件
是他和在1888年建立廣東造幣廠時一樣 23，從倫敦訂購鋼
僅到天津而已。而懷恩先生可能確實曾經擔任該職務，這
是由愛德華 · 懷恩一手包辦興建而成，其鋼模是由伯明翰
《倫敦畫報》曾報告過，廣東造幣廠 模。1888年5月19日，
送到中國來，但當時已是義和團之亂，機件並未送達北京， 從其訃告 中可見一斑。
公司造的，但鋼模是由懷恩家族裏一位份子艾倫 · 懷恩雕
懷恩先生頗受中國政府尊重，他曾擔任廣東造幣廠運營部
所以愛德華 · 懷恩到北京時，他想要的機器及鋼模當然便
但他代表梅斯 · 希頓先生 (Messrs Heaton) 前往北京，就
了308個由懷 恩公司製 造 但在1933年2月為 約 翰 · 平切 斯
先生曾與其夫人共同進入北京，其後不久，歐洲大使館便
1900年庚子北京製造銀幣的鋼模，其中便包括一整套的龍
21
刻出來的，這可以知道愛德華 · 懷恩和伯明翰的關係密切， 由伯明翰公司訂購。在英國博物館24的文獻記載中，列出
門主管，得到廣泛認可，並獲旨嘉獎。懷恩雖身處廣東，
( John Pinches) 在倫敦的公司所獲得的鋼模，這便包括有
建立京師銀元局一事進行協商。此時正值庚子之亂，懷恩
紋衝床及鋼模，以及一套近乎完整的1900 年北京製造庚子
遭圍攻。圍攻期間，懷恩夫婦受困城中，最終，懷恩夫人
銀幣母模具。所以說北京製造庚子銀幣的鋼模是由艾倫 ·
在這亂時過世。雖然懷恩先生也曾被報道過去世的消息，
懷恩雕刻是沒有錯的，1933年2月，懷恩的遺產拍賣給約
並刊登於其家鄉（英國）報紙上，但懷恩先生卻是有幸毫 髮無傷地脫險了。
翰 · 平切斯 ( John Pinches) 在倫敦的公司。他用自己保留
而懷恩先生可能是在1899 年末應戶部要求前往到達北京，
賓克公司買去，後來在1980 年再轉讓給臺北鴻禧美術博物
的原來的鋼模再做了兩套光邊銀幣，這銀幣後來被英國斯
館25。
而非代 表伯明翰造幣廠前往北 京。伯明翰造幣廠 確實在
21《伯明翰每日邮报》，1906 年 8月24日。
22 怀恩兄弟是托马斯 • 怀恩 (Thomas Wyon)19 世纪初在伦敦成立的私人钢模公司的合伙人。托马斯于1830 年过世，在他死后，本杰明 • 怀恩 (Benjamin Wyon) 继承了公司，之 后再由本杰明的两个儿子，即怀恩兄弟继承。1872 年，艾伦 • 怀恩加入公司，而北京造币厂所用钢模正是由艾伦制造，这点毫无疑问。 23 1888 年5月19日，《伦敦画报》报道称，广东造币厂首批货币所用钢模是应伯明翰造币厂的订单要求，在爱德华 • 怀恩 (Edward Wyon) 的监督下由艾伦 • 怀恩雕刻。 24 感谢菲利普 • 阿特伍德 (Pilip Attwood) 提供怀恩钢模登记册中涉及中国钢模页面的复印件。
25 包括在1889 年前后广东造币厂制造发行年份未明的第一批广东银元 (7钱 3分等币值 ) 的母模具、钢模和冲床。
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綜上所述，我們可以知道，艾倫 · 懷恩的倫敦鋼模公司根
王守謙夫人 <1962-7> 古德曼 <?> 卡納佩羅 (Canapero)
據愛德華 · 懷恩的訂單，為北京庚子銀幣製造了一套母模
<1971> 斯賓克 <1972> 日本 <?> 斯賓克 <?> 奧 康 納
具，而且用此生產了一套鋼模，並寄往北京 。而這些模具 26
(O’ Conner) <?> ?
是否在京師銀元局使用，仍有待商榷。從1900 年3月及6月 的設備訂單性質可知，從杭州造幣廠轉移機器無法滿足京
馮 · 哈 雷 (Von Halle)（ 香 港 ）<1966> 格 倫 迪 寧
師銀元局任何重要的生產工作。但可以肯定的是，那些鋼
(Glendining) <1966> ?
模也多少生產了一定量的硬幣。就所有已知北京庚子銀幣 的樣幣而言，它們都展現出非常相似的鋼模特點，這可以
耿氏 <1971> 品質銷售 <1971> 紐約收藏 <?> ?
表明它們都是使用同一套鋼模生產的。
卡納佩羅 <1971> 彼得斯 佛羅里達照明公司 <1972> 卡
庚子北京製造銀幣——數量有多少
羅來納收藏
依照耿氏的說法（見第1頁）： “京師銀元局至少鑄造了10
蘇佩裏歐 <1973> ?
套試鑄品， 其中1角及2角可能多一點。 ” 他繼續引用朋友
施嘉幹所言，同意鑄有1角及 2角試鑄品的說法，但他認為，
金 錢 公司 <1976> 艾爾曼 (Elman) <1976> 萊普 奇克
“……1元、5角、5分是在上海由原模私鑄的。”在其與筆
(Lepczyk) <1977> 德克薩斯收藏
者的私人通訊中可知，另一位知名的香港錢幣學家 （非華人） 稱， “大家一致同意，鋼模的前任所有者必定製造了至少滿
斯賓克澳大利亞 <1978> 斯賓克英國 <1978> 劉先生
滿一鞋盒的後鑄幣。 ”
(C.C.Liu) <?> ?
關於庚子京局銀幣的數量有兩種截然不同的觀點，而現有
張氏基金 ( 臺北 )
的證據似乎對耿氏更為有利。筆者追蹤了1950 年至1980 年
間，所有可以找到的5種幣值的庚子京局銀幣，不論其發行
這些2角銀幣經過30多次拍賣轉手，數量不超過12 枚，但
與否。公開和私人知道的拍賣物中，撿取 2角銀幣拍賣轉手
根據上述買賣的起始與結束時間，甚至可能只有 7枚。而其
的記錄如下27 ：
他幣值的銀幣並未有如此之多的買賣，其記錄均表明，它 們的現存數量更少一些。但有一點是毫無疑問的，在這段 時期內，有些銀幣已埋沒於私人收藏之中，這些私人間的
伍 德沃德 ( 上海 ) <1951> 舒 爾曼 (Schulman) <1951>
買賣無從得知，所以其他幣值的銀幣數目可能比買賣活動
基佛（Keefer）? <?> 斯賓克 ? <?> 鮑克 <1970> ?
中所知的還多。
絲柏1961 佛羅里達照明公司 <1977> 英國收藏
根據買賣記錄，以及其他一定數量的未經記錄的銀幣，其 作者估計1900 年北京造幣廠發行的各幣值銀元數量可能在
王守謙夫人 <1962-7> 古德曼 (Goodman) <1988> 蘇佩
10枚至15枚之間，但 2角的數量可能在 20至 25枚之間。這
裏歐 (superior)<1988> ?
一數字與耿氏及其中國朋友施嘉幹的結論一致，也與香港
張秀青先生 28私下告知筆者的說法一致，但卻與1988年蘇
王守謙夫人 <1962-7> 古德曼 <?> 日本 <?> ?
26 他保留了母模具，并用此制造了另一套钢模，用该钢模铸造了至少两套光边银质样币作为公司的参考藏品。这两套银币现在台北张氏基金的张秀青先生处收藏，曾于上世纪 80 年代被怀恩地产卖给斯宾克森公司，由此进入张先生的藏品之列。两套硬币均无齿边，其中一套有950-953系列号的戳记，以此确认它们是怀恩公司自己的硬币及纪念章藏品。边 缘有标记的套币在张氏基金1990 年出版的《晚清珍稀金银币》及董文超1992 年出版的《近代中国金银币及纪念章概览》中有所介绍。根据劳伦斯 • 布朗 (Laurence A. Brown) 于 1989 年在英国艺术奖章协会发表的题为《怀恩家族的私人纪念章》的讲话，可以推断，这些标记是出于上述目的。 27 该表未向作者明示或暗示任何保密信息，仅显示公共记录中的材料或已获得发布的材料。请注意，经销商、公开拍卖和公共的固定价格清单均为斜体。所示日期为寄售或出售日 期。
28 当时，张秀青先生是中国知名的钱币藏家，在其与笔者通信中，就京局制造银币阐述了他自己的观点，其观点和耿氏向“笔者的一位中国钱币藏家朋友”透露的观点完全一致。 张先生阐述了这样一件事实，只有1角和 2 角银币是在京师银元局所铸，这些是其中的官制币，他“估计有约10对银币在藏家手中。”他补充道，非官制币是使用陈仁涛的4 件钢模铸 造（见脚注 30），因此现存的 2 角银币比1角银币多了一些。
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佩裏歐與古德曼先生之間的買賣描述並不相符29。
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⑷ 此後不久，蔣仲川33在1939 年上海寰球郵幣公司出版的
《中國金銀鎳幣圖說》中的第140頁中對庚子京局製造銀幣
做了如下描述 ： “京局製造銀幣系光緒二十六年（1900年）
庚子京局製造銀幣鑄造的時間與地點何在？ 北京鑄造之銀幣， 僅有2角及1角2種， 鑄模精良， 銀色
京局製造銀幣相關出版物介紹了它們是在何時被第一次發
亦好， 甫經鑄成， 適值拳匪變亂， 未能繼續鑄造， 故流
現的，以及它們最後的鑄造時間可能是在什麼時候。筆者
傳極少，足亦名貴之品。 ”
依據主要書本資料做出如下小結 ：
(5) 1947年上海出版的徐先生所著《中國錢幣目錄》第27
(1) 最早涉及京局銀幣的參考資料是1935年2月8日寰球郵
頁第一次提到全部京局銀幣1套有5 種。但書中未作相關評
幣公司出版的《中國稀見幣參考書》，作者王守謙 30，其中
述。34
中國貨幣的定價彙編涉及京局製造銀幣相關內容如下 ： 第20頁
輔幣
#39
京局1角
(6) 1949年6月上海出版施嘉幹所著《中國近代鑄幣匯考》 指出， “京局鑄造2角及1角時， 正當義和團之亂， 銀元局
每枚5元
部分燒壞， 被迫停工。 但這銀輔幣並沒有流通使用， 現
—
—
#40
京局2角
每枚10元
第24頁
銅幣
#19
京局10文
每枚3元
存的1元、5角均是用現存的原鋼模在近代再鑄造的。 ”這
是第一次明確提到京局銀幣的鋼模。
(7) 京局製造銀幣發行的另一重要參考資料是原來1954 年
耿氏所著《中國錢幣目錄》，耿氏在書中第1頁至第2 頁完整
(2) 最早涉及庚子年京局製造銀幣偽品的是1937年11月10
地介紹了該系列硬幣。並且提到他認為官方的京局全套有
日鄧肯 · 雷伯恩 (Duncan Raeburn) 31向中國集幣協會發表
5種銀幣，另有1枚5角的偽品。
的《臆造品錢幣》一文，該文刊登於1938年 6月的《中國研 究》。文中耿氏（耿氏 234F）介紹的京局5角銀幣照片當為
(8) 1954 年，彭信威 (P'eng Hsin-wei) 首版《中國貨幣史》
偽品。
第一次提到京局系列幣有金質鑄幣 ；在1965年的英文版中
又說， “光緒二十六年（1900年）， 京局有試鑄2角及1角，
(3) 之後一本關於京局製造銀幣的參考資料是 19 37 年 科 門 奇 尼 (M. Comencini)
32
是在天津鑄造， 有從1元至5分五種不同幣值的銀幣鋼
所 著《 近 代 世 界 錢 幣 (1870-
模， 但僅試鑄了這兩種， 這些鋼模後來轉手到私人手中，
1936)》（倫敦 ：麥森公司，1937）。書仲介紹並描述了京局
又私鑄了幾套銀幣及金幣”。 京局金幣有1元及5角齒邊樣
2角及1角銀幣。科門尼奇表示， “在聯軍解救被圍困的外國
幣兩種，1973年 6月，在美國蘇佩裏歐郵幣公司拍賣時作
大使館之後，缺少2角及1角銀幣的情況未能緩解，為此鑄
為578號和579號拍品出現過。
造了這兩種銀幣。”但如上文所述，現存樣幣的數量並不支
持這一說法，而銀元局也非在這一時期遭到破壞。 29 拍卖目录中的描述如下 ：
“1962 至1967年间，古德曼先生前往香港约有15 次。在香港时，他从王守谦夫人处购买了诸多硬币，包括三套难以觅得的京局银币。王守谦夫人在金先生位于香港旧亚历山大大厦 （现已拆除）所有的大型古董商店底楼有两张硬币展示桌的位子。 王守谦夫人60 多岁，性情温和，备受尊重，竟只是一位钱币藏家的夫人（此处有误），这让古德曼先生颇为惊讶……耿氏提到，钱币藏家王守谦先生买下京局银币钢模及8 套京局银币！ 金先生是王守谦夫人的朋友（已过世），也是她丈夫的藏友。金先生的两个儿子在其过世后接管了他的古董店，他们信守金先生的承诺，让王守谦遗孀免费使用铺位，直至其过世。
王守谦的夫人向古德曼先生承认，他们夫妇共拥有全部 8 套京局银币，缺少了几枚小币值银币，因钢模损毁，无法再进行铸造。这似乎是在这家民间小店试图使用这些钢模铸造时 损坏了。大约 20 年前，古德曼在日本出售了其中两套迷人的京局银币，并保留了一套自己收藏（即该次拍卖中的这套）。”
30 在共產黨執政前，王守謙在上海經營硬幣商店。他和古董商金先生以及投機富豪陳仁濤一起在1947年移居香港。在香港時，他在金先生新開的古董商店中做錢幣買賣。王守謙 和金先生都於 50 年代過世。此後，金家繼續經營古董生意，並讓王守謙夫人繼續在他們商店的底樓做錢幣買賣，至少持續到 60 年代才結束。
31 邱 文 明 (Arthur Braddon Coole) 在《 遠 東 錢 幣 書 目 》（ 北 京 ：中 國 加 州 大 學，1940 年 ） 第245頁 中 說 到， 雷 伯 恩 (Raeburn) 在 上 海 受 雇 於 英 國 怡 和 公 司（Jardine， Matheson&Co.）。 32 據邱文明所說（同上，第230頁），科門奇尼是一位錢幣藏家，在1905至1934 年供職於上海國際事件處理員警部門，退休後回到英格蘭。
33 蔣仲川和王守謙乃郎舅。這本書的鉛版中也有一些曾用於王守謙早先出版的書籍，這些鉛版最終交給了耿愛德，他曾仔細考慮是否要在1954 年的書中使用這些鉛版，但最終決 定使用照片替代白描畫。 34 該書經常更新，在1947年版中，徐先生列出了5 種幣值的銀幣，其製造不具備合法性或來源資質。最後一版（1991年）的配圖與第一版（1947年）的配圖相同，但文本將所有的 配圖都標注為“後鑄幣”。無配圖的1角和 2 角條目都標注為“官制幣”。
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由以上文獻數據，我們可以得出幾點結論。其中最重要的
生作了一段有趣的描述，可能與此事有關。邱文明38是方藥
這讓我們有理由相信，這兩種銀幣是在官方造幣廠鑄造的。
名錢幣藏家和古玩商人，住在北京“前門北邊幾個街區的
一點是，我們可以知道 2角及1角比其他 三種早一點出現，
雨的密友（但不是親戚）及合作夥伴，他形容方藥雨是一
並且，不管是否它們如人們一般認為的那樣，是在北京鑄
“他是一個老派 秋露胡同（音）16號”。此外，他還說到，
造的，還是如彭信威所說的在天津鑄造，這都不會影響其
的中國學者， 誓不讓外國人踏入他的家中……”這雖未得
造的說法，只不過是因為這種觀點和大量現有根據實品記
才能救下這些鋼模，並且收歸囊中。
到證實，但似乎方藥雨確是有扭轉乾坤之力的人，因此他
合法性，因為兩家都是官方造幣廠。而筆者傾向於北京製 述與參考數據的矛盾之處更少。
邱文明還說到，1939 年，在與其上海好友張絅伯的私人信
就發行時間而言，2角及1角出現在1935年書籍出版 之前，
件中得知張絅伯的親戚陳仁濤買下方藥雨的硬幣收藏。陳
外，5角銀幣偽幣出現 於1937年，此時尚未有關於鋼模或
人士。但根據對陳仁濤有所瞭解的沃德 · 史密斯先生 (Ward
12年之後，才出現全套京局銀幣相關的參考資料。除此之
仁濤正是耿氏“自1947年移居香港”一句中所指的不具名
其他 3種幣值更大銀幣的相關參考書籍出版，這表明5角銀
Smith)(1939年畢業於耶魯大學）39與筆者的通信，陳仁濤
幣偽幣乃是根據當時已知的2角銀幣而仿製。35最後，施嘉
“並不是真正的（ 錢幣） 收藏家， 而是一位投機生意人，
年出版的書籍中提到了全套京局銀幣，而1939 年蔣仲川更
處買下的鋼模要請上海著名的幣商王守謙鑒定。而王守謙
推論，京局1元、5角、5分是1939 年至1947年之間鑄造的。
包括1元、5角、5分三種。
幹在其1949 年出版書籍中提到銀幣鋼模，徐先生在其1947
涉及領域包括古董、房地產……。 ”這也難怪，他從方藥雨
就根據原來的鋼模私鑄了幾套，通過這種方式私鑄的銀幣
新王守謙早期著作時卻未提及相關事宜，因此，我們可以
而這些提及京局全套銀幣的書本都是上海出版的，這點也 不無巧合。
王守謙當時應當已經知道可以從何處得到用這些鋼模所鑄
“硬幣”。因為儘管京局2角銀幣的內齒數和珠數相同，但有
根據錢傑在1983年《中國錢幣》創刊號中所發表的一篇文
兩種不同的齒邊數，即114齒和126齒，這便足以佐證。顯
章 ，他認為在1900 年北京造幣廠被焚之際，造幣廠工人
然，如果這些鋼模確實是在失火後才救出的，那麼將鋼模
36
搶出4種 鋼 模（ 無1角的 鋼 模 ）及 幾 枚1角、2角的 試 鑄 幣，
從被焚毀的造幣廠中救出時並未將原來的箍圈一起帶出。
當時沒有1元、5角、5分的試鑄幣，以後工人將此套鋼模連
值得一提的是，京局1元也有兩種不同的齒邊數，即144齒
同幾個試鑄幣帶到天津，賣給方藥雨，而方藥雨又經過張
和152齒，這表明有另外在香港鑄造的銀幣。
上海硬幣鋪店主王守謙，他在1940 年前後用這些鋼模鑄造
1947年後，陳仁濤 和王守 謙 移居香 港，後者在 此 又開了
又將這些藏品賣給位於北京的中國歷史博物館。
過世，在他死後，其遺孀繼續經營，但規模可能有所縮小，
上述記載得到一項有力的佐證。首先，這些年份與所引資
9頁注腳29）表示，60年代末，他曾在王守謙遺孀處購得
絅伯介紹，售給上海大收藏家陳仁濤。後來，鋼模借給了
了一些京局銀幣。陳仁濤在1947年移居香港，後在1952年
店，並且重操硬幣銷售的生意。王守謙在19世紀50 年代末
僅在金家的古董店內有一個小攤位。不論如何，古德曼（第 三套京局銀幣。張秀青先生在1973年告訴筆者，陳仁濤家
料參考中的年份完全吻合。此外，涉及人物可以得到確認。 根據邱文明 (Arthur Braddon Coole) 所述，方藥雨，原
族不再提供京局銀幣，這表明王守謙遺孀所售銀幣實則屬
37
名方若（這也可能時為什麼耿氏為何錯提方先生及於先生
於陳仁濤。
的原因），是著名的收藏家及作家，居天津。而 還對方先
35 和5角偽幣一樣，也有1元偽幣存在，1元偽幣用阿拉伯花紋裝飾，該花紋與 2角硬幣上的阿拉伯花紋一致，而不是採用5角和1元真幣上的阿拉伯花紋，這必然會被視為是非常重 要的反常現象。
36 詳見1983 年錢傑在第一期《中國錢幣史》中題為《京局製造七錢二銀幣是後鑄幣》的文章。 37 邱文明，《自傳》，第110頁。
38 邱文明 (Arthur Braddon Coole),《中國當代金銀幣圖錄》（丹佛 ：邱文明，1967年），第23頁。
39 該資訊載於作者1972-1973 年間的私人信件。史密斯先生（和布萊恩 · 馬特拉弗斯 (Brian Matravers)）是《中國紙幣》的作者，1939 年畢業於耶魯大學，從哥倫比亞大學獲得文 學碩士學位，之後就讀於哈佛大學，專攻中文。他花了約 20 年的時間，在遠東地區從事新聞 / 記者工作，他在那裏和大多數參與了京局銀幣流轉過程的人成為了朋友，包括耿愛德、 金先生及王守謙。
42
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總而言之，有大 量證據支持 這一版本的 說 法。即1935 年
但是這些鋼模究竟有怎樣的遭遇？這點仍然存疑。古德曼
告訴筆者，當他想從王守謙夫人處購買第四套京局銀幣時，
前，有少量使用合法鋼模鑄造的京局1角及 2 角銀幣，這些
私人信件中表示，在1950 年到1951年左右，陳仁濤告訴他，
過其北京的好友方雨樓最終獲得 4件鋼模（缺少1角鋼模），
銀幣可能是在京師銀元局鑄造的。天津的方藥雨可能是通
她表示鋼模已經在後鑄過程中損壞。張先生在其與筆者的
自己把全部的中國硬幣收藏及四種鋼模以80萬港元的價格
這 些 鋼 模 在1939 年賣給了上海 的陳仁濤。第五件 鋼 模 則
賣給了中國政府。沃德 · 史密斯在給筆者的私人信件中明確
和其他幾件分離，流轉至瀋陽市博物館，具體過程未知。
所知，當時售價為20萬美元（約80萬港元），但他並不知
幣，其中1套被耿氏得到 41，另外至少鑄有兩枚金幣樣幣。
上海錢幣商王守謙使用4件鋼模在上海鑄造了10 套京局銀
表示，陳仁濤將其藏品賣給了中國政府的代理，就史密斯 道模具是否也一同出售。
1948 年，王守 謙移居香港 後，將其硬幣店鋪內剩餘的銀
如注35所說，錢傑在其文章中表示，陳仁濤將其硬幣出售
了中國政府。
幣出售，1952 年，陳仁濤將鋼模及其收藏的中國硬幣賣給
給中國歷史博物館， “……因此鋼模現藏於北京。 ” 但錢傑
未能在其1980至1981年間與中國歷史博物館的通訊中確認
京局銀幣的發行情況
鋼模是否存於北京。然而，錢傑在1994 年末的私人信件中
稱，他造訪了該博物館，並且見到了錢幣藏品部的負責人。
京局銀幣發行的合法性尚有諸多爭議。有人同意耿氏的觀
他還說，1角的鋼模現存於遼寧省瀋陽市博物館，北京博
合法的官方制幣。而另一些人認為，只有1角和2角是在京
點，即京師銀元局鑄造了10 套銀幣，因此，認為這些全是
該負責人告訴他，鋼模是從陳仁濤處獲得，確實藏於館內。
師銀元局製造，因此在造幣廠以外的地方鑄造的硬幣均為
物館試圖將其買下收藏，但是未能如願。儘管錢傑確實未
非官方的後鑄幣42 。而還有一個中間派認為，現在1角銀幣
親眼見到模具，但他的消息無疑是正確的。40
既有官方制幣，又有非官方制幣，可以通過其鑄造特點進 行區分。
這似乎可以印證本文的主要結 論，也解釋了為何沒有1角
後鑄幣。方藥雨從未獲得1角鋼模，這點顯而易見，但是1
為檢驗後一種觀點，筆者在1981年把 2 枚1元，2 枚 2元及1
角鋼模確實存在，至於它是如何流轉到瀋陽市博物館的，
枚5角，1枚1角，1枚5分送到英國皇家制幣廠43檢驗，其冶
這仍然未知。
金及鋼模特點如下表 ：
重量（克） 硬幣
金屬含量
幣值
直徑（毫米）
比重 實際
標準
邊齒數 實際
標準
實際
標準
1
1元（耿氏提供 )
23.08
26.86
10.39
.935 Ar
.900 Ar
38.7
39.5
144
2
1元
27.41
26.86
10.37
.922 Ar
.900 Ar
39
39.5
152
3
5角（耿氏提供 )
13.16
13.43
10.44
.967 Ar
.860 Ar
32.5
33.5
178
4
2角（耿氏提供 )
5.4
5.37
10.41
.948 Ar
.820 Ar
22.5
23.5
126
5
2角
5.78
5.37
10.02
.693 Ar
.820 Ar
22.9
23.5
114
6
1角
2.56
2.69
9.97
.660 Ar
.820 Ar
18.6
18.5
94
7
5分（耿氏提供 )
1.38
1.34
10.39
.935 Ar
.820 Ar
15.9
16
98
40 錢傑也在他最近寫給筆者的信件中說到，60 年代的時候，他親自和王守謙的兄弟進行交流，得知其曾幫助王守謙用陳仁濤的京局銀幣鋼模鑄造“後鑄幣”。最後的這一點資訊似 乎在筆者驗證本研究主要觀點的過程中起到了點睛之筆的作用。
41 張秀青先生在其與筆者的私人信件中稱，耿氏在1946 年買下了自己的那一套銀幣。如果確實如此，當時王守謙和陳仁濤（及後鑄幣）應該還在上海。張先生還稱，陳仁濤實在 1948 年移居香港的。 42“在這兒（香港），沒有中國藏家收藏1元、5角及 5分幣，因為它們知道這些都是用真的鋼模鑄造的非官方制幣”，張秀青先生如是向筆者表達了他的觀點。 43 感謝格雷厄姆 · 戴爾 (Graham P. Dyer)、造幣廠圖書管理員和負責人以及其雇員，感謝他們花了大量的時間和精力進行檢驗。
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英國皇家制幣廠意見如下。綜合來看，這些銀幣可以分成
工的銀元局鑄造了一些 2 角及1角銀幣（或許是支付工資之
銀幣比重較輕，表示其含銀量少。5號和 6號這兩枚銀幣有
家手中，並且由此流轉入上海王守廉的硬幣商店。
2 種，第一種是第5、第6號 ；其餘則歸為第二種。第一種
用，或試鑄品）。最終，一些銀幣流傳到外面來，落入 藏
兩樣關鍵特徵⸺ 珠狀緣飾和邊緣品相良好，表明其經過
了恰 當的鑄造 程 式。而第二 種 是 第1、第2 、第3 、第 4及
1900 年 6月22日，京局造幣廠被義和團所燒，劫掠者搶出
一致，其銅金屬的峰值明顯高於鐵金屬及銀金屬的峰值。
他鋼模則出售給方雨樓 44 。但因方雨樓愛好的是古錢，因
第 7號，經過光譜儀掃描發現其含銀較多，且 5 種硬幣成分
鋼模，最後，其中1角鋼模成為瀋陽市博物館的藏品，其
比較兩枚1元硬幣及兩枚 2 角硬幣的鑄造特點，1元硬幣之
此將其售給收 藏金 銀幣及 銅錢 硬幣 等中國硬幣的天津 好
異顯示，兩對硬幣中的各枚均是在十分不同的情況下鑄造
珍品 46 ，包括金銀及這些鋼模再售給上海的陳仁濤，陳仁
硬幣的鍛造水準比第二種中的其他硬幣更好，第二種硬幣
其中包 括 有1元、5角、5分3 種。而當地 藏 家 拒 絕收 藏 這
間的差異要小於 2 角硬幣之間的差異。其中，觀察到的差
友方藥雨45 。1939 年，方藥雨經張絅伯介紹，將全部古錢
的，但沒有明顯跡象表明哪一枚鑄造時間更早。耿氏1元
濤委託，也可能是允許給王守謙用這4 套鋼模私鑄了幾套，
些私 鑄 硬幣，在1948 年陳仁濤及 王守 謙移居香 港 後，又
多少有些重壓的痕跡。
後鑄有幾套，售給了外國錢幣商及藏家。此後又在香港另 鑄了幾套，最終，陳仁濤在1952 年將其擁有的全部錢幣賣
這些技術發現儘管未解釋這些硬幣是何時何地鑄造的，但
給了中國歷史博物館。
也明確支持了前面的結 論。然而，如果 想要估計其價值， 就不得不考慮本研究中所涉及的少量樣本。研究中最引人 注目的結果是第一種及第二種硬幣的成分有明顯不同。如
這些都對我們就如何看待這些京局銀幣提出了疑問。這些
面），則114齒的 第5號 便 也 是官制幣，其他 都是後 鑄 的。
品。1角及114齒邊的 2 角可能是在京師銀元局鑄造的，但
果認為第 6號1角銀幣不是後鑄幣（因為沒有鋼模留傳到外
銀幣都是使用合法 鋼模 鑄造，因此不能稱之為偽幣或贗
這 和張 秀青先 生得出並在私人信件中告訴 筆者的結 論一
是它們可能是 未經 政 府授權 作為流 通貨幣之用，因此 它
有兩種齒數版本的 5角及 5分存在。
師造幣局鑄造，因此在上海及香港鑄造的銀幣不能稱之為
致。而且1元有2 種不同的的齒邊數目，這表示可能也同樣
們不能稱之為“官方制幣”。1元、5角及 5分銀幣並非在京
“後鑄幣” （用原模在以後年代壓制的硬幣）。或許這些1元、
5角及 5分硬幣稱之為“非正式制幣”更為合適，而後鑄幣
總結
可以 指非 京師 銀 元 局所 制 2 角。1角及114齒邊的 2 角都是
在京師銀元局鑄造，可認為是“官制幣”。而懷恩公司在將
筆者由以上已知或推論的事實，在不違背已知事實的前提
鋼模轉交至京師銀元局的時候，有可能也將1或 2 套用這套
下，通過邏輯理性推論得出下列結論 ：
鋼模鑄造的 5 種幣值的銀幣一同轉交。如果確實如此，則
這些硬幣可能無法憑肉眼將其與非正式制幣及後鑄幣區分
1899 年，清政 府下令京局創建 銀元局，集中控制分散在
開。最有可能將其區分的特點劃在，其統一含銀量為 0.925
全國各地的省級 造幣廠。於是委託前廣東制幣廠 總 工程
（英國英鎊）。而筆者並未聽聞有該類鑄幣。
師愛德華 · 懷恩管理運營銀元局，並徵募武昌造幣廠技術
人員，但 這些人 並 未到達北 京。杭州造幣廠的機械被移
轉到北京，銀元局毗鄰長安街上的北京大清銀行（見圖），
然而不論如何看待這些銀幣，所有這些硬幣都被認為是將
造新幣所使用的鋼模訂購自倫敦懷恩家族公司，並且從英
官方樣品鑄幣”。這一術語現在也同樣適用於臺灣的光邊
用作國家鑄造銀幣的樣品，因此，其最好的形容應為“非
占地 30 英尺 x 80 英尺，這些機器便安裝於此。銀元局鑄
鑄幣，在倫敦鑄造這些硬幣的母模具可能和轉交至北京的
國伯明翰公司訂購了一些額外的機器，這些機器確實運抵
母模具是同一件。
了中國，但因為義和團之亂，並沒有運至銀元局。尚未竣
44這是耿氏關於京局銀元記載中的方藥雨。
45這是耿氏記載中的於先生。方藥雨本名方若， “若”字在奧地利語中的發音類似“於”字。 46 見邱文明所編數目第59頁。
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不論如何稱呼這些錢幣，它們都是珍稀的硬幣樣品，因為
FEATURES
現在京師市面， 每銀一兩兌當十錢不足五百， 未抵制錢
這 種硬幣雖計畫投產，但最 終並 未投入 生產。它們極具
一千之用， 而物價仍一切騰貴， 官民交困。 ……獨京師
省級造幣廠運營中充斥著腐敗，這種腐敗是成立京局銀元
者， 一則部款出納為書丁妍窟所在， 深感變通成法， 則
歷史意義，這主要歸因於兩點。其一，它們所在的時代裏，
為首善之區， 而錢荒之弊年甚一年， 幾苦束手無可補救
的唯一原因。其二，它們所在的時代裏，中國捲入了一場
侵蝕克扣之伎倆頓無所施， 一則士大夫到生長北方， 於
局銀幣從未流通的原因。因此，由於這些銀幣是所有的非
之議阻之甚力， 又前年粵廣所解銀圓三十萬， 戶部有搭
戰爭，試圖擺脫令人憎恨的外國入侵，而這場戰爭正是京
南省龍圓便民之利與洋圓漏厄之害向所未睹， 故於鑄圓
官方樣幣，錢幣界認為其值得收藏，並且非常值得擁有。
放無搭收， 出入未能一律， 故行之未著大勃也， 今鑄圓
曾澤祿按京局銀元局籌建的原因與事實，在中文史料也有
辦， 惟設廠購器為日尚長， 而小民之困於錢者， 實有迫
議廣用銀圓以維圜法情形折” 的檔案中有提到，“ ……
建廠屬安進機器，尚需時日 ……”
一事已於四月二十七日遵奉諭旨， 命軍機大臣會同戶部試
提及 到，例如光 緒二十五年八月初九日， “戶部奏遵旨會
不急待之勢……査京城製造銀圓， 雖已奉旨試辦， 然創
致謝 在本文調查研究的20年間， 有很多人和筆者通信分享了自己的大量專業知識——這些知識全都不可或缺！尤其要感 謝理查德 · 賴特 (Richard Wright)， 他對中國鑄幣的瞭解出類拔萃， 長久以來都在為我提供支持。 此外還有加利
福尼亞州阿普托斯的唐 · 卡納帕羅 (Don Canaparo) ；臺灣的劉寬鎔、 徐讚昇和張秀青先生 ；暫居北卡羅來納州的 翟建林 ；愛荷華市的帕特裏克 · 霍根 (Patrick D. Hogan) ；伊利亞特州奧羅拉的奧 · 布萊恩 (M.J. O'Brien) ；英格蘭
倫敦的安德烈 · 德 · 克萊蒙特 (André de Clermont) ；德克薩斯州休斯頓的賈斯汀 · 王 (Justin C. Wang) ；及馬薩諸 塞州謝爾頓維爾的懷特 (R.B. White)， 他們的名字有的已經在注釋或注腳中提到， 在此再次表示感謝。 我尤其要 感謝的是來自上海的錢傑先生， 感謝他慷慨的與我分享他對這些硬幣的瞭解——這些都是花費了他大量精力才獲
得的。 最後， 我想要謝謝我的兄弟——來自北卡羅來納州達勒姆的黑爾 · 史成尼， 感謝他幫助我進行翻譯， 並且 代我花時間在紛繁的互聯網中搜集資訊。
1995年2月6日於 北卡羅來納高地
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對 1900 年北京造幣廠的另一看法 史博祿〔美國〕
盛宣懷（1844 年 11 月 4 日—1916 年 4 月 27 日）， 洋務派代表人物， 著名的政治家、企業家和慈善家，被譽為“中國實業之父”、“ 中國商父”、
“中國高等教育之父”。
盛宣懷創造了 11 項“ 中國第一”：第一個民用股份制企業輪船招商局 ； 第一個電報局中國電報總局 ；第一個內河小火輪公司 ；第一家銀行中國
通商銀行 ；第一條鐵路幹線京漢鐵路 ；第一個鋼鐵聯合企業漢冶萍公
司 ；第一所高等師範學堂南洋公學（ 今交通大學）；第一個勘礦公司 ；第 一座公共圖書館 ；第一所近代大學北洋大學堂（ 今天津大學）；創辦了中 國紅十字會。
Sweeny 先 生寫的關於 1900 年北 京造 幣廠 及 其錢幣 的
一種可能性，那 就 是 造幣廠 確實是由盛 宣懷或銀行的官
文章，對於我們瞭解中國造幣廠的發展是有重要幫助的。
點可由造 幣廠的小規 模 上 進一 步得 到 證 實。Sweeny 和
文章 ( 原載《東亞泉志 1995 年 1 期》)，是一篇很好的
員所建 來生產鑄幣，就像營業執 照裏允許的那 樣。這一
Sweeny 和 Richard Wright 先生都在自己的文章中認為
Richard Wright 先生認為造幣廠可能只有 2-3 臺印刷用
北京造幣廠是由中國政府所建，作為一個中央造幣廠或者
機器。這使它成為中國最小的現代造幣廠（廣州有90 臺印
或縮小而製作的樣品 )。
央造幣廠為整個國家生產鑄幣了。雖然 3 臺印刷機器對於
造幣廠模型 ( 應是“類型”，因模型是根據實物、圖樣放大
刷機器，開封有8 臺印刷機器），當然它也就不可能成為中
供應北京周圍地區的鑄幣已經足夠了，但是在天津附近其
我卻認為這個造幣廠根本不是由政府所建，而是由個人所
實早就有一家造幣廠了（北洋造幣廠）。
建。1897 年，中國工業家及政府官員⸺ 盛宣懷（也叫盛 公保）獲得清政府的許可建立第一家中資銀行。這個銀行
此外，如果 這個造幣廠真是中央 造幣廠或 造幣廠類型的
（中國 上印的英 文名字 卻是“Imperial Bank of China”
或者其他官方名稱呢？畢竟刻著城市名稱的一系列錢幣看
的中文名字是中國通商銀行（S/M C293），但是它的紙幣
話，為什麼它的鑄幣上沒有刻上“大清帝國”或者“戶部”
皇家銀行） （見 A36-A55）。一些歷史學家認 為這是一家
上去似乎非常不正式。最後，如果這真是一家官方的政府
政府銀行，但是事實上，盛宣懷建立這個銀行是為了給修
造幣廠的話，我們應該可以在清政府的官方記錄中找到一
建鐵路籌措資金。其中部分資金來自於投資者，其餘的則
些相關記載的，事實上沒有。
由中國政府提供。銀行由商業人士經營，但是政府有權監
督它的運營情況。在銀行的營業執照中，中國政府也賦予
更多關於盛宣懷及其銀行的資訊，請 參見 AlbertFeuer-
的檔中，他建議以京平兩（北京使用的銀兩）為貨幣單位
業》，哈佛大學 1958 年出版，第6 章第 4部分中國皇家銀
的類型將在以後決定。由該銀行的北京支行發行的紙幣確
二冊，1933 年由中央 研 究院 近代 史研 究 所在臺灣出版。
werker 的書《中國早期工業化⸺ 盛宣懷和官督商辦企
了這家銀行發行鑄幣的權利。在盛宣懷最初要求建立銀行
行。盛宣懷關於晚清現代工業的信件及電報已經被收編成
來鑄造銀幣。然而，在它的營業執照上卻寫著鑄造的錢幣
編輯是王爾敏和吳倫霓。盛宣懷的文章顯然是收存在香
實是以京平兩為單位的，但是沒有人見過以京平兩為單位
港。1990 年，香港中文大學開始研究盛宣懷從未出版的
的硬幣。
文章。對於 這些文章的研究可能會給 我們提供更多關於
1900 年的北京造幣廠位於皇家銀行的隔壁，這就增加了
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FEATURES
京師銀元局評注 賴特〔英國〕
我已看完了《 庚子年京局製造銀幣》 一文， 十分精彩， 並對其很感興趣。 詹姆斯 · 史成 尼 (James Sweeny) 在文中提出了一些新發現的事實， 包括迄今為止仍然難以探尋的硬幣
鋼模來源， 這為1900年到50年代間， 錢幣界的實際情況提供了令人信服的基本框架。 現
在， 我想要補充一些間接證據或理論， 這可能會對充實京師銀元局的建立背景有所幫助。 根據1898年中國主要造幣廠硬幣發行數量顯示， 各廠產量如下 ： 區域
造幣廠
1元
2角 /1角 /5分
華北
北洋
1元
2角 /1角 /5分
華中
南京
300萬
150萬
武昌
150萬
1500萬
華南
福州
200萬
1000萬
沿海
廣東
0
300 萬 ( 或600萬 )
50萬
3900萬
約700萬
約700萬
（鑄有少量5角硬幣， 主要由北洋造幣廠鑄造） 造幣廠產量需要適應市場需求， 因此， 從上述數據可以明顯看出， 華北傾向於使用1元硬 幣， 華南傾向於使用小額銀幣。（ 同樣， 在華西建立造幣廠之後， 雖然有與5角同等幣值的 印度盧比，但5角還是成為了最受歡迎的硬幣）。小額銀幣可以使用中等規格的壓機鑄造（希 頓2號）， 而1元及5角則需要使用大型壓機鑄造（ 希頓4號）。 兩臺希頓4號便足以在1898 年一年中， 生產全部700萬枚中國省造銀元。 我們對1898年9月新建的杭州造幣廠所知甚少， 只知道它日產量達20萬枚， 年產量在5000 萬 -6000萬枚間。 但是當時的浙江省造硬幣表明， 造幣廠的確鑄造了一些1元及5角硬幣，
因此， 該廠必然配備有一臺希頓4號壓機。 然而，1899年， 杭州造幣廠量產的是華南喜歡
使用的2角、1角及5分硬幣， 因此， 該造幣廠可能還配備有幾臺希頓2號壓機。 根據英國外 交部1907年報告記錄，杭州銀元“質地輕，品質次”，這或許就是該造幣廠沒落的原因。
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专题
1899年， 省級造幣廠數量猛增， 設計、 重量及銀質標準越來越差。 並且當時敕令及報 紙報導所表現出的意圖與官方意圖並不一致， 這讓人頗為疑惑。 而當時的真實情況可能
是政府決定禁止任何不完備或“ 劣質” 造幣廠進行生產 ；同時決定在戶部的監督下， 在
北京建立“ 模範” 造幣廠， 將該造幣廠用作為“ 華北造幣廠”， 並為華中及華南地區經篩 選後留下的造幣廠提供樣品。因此，從邏輯上講，該造幣廠主要生產1元硬幣。 於是， 可能由於官方不希望杭州造幣廠繼續經營， 就簡單拆除廠內的硬幣壓機和輕質機 器， 由此， 杭州造幣廠的生產能力遭到嚴重削弱 ：拆除的機器運往北京， 供京師銀元局 使用， 一石二鳥。 然而， 運往北京的壓機似乎只有希頓4號， 這不足以滿足一個潛在1元 硬幣生產商的生產需要 ；因此，這可能就是在1900年3月向伯明翰造幣廠訂購時，增加了 一臺（ 希頓）4號壓機的原因 ；此外， 這也是訂單中訂購（ 鋼模） 鍛車床、 軋機和馬力蒸 汽發動機的原因， 有了這些機器， 便可以生產所有硬幣餅坯所需的重要銀片。 詹姆斯 ·
史成尼指出，機器要在“1900年8月6日”前送到，因此，儘管從1899年的報紙報道來看， 銀元局投入生產頗為匆忙， 但其顯然是直到1900年底才投入生產。 另一方面， 我們可以 推測，1901年，京師銀元局在華北一經建成，邊上的北洋兵工造幣廠便立即停辦了。 與此同時， 倫敦懷恩兄弟的工作室內正在設計高質量模具。 儘管我們並不知道具體的情 況是怎樣的， 但似乎早在1900年春， 便已經將1套鋼模寄往北京， 呈交設計以獲批准， 並在硬幣壓機中進行測試， 此外， 還有另一件事幾乎可以肯定， 那便是有1或2套樣幣也 一同寄出， 但它們似乎已經不見了。 請注意， 因為當時還是通過汽輪寄送， 這讓在倫敦 的懷恩兄弟有時間在寄出衝床前， 做一些必要的改變 ；在此之後， 銀元局便可以及時開 始製造自己的鋼模，以便年底投產。 銀元局似乎也鑄有少量2角和1角硬幣， 但它們有一個奇怪的特點， 即這些硬幣的銀質不 合格（ 使用的是660/693精緻銀， 而非820銀）。 而京師銀元局旨在提供硬幣樣品， 因此 這些硬幣不太可能是鑄造來作流通之用。 而情況更可能是， 這些硬幣實則是試鑄幣或測 試幣， 而其餅坯或銀片來自天津北洋兵工造幣廠。 人們只能大膽猜測， 事實其實正如詹 姆斯 · 史成尼描述的那樣， 1900年6月， 北京的庚子之亂使得銀元局停止試鑄其他面額
的硬幣，此後，留下的模具開始在民間流轉。
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近 日︐ 我 們 收 到 總 理 衙 門 章 京 劉 慶 汾 的 奏 摺︐ 支 持 在 北 京 鑄 造 銅 錢︐ 並 且 認 為 應 當 採 購 機 器︐ 製 造 銀 元 及 輔 幣︐ 以 替 代 當 前 在 首 都 使 用 的 銅 制 及 銀 制 貨 幣︒ 該 奏 摺 呈 交 總 理 衙 門 上 奏︐ 總 理 衙 門 現 在 稱︐ 在 對 北 京 商 業 貿 易 中 心 進 行 全 面 詢 問 和 仔 細 調 查 後︐ 衙 門 官 員 得 出 結 論︐ 認 為 在 首 都 建 造配備有外國設備的大型造幣廠 有 益 於 各 個 階 級︐ 而 且 現 在 的 舊 造 幣 廠 裏︐ 不 誠 實 和 欺 詐 行 為 頻 現︐ 運 行 這 樣 一 座 造 幣 廠︐ 可 以 防 止 這 些 行 為︒ 茲 此︐ 現 令 慶 親 王︐ 清 朝 首 任 內 閣 總 理 大 臣 奕 劻 與軍機處和戶部官員討論在北京 建造外國模式造幣廠所需的規程︐ 以替代充斥著不誠實及欺詐行為 的舊造幣廠︒
6月21日。 今晨再次開火， 情況異乎激烈， 在我試圖探明我們是否正處於巨大的危險之中 的時候， 卻注意到有幾個甘肅兵， 在西邊鄰居的屋頂上向奧地利大使館開火……下午1點
30分許， 甘肅兵佔領了奧地利大使館， 5時許， 他們開始往周圍的建築放火。 火情就在我
家南面， 僅150碼左右的距離， 隔了一條長安街而已。 夜幕降臨， 奧地利大使館東面的中
國通商銀行及銀元局失火， 火勢四處蔓延， 火光照亮天空， 持續了整整一夜。 當夜， 無
北京日志
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庚子年京局製造銀幣相關報紙記載
人敢入眠。
該目擊敘述記載於一位不具名的中國六部高官寫給家人的信中。
1900 年1月17日，《華北捷報》第99頁，援引1899 年 6月5日《京報》文章
1900 年 8月1日，《華北捷報》第252頁
Review of the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site in Jiangkou Town and the Salvaged Currency Zhou Bian (Shanghai)
Zhang Xianzhong (1606-1646), a native of Dingbian Town, Shaanxi Province, was the leader of the peasant revolutionary army in the late Ming dynasty. In the third year of Chongzhen reign (1630), Zhang gathered peasants in the Eighteenth Stockade Villages to revolt, and fought in Shaanxi, Shanxi, Henan, Sichuan and other provinces. Then, he left Sichuan to fight against the Ming army in Hubei, Anhui and Huguang (currently Hunan and Hubei provinces). In 1640, Zhang marched toward Sichuan again, and in 1644, he set up the Daxi regime in Sichuan where Zhang declared himself emperor with the reign title of Dashun. When the Qing army advanced toward the south in 1646, Zhang led his army against the Qing army, but was shot dead with arrows on Fenghuang Mountain, Xichong County. In 1644, the Qing army fought its way into Sichuan. When Zhang Xianzhong withdrew from Chengdu after his failure to defend against the Qing, he hid the treasure of Daxi Regime. Then spread a riddle, that stated, “150-million-taels of silver is hidden in the place where the stone bull is opposite to the stone drum. If you can find the place, you will get a treasure worthy of the whole of Chengdu Prefecture.” Zhang marked the treasure with a stone bull and stone drum with the intention that he would come back for it later. Local legend in Jiangkou says that when Zhang and his army fled away from Chengdu south on a ship carrying vast amounts of treasure, they were attacked by a/the local army at Tiger Beach, Jiangkou Town, Pengshan County, Sichuan Province, and the treasure was sunk into the river together with the fleet. The incident is recorded in many sources of local literature and historical records. ① Zhang Xianzhong
District, and the seminar focused on the protection and archaeological study of Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site held.
Since 2005, a body of cultural relics have been salvaged from the Minjiang River, Jiangkou Town, Pengshan District (previously Pengshan County), Meishan City, Sichuan Province. These include a gold imperial edict which is used to confer a title of seignior on a prince and engraved with reign title, silver ingots held in wooden sheaths, Xi Wang Shang Gong coins and numerous silver decorations and scrap silver. In 2010, the area, east and west to the dikes, south to the Minjiang Bridge, and north to the intersection of the Fuhe River and the Nanhe River, covering an area of 1 million square meters, was listed as the third number of the municipal cultural relics protection unit by the Meishan government. On December 16th, 2015, experts identified the site to be Jiangkou Chenyin (literally, ‘dumping silver at river mouth’) Historic Site where Zhang Xianzhong dumped silver at the seminar in Pengshan
Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site
① The Record of Pengshan County, Peng Zunsi: To Weep for Sichuan: Biography of Yang Zhan, Fei Mi: The Book of the Great Disorder, Shen Xunwei: A Brief Record of the War Disaster in Suchuan, etc. ② Huo Hongwei: Discussion on Gold and Silver Coins Granted for Merits by the Emperor of the Daxi Regime at Jiangkou Relics, Pengshan District, Sichuan Province, the Journal of National Museum of Chinese History, (2018) issue #8
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The relic is sited in the Minjiang River, and it has been robbed many times since 2013. In October 2016, a major case of the robbery and the selling of 300 million CNY of treasure salvaged from Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site which was solved. Many precious cultural relics were recovered, including the gold seal with tiger knob and 50 tael gold ingot which have both been evaluated to be national cultural relics. In order to avoid the historic site from being further robbed and destroyed, to fully understand the distribution range of the site and the preservation of cultural relics underwater, and to roll out a proper protection plan in a scientific way, a salvage and archaeological study was formally launched in Pengshan District, and the whole activity lasted for three months.
50 Tael Gold Ingot issued in the first year of the Tianqi reign by Changsha Prefecture
Site of Archaeological Study
The review on the coins and silver ingots discovered at Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site is as below. I n 2011, there were cult u ral relics salvaged when the infrastructure at the Jiangkou Section of the Minjiang River was constructed, but the relics were plundered. Among some of relics recovered was a Xi Wang Shang Gong gold coin as well as a silver one. This was the first time for Xi Wang Shang Gong coins to be found. In 2017, a number of gold and silver coins of this kind were salvaged at the site. According to the expert analysis, it was concluded that these coins which are of a large size and have a wide edge and plain reverse are characterized by relief regular-style characters, round coins with square holes in the center, and the figure is densely covered by horizontal filing. Their craftsmanship is of various levels, with quality ones having elegant workmanship and interior ones covered by tiny holes. The coins are basically consistent in diameter, but the thickness, weight and fineness vary from one to another. ②
Generalissimo Yong Chang Gold Seal with Tiger Knob
In terms of the time and place of minting, Gu Cheng, Mao Peiqi and some other scholars hold that they were struck after Zhang
A Gold Button in the Figure of a Child
③ Huo Hongwei: Discussion on Gold and Silver Coins Granted for Merits by the Emperor of the Daxi Regime at Jiangkou Relics, Pengshan District, Sichuan Province, the Journal of National Museum of Chinese History, (2018) issue #8
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Gold Ingots Salvaged from the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site
Silver Ingots Salvaged from the Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site
Xianzhong fought his way into Sichuan but before he declared himself emperor. Scholar Huo Hongwei further reasoned after analyzing the material and 200 pieces of uncirculated Xi Wang Shang Gong gold and silver coins salvaged at Jiangkou that they were minted in Chengdu in the first year of the Dashun reign (1644), as Zhang Xianzhong had no way to strike coins unless he had already built a relatively stable regime in Sichuan. Thus, the coins are believed to have been minted no earlier than the year when Daxi was established by Zhang Xianzhong. The coins are supposed to have been manufactured by the Daxi regime for the purpose of awarding successful generals and other military leaders. ③
used were gained by pillage, but the silver ingots mentioned above were all struck in the Daxi reign indeed. In addition to silver ingots of diverse sorts, Xi Wang Shang Gong gold and silver coins and Da Shun Tong Bao copper coins, another extremely significant discovery is a valuable gold seal of the lord in Sichuan, and it is the first discovered gold seal of a seignior from the Ming dynasty. According to the historical record of the Ming dynasty, once the prince was titled to the seignior with his own land by feudal grant, a gold imperial edict of title conferring and gold seal will be granted. When the son of a seignior inherits the title, only the
As The Br illiant Millen nium: Silver in the Histor y of Chinese Currency records, over 300 silver ingots stuck in the Ming dynasty were salvaged at the Jiangkou site in the two archeological activities from January to April, 2017 and from January to April, 2018. Most of these ingots are engraved with inscriptions such as the age, place, weight, minter, tax type, etc., and some of them are also engraved with the name of officials related to the minting affair. In terms of the time of minting, the ingots found were mostly struck in the late Ming dynasty, from the Wenli reign to the Tianqi reign to the Chongzhen reign. As for the place of minting, a total of 54 prefectures, states and counties and eight chief secretaries are involved. These ingots are for 10-plus kinds of tax, including tax for food, tax for officials’ salary and tax for soldiers’ pay and provisions. It is more noteworthy that the 50 tael silver ingot produced in the Daxi reign was also salvaged, and such ingot shows no difference from the officially minted silver ingots in shape and minting craft from the Ming dynasty. According to the inscription on the silver ingots such as “50 tael silver ingot issued in Chongzhong in the first year of the Dashuan reign”, “50 tael silver ingot for food tax issued in Meizhong in the first year of the Dashuan reign” and “50 tael silver ingot for soldiers’ pay and provisions tax issued in Hanzhong in the first year of the Dashuan reign”, all these are the silver for taxes of the Daxi reign. The numismatic world used to believe that the silver ingots which Zhang Xianzhong
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A Xi Wang Shang Gong Silver Coin Salvaged from Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site
gold imperial edict will be granted, and the gold seal will be inherited, which means, every seignior palace only houses one gold seal. Therefore, gold seals are more precious and rarer than gold imperial edicts of title conferring. The edict salvaged this time suffers some damage, but the seal character “ 蜀 ” which means Sichuan can still be clearly identified on its surface, so it should be from the palace of the seignior in Sichuan based on textual evidence. Moreover, thanks to cracking down on the robbery and the sale of relics from Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site, many cultural relics have been recovered by the public security and historic
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Year of the Tianqi reign by Changsha Prefecture”, the gold for the annual supply for seignior palace which in engraved with "50 Tael Gold Ingot for Seignior Palace issued on the Spring Festival Eve of the First Year of the Tianqi reign by Changsha Prefecture, Official Yang Xu, Craftsman Zhao", is among the rarest ingots existing, as it is the largest known ingot minted in the Ming dynasty. As experts indicate, the discovery of Jiangkou Chenyin Historic SIte has found the truth of the history about Zhang Xianzhong after his uprising and it has also provided abundant original materials for the study on the wars of the peasant revolutionary army, establishment of the reign and economic construction; in addition, it is of great significance for us to have a better understanding of the social and economic condition, practical culture and the overall historical as well as social trends in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. The Jiangkou Chenyin Historic Site, the most important archeological discovery of the Ming dynasty after the discovery of the Dingling Tomb, is one of the few massive treasures in the world, as a worldclass archeological site and was honored in 2017 as a top 10 archeological discovery in China. The Pengshan District government also has made great efforts to protect this site. For this end, local government is stepping up its efforts to build the Zhang Xianzhong Jiangkou Chenyin Museum, the first “treasure” museum in China. The early-stage planning and preparation has already started, and it is estimated to be completed within five years. The museum will be an extremely valuable research base for archaeologists as well as a tourist attraction for the public to know about this fascinating and important history.
A Gold Imperial Edict of Title Conferring
relics department, including Xi Wang Shang Gong silver and gold coins, 50 tael silver ingots and many other rare coins. It is worthy of noting that the “50 Tael Gold Ingot issued in the First
注释 ： Website, media and report reference People's Daily Online
www.people.com.cn
Xinhuanet
www.nens.cn
Sina Collection
collection.sina.com.cn
Sohu Net
www.sohu.com
Sichuan Radio and Television Sichuan Radio and Television Online The Sichuan Provincial Cultural Relics and Archeology Research Institute: Liu Zhiyan: The Silver will not be Eroded even if Being Dumped: The Discovery Record of Jiangkou Relics, The Brilliant Millennium: The Silver in the History of Chinese Currency, Shanghai Painting and Calligraphy Press, (April, 2018) version 1.
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張獻忠江口沉銀及出水貨幣綜述 周邊〔上海〕
張獻忠（ 1606-1646年）， 陝西定邊縣人， 明末農民起義軍領袖。 明
崇禎三年（ 1630年），在家鄉聚集十八寨農民暴動，曾轉戰於陝、晉、
豫、 川等地。 之後出川與明軍在鄂、 皖、 湖廣一帶激戰。 1640年進
兵又入四川，1644年在成都建立大西政權，即帝位，號大順。1646年，
清軍南下， 張獻忠引兵拒戰， 在四川西充鳳凰山中箭而死。
清兵入川， 張獻忠兵敗退出成都時， 把“ 大西國” 的金銀財寶秘藏 起來了。 成都民間流傳有一首民謠 ： “ 石牛對石鼓， 銀子萬萬五。 有 人識得破， 買盡成都府。” 用石牛和石鼓暗作藏寶記號， 以便今後能 找到這批神秘寶藏。 當張獻忠攜帶財寶乘船從成都順水南下， 在四 張獻忠畫像
川彭山縣江口鎮“ 老虎灘” 一帶遭到地方武裝的突襲，財寶絕大都分 隨船隊沉落江中。 這段歷史， 當地相關的文獻史籍中均有記載。①
2005年以來，四川省眉山市彭山區江口鎮岷江河道內陸續
虎鈕金印、五十兩金錠經鑒定為國寶級文物。
中的銀錠、 “西王賞功”錢幣以及大量的銀質飾品、碎銀等。
為避免江口沉銀遺址遭到進一步的盜掘和破壞，充分瞭解
單位。遺址保護範圍為東西各至河堤，南至岷江大橋，北
規 劃提 供科 學依 據，2017年12月26日，彭山江口沉 銀 遺
發現大量文物，這些文物包括銘刻年號的金冊、裝於木鞘
2010 年該區域被眉山市政府公佈為第三 批市級文物保護
遺址的分佈範圍以及文物在水下的保存狀況，為制定保護
至府河、南河交匯處，面積約100萬平方米。2015 年12月
址水下考古發掘正式啟動，開始為期 3 個月的考古發掘。
經專家確認其為張獻忠“江口沉銀遺址”。
現就江口沉銀遺址發現的各類錢幣、銀錠等作一綜述 ：
江口沉 銀 遺 址位 於岷江 水下，自2013 年以 來，遭 到多次
2011年，岷江河道江口段的建設施工中，在出水文物被哄
16日，在彭山召開的江口沉銀遺址保護和考古研討會上，
盜 掘。2016 年10月，公 安部門成 功破獲江口沉 銀 盜賣大
搶後追回的部分文物中，有“西王賞功”金、銀幣各一枚，
案，涉案人民幣計3 億元，並追繳回多件珍貴文物，其中
這是首次在江口遺址發現“西王賞功”錢幣。2017年，江 口遺址考古發掘出水大批“西王賞功”金銀幣。專家對這 些錢幣進行分析後，總結出水的“西王賞功”錢的基本特 點是，陽文楷書，圓形方孔，錢體較大，闊緣素背，錢幣
輪郭上密佈縱向銼痕，鑄造工藝水準良莠不齊，優質者做
工精整，拙劣者沙眼 遍佈。錢幣直徑基本一致，但厚度、 重量與製作水準卻相差懸殊。②
關於西王賞功幣的鑄造時地，顧誠、毛佩琦等學者認為， 其鑄造時間大約在張獻忠入川以後至稱帝之前。學者霍宏
偉進一步推斷其始鑄時間與地點在大順元年（1644 年）的
江口沉銀遺址 ①《彭山縣誌》、彭遵泗《蜀碧 · 楊展傳》、費密《荒書》、沈荀蔚 ： 《蜀難敘略》等。
② 霍宏偉 ： 《四川彭山江口遺址出水西王賞功金銀幣探討》 ，載《中國國家博物館館刊》2018 年 08 期。
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江口沉銀考古現場
成都。從江口遺址出水 200 餘枚未曾動用的西王賞功金銀
幣的材質與數量上分析，只能是在張獻忠進入四川成都， 建立一個相對穩定的政權之後才能做到。始鑄時間不應早 於張獻忠建立大西政權之後的這一年。製作西王賞功幣應 該是大西政權所屬的鑄局。③其功能主要是賞賜之用。
根據《熠熠千年⸺ 中國貨幣史中的白銀》一書記載，在
2017年1-4月與 2018 年1-4月的 考古發 掘中，江口遺 址 總
長沙府天啟元年伍拾兩金錠
計出水明代銀錠 300 餘枚，大多數銀錠上刻有年代、地點、
重量、鑄匠和稅收種類等銘文，部分銀錠上還刻有與鑄錠
相關的官員名字。發現的銀錠主要是明代晚期的萬曆、天
啟和崇禎三個王朝的，從地域來看，涉明朝 8個布政司的
54個府州縣，記錄了明代糧銀、宗祿銀、軍餉銀在內的10 餘個稅收種類。此外更為人矚目的是還出水了大西政權鑄 造的五十兩銀錠，從銀錠形制和鑄造工藝上看，與明代官 鑄銀錠沒有區別。從銀錠上刻字記載看，均為大西政權稅 銀，如 ： “大順元年崇州五十兩銀錠”“大順元年眉州大糧
銀五十兩銀錠”“大順二年漢州軍餉銀五十兩”等。過去
錢幣界普遍認為張獻忠使用的銀錠都是擄掠所得，此說並
虎鈕永昌大元帥金印
不客觀。這些出水銀錠就是大西政權自鑄銀錠的例證。
在江口沉 銀 遺址的發掘中，除了發現各種銀錠、 “西王賞 功”金銀幣和大順通寶銅幣外，極為重要的是發現了一枚 蜀王金寶，這也是國內首次發現明朝藩王金寶實物。據明
史記載，皇子封親王，授金冊金寶。世子承襲王位，止授
金冊，傳用金寶，也就是說每個藩王府只有唯一壹枚金寶， 因此較之金冊顯得更為稀少和珍貴。本次發掘出水的這枚
金寶，雖然殘損，但仍可清楚地辨識出印面的篆書“蜀”字， 考證應當來自蜀藩王府。
童子形金扣子
③ 霍宏偉 ： 《四川彭山江口遺址出水西王賞功金銀幣探討》 ，載《中國國家博物館館刊》2018 年 08 期。
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出水金錠
出水銀錠
從江口沉銀的打擊盜掘倒賣文物案中，公安與文物部門追
現。因此獲得了“ 2017年度全國十大考古新發現”的殊榮。
銀幣和50 兩銀錠等不少珍稀的錢幣。值得一提的是有“長
極籌建張獻忠江口沉銀博物館，目前前期規劃和策劃工作
繳了許多在遺址中盜掘的文物，其中也有“西王賞功”金、
彭山將江口沉銀地作為歷史遺址予以大力保護，當地正積
沙府天啟元年五十兩金錠”1枚，上有銘文“長沙府天啟元
已經展開，預計5 年內將建好國內首家的“寶藏”博物館。
年分歲供王府足金五十兩正，吏楊旭，匠趙”，是1621年
為歷史考古專業人員提供了一個極為寶貴的研究基地，也
長沙府上供藩王王府的歲供黃金，是已知的明朝金錠中的
為廣大人民群眾多了一處瞭解歷史的旅遊勝地。
最大錠形，存世稀少。
四川省眉山市江口沉銀遺址的發掘，正如專家所說，為了
解張 獻忠農民 起義 後的這段 歷史提供了科學依 據，也為 起義軍的征戰歷史、政權建設、經濟建設等方面的研究提
供了豐富的原始資料 ；同時，江口沉銀遺址的發掘將對認 識明末清初的社會經濟狀況、物質文化形態，乃至明末清 初以來的社會歷史走向等都將產生重要的意義。江口沉銀
遺址的發現是世界範圍內所發現的為數不多的批量寶藏， 屬於世界級的考古發現，是定陵之後最重要的明朝考古發
銀“西王賞功”錢出水
金冊
參考網站、媒體與報導 ：
人民網 www.people.com.cn 新華網 WWW.Nens.cn
新浪收藏 collection.sina.com.cn 搜狐網 www.sohu.com 四川廣播電視臺
四川網路廣播電視臺
四川文物考古研究院 ：劉志岩 ： 《折戟沉沙銀未消 ：江口沉銀遺址發掘記》， 《熠熠千年 - 中國貨幣史中的白銀》，上海書畫出版社，2019 年 4月第一版。
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Analysis of the City Gate Tax Levied People Passing Through the Gate and the Gold and Silver Shops in the Southern Song Dynasty from the Scroll Painting Along the River During the Qingming Festival Che-lu Tseng〔USA〕 The famous scroll painting Along the River During the Qi ng m i ng Fest ival was created by Z hang Zeduan, an academician of the Hanlin Painting Academy in the Northern Song dynasty. This masterpiece was painted during the Chongning period (1102 - 1106 AD) for the Huizong emperor of the Song dynasty. It depicts the street scenery of Bianjing (modern Kaifeng), the capital of the Northern Song dynasty. The painting depicts both inside and outside the city; boats travel on Bianhe River and pass through the Hong Bridge, and people are gathering around Jinming Lake, watching the tidal bore. Inspired by ingenious and flexible ideas, Zhang vividly and realistically delivered the characteristics presented by all social levels, as well as an overview of the life of the merchants in the city, by using skillful and superb painting techniques. There are three theories about the origin of the name “Qingming”: 1. The painting was created during the Qingming Festival; 2. Qingming was praise for Emperor Huizong’s reign; 3. It refers to Qingmingfang Street which led to the Eunuch Garden near the Qingming Pool in Bianjing. In my opinion, the third theory is the most possible, that is, “Qingming” was the portrayal of the life of the royal family and the common people living near Qingmingfang Street. In fact, what attracts me to the scroll painting most is the equipment pictured in several of the shops and the clothes people are wearing in the city. I am also curious about the meaning of the facial expressions countenance and gestures of the people in the painting. I have tried to find out
from the painting whether it can show changes of the city gate tax on the silver ingots from the Northern Song dynasty to the Southern Song dynasty. This scroll painting has been highly praised by scholars and painters from ancient times to the present, but different viewers may have different interpretations of the painting due to the fact that there are not any descriptive inscriptions on the scroll. According to a study by the Japanese scholar Hironobu Kohara, there are about 50 replicas of Along the River During the Qingming Festival in the world today. The original painting is now in the collection in the Forbidden City in Beijing. Eight exquisite replicas are in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, the museum which has preserved the largest amount of Along the River During the Qingming Festival paintings. These are all replicas made in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Some time ago, I was fortunate enough to possess a replica created by court artists from the Qing Dynasty that had Emperor Qianlong’s inscription Hui Yuan Jue Yao ( 绘 苑 璚 瑶 ). By comparing the genuine scroll painting and its replicas, especially the vivid facial expressions of the people and the equipment pictured inside and outside of the shops by the city gate, I have tried to find changes of city gate tax generated from the Southern Song dynasty and the origin of its name, and worked to understand the basic situation of the gold and silver shops in this period.
Along the River During the Qingming Festival painting collected in the collection of the Forbidden City in Beijing (original) On the left, against the wall by the gate, are row upon row of shops. A tax official in gown with government official headgear is sitting on a chair in the house closest to the gate settling a tax bill with a merchant. On the wall behind the tax official hangs a signboard explaining the taxation rules. According to the record of commercial taxes in The History of the Song Dynasty: Record of Food and Goods (Volume 2, Book 8), “officials are appointed to levy the tax. The tax rules are released and published on the board hanging on the wall in the taxation office. The goods to be taxed……” On the right of the tax official is a large weighing device, and outside the gate are nine packs
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of tea, clothing and other goods to be transported out of the city, with two porters standing by. Another supervisory official is recording the tax to be levied and telling the amount, while the merchant is perhaps arguing, “Why are there so many types of tax?” As the book records, “As for the goods purchased by the government……the amount of the tax would be reduced at the official’s discretion”. An assistant in the house is looking out at the possible quarrel. This scene depicts the body language of the common people and officials vividly, and show the excellent and meticulous painting skills of the painter Zhang Zeduan, and presents the culture and history of the Northern Song dynasty in
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a holistic way.
to pay the tax at the border military areas, and they had to bear the delivery expense for their taxation……In the fifth year of the period, the taxation bureau in the capital became attached to market transaction administration. In the seventh year (1074) of the period, decades of gate tax were deducted……To begin with, the tax levied at 20 gates outside the city was cut and replaced by interests……” According to the above record of the Northern Song dynasty, there were passes, major gates and minor gates in cities, and there were so-called “passing taxes” and “gateway taxes” levied on goods through the gate. These specific taxations did exist in the late Northern Song dynasty, and were in line with the scene of the shop near the city gate depicted in the Along the River During the Qingming Festival painting for Emperor Huizong by Zhang Zeduan. It can also explain the origin of the city gate tax in the Southern Song dynasty.
According to The History of the Song Dynasty : Record of Food and Goods (Volume 2, Book 8), “there are tax officials for all states and counties as well as some passes. If the region is large, special officials will be appointed for supervision, and if small, officials of some other positions will take charge of the taxation duties. As for states, eunuch supervisors and military officials will be responsible for tax affairs together. The so-called passing tax will be collected from travelling merchants, with a taxation rate of about 2%, and residence tax will be collected from merchants who do business in fixed shops, with a taxation rate of about 3%. However, there is no fixed taxation rate…… When it came to the Xining period (1068 - 1077 AD), those merchants who do business in Hebei, Hedong and Shaanxi were requested
Along the River During the Qingming Festival painting in the National Palace Museum Collection in Taipei (replica) It took ten years for Zhang Zeduan to complete his Along the River During the Qingming Festival. It was first housed in the collection of the palace of the Northern Song dynasty and then by the family of the Queen of Emperor Shenzong. After a rebellion in the Jingkang period, the painting was sent out of the country to the country Jin. From 1186, the masterpiece was successively collected by Zhang Zhao, Zhang Gongyao, Li Quan, Wang Jian, Zhang Shiji and some other people. The painting reminded these officials of their hometown of Bianjing which is the scenery depicted in the painting, and as was the custom some of them made inscriptions on it. Then, in the Southern Song dynasty, Jia Sidao (1213-1275) gained the painting. Jia was the prime minister of the Southern Song dynasty who had overwhelming power in the last 20 years before the government was annihilated. He performed economic reform by expropriating lands to meet the military demand with the revenue from the public land, abolishing compulsory food
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expropriation, and lowering the circulation of banknotes to prevent the inflation and stabilizing the price of commodities. Yet, Jia was criticized for his failure in the peace negotiation with the Mongolian army. After the Yuan dynasty governed by the Mongolian was established, the painting was kept in a secret office of the Yuan government. However, the genuine painting was then stolen by a craftsman who was responsible for repairing the pool in the palace and finally sold to Chen Yanlian in Hangzhou. In the Zhizheng period, the painting was stealthily substituted and lost. In the Ming dynasty, it was found to have passed through the hands of several officials and then returned to the imperial palace. However, it was stolen again by the eunuch Feng Bao who also wrote an inscription on the painting. Then, the work disappeared again. In the Qing dynasty, the masterpiece was in the hands of Lu Feichi, and then Hu-guang Viceroy Bi Ruan. Thereafter, the masterwork was kept in the imperial palace again. This time, it was housed in the Yinchuan
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Pavilion, and Emperor Jiaqing ordered it to be recorded in The Catalog of Treasury Paintings and Calligraphy. Finally, in 1924, the painting was brought to the southeast of China by Puyi who mistook this genuine painting for a replica together with another two replicas. In 1932, Puyi established the puppet Manchukuo government and preserved the painting in the library in the east courtyard of the palace. In 1945, the work was sent to be conserved in the Liaoning Museum, but it was still deemed as a replica. It was after 1950 when Yang Ziren and some other experts certified it to be the genuine painting and was transferred to the collection in the Forbidden City in Beijing. The transfer of the genuine painting is the story above, and it indicates that this masterpiece was been passed from one person to another for some 120 years during the Jin and Southern Song dynasties. Adding to the particular nostalgia of the people in this period, it was inevitable for painters to imitate the painting and add some historical elements of the Southern Song dynasty according to their imagination over the 100-plus years, such as the life of common people and the special industry of commercial gold and silver shops. As for the replicas made in the Ming and Qing dynasties, there are some differences in the scene of the gold and silver shop beside the city wall in the replicas as seen below, and they may be reproduced according to those versions of the Southern Song dynasty.
wares, decorations and currencies (Ting, Pai, Bing, etc.) as their major business. In the painting, two craftsmen are molded a silver ingot, while the owner is giving a banknote called a jiao zi or qian yin to a merchant [in the house]. As for those merchants who did business in the capital, they have to pay for the goods and then get a yin which is the certification for them to acquire their goods at tea factories, salt factories, and alum factories. At that time, salt, tea and alum were very profitable, so many businessmen preferred to engage in such business. Hence, the yin of these three special goods could be sold at a high price as securities, and businessmen had to pay tax for the yin for salt and tea. For this reason, gold and silver shops in the Southern Song dynasty are also known as gold and silver shops with jiao yin business, or gold and silver shops with yin of the salt business, or gold and silver shops with yin of the tea and salt business.
This is a gold and silver shop by the major gate and the river. According to The Record of the Wonderful Landscape in the Capital by Nai Dewen in the Southern Song dynasty, “several craftsmen are working in workshops equipped with furnaces and bellows”. The scene depicts the striking gold and silver wares and currencies. Another record is The Record of Dreamy Linan by Wu Zimu. He writes, “there are some workshops engraving silver and gold and striking saddles”. All these show that it was common to manufacture daily wares with gold and silver at the time, and the gold and silver shops with jiao yin business (the business of certification called yin for some special goods such salt, tea and alum) were truly busy in Linan. These shops set up workshops to manufacture gold and silver
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This gold and silver shop stands on a common street, not close to the gate, and it has a signboard with the name “Zhiqian Coin Shop”. There is a scale in the shop, and the table behind the shop owner is covered with panels to prevent others from seeing the precious things below. The owner is talking with a customer, and there is a V-shaped display between them. According to The Record of the Wonderful Landscape in the Capital and The
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Record of Dreamy Linan, gold, silver and currencies in these shops were used to settle or to exchange for the yin of salt. In the Southern Song dynasty, copper coins were commonly used for small deals, so gold, silver and jiao zi banknotes [issued] could also be directly exchanged for copper coins. However, the purchase and exchange were completely different. Purchasing was to use silver and gold as a commodity, while exchange was to use them as a currency. The silver and gold shop with jiao yin business fulfilled both of these two functions: treating gold and silver as a commodity and as a currency, so gold and silver could be purchased as well as exchanged there. It was a feature and function of gold and silver that led to such a situation, while it was also reality that in the Southern Song dynasty gold and silver were widely used among the people.
Four enlargements above are from a replica of Along the River During the Qingming Festival by court painters in the Qing dynasty and it is now in the National Palace Museum in Taipei. Its inscription reads, “On the fifteenth of the twelfth lunar month of the first year of Qianlong’s reign, painted by ministers Chen Mei, Sun You, Jin Kun, and Zai Hong.” It was difficult for them to depict the scene of gold and silver shops with a coin business in the Southern Song dynasty without a good knowledge of the relevant social and economic situation. Therefore, I believe that they must have mimicked the replicas of Along the River During the Qingming Festival with such scenes of the street in Lin’an in the Southern Song dynasty by a painter who expressed his emotion of homesickness. These scenes also reflect the economy and culture of that period. It is said that there are another eight replicas in the National Palace Museum in Taipei, and one or two of them may have been created in the Southern Song dynasty. Since Zhang Zeduan did not leave any written explanation, we can only interpret the painting by ourselves. I am just spiritually attracted to Zhang and make this interpretation on my own.
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從《清明上河圖》 探析南宋銀錠的出門稅及金銀鋪 曾澤祿〔美國〕 北宋翰林畫院院士張擇端的《清明上河圖》畫卷，大約在
“大城牆門”之下的幾間商鋪店的裝置設備與人物衣服穿
汴京（今開封）市街，城門內外，汴河虹橋船隻之來往及
著從繪畫中想尋找出它與南宋銀錠上戳記“出門稅”是否
崇寧年間（1102-1106 年）為宋徽宗而創作，以北宋都城
著，加上人物面臉手勢所表現出來的含義又是什麼？我試
金明池前圍觀人潮等為主軸，以巧妙靈活的構思畫出嚴謹
有從北宋到南宋時代的連通貫序。
城市之結構，以嫺熟高超之畫法，生動寫實地畫出各階層
庶民人性之軀體表現出來的語言，以及城市內四方商賈生
由於這幅畫卷受到歷代文人畫家的讚賞與極高的評價，加
活之概況。其名稱“清明”之由來約有三種說法 ：
上畫卷上並無文字的說明，而讓觀賞畫者想入非非，從而 引起不同的解讀，致之迷思而爭議，論說眾多，又引起歷
描繪清明時節的場景 ；
代畫家爭相模仿。據日本學者古原宏伸之研究，存世約有
50 個版本之多，其中北京故宮有一件來源有緒的正宗畫卷，
清明是對宋徽宗時太平盛世之歌頌 ；
還有臺北故宮收藏有8件，雖然是博物館界中存件最多者，
是指汴京的清明坊街那一段市街及貫通到清明池宦官
賞並買了一本 乾隆 皇帝題字“繪苑 璚瑤”清院 本《清明上
但都是明清時代之摹仿品。前些時筆者有幸到臺北故宮觀
庭園。
河圖》，我試著把北京故宮正本與臺北故宮明清的仿本中， 尤其是在大城牆門下旁邊之商鋪店裏外人物生動表態及店
我個人的看法是第三種，即清明坊那一段界庶民及皇室的
裏設備，加以比較之，試圖解釋它的演變及南宋“出門稅”
生活寫照。其實，這幅畫卷讓我最關注的是 ：在這城市之
名稱之由來，以及金銀鋪概況。
北京故宮《清明上河圖》 （正版本） 稅： “常稅名物， 令有司折， 頒行天下， 揭於版置官署屋
壁， 俾其遵守， 應算物貨……”店裏稅務官的 右邊有一
座大型秤重器。門外有9 件捆紮後的包袋，裏面或許是茶
葉、紡織絹布等想運出門外，旁邊站着二位搬運工人，另 外有一位官監正在寫要交多少稅並說出稅額來，而這位貨
（附注 ： 物主人正大聲抗議 ： “為什麼有這樣多的稅呢？” 這是筆者的臆言）按“有官須者……多便宜行事， 擅其征
利”，屋裏另一副官正向外面看這二位爭吵之情況。從 這
小局面⸺ 庶民與官吏之應對肢體語言寫實的畫卷，可欣
賞到北宋張擇端畫家繪畫技巧與細節之一斑，它正是表現 北宋歷史文化大局面的真實寫照。
在大門牆下左側有一排鱗次櫛比的商店，最靠近門牆的一 間房舍裏有一位 坐在椅子上穿著右 衽 長衫頭 戴官帽的官
《宋史食貨志 · 下八》商稅“凡州縣皆置務， 關鎮亦或有
監“稅務官”，正在跟一位貨主人 結算 稅事，稅務官背面
之， 大則專置官監臨， 小則令佐兼領， 諸州仍令都監監
牆壁上有頒佈的稅務行文。按《宋史食 貨志 · 下八 》之商
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押同掌，行者齊貨，謂之過稅，每千錢算二十，居者市鬻，
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謂之住稅， 每千錢算三十， 大約如此。 然無定制……又 熙寧（1068-1077年） 以來， 河北河東陝西三路， 支移 民以租賦齊貨……五年以在京商稅院隸提舉市易務， 七 年（1074年） 減國門之稅數十種……其先外城二十門，
皆責以課息……”，所以在北宋文獻中可以瞭解古代大小
城池城牆防衛有關鎮，有大門、小門，故出入商品有“過 稅”“國門之稅”的說法，是北宋末年稅名之寫照，合乎
於張擇端送給宋徽宗《清明上河圖》裏描畫靠近城牆大門 之店鋪情況。也可以延伸南宋有“出門稅”之由來。
臺北故宮《清明上河圖》 （明清仿版本） 按正本《清明上河圖》曆十年畫成，最早由北宋宮廷收藏， 後為宋神宗皇后族人所藏，靖康之亂後流入金國。1186年，
金朝張着、張公藥、酈權、王襇、張世積等人先後入 藏， 因上面幾位看到畫面而懷念故國，分別提跋於圖後，然後 再輾轉而成為南宋賈似道（1213-1275年）入 藏。賈似道
是南宋丞 相，在南宋滅 亡 前20多年掌握朝廷大權。他的
經濟改革行公田法，將公田的收入去償付軍需，建議廢除 和糴，減少紙幣的流通以防通貨膨脹穩定物價，最後因與
蒙古軍之談和失利而遭到批評後此圖在元朝入宮被收入秘
府，後為宮內修池工匠以贗本偷換出宮，轉手給杭州陳彥
廉。至正年間又被調包流落民間。再經幾位明朝官員入藏 輾轉，第三次納入明代皇室宮廷，後由太監馮保偷出並加
了提跋，而後不知去向。到了清朝時由陸費墀保存，後由 湖廣總督畢沅收藏，第四次進宮深藏紫禁城迎春閣內，嘉
這是靠近大城門及河邊的一間金銀鋪 , 據南宋耐得翁《都
慶帝命人將其收錄於《石渠寶笈》一書中。1924 年曾被溥
城紀勝》中“並諸作匠爐韝”就是在講金銀打造的，韝是
是真品。1932年溥儀建立偽滿洲國此圖入藏於皇宮東院圖
南宋民間用金 銀做日用器皿已很普遍，從另一角度 來看 ,
儀將此仿本及二幅仿品一起帶到東北，但溥儀不知這卷畫
風箱。又如吳自牧《夢梁錄》的“諸作打及爐韉”，這表示
書館樓中。1945年被收入遼寧省博物館也當仿品視之。直
到1950 年由楊仁愷等人鑒定為真品，後再藏入北京故宮。
我之所以道出正版的《清明上河圖》來源有緒的時間過程， 為的是說明這幅畫卷在金代與南宋共有120 年左右時間在
民間流傳，尤在南宋人懷念故國之情，難免在這一百多年
內，總會有畫家仿摹或想像而再加上有南宋歷史元素成分
如庶民生活與商業金銀鋪之特殊行業，等等。而明清之仿 本或許是根據南宋版本而摹仿。因為明清之仿本裏面似有
南宋金銀鋪之出現 ; 例如同樣在大城牆下商店描畫就皆然 大異 , 如下圖 ：
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它是帶動了臨安城中金銀交引鋪的繁榮，金銀鋪設置工廠 打造金銀器飾及金銀貨幣（鋌、牌、餅等）是南宋金銀鋪
的重要業務之一，畫中有倆匠工正打造白色銀錠 , 屋裏主
人向顧客商人展出一張會子或錢引，商人在京城貨物納錢， 得到特許證明（引）後，即可攜往茶場、鹽場及礬場收領
貨物，再運至各地販賣。當時，經營鹽、茶、礬是最能賺 錢的買賣，商人們都樂於經營。所以作為茶、鹽、礬這類 特殊商品買賣的證明（引）也可以高價出售，起到了有價
證券的作用。所以購買鹽引、茶引 , 或可交納賦稅。南宋 的金銀鋪，被稱作金銀交引鋪、金銀鹽鈔交易鋪、金銀茶 鹽鈔交引鋪等。
便行小額生意。金銀的買賣與兌換性質截然不同，買賣是 可以把金銀當作商品，而兌換則把金銀當作貨幣。南宋金
銀交引鋪實現了金銀的商品與貨幣兩種屬性功能，之間的
角色互換，既可以買賣，又可以兌換。這一方面是由金銀 本身特點、功能決定的，另一方面也是南宋時期金銀廣泛 使用於民間的真實寫照。
“發賣制錢”這四字在今人來看會令人覺得怪異，制錢（銅
錢）被發賣表示制錢缺乏出現錢荒，這在南宋十分明顯， 因為一方面是大量銅錢被民間窖藏（或可解釋為什麼近世 紀南北宋銅錢之出土那麼多 , 以噸計算，及官方稅收回流
國庫 , 或流出國外，如南洋，日本及鄰近之遼金夏……再
加上宋朝商品經濟的發展 , 幣制又以銅錢為主體性，需求
這間金銀鋪並不是在大門牆下，而是在一般市街上，掛著
招牌“發賣制錢”, 裏面有一件稱 秤重量工具，主人後面
大於供給，即銅錢不能滿足市場經濟對貨幣的需求，因此
而主人站在跟客人講話 , 而二人之間便是一個Ｖ形之展示
茶引、白銀、黃金……最後因金元戰爭打亂了一切，會子
造成了貨幣種類的多樣性，例如鐵錢、楮幣、會子、鹽引、
有一桌面上裝有防人看到下麵的面板 , 內面或有珍貴物 ?
發行量急速增加，而且多界會子混用，意味著貶值加速。
框。按《都城紀勝》和《夢梁錄》都記載金銀鈔引交易鋪
南宋後期時人感歎“錢荒物貴 , 極於近歲 , 人情疑惑 , 市
內陳列著金銀和現錢，是準備兌換、結算鹽鈔引的。南宋
井蕭條”，故經濟的潰敗決定南宋命運己無可挽回。
發行的會子是可以直接跟銅錢兌換，或用金銀兌換銅幣以
上面4 張圖片是來自臺北故宮之清院本《清明上河圖》，
圖並將南宋臨安府市街上常見之金銀鋪之情景描於畫
陳枚、 孫佑、 金昆、 載洪、 程志道恭畫”。我的推理
故宮還有8件清明上河圖仿本 , 或許有一二件南宋之版
面，這些 畫景似有點南宋 經濟文化的縮影，據 說臺北
有款識 ： “乾隆元年（1736年） 十二月十五日奉敕，臣
是這幾位清代畫家如果沒有對南宋社會經濟金銀鋪的
本乎否 ?.....
知識背景的瞭解，很難繪畫出上述有突出南宋之有關 錢幣金銀鋪之圖案來 , 所以我合理之推想是他們有一
因為張擇端沒有文字之說明 , 而讓後人自我解讀。我神
張南宋人懷念故國摹仿北宋之《清明上河圖》, 而此仿
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Chopmarked Coins Chapter 3 - Understanding Chopmarks Colin James Gullberg – Taipei Followed by No.15 Issue
Fake Chops on a Real Coin The third, and most difficult type for the collector to identify, are the fake chops on real coins. Counterfeit chops are done to boost the price of a common low-value coin to a specialty chopmark collector. For example, this might be done to a wellworn English shilling or crown, a junk- box Chinese one cash, an old French 5 francs, or a low-grade American Barber half dollar. Here the seller has a low value item that perhaps would only sell for its melt value and by the simple stamping of the coin with a steel punch (or even a screwdriver) can pass it off as a “rare” chopmarked coin. These are the hardest to judge and only by comparing thousands of chopmarked coins can a collector begin to have a feel for these. There will be disputes and disagreements over what constitutes a real chopmark and what does not; I believe even Frank Rose was fooled by a couple of these items. In one infamous case, a well-established dealer chopmarked a large number of coins over a decade in order to increase their value. Hans Schulman, originally from Holland, was a coin dealer in New York City who was in business from at least 1940 into the 1970s. He was quite famous in his day having been involved in the Howard Gibbs and King Farouk sales. Sometime in the 1960s he purchased a set of two assay chop dies from the nephew of a silver merchant, Mr. Yong Kim Hong, in Bangkok, Thailand. These chopping tools were genuine and had been used by the original owner to chop silver in the early twentieth century. According to the nephew, Mr. Kosol M. Udom, the two chops were made around 1930.239 The chops were the name of the silversmith; one of the chops was his name in Thai and the other was his name in Chinese [ 永 金 豐 - Yung Chin-feng, or Yong Kim Hong in Cantonese].
239 See the summary: E. Murphy; Chopmark News, vol. 6, no. 3, (July 2000), p. 14. 240 See Chopmark News, vol. 6, no. 3, (July 2000) for a reprint of the lots and prices.
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Mr. Schulman realized that common coins “chopped” with the Thai and/or Chinese names of Mr. Yung could fetch a much better price in the market than coins without such chops. It seems that Mr. Schulman chopped at least several hundred coins – mostly coins that would not have circulated in the Orient – including U.S. Peace dollars, various twentieth-century Chinese, Latin American, Siamese, Dutch and other coins. The fraud was carried out for quite a few years. Even the Money Company, a leading auction house of the 1970s and 1980s was duped as they included 50 lots of (genuine) coins with these counterfeit chops in their May 20, 1985 sale.240 Schulman coins are easy to spot; there are only the two varieties (the Chinese 永金豐 and the Thai). Usually the chop is located in the field beside the principal icon, usually a bust, on the obverse of the coin. The chops are complete (90-100%), well-struck and were not done in a rushed way a real shroff might have done and will either have the Thai language chop on one side of the portrait and the Chinese on the other or both sides will be the same language. Prudence dictates that all of the coins with these two chops should be considered fakes. There may well be genuine Yung Chin-feng [Yong Kim Hong] chopmarked coins out there, however; it is impossible to tell which ones are genuine and which ones are Schulman’s. And since Mr. Schulman only used those two relief assay chop punches, we can surmise if you have a coin with such a chop, and only that chop, it is almost certainly a “Schulman restrike.” But if you do own one of these relax – prices of these pieces have consistently been strong, often far above genuine chopmarked coins!
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147a This Mexican 8 reales has the Thai name chop. Hans Schulman applied to many coins.
147 Mexico 1819 MO J.J. 8 Reales, KM-111, R-7.
Another interesting coin that is often seen with fake chops is the MTT – the Maria Theresa thaler.
single counterfeiter (pictures 148 and 149), and likely relatively recently.
The MTT was first minted in Austria in 1741, but has, since 1780, has always carried the date of 1780. It is one of the most common coins in the world having, since 1853, been minted in over a dozen countries for over two hundred years and was one of the most successful trade coins of all time. It spread throughout the trade routes on the coasts of Africa, throughout the Middle East and as far as Indonesia. However, somewhat strangely, apart from a very few known examples, it never entered the China trade in big numbers. Despite the fact that few of these coins were chopmarked by Chinese shroffs, most of the MTTs I have seen with chops look very suspicious to me. My opinion is that many of them were probably made by a
All of these coins share similarities. First, the underlying coin is always genuine – a modern. MTT restrike. Second, the chops are always Chinese characters, usually of common fairly simple characters like 大 [da – “big”] or 白 [bai – “white”]. The placing on the coin is also somewhat unusual. They tend to be well spaced, well-struck (the character is always 90-100% struck) which is very unusual for a chop where many chops are less than 50% fully struck (often done in a hurried fashion) and tend to be in the field on the obverse. Pictured below are a couple of these. The final one is genuine, the first three suspect.
148 Austria 1780 S.F. (restrike, minted after 1853) Thaler, KM-T1.
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49 Austria 1780 S.F. (restrike, minted after 1853) Thaler, KM-T1.
【Notice】the same chops appear on the obverse side of the two MTTs pictured above. That is highly unlikely to happen in reality when coins circulating in China never have the same chops.
150 Austria 1780 S.F. (restrike, minted after 1853) Thaler, KM-T1.
151 Austria 1780 S.F. (restrike, minted after 1853) Thaler, KM-T1, R-4 (genuine).
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As you can see, the first three examples only have Chinese character chops – there are no symbols, pseudo-characters or numbers which are common. Only the fourth coin can be unequivocally called genuine.
to remove small (or large) amounts of silver from a coin and what to look for in a variety of coins that have been modified with copper. I have included a couple of these illustrations. The first picture below shows how coins were a1tered. The text states that the coin was cut half-way into along its rim and then it was fìl1ed with copper or some other base metal.
The Chinese shroffs printed considerable information in their handbook about counterfeiting techniques. These included how
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ä¸&#x201C;ć ?
The next illustration shows how plugs are cut out of a coin and sawed in half -lUS removmg some si1ver. The plugs wou1d then be reinserted back into the coin with copper making up the missing si1ver.
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The third picture shows how the coin was drilled from the edge and the silver moved.
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In this final illustration assorted altered coins are shown with the darkened parts the copper 铜 or 1ead[ 鉛“chien”]
and the white the si1ver [ 銀“yin”].
To be continued
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《戳記幣簡史》第③章
瞭 解 戳
上 接 第 15 期
記
高林 〔臺北〕
帶假戳的真幣 收藏家最難識別的是第三類仿品，即帶假戳的真幣。蓋上
泰國名和 / 或中國名的戳記比不打這類戳記的錢幣值錢得
成為專業戳記收藏家的寶貝。例如用舊了的英國先令或克
是未曾在東方國家流通的，包括美國和平銀幣、20世紀中
假的戳記能使一枚原本平淡無奇的低價錢幣“身價倍增”，
多。此後他似乎在上百枚錢幣上打了戳，這些錢幣大多數
朗、廢舊的1文中國銅錢、老舊的5法郎幣、廉價的美國巴
國的各類錢幣以及來自拉丁美洲、暹羅、荷蘭等地的錢幣。
高，賣家也許只能賣出相等於錢幣本身熔鑄價的錢，但是
國際領先的錢幣拍賣公司也受到了矇騙，在1985年5月20
伯爾50美分銀幣，單就這些錢幣本身而言，售賣價格並不 如果使用鋼沖頭（甚次是螺絲刀）在幣面上蓋打簡單的章， 這樣一來，一枚“罕見的”戳記幣就誕生了。要一一識別真
假戳記確有難度，也許一名收藏家只能通過比較上千枚戳
記幣，才能培養出識別真偽的感覺。一個真的戳記都有哪 些特徵，哪些不是戳記的特徵，大家眾說紛紜。我認為即 使是羅斯本人，也曾受過假幣的蒙蔽。
舉個最為惡劣的假幣案例，一名信譽頗高的交易商十年內 在大量錢幣上戳蓋印章，以期增加錢幣的價值。
漢 斯 · 舒 爾 曼 來自荷 蘭， 是 一 名 在 紐 約 的 錢 幣 交 易商，
數年內，人們將之誤認為原戳，即使是 20世紀七八十年代 日的一次拍賣中，這些重新打戳的真幣（共50 個拍品）被 拍賣。240
舒爾曼蓋打的戳記還是很容易辨識的，只有兩種（一種蓋打
“永金豐”中國名，另一種蓋打“永金豐”泰國名）。一般 來說，舒爾曼的戳記蓋打在幣面主圖示的旁邊，一般蓋打
在錢幣正面的半身像旁。打上的戳記是完整的 （90-100％）， 戳打扎實，並沒有如真戳那般下手匆忙，可能帶肖像的一 面是泰文戳，另一面是中文戳，或者兩面都打上同一種語 言的戳記。
1940年至 20世紀70年代從事錢幣交易。在他生活的那個
嚴格來說，這兩種語言的戳記都應該被歸為假戳，這些錢
克的藏品拍賣。1960 年前後，他在泰國曼谷向錢幣商永金
能區分出哪些是原戳，哪些是舒爾曼重新蓋打的戳記。由
年代，他知名度頗高，曾參與霍華德 · 吉布斯和金 · 法魯 豐的外甥購買了一套兩個檢驗戳記模具套裝，他所購買的
這套模具是真戳模具，20世紀初曾被最初的持有人用來戳 打銀幣。據永金豐的外甥 Kosol M. Udom 所稱，這兩個
戳記模具製造於1930 年， 戳記上刻的是銀匠師傅的泰國 239
名和中國名 [ 中文名永金豐，中文拼音 Yung Chin-feng， 粵語 Yong Kim Hong]。舒爾曼意識到，幣面打上永金豐
幣之中應該也有真正的“永金豐”戳記，然而，現在已不可 於舒爾曼先生只用過兩種信用檢驗戳記沖頭，據此我們可 以猜出，如果你的錢幣上帶有這種沖頭戳打的戳記，而且
只有這樣的戳記，我們幾乎可以肯定，這是“舒爾曼重新
戳打版”，但是如果你所擁有的只是這兩種戳記中的一種， 恭喜你，這枚錢幣肯定價格不菲，這類戳記幣的價格通常 遠遠高於帶真戳幣。
239 詳見摘要 ：E. Murphy ；戳記資訊，第6 卷，第3 期， （2000 年 7月），第14頁。
240 詳見 ：戳記資訊，第6 卷，第3 卷， （2000 年 7月），拍品的重新蓋戳及價格。
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這枚墨西哥 8 裏亞爾幣帶泰語 戳，舒爾曼將這種戳打在許多 錢幣上
圖147 墨西哥1819年 MO J.J. 8裏亞爾幣，KM-111，R-7 另一種比較常見的帶假戳的錢幣是瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔勒
這 些 錢 幣 外 觀 上 極 為 相 似。 相 似 點 有 兩 個， 首先， 錢
年起 就 將 首次 鑄 造日期 改 為1780年。1853年之後，它成
模 ；其次，通常是中文字戳記，戳 蓋著“大”或“白”等
幣。瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔勒幣首次鑄造於1741年，但自1780
幣 本身 是 真 幣 ⸺ 現 代 瑪 利 亞 · 特 蕾 莎 · 塔 勒 幣二 次 印
為世界上廣為流通的幣種之一，兩百多年間逾12個國家都
常見的中 文 簡體字。與正常 打 戳 情 況 不同，它們 佈局妥
，真 戳 當，戳 打扎實（每 個字達90%-100% 的打戳 深度）
鑄造了這種錢幣。它遍佈非洲沿海貿易線，穿越中東，遠
的 打 戳 深 度 通 常少於50%（都是在 非常匆 忙 的 情 況下打
抵印尼。然而，令人疑惑不解的是，除了個別十分知名的 少數例子，瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔 勒幣從 未大量在中國貿易
戳） ，而且 通常打在錢幣的正面，因此相比 之下，假戳的 特徵還是比較明顯的。下列是幾枚瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔勒
中出現過。儘管事實是這些錢幣極少是由中國看銀師打戳
的，我對見過的大多數瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔勒幣還是持懷
幣，只有最後一枚的戳記是真的，其他三個戳記都是假的。
疑的態度。我認為它們有可能出自同一個仿造幣高手（詳
，而且仿造時間可能距離現在不是很遠。 見圖148和圖149）
圖148 澳大利亞1780年 S.F.（ 二次印模版，1853年後鑄造）塔勒幣，KM-T1
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圖149 澳大利亞1780年 S.F.（ 二次印模版，1853年後鑄造）塔勒幣，KM-T1 【注意】下列兩枚瑪利亞 · 特蕾莎 · 塔勒幣的正面出現了相同的戳記，而這種現象不大可能在現實生活中出現，因為當時
在中國流通的錢幣不會出現相同的戳記。
圖150 澳大利亞1780年 S.F.（ 二次印模版，1853年後鑄造）塔勒幣，KM-T1
圖151 澳大利亞1780年 S.F.（ 二次印模版，1853年後鑄造）塔勒幣，KM-T1, R-4（真幣真戳）
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有哪些部分可能被替換成為銅，我在下文中插入了與此相
我們可以看到前面三組錢幣的戳記只有中文戳字⸺ 沒有
關的插圖。
常見的字元、偽中文字、數字，而第四組 錢幣明顯不同， 是名副其實的真戳。
下列第一幅圖展示了如何改變錢幣的（貴金屬）含量，據圖 中文字說明，沿著錢幣的邊緣將錢幣對半切開之後，用銅
中國的看銀師在其手冊中記錄了大量有關仿造技術的資訊，
或其他賤金屬進行填充。
包括如何從錢幣上去除少量（或大量）的銀粉以及銀幣中
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第二幅圖展示了如何從坯餅取出錢幣，然後將錢幣對半鋸開⸺ 從而去除部分銀粉。再將坯餅重新放回錢幣，用銅替代鋸 掉的銀粉。
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第三幅圖展示了如何從錢幣的邊緣鑽孔然後去除銀粉。
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最後一幅圖展示的是銀含量被改變的銀幣，圖中黑色實心部分均已被銅或鉛取代，白色部分是原來含有的白銀。
（未完待續）
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This article has been reprinted from China Numismatics , 2nd volume, 2017 (the 145th volume in total)
Exploring Official Versions of Chinese Modern Precious Metal Coins Zhao Yansheng〔Beijing〕
Studying coin varities has become popular among collectors and investors. At least 280 types of modern Chinese coins have been sold at auction or have been reported by the media and the number continues to grow. These so-called “moder n precious-metal coins” can be generally classified into several types:
The official version The official version, referring to versions produced by plaster mold, direct carved mold or incused mold with different designs and images made in the process of mold producing. All these versions have been officially recognized or recorded in official announcements or files and thus are known as the official version.
The private version The private version, referring to versions made by directly carved molds which have been modified many times in the manufacturing process. Sometimes, images will change when direct-carved dies are transferred to incused dies or new directcarved molds will be made after the old ones cannot be used any more. Coins made by these dies can also be classified as private versions. These versions are not especially designed but are just the accidental results of master die manufacturing. Most of these coins found by private individuals lack relevant official documents.
Coins of varying quality Chinese mold-producing process for modern coins is very complicated.Generally, molds are made vis a following procedure. A plaster is used to make a copper mold. Then machine profilingis done which is followed by a directlyengraved mold. This is followed by the manufacture of an incuse mold and then a secondary mold. Finally a working mold is produced. This was the main manufacturing steps before 2005.Since 2005, the copper mold and machine profiling were substituted with electronic engraving. From the directlyengraved mold to the working mold (used for engraving coins) a die needs to be repeatedly pressed, shaped, heat treated, electroplated, sandblasted and polished. Due to different production conditions and techniques, the surface of the mold
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might change a little in the later stages of mold production. Thus coins made by these molds might show differences in quality.
Unqualified products Very few unqualified coins will enter the market. These defective coins can not be classified as a version.
Fantasy issues Different from the conditions mentioned above, a fantasy refers to coins made by individuals for ulterior motives. These coins are not products of any mint but just private fantasy issues.
It would be a huge job to comprehensively introduce all the varieties of Chinese moderncoins in an article so I will only focus on some official versions of Chinese modern coins. A systematic analysis of other versions will be introduced in later articles. According to official reports, official versions of Chinese modern coins include: “S” and “Y” versions of the 1987 prooflike gold panda; domestic and international versions of the 2001 proof-like silver panda; “S”, “Y” and “Z” versions of the 29th Olympic Games coins minted and issued in 2006 and 2008.
[1] “S” and “Y” versions of the 1987 proof-like gold panda Chinese gold coins were mainly sold on the international market at the end of the 1980s as the demand was great at that time. Sales of the 1988 proof-like gold panda reached 479,700 ounces, which is still the record for annual sales for a gold panda issue. To meet market demand, proof-like gold pandas were mainly produced by Shanghai and Shenyang Mints. Due to different minting conditions and techniques, there were small variations in the pandas produced by these two mints.The difference of quality was reflected in the international market. For this reason, the 1987 proof-like gold pandas were struck with marks to track the quality of coins according to the market feedback. Thus, there are “S” and “Y” versions of the 1987
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gold panda; “S” refers to the Shanghai Mint and “Y” stands for the Shenyang Mint. Strucking marks was proved to be a good way to monitor the quality of coins, but new problems, like an uneven supply and a shortage of some versions produced at certain periods, appeared. These problems further tightened the market. To balance supply and demand, the practice of using different marks was adopted for only one year. From 1988,
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the old design standard of not using producers’ marks was reestablished. Two versions of the 1987 1 oz. gold proof-like panda are shown in Picture 1. Marks of 1/2 oz, 1/4 oz, 1/10 oz and 1/20 oz are in the location on the 1 oz panda shown below.
Pic 1 “S”and“Y”versions of the 1987 proof-like gold panda The mintage of 5 types of 1987 proof-like gold pandas are shown in the following table:
Weight
Shanghai Mint (S)
Shenyang Mint (Y)
Total
1 oz
108,718
47,460
156,178
1/2 oz
78,057
19,019
97,076
1/4 oz
73,419
23,939
97,358
1/10 oz
107,247
27,351
134,598
1/20 oz
99,394
33,685
133,080
Table 1 The mintage of 5 types of 1987 proof-like gold pandas
[2] International versions of the 2001 proof-like silver panda
level but could not fundamentally solve the problem. At the same time, engraving marks on coins also increased the difficulty of production, management and balanced supply. Thus, producing domestic and international versions of pandas was only adopted for a year.
The focus of Chinese gold coin sales was transferred to the domestic market from the early 21st century. But problems such as the backflow of overseas products and domestic sales of export goods became prominent due to the different prices in domestic and international markets. To monitor the situation, proof-like gold and silver pandas became the first coins to be divided into a domestic version and an international version. Each domestic proof-like panda was engraved with a “D”, while international pandas had no such marks. Due to complicated reasons, this method can only reflect the backflow at a certain
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Two versions of the 2001 1 oz. gold proof-like panda are shown in Picture 2. Marks of 1/2 oz, 1/4oz, 1/10 oz and 1/20 oz are in the location as the mark on the 1 oz. panda. Two versions of the 2001 1 oz silver proof-like panda are shown in Picture 3. The mintage of 2001 proof-like gold and silver pandas are shown in the following table.
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Pic 2 The domestic“D”version and the international version of the 2001 1 oz gold prooflike panda
Pic 3 The domestic“D”version and the international version of the 2001 1 oz silver prooflike panda
幣種
Proof-like gold panda
Proof-like silver panda
規格
Shanghai Mint (international)
Shenzhen Guobao (domestic“D”version)
Total
1 oz
20,501
20,904
41,405
1/2 oz
13,000
20,209
33,209
1/4 oz
15,000
70,004
85,004
1/10 oz
51,000
98,700
150,000
1/20 oz
100,000
100,000
200,000,
Total
175,000
288,916
468,213
1 oz
250,000
250,000
500,000
Table 2 The mintage of 2001 proof-like gold and silver pandas (by piece)
[3] “S”, “Y” and “Z” versions of the 29th Olympic Games commemorative coins
massively produced commemorative coins in China. From 2006 to 2008, a total of 2,324,061 pieces, 23 types of gold and silver 29th Olympic Games coins had been issued, giving a total weight of 3,355,974 ounces of gold and silver. To accomplish the heavy task of making a large quantity of coins, the Shanghai , Shenyang and Shenzhen Guobao Mints began to strike coins at
The 29th Olympic Games commemorative coins (hereinafter referred to as Olympic coins) is one of continuously and
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the same time. Several die blanks were imported from abroad to solve the problem of insufficient supply. To effectively control the production quality and to establish a feedback loop for the information from the market in time, all coins, except for the 10-kilo gold coins which were only minted by the Shanghai
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Mint, were engraved with special marks on the reverse. This is how the “S” (Shanghai Mint), “Y” (Shenyang Mint) and “Z” (Shenzhen Guobao Mint) versions were produced. The first set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins are shown in Picture 4.
Pic 4 The first set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins
The first set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins are shown in Picture 5.
Pic 5 The first set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins The second set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins are shown in Picture 6.
Pic 6 The second set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins J
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The second set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins are shown in Picture 7.
Pic 7 The second set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins The 1 kilo silver Olympic coin (the second set) is shown in Picture 8.
The 5 oz gold Olympic coin (the second set) is shown in Picture 9.
Pic 8 The 1 kilo silver Olympic coin (the second set)
Pic 9 The 5 oz gold Olympic coin (the second set)
The third set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins are shown in Picture 10.
Pic 10 The third set of 1/3 oz gold Olympic coins
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The third set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins are shown in Picture 11.
Pic 11 The third set of 1 oz silver Olympic coins The 5 oz. gold Olympic coin (the third set) is shown in Picture 13.
The third set of 1 kilo silver Olympic coins is shown in Picture 12.
Pic 12 The third set of 1 kilo silver Olympic coins
Pic 13 The 5 oz. gold Olympic coin (the third set)
The mintage of different Olympic versions are shown in table 3.
Quantity Set
Weight
Unit
Total GuoBao Mint Z Shanghai Mint S Shenyang Mint Y
2006 (the 1st set)
2007 (the 2nd set)
2008 (the 3rd set)
1/3 oz (gold) X2
set
2,000
2,000
2,000
60,000
1oz (silver) X4
set
6,000
5,000
5,000
160,000
1/3 oz (gold) X2
set
2,000
2,000
2,000
60,000
1oz (silver) X4
set
6,000
5,000
5,000
160,000
1 kilo (silver)
piece
6,688
6,660
6,660
20,008
5 oz (gold)
piece
688
660
660
2008
1/3 oz (gold) X2
set
2,000
2,000
2,000
60,000
1oz (silver) X4
set
6,000
5,000
5,000
160,000
1 kilo (silver)
piece
6,688
6,660
6,660
20,008
5 oz (gold)
piece
688
660
660
2,008
10 kilo (gold)
piece
29
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Note: the 2008 10 kilo gold coin has no special mark Table 3 The mintage of all versions of the 29th Olympic Games commemorative coins
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[4] Other versions There are other versions on the market which are worth being studied and identified.
The 1987 proof gold panda
e s s
1 oz, 1/2 oz, 1/4 oz, 1/10 oz and 1/20 oz proof gold pandas were issued from 1986 to 1990. Four versions of proof gold panda ( 1/2 oz, 1/4 oz, 1/10 oz and 1/20) were produced in 1993 and 1994. These proof pandas have the same design as that of the proof-like pandas. Differences between proof-like and proof pandas are not obvious as the production standard of the prooflike panda was rather high. To distinguish these coins a “P” mark was engraved on the proof coins. The reverse of the 1987 1 oz. proof gold panda is shown in Picture 14.
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Pic 14 The 1987 1 oz gold proof panda (with“P”)
Unlike some people, I do not think it is appropriate to call this type of proof panda the “P” version panda. Proof and prooflike pandas should be seen as two completely different types of coins not two different versions of the same kind of coin although these coins share the same design, weight and size.
The 1987 1/10 oz. gold proof-like panda (without mark)
Pic 15 the 1987 1/10 oz proof-like gold panda (without mark)
A kind of so-called “1987 1/10 oz. gold panda (without mark)” has been circulating on the market for some time. The reverse of this coin is shown in Picture 15. This is an odd coin. First, it meets the quality standard of prooflike coins and has no obvious differences with the 1/10 oz gold proof-like coin (with mark) after being compared, but I did not find any production records of this coin after researching. This is contrary to the general knowledge of production management. It cannot be a pattern either. The number of these coins does not conform to the number of patterns. Thus we should use a more scientific approach or look for more evidence to identify this coin, instead of making an easy conclusion. Therefore, this coin should be the called the “doubtful version”.
Pic 16 The 2001 small“D”1 oz. silver proof-like panda
The 2001 small “D”1 oz. silver proof-like panda
phenomenon has raised suspicions among administrators and many collectors. After visiting many mints and interviewing a lot of mold producers and administrators, I have come to the conclusion that only one set of molds was used to produce the “D” version of the 1 oz. silver proof-like panda and there should not be any small“D”1 oz. silver pandas. Thus these small“D” coins should be considered fantasies forged by someone with ulterior motives.
In recent years, small numbers of 2001 small “D”1 oz. silver proof-like pandas have started to appear on the market. The reverse of this coin is shown in Pic 16. This is another strange coin. A certain number of 2001 small “D” silver coins appeared at the same time. Such an unusual
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[5] Summary and conclusion
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forgeries. These deceptive versions are minted or reproduced using advanced techniques. Collectors and investors should be careful when identifying these coins.
Through the above analysis, we can conclude:
(6) As different versions are of different investmen value, it is a complicated and confusing to study coin versions. Collectors and investors should keep a clear mind, think independently and avoid paying too much attention to prof it. Only by understanding techniques of coin production and the definition of variety, studying reasons of variance and looking for evidence, can a numismatic scholar or collector keep making contributions to the research of coin varieties. What should be noted is that with the development of techniques, some forgeries are very convincing and can be hard to be distinguished from real ones. Driven by ulterior motives, some people deliberately cheat customers by making up stories and selling or making fake coins. There are also a few media professionals who abandon their professional ethnic and speak for forgers and their fake coins. Under such circumstances, collectors and investors should be very careful and try not to fall into the trap of “a lie repeated 1000 times becomes truth”.
(1) Collectors and investors usually classify the same type of coins with different features into “large versions” and “small versions”. Although it is a straightforward approach to compare coins, collectors and investors should be very careful in numismatic research as different features of these versions are caused by different reasons and are of differing significance. (2) “S” and “Y” versions of the 1987 proof-like gold panda; international versions of the 2001 proof-like silver panda; “S”, “Y” and “Z” versions of the 29th Olympic Games commemorative coins issued from 2006 to 2008 are all official versions and very important types of modern Chinese coins. It is not hard for investors and collectors to find relevant official documents and to identify these coins. It is the right time to collect some less popular versions, especially the “S”, “Y” and “Z” versions of the 29th Olympic Games coins, as their prices are the same in foreign and domestic markets.
(7) The study of numismatic varieties is one of the hottest areas of numismatics. The positive force of exploration and market chaos exist at the same time. There have been 280 types of official varieties which have appeared in auctions or been reported by the media that can be clearly identified while many other unofficial varieties that are too difficult to be distinguished by collectors and investors. Chinese commemorative coins have a history of only 38 years. Many original production materials still exist and many people who participated in production can still be interviewed. I think executives should organize expert groups to study and distinguish varieties of coins, especially private versions, and to provide clear guidance to numerous collectors through studying the background of the emergence of these coins.
(3) The 1987 1 oz. gold “P” proof panda is not the same type of coin as other 1987 proof-like pandas and should not be classified as a variety. This often happens to other coins too. (4) It should be noted that for some similar versions, like the 1987 1/20 oz. gold panda (without mark), are in circulation with other official versions right now. Actually, there are a large number of similar “versions” of modern coins. The existence of these coins is contrary to the general rule of modern coin production. Their authenticity also cannot be proved due to a lack of evidence. Thus, these coins should be called “doubtful versions” and need to be further studied and identified. (5) Some versions on the market, like the 2001 small“D”1 oz. silver proof-like panda, have been proved as fantasies or
Main References: 1. Album of Precious Coins of the People’s Republic of China, edited by China Gold Coin Incorporation and published by Southwestern University of Finance and Economics Press 2. Illustrated Catalog to Honor the 25th Anniversary of Commemorate Gold Pandas, edited by Shanghai Gold Coin Investment Co., Ltd. 3. A Brief Introduction of Numismatics, written by Dai Zhiqiang, 3rd issue of China Numismatics, 2010 4. The Theory and Practice of Contemporary Precious Metal Coins in China, Zhaoyansheng, published by Southwestern University of Finance and Economics in China. (Note: All data of total mintage numbers come from main references mentioned above. Other specific data of varieties are the result of my research after visiting mints and interviewing producers. Here, I want to thank the Shanghai Mint, the Shenyang Mint, the Shenzhen Guo Bao Mint, Chen Caigui, Fang Maosen and others for helping me in writing this article. All data and materials in this article are for reference only. )
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中國現代貴金屬幣“官方版別”探秘 趙燕生〔北京〕
近些年來隨著錢幣市場的不斷發展，深入研究錢幣的版別
生產加工環節中有可能出現一些工作模表面狀態的微小變
國現代貴金屬幣的情況看，據不完全統計，見諸各種拍賣
應稱為“品質差異”。
已經逐漸成為廣大收藏投資者關注的熱點問題之一。從我
會和媒體報導的版別已經多達 280多種，並且還有繼續增
化，因而造成產品的表面狀態相應出現微小不同，這種情況
長之勢。
殘次品
深入研究和甄別這些現代貴金屬幣及所謂的版別，大致可
殘次品是指，由於壓印模具使用不當，同時出廠品質檢驗時
分為以下幾種情況 ：
官方版別 官方版別是指，從發行需要出發，在模具製造過程中，通過
又沒有被檢出，使極少數不合格產品流入社會，這種情況與 版別毫不相關，應稱為“殘次品”。
臆造品
在石膏模或直雕模或陰文模上設計加工不同標誌產生的版
臆造品是指，它不屬於以上版別分類中提到的任何一種情
為“官方版別”。
制的產品。這些所謂的“版別”並非造幣廠所為，而是民間
別。這些版別都有正式的公告和資訊，得到官方認可，可稱
況，而是由民間人士出於某種目的，使用特殊手段，自己改 炮製的“臆造品”,或稱為“戲作幣”。
民間版別 民間版別是指，由於生產管理原因，一個幣種在生產過程中
對我國現代貴金屬幣來說，全面研究以上各種情況是一篇
業同時組織鑄造，在直雕模轉化為陰文模的過程中發生變
秘我國現代貴金屬幣的“官方版別”，以及與之相關的一些
經過多次修改，直雕模出現明顯變化。或一個幣種由多個企 化；或直雕模出現問題後重新制模出現了變化。這些版別並 非出自設計需要，大多是在原模製作過程中無意間產生的，
目前沒有公開的官方檔記錄，大多數由民間研究發現，可以
在各種鑄幣生產實踐中找尋合理解釋，受到市場普遍認同， 可稱為“民間版別”。
品質差異 品質差異是指，我國現代貴金屬幣的模具製造過程相對比
問題。對於其他情況的所謂版別，將在後續的文章中系統分 析甄別。
從官方公佈的資料看，目前我國現代貴金屬幣的“官方版 別”主要有1987年鑄造發行的普制熊描金幣的 S 版和 Y版，
2001年鑄造發行的普制熊貓金 銀幣的國內版和國際版，
2006 年至 2008 年鑄造發行的“第29 屆奧林匹克運動會貴 金屬紀念幣”中的 S 、Y、Z版。
“石膏 較複雜，2005 年以前每個幣種的模具大致要經過：
模”→“銅型”→“機械仿形雕刻” →“直雕模”→“陰文
一 1987年普制熊描金幣的S版和Y版
模”→“二原模”→“工作模”等加工程式。2005 年之後銅
型製作和機械仿形雕刻一般已用電子雕刻代替。從直雕模
20 世紀 80 年代末期，我國金幣市場銷售的主戰場在境外，
市場需求潛力很大。例如1988 年號普制熊貓金幣的年銷量
工、修模、熱處理、電鍍、噴砂、拋光等多道工序。在這個過
值。為滿足市場供貨，當時的普制熊貓金幣主要由上海造幣
到用於壓印產品的工作模，中間還有反復翻壓模具、外形加
程中由於生產條件和操作技術不穩定，在鑄幣模具後期的
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大文章。受到此文篇幅和目前基礎資料所限，本文將重點探
曾達到 47.97 萬盎司，按年度計算是目前為止歷年銷售的峰
廠和瀋陽造幣廠同時鑄造。由於當時以上兩個造幣廠的鑄
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造條件和技術管理水準存在差異，由此造成出廠產品的表
的新問題，造成市場緊張。為了解決更大的市場供需平衡問
場回饋資訊追溯不同造幣廠的品質狀況，1987年鑄造的普
從1988年開始又恢復了無廠標的鑄造設計標準。
面狀態也存在不同，對此境外市場已有不少反映。為通過市
題，普制熊貓金幣標注不同廠標的技術措施只採用了一年，
制熊貓金幣使用了不同的企業標誌。其中上海造幣廠的標 誌為“ S ”，瀋陽造幣廠的標誌為“ Y ”，並由此形成兩個版
1987年兩種1盎司普制熊貓金幣的版別見圖1 。1/2 盎司、
件，但也隨之產生供貨不均勻和某一時期某一版別產品短缺
置與1盎司普制熊貓金幣的廠標位置相同。
1/4 盎司、1/10 盎司和1/20 盎司普制熊貓金幣廠標的鑄造位
別。由於使用了不同的廠標，雖然為監控產品品質提供了條
圖1 1987年1盎司普制熊貓金幣的 S 版和 Y 版示意圖
1987年五種普制熊貓金幣不同版別的鑄造數量見表1。 規格
上海造幣廠（S 版）
瀋陽造幣廠（Y 版）
合計
1盎司
108 718
47 460
156 178
1/2盎司
78 057
19 019
97 076
1/4盎司
73 419
23 939
97 358
1/10盎司
107 247
27 351
134 598
1/20盎司
99 394
33 685
133 080
表1 1987年五種普制熊貓金幣不同版別的鑄造數量統計表（單位 ：枚）
二 2001年普制熊貓金銀幣國內版和國際版
種複雜原因造成，從產品標誌上進行區分，僅能在某種程
進入 21世紀以後，我國金幣市場的銷售重心已經轉向國內。
加了生產管理和均衡供貨的難度，因此普制熊貓金銀幣的
度上洞察回流的狀況，但無法從根本上解決問題，同時增
但由於境外市場和國內市場存在市場交易價格差異，使得
國內版和國際版也僅嘗試了一年。
境外產品回流和出口轉內銷的問題比較突出。為監控這種 回流狀況，首先從鑄造量最大的普制熊貓金銀幣開始進行
2001年1盎司普制熊 貓 金 幣的兩 種 版 別見圖2 。1/2盎司、
其中的國內版在每枚普制熊貓金銀幣背面的左下方分別鑄
位置與1盎司普制熊貓金幣的廠標位置相同。2001年1盎司
兩種不同版別。我國金幣市場的境外產品回流問題，由多
不同版別的鑄造數量見表 2 。
嘗試，將2001年的普制熊貓金銀幣分為國內版和國際版。
1/4 盎司、1/10盎司和1/20盎司普制熊貓金幣版別的鑄造
有凹形字的“D”字，而國際版沒有特別標誌，並由此形成
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圖2 2001年1盎司普制熊貓金幣“國內 D 字版”和“境外無字版”示意圖
圖3 2011年1盎司普制熊貓銀幣“國內 D 字版”和“境外無字版”示意圖
幣種
規格
上海造幣廠（海外版）
國寶造幣廠（國內 D 版）
合計
1盎司
20 501
20 904
41 405
1/2盎司
13 000
20 209
33 209
1/4盎司
15 000
70 004
85 004
1/10盎司
51 000
98 700
150 000
1/20盎司
100 000
100 000
200 000
小计
175 000
288 916
468 213
1盎司
250 000
250 000
500 000
普制熊貓金幣
普制熊貓銀幣
表2 2001版普制熊貓金銀幣各辨別鑄造數量統計表（單位 ：枚）
2006年至 2008年共計發行包括金幣和銀幣在內的23個幣
三 “第29屆奧林匹克運動會貴金屬紀念幣” 中的S、Y、Z版
種，總枚數 2 324 061枚，總重量3 355 974 盎司。由於這
個項目主題的意義重大，市場影響力很強，在整個項目的
策劃、設計過程中，集中了我國美術界和造幣企業的集體
“第29屆奧林匹克運動會貴金屬紀念幣” （以下簡稱奧運
智慧，進行了卓越的創作和組織工作。由於這個項目的鑄造
幣）項目，是我國鑄造發行規模 較大的連 續型項目之一，
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數量相對集中和繁重，上海造幣廠、瀋陽造幣廠和深圳國
並在每一個幣種背面的某個位置分別鑄有不同的廠標。其
應不足的難題，也從國外進口了部分鑄幣胚餅。面對以上
深圳國寶造幣廠的標識為“Z”，由此每個幣種都形成了三
中上海造幣廠的 標 識 為“ S”，瀋 陽 造幣廠的 標 識 為“ Y”，
寶造幣廠同時承擔了鑄造任務。另外為了解決鑄幣胚餅供
種不同版別。奧運會（第一組）2 枚1/3盎司金幣的版別示
組織生產的複雜形勢，為了有效監控鑄造成品的產品品質， 及時回饋市場流通資訊，除10 公斤金幣由上海造幣廠獨家
意見圖4 。
鑄造沒有特殊標誌外，其他幣種均由三家造幣廠同時參與，
圖4 奧運會（第一組）2枚1/3盎司金幣版別示意圖
奧運會（第一組）4 枚1盎司銀幣的版別示意見圖5 。
圖5 奧運會（第一組）4枚1盎司銀幣的版別示意圖
奧運會（第二組）2 枚1/3盎司金幣的版別示意見圖6 。
圖6 奧運會（第一組）2枚1/3盎司金幣版別示意圖
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奧運會（第二組）4 枚1盎司銀幣的版別示意見圖7。
圖7 奧運會（第二組）4枚1盎司銀幣版別示意圖
奧運會（第二組）1枚公斤銀幣的版別示意見圖8 。
奧運會（第二組）5盎司金幣的版別示意見圖9。
圖8 奧運會（第二組）1公斤銀幣版別示意圖
圖9 奧運會（第二組）5盎司金幣版別示意圖
奧運會（第三組）2 枚1/3盎司金幣的版別示意見圖10 。
圖10 奧運會（第三組）2枚1/3盎司銀幣版別示意圖
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奧運會（第三組）4 枚1盎司銀幣的版別示意見圖11。
圖11 奧運會（第三組）4枚1盎司銀幣版別示意圖
奧運會（第三組）1枚公斤銀幣的版別示意見圖12 。
奧運會（第三組）5盎司金幣的版別示意見圖13 。
圖12 奧運會（第三組）1公斤銀幣版別示意圖
圖13 奧運會（第三組）5盎司金幣版別示意圖
奧運會項目不同版別的鑄造數量見表 3 。
鑄造数量 組別
規格
單位
實鑄量合計 國寶造幣廠 Z 版 上海造幣廠 S 版 瀋陽造幣廠 Y 版
2006年 （第一组）
2007年 （第二组）
2008年 （第三组）
1/3盎司金幣 X2
套
2 000
2 000
2 000
60 000
1盎銀幣 X4
套
6 000
5 000
5 000
160 000
1/3盎司金幣 X2
套
2 000
2 000
2 000
60 000
1盎司銀幣 X4
套
6 000
5 000
5 000
160 000
1公斤銀幣
枚
6 688
6 660
6 660
20 008
5盎司金幣
枚
688
660
660
2 008
1/3盎司金幣 X2
套
2 000
2 000
2 000
60 000
1盎銀幣 X4
套
6 000
5 000
5 000
160 000
1公斤銀幣
枚
6 688
6 660
6 660
20 008
5盎司金幣
枚
688
660
660
2 008
10公斤金幣
枚
29
29
說明 ：2008年發行的10公斤金幣無特殊廠標 表3 第29屆奧林匹克運動會貴金屬紀念幣各種版別統計表
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四 關於其他所謂版別的甄別 在以上所述的現代貴金屬幣品種中，目前市場還流傳着一些 其他所謂的版別，值得厘清、研究和甄別。
（一）1987年熊貓精製金幣 在1986 年至1992 年期間，每年還鑄有1盎司、1/2 盎司、1/4
盎司、1/10 盎司和1/20 盎司的五種精製熊貓金幣。在1993 年和1994 年兩年中，每年還鑄有1/2 盎司、1/4 盎司、1/10 盎
司和1/20 盎司的四種精製熊貓金幣。以上幣種均採用與普
圖14 1987年1盎司普制熊貓金幣（P 字）
制熊貓金幣相同的圖案。由於我國普制熊貓金幣的鑄造技
術標準相對較高，與精製幣雖有差別，但這種差異並不十分 明顯。為了便於在市場流通中進行明顯區分，在上述精製幣 的相應位置均標有“ P ”標記。1987年1盎司精製熊貓金幣
的背面示意見圖14 。
在目前的市場中，有些人士將這種精製幣俗稱為“ P ”版，似
有不妥。主要理由是，雖然這些相同圖案和相同規格的幣種 分別標有不同的標誌，但由於精製幣和普制幣是兩個完全 不同的幣種，因而不存在相同幣種的版別問題。
圖15 1987年1/10盎司普制熊貓金幣無字版示意圖
（二）1987年1/10盎司普制熊貓金幣無字版 一段時間以來，市場上一直流傳着一種無任何標記的1987
年1/10 盎司熊貓金幣，俗稱“1987年1/10 盎司熊貓金幣無
字版”。這枚金幣的背面照片見圖15 。
這枚金幣的出現比較奇特。首先它的品質等級應該屬於普
制幣標準，通過使用一般技術手段對比觀察，與具有廠標的
1/10 盎司普制金幣沒有明顯區別。但是，通過查閱大量檔
案資料沒有發現相應的生產記錄，同時也與當時的生產管 理常識相悖。如果是樣幣，從目前市場的實際流通量計算， 也與樣幣的數量級完全不符。如何認定這枚“1987年1/10
盎司熊貓金幣”的性質，還需要繼續通過更科學的技術手段
圖16 2011年1盎司普制熊貓銀幣“小 D 臆造幣”示意圖
進行甄別，認真查找實證，不宜輕易做出結論，因此可稱為 “存疑版別”。
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集中，而且又具有一定數量，已經引起管理層和不少收藏
（三）2001年1盎司普制熊貓銀幣的“小D”版
投資者的質疑。為此筆者深入造幣企業實際調查，走訪當
近些年來市場上開始小批量出現 2001年1盎司普制熊貓銀
版1盎司普制熊貓銀幣時，從始至終只使用過一套直雕模，
“字 時的模具加工和管理人員，最終的結論是，當時生產“D
幣的“小D版”，這枚銀幣的背面示意見圖16 。
根本不存在“小 D“版的任何可能。根據以上情況判斷，所
這枚銀幣的出現更加蹊蹺。由於它出現的時間較晚且相對
構思的“臆造幣”或“戲作幣”。
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們是“臆造幣”或“戲作幣”。例如2001年1盎司普制熊貓銀
五 歸納和小結
幣的“小 D”版就是典型案列。
通過以上分析研究可以看到 ：
這些所謂的版別均為市場人士使用高超的技術鑄造或改製， 具有一定的欺騙性，值得廣大收藏投資者警覺和注意。
（1）在目前的市場中，一般收藏投資者把現代貴金屬幣中 某一幣種的各種差異都稱為版別，或稱為“大版別”和“小
版別”。雖然這些民間稱謂可能比較直觀，但從錢幣學研究
（6）由於不同版別的投資價值存在較大差異，在經濟利益
的評價意義，對此應該引起收藏投資者的關注和區分。
撲朔迷離，因此如何研究和甄別各種所謂的版別，就需要
導向下，使錢幣版別的研究與挖掘就越發令人眼花繚亂和
的角度出發，這些差異產生的原因完全不同，也具有不同
廣大收藏投資者拋棄利益、獨立思考，準確辨別。其中的
關鍵點是要深入瞭解鑄幣生產工藝，明確版別的定義，研
（2）1987年 鑄 造 發 行 的 普 制 熊 貓 金 幣 的 S 版 和 Y 版、
2001年 鑄 造 發 行 的 普 制 熊 貓 金 銀幣 的 國內版 和 國 際 版、 究產生差異的原因，尋找有利的實證，為錢幣的版別研究 2006年至 2008年鑄造發行的“第29屆奧林匹克 運 動會貴
不斷做出貢獻。在錢幣版別的研究中，值得廣大收藏投資
國現代貴金屬幣版別大家族中的重要組成部分。這些版別
技術已經可以做到以假亂真，增加了甄別的難度。而有些
者警惕的是，隨着現代仿真技術的發展，有些製假和改製
金屬紀念幣”中的 S 、Y、Z 版，均為“官方版別”，是我
人在不當動機驅使下利用資訊的不透明和不對稱，編造故
在官方公佈的資訊中均有介紹，資訊透明度較高，對收藏
事，故弄玄虛，甚至制假販假，欺騙收藏投資者，榨取不
投資者來講不存在資訊盲點，應該屬於最容易甄別的版別。
義之財。面對這種情況，也有少數媒體拋棄職業操守，為
其中特別是“第29屆奧林匹克運動會貴金屬紀念幣”中的
某些所謂的版別搖旗呐喊，虛張聲勢，對此也應該保持清
S、Y、Z 版，目前市場關注度較低，基本不存在交易價格
醒，避免落入“謊言千遍就成真理”的戈培爾洗腦陷阱。
的差異，是收藏研究的較好時機，值得廣大收藏投資者關 注。
（7）錢幣的版別研究是錢幣收藏文化的重要支撐點，也是
錢幣收藏市場最值得關注的熱點問題之一。從當前我國現
（3）標誌“P”字的1987年精製熊貓金幣，它與相應的普
代貴金屬幣的版別研究現狀看，在民間既有勇於探索的積
制熊貓金幣是完全不同的幣種，不宜稱為版別。這種情況
極力量，也存在渾濁不清的市場亂象。特別是對於已經見
在其他幣種中也比較常見。
諸各種拍賣會和媒體報道的280多種現代貴金屬幣版別來
說，官方版別比較明確，而其他所謂的各種版別概念混亂、
（4）值得注意的是，在目前的市場中，與以上“官方版別”
魚目混珠、真假難辨，僅靠普通收藏投資者進行甄別確實
“1987年 同時流通的還有一些與之相關的所謂版別 , 例如 ：
存在很大困難。我國的現代貴金屬幣僅有38年的發展歷史，
1/10盎司熊貓金幣無字版“。實際上在目前眾多的所謂現
代貴金屬幣版別中，與這枚金幣相類似的情況還很多。這
造幣企業生產一線的檔案資料還應存在，有些當事人也還
生產管理規律，又缺乏充足的實證，應該屬於“存疑版別”，
角度出發，管理 層應該對目前市場中反 應出的版 別問題，
健在。從探秘版別狀況、總結生產經驗、厘清市場亂象等
些所謂版別的集中特點是，有違我國現代貴金屬幣的一般
特別是對民間研究發現的所謂版別，組織專家進行考察和
需要錢幣界的有識之士進一步對此進行研究和甄別，最終
甄別，認真研究形成的原因和背景，通過規範管道給廣大
得到更科學的結論。
收藏投資者提供指引，給市場一個相對清晰的說法，不要 給歷史和後人留下永久的迷霧和遺憾。
（5）在目前的市場中，還有一些所謂的版別，已經證明它
主要參考文獻 ：
1. 中國金幣總公司編《中華人民共和國貴金屬紀念幣圖錄》，西南財經大學出版社出版 2.《 紀念熊貓金幣發行 25周年圖錄》，上海金幣投資有限公司
3.《 錢幣學概述》戴志強著，《中國錢幣》雜誌 2010 年第3 期。
4. 趙燕生編著《中國現代貴金屬幣的理論與實踐》，西南財經大學出版社 2016 年1月第1版
（說明 ：在本文中披露的各幣種總數量數據，來源於“主要參考文獻”。各造幣廠的版別分解數據是作者深入各企業查證核實的結果。在撰寫本文過程中，得到上海造幣廠、瀋陽 造幣廠和深圳國寶造幣廠以及陳貴財、方茂森等先生的大力支持和幫助，在此表示感謝！本文提供的數據和資料僅供參考。） 說明 ：本文轉載自《中國錢幣》2017年第2 期（總第145 期）
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Chopmarked Coins - A History 《戳記幣簡史》 Colin Gullberg 高林
Price ( 售價 ): US $50 Plus Postage ( 不含郵費 ) The book Chopmarked Coins- A History by Colin Gullberg is funded by iAsure Group. The softcover book is 187 pages in length, 210mm×285mm, fourcolor printing. It covers the history of foreign silver coins that circulated in China from 1600 to 1935 and contains images of some 150 coins. Gullberg includes firstperson accounts, summaries of all modern sources of knowledge on the subject and scans from a shroff’s handbook (circa 1890). It is the first English- language book on the subject since 1990 and only the second English language book on the subject.
愛秀集團贊助出版發行的 戳記幣英文專著《戳記幣簡 史》為軟裝本，正文內容187 頁，開本210mm×285mm，四 色印刷，闡述了1600年至1935 年間中國流通的外國戳記銀幣 概況，作者高林先生採用第一 人稱敘述，總結了現代有關戳 記幣的詳盡知識，並配有某 錢莊的手冊（約1890年）掃描 插圖和150多張戳記幣高清圖 片。本書是1990年之後的第一 本戳記幣英文專著，也是有史 以來的第二本戳記幣英文專 著。
Chinese And Foreign Papermoney Errors 《華洋怪鈔—中外錯體紙幣賞析圖鉴》 David Chio 趙康池 Aguang Chan 陳耀光
Price ( 售價 )：MOP $300; RMB 240; US $30 Plus Postage ( 不含郵費 ) In December 2015, this book was released by Macau Numismatic Society and edited by David Chio and Aguang Chan. A total of 1,000 copies was printed, 200 in hard cover and 800 soft cover. The book is 323 pages of full color A4 size 210×285 mm and features over 300 error notes and 800 photos. Notes from Chin dynasty to modern times and more than 10 countries and region is covered. The books also cover causes of errors, background information on the printing process and authenticity of errors. This is the first book in Chinese to feature this type of information on error notes and its collection.
该书由澳門錢幣學會於2015年 12月出版，趙康池、陳耀光編著。 印行1000冊，其中精裝本200冊， 平裝本800冊。是書全彩精印，小 A4开本，210mm×285mm，323 頁，選錄了中外錯體紙幣300多 種，圖片800多張，涵蓋中國自清 末到現今使用的紙幣，涉及中外十 多個國家和地區。本書對中外錯 體、錯版、變體等紙幣的成因、歷 史背景和辨偽，實事求是地作了係 統的、科學的分析與歸納，並介紹 了印鈔基本步驟和印鈔過程中所產 生的“另類”紙幣，補充了不少紙 幣收藏的基礎知識。可以說，本書 是首本對錯體紙幣進行全方位論述 的著作。
If required, please contact Champion Auction 如果需要請聯繫冠軍拍賣公司 Tel: 021-6213 0771 Email: jeanzg@163.com
Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5), edited by Wang Shihong, a famous Chinese gold and silver coins collector has been issued recently. This series of books were published by Encyclopedia of China Publishing House (ECPH), supervised by Coin Collection Committee, the branch of China Association of Collectors(CAC), and printed by Shanghai Artron Graphic Arts Company Limited. Ma Delun, former deputy governor of the People’s Bank of China, wrote the forward, and Dai Zhiqiang, the first curator of China Numismatic Museum, wrote a report for this series. When it comes to the main purpose of this book, the chief editor Wang Shihong says, “It is hoped that this series of books can provide relevant knowledge of modern gold and silver coins in China comprehensively and systematically and carry forward the excellent culture of our motherland, so that readers can have a more particular knowledge of the history and connotations of gold and silver coins, and better appreciate their artistic value.” He also hopes to attract more enthusiasts to participate in the investment and collection of gold and silver coins, gradually expand the size of collecting team, improve the brand effect of Chinese gold and silver coins and enhance their influence at home and abroad in order to realize a faster development of Chinese gold and silver coin industry.” Writing this series of books, Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5), is a systematic project, so we set up the expert advisory committee and the editorial board. It took the Chinese professional elite team more than five years to compile these books. This series of books reveal the development of modern precious metal coins in China through the exclusive interviews with the decision-makers, designers, carvers, and coin collectors, as well as a large number of firsthand information rarely known by the people. This series of books is an encyclopedia of modern precious metal coins in China. With unique academic perspective and simple words, this series gives a full explanation of processes of project selection, design, production and so on, and also
Contact Information (for purchasing purposes): Domestic
Shanghai Hong’an Culture Communication Co. Ltd. Pay before delivery. Payment should be remitted to Hongkou subbranch of Shanghai branch of the Bank of Communications. The post office remittance is also acceptable. Account Number: 310066030018170238495 Contact Person & Phone Number: Luo Fei, 17717536767
International Price: 160USD (without postage)
Contact Person: Champiom Auction Phone Number: 021-62130771 Email: championghka@gmail.com
Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5)
Wang Shihong, chief editor of Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China
make an intensive study of their cultural value, collectiing characteristics of precious metal coins. As a combination of authority, historical events, groovy knowledge, artistry, technicality, and readability, Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China, not only serves as references for academic researchers and financial workers, but also as a standard work showing modern precious metal coins in China from an overall perspective for collectors of gold or silver coins. This series is 235mm X 290mm in size, octavo, with, composed of 5 volumes, containing about 2.5 million words and 2,000 pictures which are all exquisitely printed according to the original drawings. All the Chinese modern precious metal coins issued by People’s Bank of China from 1979 to 2014 are included in these books. Besides, related materials, such as the development history of modern precious metal coins in China, comparison table of classified catalog of modern precious metal coins in China, and materials about gold or silver coins, are also recorded in appendix. In order to promote the spread and popularization of professional knowledge of gold or silver coins and to release the readers’ economic burden, the chief editor, Wang Shihong takes the compilation, publication of this series of books as a public welfare undertaking. Expenses, such as compiling and management expenses, all come from selfless devotees who are interested in Chinese gold or silver coins. Therefore, the price of these 5 books is 160 USD (without postage), containing only costs of publication, printing, and issue. At the same time, the brass commemorative medal designed by the famous designer Luo Yonghui for the issue of Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China will also be issued at the price of 450RMB for each.
學術性和可讀性於一體，不僅是學術研究者和金融工作者完 整的參考資料，也是金銀幣收藏者全面瞭解中國現代貴金屬 幣全貌的權威著作。 《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》叢書的尺寸為 235mm X 290mm，8 開，全套共 5 本，約 250 萬字，累計有近兩千餘幅圖片 ( 所 有金銀紀念幣圖譜均按原大精印 )。 《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》 收錄了 1979——2014 年中國人民銀行發行的所有中國現代貴 金屬紀念幣，而且還在附錄部分刊載了“中國現代貴金屬幣 發展簡史”、中國現代貴金屬幣分類目錄對照表及金銀帀相 關資料等。
《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》主編王世宏先生 由中國大百科全書出版社出版，中國收藏家協會錢幣收藏委 員會監製，上海雅昌藝術印刷有限公司承印，中國人民銀行 讀後感，中國著名金銀幣收藏家王世宏主編的《中國現代貴 金屬幣賞析》( 第 1—5 冊 ) 已經出版發行。
負擔，王世宏主編把該書的編寫與發行當作一項公益事業來 做，所有編寫費用、管理費用等，全部由熱心中國金銀幣事 業的無私奉獻者捐贈解決，書價只含出版、印刷、發行等費用， 全書五冊定價僅 950 元（國際售價 160 美金，不含郵費）。同時， 還發行由著名設計大師羅永輝設計的《中國現代貴金屬帀賞 析》發行紀念大銅章，每枚定價 450 元。
王世宏主編在談及組織編寫《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》主要 目的時表示：希望通過本書全面、系統地介紹中國現代金銀 幣的相關知識，弘揚祖國優秀文化，使廣大讀者能進一步瞭 解金銀幣的歷史和內涵，提高大家對其藝術價值的賞析能力， 以吸引更多的愛好者參與金銀幣的投資與收藏，逐步擴大金 銀幣的集藏隊伍，提高中國金銀幣的品牌效應和海內外影響 力，促進中國金銀幣事業的更快發展。 編寫《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》是一項系統工程，為此，成 立了專家顧問委員會、編輯委員會，由中國專業精英團隊耗 時 5 年多時間精心編著。全書通過對決策者、設計師、雕刻師、 以及錢幣收藏家們的專訪，以大量鮮為人知的第一手資料， 揭示了中國現代貴金屬幣的發展脈絡與軌跡。 《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》以其獨特的學術視角，樸素的敘 述文字，多角度、全方位地展示了中國現代貴金屬幣的選題 立項、設計雕刻、工藝製作等過程，同時在文化價值、收藏 屬性等方面做了較為深入的探討，是中國現代貴金屬幣資訊 資料的百科大全。
國內 欲購者請與上海宏盎文化傳播有限公司聯繫，款到發貨 書款請匯交通銀行上海分行虹口支行或郵局匯付 賬號 310066030018170238495 聯絡人：駱 飛 電話：17717536767 國外
售價：160 美元（不包含郵費） 欲購者請與冠軍拍賣上海辦事處聯繫 電話：15000120957 郵箱：championghka@gmail.com
冊）發行 1—5
原副行長馬德倫作序，中國錢幣博物館首任館長戴志強撰寫
為了利於金銀帀專業知識的傳播和普及，降低廣大讀者經濟
《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》 第 (
《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》集權威性、史料性、知識性、藝術性、
Unofficial Banknotes Issued in Jiangxi Province By Xu Anmin Price ：RMB ￥298 Unofficial Banknotes Issued in Jiangxi Province was written by prominent paper money collector Xu Anmin, and was published in December 2014 by Jiangxi People’s Press, with the support and planning of the Jiang Xi Banking Industry. The unofficial banknotes cataloged in this book were issued by local administrative agencies, banks and organizations (such as local armed forces, cooperatives) etc. The face value of these paper notes was the same as that of the national legal currency which was circulated in some defined regions. The book is illustrated with pictures of 185 of the banknotes issued in Jiangxi Province, of which 25 were issued in the Qing Dynasty, 11 by local administrative agencies, 15 by local armed forces, 19 by chambers of commerce, and 88 by money houses and business houses. In addition, there are 21 local gold dollar coupons, 4 silver coupons, and 2 special money. Additionally, there are about 30 printing blocks and anticounterfeiting seals. The 200 physical coupons are from the author’s collection. This is the first time these precious coupons, some of which are unique, have been published.
comments were mainly on the collectors’ errors, value,
The book is divided into the following sections:
star-rating, collection methods, current existing condition and personal target.The postscript presents author ’s 20
the foreword, brief introduction, catalog, comments,
years collecting experience, his star-rating and calculating
references and postscript.The guide defines the scope
method, which will help collectors.The references include
and the time of the research and collecting and the
the relative historical resources, monographs and research
definition of unofficial banknotes. This is the first time
articles from modern times.In additional, the author
these banknotes have been categorized according to their
verified the authenticity of physical bonds which need to
different features. A brief introduction was also given
be proved. He also wrote another two articles about the paper money: “The Research of Banknotes Issued by Wu
to each chapter of the book.The General Introduction includes features, the development of unofficial banknotes, the rise of collecting these notes and the research achievements for unofficial banknotes. The pictures of the banknotes, local gold coupons ( 金圆券 ), local silver coupons ( 银 圆 券 ), special money, printing blocks and anti-counterfeiting seals are illustrated in the book. The book comprehensively describes each physical coupon of the banknotes. Many ancient stories were discovered such as the words of celebrities, family rules, poetry and prose from the script and pattern of the banknotes.The
Zheng-Yuan Private Bank of JianYi (Feng Cheng City) ”, and “Remark on 1896 Banknotes Issued by Kiangsi Official Silver Bank Again ”. This book is 281 pages long and has more than 300 colorful pictures of the banknotes. It is printed in A4 size on colorful bronze paper with a fine binding. It is a professional book for collecting and researching the unofficial banknotes issued in Jiangxi. It is sold by Xinhua Book Stores all over the country at a price of 298 yuan.
《江西民間鈔票》 作者：徐安民 售價：RMB ￥298
在江西省銀行業的精心策劃和組織下，由國內著名
特點、發展階段、民間鈔票收藏的興起及研究成果；圖
纸币收藏家徐安民先生撰寫的《江西民間鈔票》2014 年
錄，囊括清代錢莊鈔票、行政機構鈔票、地方武裝鈔票、
12 月由江西人民出版社出版發行。該書收集的實物函括
商會鈔票、錢莊商號鈔票、地方金圓券、地方銀元券、
清代至民國時期江西省境內地方行政機構、團體組織及
特殊幣、鈔版及印章等實物。本章節還對各不同時期民
各錢莊商號等發行的紙幣。主要包括錢莊、地方基層行
間鈔票進行了扼要綜述，對收錄的每張實物券進行了專
政機構、地方武裝組織、合作社、商會、商號及其他機
業點評，并根據鈔票上的各類文字圖案挖掘出大量中國
構組織發行的紙幣，且在一定社會區域與國家法定貨幣
古代名人格言、家訓及詩賦等歷史典故；收藏感悟，梳
等值流通的鈔票。全書共收集到江西民間鈔票圖片 185
理了民間鈔票收藏者的誤區、民間鈔票的收藏價值、星
張，其中清代鈔票 25 張，基層行政機構鈔票 11 張，地
級評定、收藏模式與現狀及個人定位。收藏感悟係作者
方武裝鈔票 15 張，商會鈔票 19 張，錢莊商號鈔票 88 張，
20 多年收藏實踐經驗的親身感悟和思想提煉，并創造
地方金圓券 21 張，地方銀元券 4 張，特殊幣 2 枚。另有，
性的提出了“星級別評定”的方法和計算方式，對收藏
鈔版及防偽印章 30 余件。書中所錄選的 200 多件實物券，
愛好者有着極大的啟發和幫助；參考文獻，主要收錄近
均來自作者 20 多年的私人收藏品。在這些紙幣實物券
代江西民間鈔票相關的史料、專著以及研究文章等。此
中絕大多數為首次披露，極其珍貴，有些實物券屬孤品
外，作者對收藏圈里頗有爭議和影響的實物券進行詳細
或僅見品。
考證，并專門撰寫《劍邑吳正元錢號票考略》和《光緒 丙申年“江西官銀號”銀錢票再議》等文章，提出作者
全書主要由凡例、概述、圖錄、收藏感悟、參考文
觀點，供讀者參閱。該書圖文并茂，大 16 開本，全彩
獻及後記等構成。凡例，確定了本書收集和研究的範圍
銅牌紙印刷，精裝幀，281 頁，300 多幅實物原大彩圖，
及上下年限，完整地闡述了民間鈔票的科學定義，首次
是一本集史料性、實物性、知識性、專業性為一體的近
按照民間鈔票的不同性質進行分門歸類，并對各章節進
代江西民間鈔票收藏與研究的工具書。該書由全國新華
行了簡要介紹和說明；概述，包括江西民間鈔票的主要
書店經銷，定價 298 元。
PRESS RELEASE:
Artist Yu Min was given the Lifetime Achievement Award by Krause Publication Coin of the Year Award Committee
Editor of World Coin News David C. Harper (L.) and Chinese Embassy Culture Department Secretary Dr. Li Gang
Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd. senior designer Yu Min is watching CCTV News live
A Lifetime Achievement Award in Coin Design was given to Yu Min of the Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd., Feb. 4 at the Coin of the Year Award ceremony at the World Money Fair in Berlin, Germany.
He began designing and engraving coins in 1980 and participated in the entire development process of gold and silver Pandas as a designer and engraver since the first gold panda coin was issued in 1982.
The trophy was accepted by Dr. Li Gang, Secretary of the Culture Department of Embassy of People’s Republic of China to the Federal Republic of Germany.
His 1983 silver Panda won the Best Silver Coin award in the 1985 Coin of the Year competition. He has designed and engraved over 200 Modern Chinese coins including over 40 commemorative Panda coins, including the 2005, 2006, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2012 and 2013 gold and silver commemorative Panda coins, over the years. Mr. Yu Min may hold the world record for the number of coins designed/engraved by a artist for a modern mint.
Yu Min is the first Asian Designer to win the award, the previous three edition of the award went to Herbert Wähner of Austria, Maria Carmela Colaneri of Italy, and Heinz Hoyer and Sneschana Russewa-Hoyer of Germany. Giving the award was David C. Harper, editor of World Coin News, founding sponsor of the award. The award is also sponsored by the World Money Fair. The publisher of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics, Michael Chou, introduced Dr. Li. His publication is the third sponsor of the Coin of the Year Awards and it prepared a biography of Yu Min. Yu Min graduated from Shanghai Arts and Crafts School in August 1980 and entered the Shanghai Mint (now known as the Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd.) to design and to engrave coins in the design and pattern shop at the same year. From February to June 1996 he went to Russia and studied in the Sculpture Department of Repin Academy of Fine Arts. He was enrolled as a member of the China Sculpture Institute in July 2004.
The 2009 Panda coin designed by Yu Min was named the Best Commemorative Coin by a German magazine. Among commemorative coins, he designed and engraved the portrait of Chairman Mao on the circulating coin to mark the 100th birthday of Mao Tse-tung. It was very difficult to engrave a raised image of the chairman to be struck on a very hard nickelclad steel coin. Yu Min accomplished this after repeated trials. In the selection process of the 2008 Beijing Olympic coins, Yu Min’s design was one of the finalists and his four joint engraving designs (the fencing, pentathlon, archery and soccer coins) were adopted by the head office of Bank of China.
余敏榮獲克勞斯出版社世界硬幣大獎評委會頒發的 終身成就獎
《世界錢幣新聞》主編 David C. Harper（左）和中國駐德國大使館文化部秘書李剛
上海造幣有限公司高級工藝美術師余敏在觀看 CCTV 新聞頻道
本屆世界硬幣大獎頒獎典禮於2月4日在德國柏林的世界錢幣展
1996年2月至6月期間，赴 俄羅斯列賓美 術學院雕塑系進修。
上舉行。本屆的世界硬幣大獎錢幣設計終身成就獎的獲得者是
1993年獲工藝美術師任職資格，並被聘為工藝美術師。2004
上海造幣有限公司的設計雕刻師—余敏。
年7月，被中國雕塑學會吸收為會員。
中華人民共和國駐德意志聯邦共和國大使館文化部秘書—李剛
余敏從1980年從事錢幣設計雕刻至今已30年，從1993年聘為
代表獲獎者領獎並發表獲獎感言。
工藝美術師至今也已23年。從1982年發行第一枚熊貓金幣起， 至今已有近三十年歷史。余敏作為設計雕刻人員參與並見證了
余敏是首位獲得這項大獎的亞洲錢幣設計師，前三屆終身成
熊貓金銀幣發展的整個過程。
就 獎 的 獲 得 者 分 別 是 ：奧 地 利 的 赫 爾 伯 特 •韋 納、 義 大 利 的 瑪 利 亞•卡 梅 拉•柯 蘭 納 瑞以 及德 國 的 Heinz Hoyer 和
由余敏設計雕刻的1983版熊貓銀幣獲得了1985年世界硬幣大
Sneschana Russewa-Hoyer 夫婦二人。
獎最佳銀幣獎，這些年，余敏一共設計和雕刻了40多枚紀念熊 貓， 包 括2005、2006、2008、2009、2010、2012和2013
獎項由《世界硬幣新聞》主編及世界硬幣大獎的發起人之一的
熊貓金銀幣。余敏為現代造幣廠設計和雕刻的錢幣數量之多，
大衛•C• 哈珀負責頒發，而世界錢幣展也是本屆獎項的贊助商
很可能在當今世界範圍內也無出其右。
之一。 他所設計的2009版熊貓幣被德國錢幣雜誌評為最佳紀念幣。 《東亞泉志》出版人周邁可先生為李博士做了一下介紹。周先生 的《東亞泉志》不僅贊助本次的世界硬幣大獎，同時也準備了一
紀念幣方面，余敏設計並雕刻了毛澤東誕辰100周年流通紀念
篇余敏的生平簡介。
幣中的毛澤東頭像一面。在非常堅硬的鎳包鋼產品上製作浮雕 是一個近乎苛刻的任務，經過多次實驗之後，余敏最終圓滿完
余敏1980年8月畢業於上海工藝美術學校（中專）。同年進上海
成任務。
造幣廠（上海造幣有限公司前身）設計製模車間從事錢幣設計雕 刻工作。
在2008北京奧運幣的競標中，余敏的設計成為了入圍了最終的 決賽圈。余敏與他人合作的設計（擊劍、五項全能、射箭、足球） 也在競標被中國銀行選中。
由余敏負責設計、上海造幣廠生產的第一枚心形紀念熊貓 母親節特別收藏加厚版紀念熊貓（50g），鑄造量 300 枚
50 克的峨眉山面有金頂 佛光
30 克
30 克的峨眉山面沒有金 頂佛光
50 克
余敏此次設計的母親節紀念熊貓是上海造幣廠生產的第一枚心
熊貓，附帶原包裝盒及證書，每人限購一枚。購買事宜請聯繫
形紀念熊貓。其中銀質熊貓共生產1000枚，品質為30克 ；金質
冠軍公司美國經銷商 Jerica，電話 ：941 952 0100 ；郵箱 ：
熊貓為100枚，重8克，另外還有特別收藏版50加厚克銀質熊貓，
jericainternational@gmail.com。
鑄造量為300枚，每枚熊貓上均打有編號。正面圖案為母親節 康乃馨、熊貓母親和倆個熊貓寶寶 ；背面圖案為熊貓故鄉—四
地 址 ：佛 羅 里 達 薩 拉 索 塔34236，1650大 道，Estate Coin
川峨嵋山金頂及佛光。峨眉山是中國四大佛教聖山之一。
and Jewelry Galleria 公司。
每枚母親節熊貓均有單獨編號，並附有上海造幣有限公司特製
此前由冠軍公司出品、上海造幣有限公司工藝美術師余敏設計
包裝盒。紀念熊貓由冠軍拍賣出品，上海造幣廠資深工藝美
的展會熊貓曾在2014年6月的澳門錢幣學會年展、2016年7月
術師余敏負責設計，並由上海造幣有限公司負責生產。有意購
的柏林世界錢幣展以及2016年美國錢幣協會展覽上取得過巨大
買者可以499美元的價格購得這種母親節特別收藏加厚版紀念
的成功。
2016年澳門錢幣學會國際年展紀念熊貓
2016年美國錢幣協會安娜海年會紀念熊貓
2017年柏林世界錢幣展覽會三色銅紀念熊貓
2017年柏林世界錢幣展覽會三色銅紀念熊貓
AUCOFFRE.COM AUCOFFRE.COM 成立於 2009 年，其創始人兼法國總裁是讓·弗朗索瓦·福爾。 AUCOFFRE.COM 是一家為全球私人投資者提供庫存金銀幣交易的網上平臺。 公司大約有 2 萬名顧客，4 噸黃金庫存，11 噸白銀庫存，25 名員工。2015 年 成交額達到 3500 萬歐元。 2011 年底，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定自鑄錢幣—1 盎 司純金金幣 Vera Valor（意為“真實的價值”，含 金量為 999.9%°）。2012 年，在法國、比利時和瑞 士，Vera Valor 已成為銷量最大的金幣。該金幣自 發行起，銷量已超過 35,000 枚。 此後，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定使產品多樣化，開始鑄造各種版別的 Vera 錢幣— 1/10 盎司 Vera Max 金質收藏幣、1 盎司 Vera 銀幣等。Vera 錢幣自誕生以來， 鑄造量已超過 400,000 枚，VeraValor.com 因此成為法國的第一私營造幣廠。 2015 年，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定打造一個宣傳小塊領土的地圖幣收藏集， 開始鑄造第一種法定貨幣—桑吉巴 1 盎司 Vera 銀幣，面值為 1000 坦尚尼 亞先令，鑄造量為 50,000 枚。這些 Vera 銀幣很快被搶購一空，很多顧客 甚至還想購買這種幣的更多版別。具有代表性的第二塊領土是直布羅陀， 也 將 鑄 造 此 種 法 定 貨 幣 —50,000 枚 1 盎 司 Vera 銀 幣 和 5,000 枚 1 盎 司 Vera Valor 金幣。 2013 年，AUCOFFRE.COM 發行了 VeraCash 金卡— 唯一也是首個消費實物黃金 Vera Valor 的借記卡。 和其他的借記卡不同，其他的借記卡消費的是加密數 位貨幣或虛擬貨幣。對於 VeraCash 金卡來說，按照 黃金價格， 用實物黃金來確定用戶所花費的確切金額。 通過 VeraCash 金卡和移動應用，將 VeraCash 的金 額發給另一用戶，也能成為一種支付方式。一個單位 的 VeraCash 錢幣等於一個單位的該國貨幣。 不論是作為實物錢幣，還是一種支付方式，VeraValor.com 和 VeraCash.com 都希望體現實物黃金和白 銀的真實價值。
When Great Collections are Sold Stack’s Bowers Galleries Sells Them Stack’s Bowers Galleries is your premier resource for world coins. Contact one of our experts to learn how you can realize top market prices when consigning your entire collection or individual rarities. We are now accepting consignments for important venues, including the New York International Numismatic Convention, the American Numismatic Association World’s Fair of Money, our biannual Hong Kong auctions and our popular Collectors Choice Online Auctions.
N.Y.I.N.C. Auction January Hong Kong Auction April An Official Auction of the ANA World’s Fair of Money August Hong Kong Auction August Collectors Choice Online Auctions February, June and October Contact us today for more information about auction dates and consignment deadlines. Refer to StacksBowers.com for our complete auction schedule.
Richard Ponterio
Lawrence R. Stack
RPonterio@StacksBowers.com LStack@StacksBowers.com
Matt Orsini
Nirat Lertchitvikul
MOrsini@StacksBowers.com Nirat@StacksBowers.com
Kyle Ponterio
KyPonterio@StacksBowers.com
Vicken Yegparian
VYegparian@StacksBowers.com
+1.949.253.0916 California • +1.212.582.2580 New York 852.2117.1191 Hong Kong Info@StacksBowers.com • StacksBowers.com LEGENDARY COLLECTIONS | LEGENDARY RESULTS | A LEGENDARY AUCTION FIRM 800.458.4646 West Coast Office • 800.566.2580 East Coast Office • 852.2117.1191 Hong Kong Office 1231 E. Dyer Road, Suite 100, Santa Ana, CA 92705 • 949.253.0916 123 West 57th Street, New York, NY 10019 • 212.582.2580 Unit 1603, 16/F, Miramar Tower, No. 132 Nathan Road, Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon, Hong Kong Info@StacksBowers.com • StacksBowers.com
California • New York • New Hampshire • Hong Kong • Paris SBG JEAN 2019 190401
America’s Oldest and Most Accomplished Rare Coin Auctioneer
Mish International Monetary Inc. Mish國際錢幣公司 Specialists in 專營 Pandas since 1982 1982年起發行的熊貓幣 China Modern since 1979 1979年起發行的中國現代金銀幣 World Coins since 1964 1964年起專營世界錢幣
Looking To Buy?想買？ Our inventory and knowledge has been available to both our colleagues and collector clients since coins of the People’s Republic of China first reached the world market in 1979. 自1979年中國現代金銀幣首次進入國際市場后，Mish 國際的員工及其藏家客戶積累了豐富的庫存和專業 的錢幣知識。
If you are looking for a particular China coin, chances are we have it, or may be able to recover it from an original buyer we sold it to years ago at first distribution. 想買中國幣？我們或許恰好有；也許多年前我們賣過，現在或許還能從原始買家手中買回來。
Looking To Sell?想賣？ In this world of instant experts and brokers, Mish International is still your best choice to handle the purchase of your prized coins in this fast-changing market. Well-capitalized, truly knowledgeable and accommodating, we buy both single pieces and major collections at fair value with no delay, no limits and no excuses. 瞬息萬變的市場環境，Mish 國際仍是助您銷售錢幣的最佳選擇。雄厚的資金實力，專業的錢幣知識， 出色的協調能力，我們同時收購單枚幣和大型收藏，價格合理，快速付款。
Since 1964 始於1964
Here today. Here tomorrow 攜手今日 共贏明天 Mish International Monetary Inc Mish國際錢幣公司 1154 University Drive Menlo Park, CA 94025, USA 美國加州門羅帕克大學路1154號，郵編94025 Phone(電話):(650) 324-9110 Email(電郵):robert@mishinternational.com
East Asia Journal 1984 Issue 《东亚通宝》第 1 期 1984 年发行
First Issue of JEAN digital edition January 2016 Issue 《东亚泉志》电子杂志第 1 期 2016 年 1 月发行
紙幣交給PMG鑑定， 最放心
PMG成立於2005年，為紙幣提供獨立公正的專業真品鑑定、評級並封裝的服務。 PMG被世界各地的收藏家和經銷商所認可。因其專業、精準和一致的評級， 對公正的承諾以及全面的真品和等級保證而被全球信賴， 也因此成為全球最大的第三方紙幣評級服務機構。
了解更多？ 請瀏覽 PMGnotes.hk/about
PCGS、NGC、PMG、華夏評級、中乾評級 認證代理商
高價收購買賣、專業送評鑑定 龍銀、袁大頭、船洋、銀錠、古錢、金銀幣 各國套幣、各國紙鈔、郵票、字畫、古董 老酒、人參、金銀飾、金銀條 A：100臺灣台北市中正區牯嶺街41-1號 T：+886-2-23515430；+886-956-191-919 F：+886-2-23512177 E：silverhouse88@gmail.com Line&WeChat：yinchiacoin
2019 年 7 月
1994
中国铜元研讨会 特·别 ·版
2019
THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS · 中英双语 - 电子季刊 · Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly
25 th
周年
JEAN 1994-2019
2019 铜元研讨会纪念章
，NGC MS63BN，极珍稀，NC 藏品 1913 年袁世凯像共和纪念十文铜币样币（大面）
CHINA-REPUBLIC ND (1913) Yuan Shi Kai 10 Cash Copper Pattern, Yuan of Large Face, NGC MS63BN, Extremely Rare, NC Collection
袁世凱像共和纪念十文銅元
CHENGDU
The Yuan Shih Kai Portrait 10 Cash Coins 中国近代造币业引进国外先进设备技术的一个缩影⸺ 周汉伦钱币及文献资料藏品捐赠仪式在蓉城举行
The Donation Ceremony of Coins and Documentary Collection Given by Michael Chou was Held in Chengdu, Capital of Szechuan Province
2019 电子季刊 中英双语 出版人 周迈可
《东亚泉志》为冠军拍卖公司总裁周迈可先生和著名钱币学专家史
馆史密森尼学会、大英博物馆、哈佛燕京图书馆、哈佛大学、耶鲁大学、
博禄先生于1994年创办，是一本学术性钱币研究专业杂志。旨在让广
哥伦比亚大学、斯坦福大学、康奈尔大学和美国钱币学会、美国钱币
大钱币收藏家、研究学者更深入地了解钱币知识，让世界各地的读者更
协会。杂志刊发过不少有重要学术价值的文章，如托马斯 · 乌尔曼写的 《1886-1888年间朝鲜首铸机制币——德国专家相助创建现代造币厂》、
好地了解中国深厚的钱币文化。 杂志高级编辑史博禄先生1951年生于美国密苏里州圣路易斯市，为
史博禄写的《袁世凯像大胡子开国纪念币》、范治南与何纬渝写的《钦差
密苏里大学历史系学士，哈佛大学中国研究专业硕士。1974-1977年在
大臣惊世之旅，记李鸿章访美破冰之行》、汤姆 · 基纳写的《1897年浙
克劳斯出版社任《世界钱币新闻》助理编辑，参与《世界硬币标准目录》
江三分六厘样币和1899年安徽三分六厘流通币的关系》以及曾泽禄写
与《世界纸钞标准目录》编辑工作。1977-1987年全职进行钱币交易。
的《明代天启通宝和崇祯通宝铜钱加盖戳印 VOC/C 探析》等。
1988-1989年在中国郑州大学留学，主修中国研究课程。1991-1993年
2015年5月，周迈可先生决定于2016年1月复刊《东亚泉志》，聘
在哈佛大学攻读硕士。1994-1998年任《东亚泉志》总编。史博禄先生
请著名钱币研究学者袁水清先生担任主编。复刊后的《东亚泉志》为电
拥有30多年的收藏和研究中国钱币的丰富经验。他在《东亚泉志》上发
子季刊，中英双语。内容以披露最新钱币收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功
表的研究文献极大地丰富了中国钱币的知识内涵。
人士的事迹为主。主要栏目有学术研究、人物专访、鉴赏争鸣、拍卖回
《东亚泉志》于1994年7月份问世，1999年停刊，发行了18期。杂 志中大部分文章是英文，只有少部分是中文，在20多个国家发行，广 受欢迎，长期占据许多重要图书馆书架的显著位置，包括美国国家博物
顾、重要信息等。 从2017年起， 《东亚泉志》加盟由克劳斯在德国柏林世界钱币展览 会期间举办的“世界硬币大奖”颁奖活动。
东亚泉志
No. 15
2019. 07 / Issue 33
THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS 中英双语 - 电子季刊
25 th
周年
Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly
JEAN 1994-2019
珍妮特号航线图
Map of the USS Jeannette Sailing Route
北
冰
新西伯利亚群岛
洋
沉没
东西伯利亚海 白 令 海 峡
丽
南
河
美
国
阿拉斯加
加
斯 白
令
罗
拿
大
海 阿拉 斯加
湾
俄 美 国 起点
旧金山
珍妮特号
USS Jeannette
查尔斯 · 唐先珍妮特号美国国会奖章
The USS Jeannette Charles Tong Sing US Congressional Medal
『本期专题 | FEATURES 』
THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS 25TH ANNIVERSARY SHOW PANDA
西汉海昏侯刘贺墓出土的各类钱币
Ingots and Coins Unearthed from the Tomb of the Western Han Dynasty Marquis Haihun Liu He 珍妮特号极地远征记——华人唐先荣获美国国会奖章
Charles Tong Sing and the Arctic Expedition of the USS Jeannette 袁世凯像共和纪念十文铜元
第1期
期
15
第
第
14
期
1 第
JEAN Online Links 《东亚泉志》在线阅读
《东亚泉志》 25 周年纪念章
期
The Yuan Shih Kai Portrait 10 Cash Coins
issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_first_issue_of_jean
第 14 期 issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_fourteenth_issue_of_jean 第 15 期 issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_fifteenth_issue_of_jean
2019年《东亚泉志》广告现在接受预定！ 2019-2020 年
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Shanxi Sycee 《陕西银锭》 By Li Jiong
作者：李炯 Price (售价)：RMB ￥398
Shanxi Sycee was published by Shanxi Media Group’s Sanqin Press in July 2015. It was written by Mr. Li Jiong, a collector and researcher of Shanxi sycee from Yulin, Shanxi. Mr. Li collected 600 varieties of Shanxi sycee over a ten–year period and after comparing and analyzing many collections of Shanxi sycee, he decided that there was a need for a professionally researched book on the subject.
the silver currency of Shanxi Province. Mr. Dai remarked that “This book is a professional work of research of Shanxi sycee. Mr. Li has taken advantage of local sources in his research and has made a great achievement in numismatic research. It covers all development stages of Shanxi sycee including its infancy, development, widespread adoption and its final discontinuation.”
Mr. Li has classified Shanxi sycee into six categories: 50 taels boat-shaped ingots, officially minted sycee, commercially minted sycee, Shanxi stamp remittance ingots from other provinces, odd-shaped sycee, and a sixth ‘other’ group of sycee. This book comprehensively shows the conditions of the circulation of Shanxi silver currency in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic Period. This book also examines the social conditions including politics, economics, culture, and customs of that period. The president of the Xi’an Branch of The People’s Bank China Guo Xinming and prominent collector Dai Zhiqiang both wrote prefaces for this book. They remarked that this book was a masterpiece of Shanxi numismatics and filled a space in the research of
The book is A4 size and is 260 pages long with two additional trifold pages. It is printed in full-color and is illustrated with good quality graphics of Shanxi sycee. It was published by Shanxi Media Group’s Sanqin Press in July 2015.
2015 年 7 月《陕西银锭》由陕西出版传媒集团三秦出 版社正式出版发行。作者李炯先生是陕西榆林本乡本土 的银锭收藏、研究者，他用十年时间，收藏了 600 余种 陕西银锭。通过大量实物藏品的比对分析，作者首次提 出建构陕西银锭分类学研究，将陕西银锭分类为：五十
Buy from website: www.coinsky.com/htm/shop/show. cgi?id=1648 (Note: the book is signed by the author) Contact: Mr. Li Jiong Cell Phone: 15529990006; 15667811786 Email: 1327978511@qq.com 两船形银锭、官铸银锭、商铸银锭、外省陕槽、陕西异 形银锭、存疑待考银锭六大类，全面展示了清末民国时 期陕西省白银货币的通行现状，侧面反映了这一时期政 治、经济、文化、民俗等方面的社会面貌。本书由中国 人民银行西安分行行长郭新明、 著名钱币学家戴志强先 生并序。郭序指出：《陕西银锭》的出版，恰逢我国 “一 路一带”战略构想提出之际，是陕西钱币研究的又一力作， 填补了陕西白银货币研究的空白。戴序认为《陕西银锭》 是一部有关陕西地方银锭的专谱、专著，李炯先生立足 本乡本土，充分利用和发挥地域优势，十年磨一剑，扬 长避短，求实务实，走了一条钱币集藏研究的“快捷方式”， 一条成功之路。全书采用以文为主，以图为辅的串联方式， 揭示陕西银锭产生、发展、兴盛、衰落的全过程。 该书大 16 开本，126 克雅粉全彩精印，币图清晰逼真， 共计 26 万字，260 余页，亦附三折拉图两帧。作者首次 在银锭图片旁附陜槽铭文复原印章一方。图文并茂，值 得珍藏。 钱币天堂网发售 登录 www.coinsky.com/htm/shop/show.cgi?id=1648 可获得作者签名书 联络人：李炯 购书电话：15529990006；15667811786 邮箱：1327978511@qq.com
《东亚泉志》电子杂志 《东亚泉志》为冠军拍卖公司总裁周迈可和著名钱币学专家史博禄于1994年创办， 是一本学术性钱币研究专业杂志。旨在让广大钱币收藏家、研究学者更深入地了解钱 币知识，让世界各地的读者更好地了解中国深厚的钱币文化。 杂志高级编辑史博禄1951年生于美国密苏里州圣路易斯市，为密苏里大学历史系学 士，哈佛大学中国研究专业硕士。1974-1977年在克劳斯出版社任《世界钱币新闻》 助理编辑，参与《世界硬币标准目录》与《世界纸钞标准目录》编辑工作。史博禄拥 有30多年的收藏和研究中国钱币的丰富经验。他在《东亚泉志》上发表的研究文献极 大地丰富了中国钱币的知识内涵。 《东亚泉志》于1994年7月份问世，在20多个国家发行，广受欢迎，长期占据许多重 要图书馆书架的显著位置，包括美国国家博物馆史密森尼学会、大英博物馆、哈佛燕 京图书馆、哈佛大学、耶鲁大学、哥伦比亚大学、斯坦福大学、康奈尔大学和美国钱 币学会、美国钱币协会。杂志刊发过不少有重要学术价值的文章，如詹姆斯•史威尼 写的《1900年京局银元》、史博禄写的《徐世昌刻字纪念章》和《民国二十五年和 民国二十六年之中国银元故事》、汤姆•基纳写的《1897年浙江三分六厘样币和1899 年安徽三分六厘流通币的关系》以及曾泽禄写的《台湾老公银伪品》等。 2015年5月，周迈可决定于2016年1月复刊《东亚泉志》为电子季刊，中英双语。内 容以披露最新钱币收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功人士的事迹为主。主要栏目有学术研 究、人物专访、鉴赏争鸣、拍卖回顾、重要信息等。聘请著名钱币研究学者袁水清担 任中文主编。袁水清，1948年生，大学金融专科毕业，从事银行工作30多年。中国 钱币学会会员，陕西省钱币学会常务理事，西安市收藏协会常务副会长。同时聘请国 内外知名的钱币学者、收藏家及专业人士加入，如美国华人钱币学者曾泽禄、美国纸 钞专家弗雷德·施万、美国东南亚钱币专家霍华德·丹尼尔、德国中国现代币研究学者 塞巴斯蒂安·威斯霍夫斯基、香港中国现代金银币研究学者陈景林、台湾钱币学者周 建福、《戳记币简史》作者台湾东吴大学加拿大籍高林教授等。 从2017年起，《东亚泉志》加盟由克劳斯在德国柏林世界钱币展览会期间举办的 “世界硬币大奖”颁奖活动。
《东亚泉志》2017年免费订阅，如果需要，请把您的邮箱发到 jeanzg@163.com！ 《东亚泉志》第一期在线阅读：issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_first_issue_of_jean
TOP CHINESE COINS 2nd Edition 《中国近代机制币精品鉴赏》第二版 Price( 售价 )：US $100 Plus Postage( 不含邮费 )
In June 2010, Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 was published by iAsure Group and the The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN). Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 offers an in-depth summary of the final results from the Top Chinese Coins Survey, a landmark event held in winter 2009 to search for the 10 most valuable Chinese struck coins. Coins submitted for review were judged by their rarity, historical importance, artistic appeal, condition, market value and group identity. The deluxe bound book offered details on the Top Chinese Coins Survey as well as high-quality pictures, price trends, degrees of rarity and historical context of the 60 top Modern Chinese Coins.
Top Chinese Coins , Vol. 1 had a limited print run of 1000, leaving many numismatists and enthusiasts unable to purchase a copy of their own. In response to high demand, iAsure has made certain that the second volume which released in June 2011 will be available to a much wider audience. While Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 included gold, silver and copper coins, the second volume highlights the great range of silver coins. It will also add summaries from auction sales that list pricing, degree of rarity, pedigree and grades.
2010年6月，爱秀集团和《东亚泉志》出版了《中国
版的基础上出版第二版。第二版于2011年6月发行，相比
近代机制币精品鉴赏》第一版。该书对60枚中国最顶级
第一版60枚钱币囊括金币、银币和铜元，第二版专注于
的近代机制币进行了全面、深入、系统的研究与展现。
60枚中国近代机制银币，定名为《中国近代机制银币精
其内容涵盖高清钱币图像、流传脉络、拍卖纪录、市场
品鉴赏·银币版》 (简称《银币鉴赏》)。
趋势、珍稀度解析和背景故事等，在钱币业界引起巨大 的轰动和反响，备受赞誉，被誉为“全景式展现中国珍 稀机制币的重要鉴赏书籍”。
由于页面所限，第二版刊载60枚中国银币精品的重 要信息，在第一版的基础上有多方面改进和加强。《银 币鉴赏》在最受欢迎和好评的照片拍摄和排版下更多功
尽管因时间苍促、经验不足，书中存在一些缺陷和
夫，并提供更多详细、准确和丰富的近期拍卖成交价格
错误，但仍得到读者的肯定和欣赏。由于该书仅限量印
记录、历史评估、珍稀度和谱系说明。所有内容均为中
刷1000本，无法满足广大钱币爱好者的需求。经多位资
英双语，彩色精装印刷。第一版中有关钱币背景的“故
深钱币专家、学者、收藏家建议，爱秀集团决定在第一
事阅读”部分将以附件方式另行印刷成册。
If required, please contact Champion Auction 如果需要请联系冠军拍卖公司 Tel: 021-6213 0771 Email: jeanzg@163.com
1/31/2020 中國熊貓紀念章目錄柏林首發 1/31/2020 Chinese Show Panda Catalogue Berlin Release
Chinese Show Panda CATALOGUE
1984—2019
東亞泉志出版 JEAN Publications
The Journal of East Asian Numismatics Bilingual (English-Chinese) Digital Quarterly In 1994, The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN) was founded by Michael Chou, the CEO of Champion Auction and Bruce Smith, a noted numismatist. It is a professional numismatic academic journal whose mission is to educate collectors and researchers on the subjects of Chinese numismatics, culture and history. Bruce Smith, the chief editor of JEAN, was born in 1951 in St. Louis, MO. He received his BA in history from the University of Missouri St. Louis; and his MA in China studies from Harvard University. In 19741977, he worked for Krause Publications as Editorial Assistant on World Coin News and as cataloger for Standard Catalog of World Coins and Standard Catalog of World Paper Money. He was a full time coin dealer 1977-1987. In 1988-1989, he studied in China as a student of China Studies in Chengchow (Zhengzhou) University, Henan province. In 1991-1993, Mr. Smith was a graduate student at Harvard University. In 1994-1998, he was the editor of The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN). Bruce Smith has been a collector and researcher of Chinese coins for over 30 years. His published research in JEAN has added immensely to the body of knowledge for Chinese coins. The first issue of JEAN was released in July 1994, and the last issue (18th issue) in 1998. Most articles were written in English, the remainder in Chinese. The journal was distributed in over 20 countries, and remained a mainstay on many important library shelves, including the Smithsonian Institution, the British Museum, the Harvard Yenching Library, Harvard University, Yale University, Columbia University, Stanford University, Cornell University, the ANS (American Numismatic Society), and the ANA (American Numismatic Association). The journal enjoyed great popularity and many important articles were published in JEAN, including “Peking Coins of 1900” by James Sweeny, “More on the Hsu Shih-chang Medals with engraved names” and “The true story of China’s 1936 and 1937 Silver Dollars” by Bruce Smith, “The Apparent Relationship
JEAN Online Links 《東亞泉志》在線閱讀
1st Issue 2nd Issue 3rd Issue 4th Issue 5th Issue 6th Issue 7th Issue 8th Issue 9th Issue 10th Issue 11th Issue 12th Issue 13th Issue 14th Issue 15th Issue 16th Issue
between 1897 Chekiang 5 Cents Pattern and 1899 Anhwei 5-Cents Circulation Strike” by Tom Keener, and “A Forgery of Taiwan’s Old Man Dollar” by Dr. Che-lu Tseng. In May 2015, Michael Chou decided to start issuing the journal again starting in January 2016. The famous numismatic researcher Mr. Yuan Shuiqing will be chinese chief editor. He is a member of China Numismatic Society, serving as executive director of the Shenxi Numismatic Society and executive vice president of the Xi’an Collectors Association. As a numismatic researcher, he was chief editor of Collections and China Numismatics. He has published over 100 numismatic research articles and the masterpiece The Elite of Monetary History of China. Other distinguished contributors from home and abroad are numismatists, collectors and coin dealers, including Bruce Smith (author of Howard Franklin BowkerNumismatic Pioneer), Colin Gullberg (Canada, author of Chopmarked Coins-A History), Chinese American senior numismatist Dr. Chelu Tseng, Steve Feller former international banknote societ y editor, senior numismatic scholar of China modern gold and silver commemorative coins King L. Chan (Hong Kong), senior numismatist Chien Fu Chou (Taiwan) and CEO of Beijing Coins website Richard Guo. It will be a quar terly, bilingual e-journal, covering the latest numismatic research, interviews with famous collectors, auction reviews, and general news. The Journal's distribution is now over 5,000, including over 2,000 in Greater China region. Starting in 2017, Journal of East Asian Numismatics is a co-sponsor of Krause's Coin of the Year Award Ceremony in Berlin with World Money Fair. You are welcome to subscribe, submit articles for publication, and advertise in the upcoming JEAN. The 2019 subscription is free of charge. Please send your email to jeanzg@163.com.
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Contact JEAN Shanghai Office Tel: 021-62130771 Email: jeanzg@163.com Add: Room 1808, Bao Hua Building No. 1211, Changde Rd.
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東亞泉志 電子季刊 · 中英雙語
讓廣大錢幣收藏家、研究學者更深入地瞭解錢幣知識，讓世界各地
2015年5月，周邁可先生決定於2016年1月復刊《東亞泉志》，聘 請著名錢幣研究學者袁水清先生擔任主編。袁水清，1948年生， 大學金融專科畢業，從事銀行工作30多年。中國錢幣學會會員，澳
的讀者更好地瞭解中國深厚的錢幣文化。
門錢幣學會學術顧問，陝西省錢幣學會第六屆常務理事，西安市收
雜誌高級編輯史博祿先生 1951年生於美國密蘇裏州聖路易斯市，
幣研究》雜誌的責任編輯，《中國錢幣界》雜誌主編。多年來他傾
《東亞泉志》為冠軍拍賣公司總裁周邁可先生和著名錢幣學專家史 博祿先生於1994年創辦，是一本學術性錢幣研究專業雜誌。旨在
為密蘇裏大學歷史系學士，哈佛大學中國研究專業碩士。1974-
1977年在克勞斯出版社任《世界錢幣新聞》助理編輯，參與《世 界硬幣標準目錄》與《世界紙鈔標準目錄》編輯工作。1977-1987 年全職進行錢幣交易。1988-1989年在中國鄭州大學留學，主修 中國研究課程。1991-1993年在哈佛大學攻讀碩士。1994-1998 年任《東亞泉志》總編。史博祿先生擁有30多年的收藏和研究中 國錢幣的豐富經驗。他在《東亞泉志》上發表的研究文獻極大地豐 富了中國錢幣的知識內涵。
藏協會常務副會長。退休後，歷任《收藏》 《古泉園地》 《西部金融 · 錢 力於中國貨幣史和錢幣學的研究，發表過近百篇錢幣研究文章 ；
2012年，出版了彙集中國古今錢幣的鴻篇巨制《中國貨幣史之最》。 同時聘請國內外知名的錢幣學者、收藏家及專業人士加入，如《霍 華德 · 富蘭克林 · 包克―錢幣學研究先驅者》作者史博祿先生、《戳 記幣簡史》作者高林先生、美國華人資深錢幣學者曾澤祿先生、國 際紙鈔收藏協會前任總編輯 Steve Feller、香港中國現代金銀幣資 深研究學者陳景林先生、臺灣資深錢幣學者周建福先生、美國東南 亞錢幣專家亞當 · 比亞吉先生以及北京錢幣網總裁郭嘉華先生等。
《東亞泉志》於1994年7月份問世，1999年停刊，發行了18期。 雜誌中大部分文章是英文，只有少部分是中文，在20多個國家發 行，廣受歡迎，長期佔據許多重要圖書館書架的顯著位置，包括美
復刊後的《東亞泉志》為電子季刊，中英雙語。內容以披露最新錢 幣收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功人士的事蹟為主。主要欄目有學術 研究、人物專訪、鑒賞爭鳴、拍賣回顧、重要資訊等。
國國家博物館史密森尼學會、大英博物館、哈佛燕京圖書館、哈佛 大學、耶魯大學、哥倫比亞大學、斯坦福大學、康奈爾大學和美國
從2017年起，《東亞泉志》加盟由克勞斯在德國柏林世界錢幣展覽
錢幣學會、美國錢幣協會。雜誌刊發過不少有重要學術價值的文章，
會期間舉辦的“世界硬幣大獎”頒獎活動。
如詹姆斯 · 史威尼寫的《1900年京局銀元》、史博祿寫的《徐世昌 刻字紀念章》和《民國二十五年和民國二十六年之中國銀元故事》、 湯姆 · 基納寫的《1897年浙江三分六厘樣幣和1899年安徽三分六
《東亞泉志》2019年免費訂閱，如果需要，請把您的郵箱發到
jeanzg@163.com ！
厘流通幣的關係》以及曾澤祿寫的《臺灣老公銀偽品》等。
JEAN Online Links 《東亞泉志》線上閱讀
第1期 第2期 第3期 第4期 第5期 第6期 第7期 第8期 第9期 第 10 期 第 11 期 第 12 期 第 13 期 第 14 期 第 15 期 第 16 期
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2019-2020 年《東亞泉志》廣告現在接受預定！ 2019-2020 年
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第 17 期
1 月 31 日
1月1日
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US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)
第 18 期
4 月 30 日
4 月1日
US $500 (¥ 3,500) US $1,600 (¥ 11,000) US $300 (¥ 2,000)
US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)
第 19 期
7 月 31 日
7月1日
US $500 (¥ 3,500) US $1,600 (¥ 11,000) US $300 (¥ 2,000)
US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)
第 20 期
10 月 31 日
10 月 1 日
US $500 (¥ 3,500) US $1,600 (¥ 11,000) US $300 (¥ 2,000)
US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)
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1頁 4 期
* 分辨率 ：300
1/2 頁 1 期
1/2 頁 4 期
* 1頁 (A4) ：210×297mm
* 1/2頁 ：210×148mm
入会申请表 Application Form 申請日期 Application date： 申请会员类别：
本地会员 Macau Member
Membership applied for:
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缴纳会费： 会费 新会员需交付：入会费 MOP500.00 本会宗旨：团结钱币爱好者，推动钱币之收藏及研究 介紹人：（需我会两位成员推荐 ） 会员姓名编号： 会员姓名编号： 此栏由澳门钱币学会填写 (Filled by the Society only)： 新会员入会日期： 新会员编号： 1）新会员需认同本会宗旨。 New members should comply with the Society regulations. 2）入会申请人需填妥本申请表、交 1 张相片及缴纳相关入会费用。 Please attach one photo and pay the membership fee. Add: AV. DR. RODRIGO RODRIGUES. 600E-P105 FIRST INTERNATIONAL COM. CENTER, MACAU Tel: (853)2833 4556 Fax: (853)2830 4772 Email: dcdesign@macau.ctm.net
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坦桑尼亞聚合物環熊貓紀念幣 帶 LED 燈的收藏盒 照亮你的錢幣 2019 World Money Fair Berlin Polymer Ring Silver Commemorative Panda with Ring of Light Box
Price 價格
USD 150 / EURO 129 / RMB 998 Design by Yu Min (China Shanghia Mint) / 餘敏設計 Produced by B.H. Mayer Mint / 德國梅耶造幣廠 1 oz / 40mm / 99.9% Silver Total 1000 pieces / 發行量 1000 枚
外包裝
內盒
內盒
聚 | 光 | 寶 | 盒 底座內置 LED 燈
LED 燈底座 讓聚合物環更明亮
Ring of Light Box with light inside box to show the Red Polymer Ring
購買請聯繫
Please Contact
European Distribution Fritz Rudolf Kuenker Inja MacClure (+49) 541 96202801 inja.macclure@kuenker.de
Asia Distribution Champion Auction Michael Chou (+86) 021 62130771 championghka@gmail.com
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