WP 1 Human Rights online - Final

WALKING PATH 1 Human Rights: Promoting the Dignity of Each Person

INDEX

Walking Path 1 Program UNDP on Human Security Overview of Palestinian Refugee Population UNRWA in figures 2014 UNRWA Map of Fields of Operation UNRWA Aida Camp Profile UNRWA Dheisheh Camp Profile Human Rights – Social Doctrine of the Church KAIROS: A Call from Palestinian Christians

2 6 43 46 48 49 50 51 58

WALKING PATH 1 HUMAN RIGHTS: PROMOTING THE DIGNITY OF EACH PERSON A. SUMMARY Pax Christi’s vision of peace – anchored in the Gospel – requires social environments in which the dignity of every human person is unconditionally respected and in which their human rights are fully guaranteed. Refugees and internal displaced populations around the world are a dramatic reminder on how conflict disrupts the lives of millions of people creating levels of vulnerability and insecurity that stay with them for a long time. Participants in this walking path will visit the Aida Camp as well as Dheisheh camp and will interact with refugee families. Afterwards, participants will look at how Member Organizations around the globe are forging peace through the promotion of the rule of law and the respect for human rights, especially for those groups most affected by violence in its different forms.

B.

PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Human rights are inalienable rights inherent to every single human being. Article 2 of the Universal Declaration of human rights states that “everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty”. Human rights entail both rights and obligations. States assume obligations and duties under international law to respect, to protect and to fulfil human rights.

Human rights violations are both symptoms and causes of violent conflict. “Violent and destructive conflict can lead to gross human rights violations, but can also result from a sustained denial of rights over a period of time”1. Guaranteeing human rights is directly linked to sustainable peace as it is one of its unconditional components.

Over the last decade, some shifts have been happening around concepts of security: States are not the focus anymore, but people. The concept of human security places the security of human lives as the central objective of national and international policy. The UN General Assembly agreed on a common understanding on human security: “The right of people to live in freedom and dignity, free from poverty and despair. All individuals, in particular vulnerable people, are entitled to freedom from fear and freedom from want, with an equal opportunity to enjoy all their rights and fully develop their human potential”. Human security is pivotal to achieve peace, development and human progress. It improves local capacities, strengthens social networks, and ensures coherence in allocation of resources and policies.

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Michelle Parlevliet, “Bringing the Divide: Exploring the relationship between human rights and conflict management,” Track Two 11, no.1 (March 2002).

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C. PAX CHRISTI AND THE WORK FOR HUMAN RIGHTS The peace sought by Pax Christi International stems from a recognition of the innate dignity of all creation and of every human person, and the autonomous rights of peoples. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and all the other human rights instruments are the cornerstone documents of our work in the field of human rights.

Working for human rights often involves defending the rights of those who stand in the minority or outside the circle of traditional power. Indigenous people robbed of their land, women treated as second class citizens, children abducted into military service and worse, people discriminated against on the basis of their ethnicity, and people subjected to cruel and inhumane practices of torture are just some examples of people that Pax Christi member organisations around the world endeavour to defend through direct support, advocacy, solidarity, and prayers.

Finally, we are also active in promoting human rights work and values. Human rights are not something which we can merely receive passively; rather, they are something which must be taken up and practiced. To encourage this stance amongst people in the world, Pax Christi member organisations carry out activities promoting awareness of human rights in their own communities.

D. PROGRAM THURSDAY: PILGRIMAGE TO AIDA AND DHEISHEH REFUGEE CAMPS 13h30 13h45-15h45

Bus leaves the hotel AIDA CAMP -

15h45 – 16h00 16h00-18h00

Transportation to Dheisheh camp DHEISHEH CAMP -

18h00

Meeting with Lajee Center: History of the Aida Camp, mission and projects run by Lajee.

Meeting with UNRWA: Briefing on the situation of Refugees in Palestine and in the region.

Tour of the Camp and explanation of facilities (with Lajee Center) Interaction with a group of families. Life in the camp and perspectives of future.

Meeting with Ibdaa Center: History of the Dheisheh Camp.

Tour of the Camp and explanation of facilities (with Ibdaa Center) Meeting with BADIL (Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights): mission and projects run by BADIL. Interaction with a group of families. Life in the camp and perspectives of future.

Back to the Hotel

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FRIDAY: DEEPENING THE DISCUSSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS During this session, through a participatory methodology, participants will look at how their own organizations and other member organizations around the globe are forging peace by ensuring the promotion and protection of human rights, especially for those groups most affected by injustice and violence in its different forms.

8h30-8h45 8h45-10h15

10h15-10h45 10h45-12h00 12h00 E.

Introductions “Fishbowl” conversation Facilitator: Gigi Gruenke, USA, Maryknoll Lay Missioner.

Panelists: Nicolas Bossut, Belgium, Secretary General of Pax Christi Wallonie-Bruxelles; Peter Griffin, Australia, Member of Pax Christi NSW/Australia; other regional representative, tbd; local person, Palestine, tbd.

Expanding the conversation Break Open space to deepen the conversation Discussion about various topics in small groups Return to large group End discussion session

RESOURCE ORGANIZATIONS 

Lajee Center: It was established in Aida Refuge in April 2010 by a group of 11 young people from the Camp who wanted to serve the community. It is a community-based grassroots creative cultural center that works with new generations of Palestinians as they continue their ongoing struggle for justice and rights for Palestine and all Palestinians.

Website: http://www.lajee.org/



UNRWA: UN Agency for Palestinian Refugees established in 1949 to carry out direct relief and works programmes for the Palestinian refugees. It encompasses education, health care, relief and social services, camp infrastructure and improvement, microfinance and emergency assistance, including in times of armed conflict.

Website: http://www.unrwa.org/



IBDAA Cultural Center: Is a grassroots community-based project in the Dheisheh refugee camp. The name "Ibdaa" is translated as "creation" or "creative ability".

Since being founded in 1994, its mission is to create a positive atmosphere for children and youth in the refugee camp to assist them in developing competence, creativity and leadership skills through a range of social, cultural and educational activities.

Website: http://www.ibdaa48.org/en/



BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights: is an independent, community-based non-profit organization mandated to protect and promote the rights of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons.

Our vision, mission, programs and relationships are defined by our Palestinian identity and the principles of international law, in particular international human rights law. We seek to advance the individual and collective rights of the Palestinian people on this basis.

Website: http://www.badil.org/ 3

F.

ANNEXES (online)       

UNDP (2014). Evolution of Thinking and Research on Human and Personal Security 1994-2013. Link Overview of Palestinian Refugee population. Link1 and Link2 UNRWA (2015). Figures July 2014 – January 2015. Link UNRWA (2014). Map Fields of Operation. Link UNRWA Profile of Aida Camp. Link UNRWA Profile of Dheisheh Camp. Link Kairos Palestine (2010). Come and See: A Call from Palestinian Christians - A journey for peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Link

MAP OF REFUGEE CAMPS IN THE WEST BANK

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Evolution of Thinking and Research on Human and Personal Security 1994-2013 Des Gasper and Oscar A. Gómez

Des Gasper is Professor of Human Development, Development Ethics and Public Policy at the International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague. Recent publications include Migration, Gender and Social Justice: Perspectives on human insecurity, co-edited with T. D. Truong et al., and published by Springer, and “Approaching Development Projects from a Human Development and Capability Perspective,” co-authored with A. Apsan Frediani and A. Boni for the Journal of Human Development and Capabilities (15(1), 1–12).

Oscar A. Gómez is a researcher based in Japan, currently serving as Deputy Secretary General of the Japan Association for Human Security Studies. His work deals with the theory and practice of human security, emphasizing the environment, health and disasters, with related fieldwork in Colombia, Japan and the Philippines. He has also been involved in several United Nations projects on human security operationalization and diffusion in Latin America. He is now working on human security perceptions in East Asia and the convergence of humanitarian and developmental agendas.

Evolution of Thinking and Research on Human and Personal Security 1994-2013

ABSTRACT

Human security analysis considers the intersection of deprivation and vulnerability, and is an essential part, or partner, of human development thinking, giving special attention to risks and forces of disruption and destruction. This paper highlights six strands or styles in such work since 1994: violent conflict, and its prevention and resolution; crime and ‘citizen security’; psychological insecurity; environmental change; comprehensive identification and comparison of all major threats; and study of selected priority threats in a particular time and place. The main attention in the paper goes to the first, second and fifth of these topics. The 1994 Human Development Report’s list of seven categories of frequently threatened values was not intended to promote consideration of each in isolation, for threats interconnect, their relative importance changes, and comparisons are required. The flexibility required runs counter to vested interests and established patterns of inclusion/exclusion; security is too often equated to familiar means instead of related to the changing agenda of threats. In each context, the paper advises regular alternation of broad-horizon studies to identify priority areas and their linkages, with narrower horizon studies that explore in depth the threats and alternatives within preselected priority fields.

Summary Human security analysis is an essential part, or partner, of human development thinking. If we see human development analysis as including attention to basic needs, and to threats, disruptions and fluctuations, as it should and typically does, then human security analysis is a wing or dimension within it. If human development analysis is seen only as about creation and expansion of valuable capabilities, then human security analysis adds special attention to counterpart concerns: vulnerabilities, risks, and forces of disruption and destruction.

The human security concept covers both deprivation and vulnerability. These two aspects largely correspond to, respectively, human security analysis’ ‘equity dimension’ (a focus on persons and how they live and can live, and a focus on fulfilment of basic needs and rights) and its ‘connectivity dimension’ (its study of how people live within a total context constituted by numerous interconnecting systems, and of the threats and opportunities that can arise from factors in various parts of this life environment, and from their intersection and interactions). It does not study threats, vulnerability and fluctuations per se, for it is not concerned with the risks of, say, speculators in financial markets. Instead, it distinctively studies deprivation with special attention to vulnerability. The multidimensional poverty analysis that is prominent in much human development research takes up the concerns in the equity dimension: basic needs and people-centredness. Human

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security research examines in addition the other features: the nature and operation of threats in interconnected systems.

A focus on the realities of people’s lives demands a comprehensive perspective that captures the ‘connectivity dimension’. The intersections of diverse aspects involve not merely the addition of separate effects but major interactions, as highlighted for example in research on human dimensions of environmental change. Differences in the combinations of factors bring about major differences in what happens in the lives of different people, between families and between persons. The ‘downside risks’ that these conjunctures can bring for vulnerable people include spirals of disadvantage, damage, disability and ultimately even premature death.

The 1994 Human Development Report’s listing of seven leading categories of frequently threatened values—economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, political security and community security—was not intended to entrench a silo-approach in which the categories are considered each in isolation (UNDP 1994). The seven-fold list had the unstated rationale that its categories often linked to existing policy portfolios and ministry or department titles, which helps to explain the list’s durability despite its lack of exact conceptual basis. Within the list, those categories, like food security, that fit existing policy portfolios have often not become leading, self-standing foci for in-depth work that uses a human security language and framework, even though much of the work in those areas, for example, on livelihoods, can be readily accommodated and sometimes enriched within a human security framework.

A large exception to this pattern concerns environmental change, where a major human security literature has emerged despite the existence already of a standard policy portfolio, for we are not mainly concerned about the environment in isolation but because of its impacts on how people live.

This stream of work is in many ways the most comprehensive line of human security research, giving attention to all seven categories above and more besides.

The theme of vulnerability is part of a richer picture of the human being than only capability and reasoned choice. Issues of security, insecurity and threats link to fear, emotions and partly subjective perception. Emotions are central parts of human personality, agency, motivation and experience.

Compared to the term ‘vulnerability’, the term ‘insecurity’ may help in better bringing out the essential subjective dimensions.

This paper highlights six major strands in work since 1994 that have explicitly used a human security framework, focused, respectively, on: violent conflict and its prevention and resolution; crime and ‘citizen’ security; psychological insecurity; environmental change; comprehensive identification and comparison of all major threats; and case-specific identification of priority threats in a particular

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time and place. Significant work in other fields, such as migration, refugee studies, and minorities studies, exists, but is not highlighted here.

One major stream of research using human security ideas in relation to the ‘personal security’ category addresses situations of ongoing, feared or recent armed conflict, especially in Africa and Asia. Human security thinking has served to frame peace efforts that go beyond military victory. Its emphasis on understanding the root causes of conflict, with due context-specific attention, adds value. Human security research has highlighted also how levels of violence in general have been decreasing worldwide, how armed conflict is mutating into a more complex, low-intensity phenomenon in a limited set of hotspots, and how state security systems accordingly could and should be transformed.

The ‘citizen security’ stream of work has been about threats to citizens in everyday life from physical violence and crimes against property, largely with reference to local rule-of-law institutions in Latin America and the Caribbean. (The 2011 World Development Report adopts the term ‘citizen security’ but tries to introduce a deviant definition in terms of physical violence only.) Reflecting more than a decade of experience and evolution in Latin America, the ‘citizen security’ notion has helped to inspire transformation from a research and policy agenda focused on violence and conflict to one of institutional consolidation dealing with an expanding agenda of types of crime and social pathology that affect ordinary people. The approach shows the potential gains of sometimes changing the scale of analysis, from the nation to the city and sometimes the supranational region. The change of level allows getting closer to people, to the reality of threats, and to existing local protection and empowerment practices. But, for highly interconnected, mobile 21st century societies, ‘citizenship’ might become a restrictive central category, unless forms of ‘citizenship’ beyond local nationality are recognized.

The theme of psychological insecurity—or more broadly, attention to perceptions and emotions of security and insecurity—can and should be combined with every type of sectoral focus. Biases and over- and under-estimations are endemic. At the same time, perception studies capture public opinion on institutional performance and may help identify biases in official statistics. They also help to include the voices of the excluded and all affected populations, and to better grasp the complexity of situations, and how insecurity and agency interact in daily life. Citizen security surveys, for example, have provided insights into: local cohesion or lack of cohesion, ‘security dilemmas’ at the individual level, the sacrifices people make in response to feelings of insecurity, and the scapegoating of some populations. Reports frequently show that successful initiatives are not followed by reduced fear, and that responses adopted in the face of exaggerated or misplaced fears can be worse than the actual threat.

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A broad treatment of threats and potential responses is essential: Threats interconnect, their relative importance changes over time, and comparisons are required between different ways of responding to a given threat and the returns from responding. Contingency in the circumstances, and variation in the combination and impacts of threats, together disqualify an a priori hierarchy of threat importance. Any threat can become the most critical, depending on the circumstances.

Comprehensive or comparative human security analyses allow mapping of both the occurrence and the perception of a wider pool of threats, so that traditional personal security issues can be understood in their deserved dimensions and not disproportionately.

The required flexibility of analysis and response runs counter to processes of institutional ossification, vested interests, and established and institutionalized patterns of inclusion/exclusion.

These support a persisting emphasis on the familiar means of security, over the ends of human freedoms and well-being. Security as a concept keeps being associated with certain specific means— the military, the police, etc., in their conventional avatars—instead of with the changing agenda of threats. In the case of threat-based organizational silos, an exit strategy may not exist once the targeted threat ceases to be an important danger.

Narrow views of threats and means for realizing human security reflect also a too limited picture of the human person, which compromises the usefulness of the strategies born from these pictures. In many societies, far more people suffer from, for example, natural and environmental disasters, traffic accidents or tobacco exposure than from violence or organized crime.

The paper concludes that a useful and feasible principle will be to regularly alternate broad-horizon studies that help to identify priority areas and their linkages, with narrower horizon studies that explore in depth the threats and alternatives within selected specific fields.

Introduction 2014 marks 20 years of work worldwide around the idea of human security, work that took off due to the Human Development Report of 1994. It is a good time to reflect on the evolution in thinking and doing with the concept, discourse and practice of human security. Probably it is too soon for definitive judgements about its contribution; we should remember how the partner idea and movement of human rights has grown gradually but not smoothly over many decades, and how human development ideas became mainstreamed in the 1990s only after a preceding generation of gestation.

The first generation of human security analysis was characterized by much opposition to the concept in the traditional security epistemic community, as well as an often sceptical reception in a

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development community already busy with other concepts and urgent agendas. Yet the idea of human security has not only survived but attracted continuous, growing and widespread attention and application, as reflected in the UN General Assembly resolution of 2012 (66/290) and the now large literatures in various areas, such as the work drawn on for the 2014 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). 1 While caution is appropriate, the ground seems fertile. The present paper analyses this spread and evolution, and suggests a way to understand the place of human security ideas in the toolbox of researchers and practitioners who identify with or feel close to a human development approach.

The first section highlights four fundamental and linked aspects of a human security perspective, following the analysis by Amartya Sen, and groups these under headings provided by O’Brien and Leichenko (2007): an ‘equity dimension’ and a ‘connectivity dimension’. The second section clarifies the role of a human security perspective in the human development and capabilities approach. It aims to move a step forward in understanding the interface between the concepts of human development and human security, beyond discussion on which is part of which (Alkire 2010) or chicken-and-egg debates (Tadjbakhsh and Chenoy 2007). A more complex analysis includes an enriched picture of the person, as explicit or implicit in capabilities thinking, one that recognizes contingency, threats, vulnerability, (in)stability and prioritization as major life themes. Just as the themes of development and security have always coexisted in policy agendas, their human development

and

human

security

counterparts

represent

‘boundary

objects’

catalysing

transformation of thinking and practice beyond established narrow visions of economic growth and military strength (Gasper 2005).

Accordingly, the paper examines the evolution and prospects of human security ideas and practice as it enlarges the picture of the person and her environment from the starting point that traditional ‘security’ thinking adopts, namely a focus on bodies, and on violence and crime. The third section gives an overview of the lines of evolution and application. The fourth, fifth and sixth sections look in detail at the role of the ‘personal security’ component inside human security thinking, including in the variant form of ‘citizen security’. The 2013 global Human Development Report commented on human insecurity in relation to crime and military spending, showing how there is little correlation between homicide rates and Human Development Index (HDI) values, and that crime is not generally higher in poorer cities; neither is military spending correlated to HDI performance (UNDP 2013b, pp. 38-40). These facts show the distinctiveness of human security issues and propositions, but still fail to present the larger picture of challenges and transformations raised by the perspective of human-centred security. Reflecting on the example of the 2005 Human

1

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See the outline at: www.ipcc-wg2.gov/AR5/ar5-outline.html.

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Development Report of the Philippines (UNDP 2005a), and its decision about whether to prepare a human security report about armed conflict or about disasters, this paper offers a cross-sectional perspective on human security studies, moving the picture of the person from bare survival to a fuller one that directs attention to protection and empowerment against threats that people fear and have reasons to fear.

Present and future evolution of human security thinking and doing will involve engaging both with unfinished traditional security issues and with the transformative dynamic necessary to overcome the inadequate silo approach to threats. These two steps depend heavily on the success of stakeholders in incorporating a broader view of the person into their approach to social problems. In the case of security, this broader view includes, in part, attention to subjectivity and human limitations in assessing different risks that correspond to values and needs highlighted through human development ideas.

The later parts of the paper show how transformation of security thinking beyond dealing with violence alone is being framed through human security research, including by country and regional teams at UNDP. It suggests a dialectic process in which task forces on specific emerging priority threats are both preceded and followed by more general reviews across threats. These will facilitate reallocating attention when and where required.

The human security concept FOUR FEATURES In his contribution to the new Routledge Handbook of Human Security, Amartya Sen distinguishes four features in the concept of human security (Sen 2013, p. 18). First, a focus on what happens to individual persons, rather than to the nation-state, the economy, the military, or some other entity. Second, an understanding of individual persons in their total context of living. These first two features are common across the human development approach, which asks what reasonably valued attainable options persons have open to them, and what do they actually attain—their capabilities and their functionings. Sen’s work on entitlements analysis exemplifies the investigation of persons’ total context—economic, social and cultural, legal, political, physical, epidemiological, etc.—to examine what they can and cannot achieve. This understanding is incorporated in his overall approach and exemplified in his books with Jean Drèze on hunger and socio-economic development in India (Drèze and Sen 1989, 1990, 1995, 2002, 2013; see Gasper 2008 for a picture of the implied methodology). Some work on human development emphasizes mostly the first feature and the associated measuring of valued attainable goods. With respect to the second feature, while attention

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to diversity in people’s situations and needs is characteristic of the whole human development approach, work on human security emphazises also the multi- and transdisciplinary systems of interconnection that determine individual persons’ capabilities and vulnerabilities. It has continued with the full agenda of entitlements analysis: to investigate threats and risks, how these affect diverse groups, and how people can and do respond.

The concept of human security, Sen notes, has two further key features. The third is a focus on basic priorities including, not least, life and health and dignity. The idea of human security rethinks and transforms the preceding work on basic human needs, but builds on it. Using the language of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a human security approach emphasizes: “The right of people to live in freedom and dignity, free from poverty and despair. All individuals, in particular vulnerable people, are entitled to freedom from fear and freedom from want, with an equal opportunity to enjoy all their rights and fully develop their human potential.” This is the first component of the elucidation provided in the UN General Assembly’s 2012 resolution 66/290. This return to the fundamental concepts of the United Nations was present in the 1994 Human Development Report on human security and in many statements by its director Mahbub ul Haq. Human security analysis serves the necessary role of helping public prioritization within the otherwise open-ended human development panorama of what people have reason to value. 2 Fourth, such analysis considers the stability or instability of fulfilment of these basic priorities and the ‘downside risks’ to which ordinary people are vulnerable. The concern with stability is with regard to the fulfilment of basic human priorities. Human security analysis is not, for example, independently concerned with the stability of returns to billionaire financial speculators.

In sum, human security analysis looks at threats to the fulfilment of basic priorities in the lives of ordinary persons, and at the generation and interconnection of these threats in real-world

One might perhaps say that human security analysis is concerned with reduction and avoidance of suffering, which is one of the three well-being categories identified by well-being research, the other two being happiness and reflective satisfaction. Alternatively, much human security work adopts declared human rights as the criteria of basic priorities. While “the capability approach expresses an ideal of a community sitting together to decide the priorities that it will seek to assure or promote [, the] sister human rights approach recognises that ‘communities’ can exclude and marginalise. It expresses the priority of some basic entitlements that stem from global and nationally endorsed values that override community habits and that ensure all residents and workers can adequately participate in the deliberating community” (Frediani et al. 2014, p. 7).

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systems, rather than only as considered in artificially restricted and abstracted disciplinary formulations. 3 In other words, it considers the intersection of deprivation and vulnerability.

The four elements above were present in the 1994 Human Development Report. Each deserves underlining, not least the second—comprehensive attention to the social and physical contexts that constrain and enable people, and help determine their vulnerabilities and capabilities—and the fourth, attention to threats and risks. Both the second and fourth elements are motivated by the first: the concern for seeing how ordinary individuals live, can live and can die. The fundamental principle behind the introduction of a human security perspective 20 years ago was thus indeed the first feature stated above, that security analysis and policy must place people as the centre of attention. Established security thinking and doing have been related more to nation-states’ interests and to external aggression, and/or to the interests of wealthier groups, than to the threats that ordinary individuals and communities have to endure in their daily lives. Yet the means to provide security that were emphasized during the years of interpretation of ‘security’ only as defence of territorial or economic sovereignty or civil order are frequently of little use to protect and empower populations in terms of their most pressing daily concerns, argued Haq and others.

People-centredness thus requires a transformation in the way that values and threats are prioritized through security discourse and in how strategies for response are designed.

THE ‘EQUITY’ AND ‘CONNECTIVITY’ DIMENSIONS OF HUMAN SECURITY The focus on people and the priority given to basic needs together constitute what O’Brien and Leichenko, for example, in their work for the Human Development Report 2007-2008 (UNDP 2008), called the equity dimension of human security analysis (O’Brien and Leichenko 2007, O’Brien 2010; see also Leichenko and O’Brien 2008). The stress on transdisciplinary systems analysis and the focus on threats and risks correspond to what they call the connectivity

A recent draft document for the 2014 Human Development Report stated: “While [1] human development is a broader concept of expanding people’s choices; [2] human security focuses on whether people can exercise these choices safely and freely—[3] including being confident that the opportunities they have today will not be totally lost tomorrow.” Clause [1] is too open, since the relevant criterion is valuable choices, not every choice; so we could say “expanding their range of attainable valuable options.” Clause [2] is too narrow if ‘safely’ means only bodily/physical safety. Further, if the choices [= options] cannot be exercised [= attained] freely then they are not options. Perhaps the term ‘freely’ is a way of hinting at fulfilling basic requirements for making choices: the basics of health and agency that were clarified in basic needs theory (Streeten et al. 1982, Doyal and Gough 1991). Clause [3] is liable to be again too open, since human security analysis concerns stability of basics rather than stability of all riches.

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dimension. 4 Threats typically involve the interaction of numerous factors, as entitlements analyses and risk analyses have shown. Anomic patterns of living, for example, could encourage many to seek consolation in high-carbon consumption that increases the occurrence of extreme weather events that accelerate urban expansion and anomie. Extreme weather events primarily affect the economically poor and socially marginal, who are typically those living in more exposed locations, and who are already also vulnerable through lack or loss of economic entitlements and noninclusion in systems of public support or insurance.

The multidimensional poverty analysis prominent in much human development research takes up the concerns of the equity dimension: basic needs and people-centredness. Several branches of human security research examine—in addition to the other features—the nature and operation of threats in interconnected systems. We can note in particular the extensive research on human security and environmental change, for example, in volumes from the 1999-2010 Global Environmental Change and Human Security project in the United Nations’ International Human Dimensions Programme (predecessor of Future Earth), the follow-on programmes, and the work associated with the United Nations University’s Institute for Environment and Human Security. 5 These studies do not restrict themselves to the environment, but explore all the categories introduced in the 1994 Human Development Report and their interconnections. The report noted the long list of human security threats, but suggested most fall under seven categories (UNDP 1994, pp. 24-25): • Economic security • Food security • Health security • Environmental security • Personal security • Community security

Similarly: “Human development thinking, as formulated by Mahbub ul Haq, Paul Streeten and others, contains both an ethical perspective and a theory of interconnections. Both arose in reaction to the traditional perspective in economics. The principle of interconnection holds that linkages that are not mediated and measured through economic means are often centrally important…” (Gasper 2009).

4

For example, volumes edited by Matthew et al. (2010) and Sygna et al. (2013), and the Hexagon book series on Human and Environmental Security and Peace—see: www.springer.com/series/8090.

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• Political security

This is a listing of threatened values (or sets of values), not of specific threats/threat vectors.

It was presented as an initial framework for looking at values at risk, and the systems of threats that can endanger them. It was not intended to entrench a silo-approach in which the categories are considered in isolation. As articulated by Haq, a human focus demands a comprehensive analytical perspective—a transdisciplinary systems approach—that captures O’Brien and Leichenko’s ‘connectivity dimension’. For human lives are not sectoral, but are created and constituted by the intersections of all aspects; the intersections involve not merely the addition of separate effects, but major interactions. Unless this interconnectedness is kept in mind, there is a danger that freedoms and choices will be analysed as if they were separable, additive goods that can be aggregated like the commodities in a budget set. Much research on human dimensions of environmental change highlights how trends and events in all seven categories interconnect.

Differences in the particular combinations of factors bring about major differences in what happens in the lives of people, and resulting differences between families and between persons.

Corresponding implications for policy responses and public action, not only for research, are articulated in the 2012 General Assembly resolution’s (66/290) second point of characterization: “Human security calls for people-centred, comprehensive, context-specific and prevention-oriented responses that strengthen the protection and empowerment of all people and all communities…”

(United Nations General Assembly 2012).

These implications for explanatory analysis and policy design were drawn already in the entitlements analysis work led by Sen in the 1980s (e.g., Drèze and Sen 1989, 1990), and have been followed up in important streams of human security research. They add value through personcentred attention to the intersections in specific contexts of multiple dimensions of life.

Human security analysis in relation to discourse on capabilities and human development Human security analysis is an aspect of human development analysis broadly conceived, an approach initiated by Haq, Sen and associates. The same researchers formulated human security and human development as part of the same enterprise. If the overall system is not kept in mind, then different aspects are in danger of being placed in artificially antagonistic relation to each other. The previous section outlined how human security analysis looks at threats to the fulfilment of basic priorities in the lives of ordinary individuals. Here we see the first feature: Individual people’s lives are described, in terms of ideas from human development theory, of functioning, capability and agency; and the second feature, attention to the contexts in which

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functionings of basic importance are or can be promoted and sustained, or endangered and thwarted. This takes us too to the third feature: Human security analysis looks at basic functionings and capabilities, such as living a life of normal human span, roughly the Biblical ‘three-score years and ten’, the average that is attainable even in well-ordered, low-income countries, and not easily greatly exceeded even in very rich countries. Countries with 20 times higher per capita income may show only 5 or 10 percent greater life expectancy than some low-income countries, or even none at all. More elaborately stated, human security analyses, as in the work on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), look at the fulfilment of the requirements for functioning as an autonomous agent; an effective, responsible citizen and ‘householder’: including, inter alia, sufficient education, adequate health, a basic level of income and social inclusion with a dignified accepted status. They also consider the factors that prevent, undermine or jeopardize these requirements.

There is some heritage here from basic needs theory, as worked on earlier by Haq, Sen, Streeten, Stewart and others The fourth vital feature of human security analysis that we noted is the focus on the multifarious intersecting forces that can threaten and disrupt fulfilment of these basic needs and/or rights. The ‘downside risks’ that these forces and conjunctures can threaten include more than merely temporary fluctuations; they can comprise downside spirals of disadvantage; of physical, mental and emotional damage and disability; and death. But, for example, in climate change research, “it is rare to see an academic or policy discourse about adaptation which identifies the specific risks that adaptation seeks to avoid, and to whom those risks most apply (such as, for example, the risk of increased malnutrition among women in the highlands of Papua New Guinea)” (Barnett 2011, p.

270). An exception is work that sees itself as human security analysis. “An emphasis on human capabilities and human security draws attention to the differential consequences of climate change for individuals and communities resulting first and foremost from disparities in human development” (O’Brien and Leichenko 2007, p. 14). Without such insight, appropriate adaptation policies are impossible.

The concept of capabilities is used here not only as a way of describing what people can attain, but also with reference to their capacities and abilities. As in the General Assembly resolution’s (66/290) second point of characterization, human security analysis examines the role of empowerment—expanding people’s own capacities and agency—as fundamentally important for reacting to threats and fulfilling basic requirements, and looks for the opportunities that may accompany threats. Relatedly, human security analysts in Latvia’s 2002-2003 Human Development Report (UNDP 2003b) consolidated a concept of ‘securitability’, people’s ability to establish, maintain and restore their own security; this has now been adopted as a national policy objective.

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If we see human development analysis as including attention to basic needs, and to threats, disruptions and fluctuations, as it should and typically does, then human security analysis is a wing or dimension within it. If though—using an analogy to the Hindu trinity of creation, sustenance/preservation, and transformation/destruction—human development analysis looks only at creation and expansion of valuable capabilities, then human security analysis adds special attention to the counterpart concerns: vulnerabilities, risks, and forces of disruption and destruction.

The two types of analysis can then be described as partners: “…work on human security recognises that situations are not stable, and that we must plan not only for how to fulfil aspirations but how to deal with threats and adversities, many of which are situation-specific, group-specific, intersectional” and require locally determined response (Frediani et al. 2014, p. 7).6 Something more needs to be said, concerning the conceptualization of ‘human’. Human development analysis requires more than only distinguishing individuals behind the aggregations in our statistics. It must consider the real lives of real mortals, behind the abstractions in social and human sciences. The theme of vulnerability is part of a richer picture of the human than only capability (and lack of capability) and reasoned choice. 7 Emotions, for example, are central parts of human personality, perception, motivation and experience. These themes are articulated by, among others, Martha Nussbaum, regarding how part of what makes people human (and not gods) is vulnerability, and how our vulnerability is a (potential) source of or condition for sympathy with the vulnerability of others. As Haq and Sen have emphasized too, without this fellow feeling, measurement and analysis will sometimes not achieve much. “One reason why human security thinking has gathered momentum is because it draws on a deeper picture of human personality, emotion, sociability and lived experience than has been used in some thinking on human rights and human development… Human security thinking connects to the roots in humanistic psychology, humanistic philosophy and daily moral life that [underlie] development ethics” (Gasper 2009).

Both ‘vulnerability’ and ‘security’ are useful terms, as two sides of the coin. Whether the language of ‘security’ and ‘insecurity’ is itself a safe choice has though been intensely debated. To

The 2010 Human Development Report adopted the ‘separate but equal’ formulation: “Human development and human security are distinct concepts—the first relating to expanding people’s freedoms and the second to ensuring against threats to those freedoms.” (UNDP 2010, p. 17). But later on the same page it moved to the ‘part of the whole’ formulation: “Human security is not an alternative to human development—it is a critical part of it that focuses on creating a minimum set of capabilities and protecting them from pervasive threats” (ibid.).

Staying with the latter formulation, we can say that human (in)security covers both deprivation and vulnerability, not only the latter as proposed on p. 85 of the report.

6

Remarks in this paragraph and the next draw on comments and suggestions provided by D. Gasper, O. Gomez and A. L. St. Clair for the 2014 Human Development Report.

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talk about vulnerability is less politically exposed, if ‘security’ is a language of priority-claiming that becomes strongly connected to power politics. But ‘human security’ language was devised precisely to try to counter the priority-claiming by established privileged groups. Compared to ‘vulnerability’, the concept of ‘insecurity’ may bring out better the essential subjective dimensions.

Issues of security, insecurity and threats link to fear, emotions and partly subjective perception. 8 Arguably, the list of fundamental features of human security analysis should be extended to reflect a more adequate picture of ‘human’, and to include attention to perceptions and emotions of security and insecurity. Such attention figures as an important and fruitful element of much recent and ongoing human security research.

Evolution from and beyond the 1994 Human Development Report The 1994 Human Development Report’s seven categories for discussing threats, and the corresponding seven areas of values that could be threatened—personal, health, economic, food, political, environmental and community 9—was a rough starting point. The report itself noted that the categories overlap and do not cover all relevant issues. Overlaps arise because the seven areas were not all identified by the same criterion, and they were somewhat arbitrarily selected and delineated. 10 For example: - Food security and environmental security can be seen as inputs towards health and other more fundamental values 11 Reflecting this, the 1994 report’s discussion of environmental (in)security was about a diverse set of threats more than about a separate set of ‘environmental’ values.

- ‘Economic security’ included housing as well as employment and income, but we could easily make ‘shelter’ a separate security category. Further, economic security and food security are often closely related, especially in rural settings.

Martha Nussbaum’s writings on human development cover parts of the agenda of human security, with detailed consideration of emotions, vulnerability, risk and happenstance, including the interconnections that can increase both vulnerabilities and responsibilities. Human security analysis takes further the science-based investigation of these themes, and of the choices and necessary prioritizations that arise.

8

9

14

An acronym, PHEFPEC, may assist recall.

10

The conceptually more ambitious Commission on Human Security (2003) correspondingly did not adopt the list.

11

The Doyal-Gough theory of need provides a systematic way of trying to link and rank these different aspects.

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- ‘Personal security’ covered diverse concerns: security from physical violence, other crimes against life and property, accidents, abuse and self-abuse (e.g. drugs), and neglect. 12 - ‘Community security’ covered threats from intercommunity conflict, plus the rights of indigenous peoples, and more. Intercommunity conflict is indeed worth considering separately from (other) physical violence (which was placed under ‘personal security’) if group identity is considered an important value and psychological violence an important threat.

- ‘Political security’ referred to respect for ‘basic human rights’ (p. 32). If the phrase meant basic civil and political rights, then ‘political security’ could absorb much or all of ‘personal security’. 13 It perhaps then refers instead to basic political rights alone.

What has been the subsequent evolution? The six columns in table 1 represent six major streams in work since 1994 that has used a human security framework. Such a table can be drawn in many different ways, none of which is perfect. The categories overlap. The table is presented simply as a heuristic aid that helps guide the following remarks.

First, while the 1994 list was a quick ad hoc construction, it has provided for many users a ‘handrail’ in complex terrain. Further, it had the unstated rationale that its categories often linked to existing policy portfolios and ministry or department titles. This helps to explain the list’s durability despite its lack of exact conceptual basis. Several of the categories could be fitted largely to existing portfolios: economics, housing, food, health, environment, community development, social welfare or indigenous affairs. The list can too easily lead to a silo approach, however, in which different but profoundly interconnected aspects become treated in isolation from each other. Haq himself made little or no reference to it in his presentations of the 1994 report and the human security perspective. 14

The label ‘personal security’ was also an uneasy one, suggesting that the other categories did not concern persons. Some authors, like Inglehart and Norris (2012), distinguish instead the security of persons (in terms of all aspects and threats), the security of communities and the security of nations. The approach in the national Human Development Reports of Latvia (UNDP 2003b) and Thailand (UNDP 2009c) is also close to this interpretation.

12

One common conceptualization of human security in toto is simply as the assurance of all basic human rights.

However, the concept of ‘basic’ is always open to dispute, and some citizen security reports have used the expression ‘basic human rights’ to promote a narrow view of human security, focused only on prevention of violence and protection of property.

13

For example, when launching the 1994 report, or in the overview of that report, or in his presentation at the 1995 Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development.

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Table 1: Leading streams in work explicitly described as human security research Conflictrelated, including state(re)building 1994 Human Development Report National and regional Human Development Reports Other work

Crimerelated

X

X

X

X

E.g., work E.g., work in the in Latin European America Union, London School of Economics, Canada

Psychological (in)security

X

E.g., work for the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Harvard University

Diverse areas of casespecific concern

Environmental change

Comprehensive

X

X (as sum of the list)

X

(X)*

X

E.g., much work on migration and health

E.g., Global Environmental Change and Human Security project, IPCC, UN University Institute for Environment and Human Security

E.g., sponsored

by Japan

* Human Development Report Office categories and United Nations inter-agency relations seem, however, to lead to national reports on climate change and other environmental changes as not being classified as human security analyses, regardless of the approach used by the reports.

Second, while ‘personal security’ partly fits a law-and-order portfolio, it also transcends that, as we will see; hence human security work here has provided distinct new perspectives and value added. A recent review of leading emphases in national and regional Human Development Reports on human security (Gomez et al. 2013) suggests that in terms of the 1994 categories, the most prominent has indeed been personal security. Even so, it is still a minority choice, and we must distinguish within it between a stream of work that focuses on actual, potential or recent organized

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armed conflict (involving attempts to capture the state or create a state), and a ‘citizen’ security stream of work that focuses mainly on crime (attempts to ignore state authority). 15 Third, also prominent among Human Development Reports on human security have been three other types: - Studies that focus not on a particular category of threatened values, but instead on a potentially important agent for defending those values (and also potentially for violating them), the state, and on ‘state-building’ in contexts of conflict management and/or post-conflict reconstruction.

This type of study often connects to narrowly focused human security work concerned with organized conflict and open violence, well represented in, for example, Canada and the United Kingdom.

- Studies that focus not on a standard pre-specified list of presumed threatened values, but on what has been identified as requiring priority attention in a particular time and place, for example, social exclusion or psychological insecurity. See, for example, the Human Development Reports on Chile in 1998 (UNDP 1998), the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia i n 2001 (UNDP 2001) and Latvia in 2002-2003 (UNDP 2003b). The topic of psychological insecurity is sufficiently important and distinct to be considered a significant stream of work in itself.

- ‘Comprehensive mapping’ studies that try to guide situational identification of priorities by reviewing all the major possible threats and potentially threatened values.

Fourth, in elaboration of this third point: Diverse traditional and non-traditional threats, such as climate change, financial crisis, pandemics, disasters or terrorism, may be considered

‘Citizen security’ work in Latin America has treated this issue as covering both physical violence and crimes against property. The r e c e n t regional Human Devel op ment Report that synthesises this body of work thus refers to both “the physical and material integrity of people” (UNDP 2013a, p. v). Unfortunately, the 2011 World Development Report chose to adopt the term ‘citizen security’ a n d tried to impose its own definition in terms only of physical violence. “The [World Development Report] defines ‘citizen security’ as both freedom from physical violence and freedom from fear of violence. Applied to the lives of all members of a society (whether nationals of the country or otherwise), it encompasses security at home; in the workplace; and in political, social, and economic interactions with the state and other members of society. Similar to human security, ‘citizen security’ places people at the center of efforts to prevent and recover from violence” (World Bank 2011, p. 116). Despite its own definition in terms of physical violence, the report excludes domestic or interpersonal violence (ibid., p. xv). Unlike the UNDP r egional r eport, it focuses only on ‘organized violence’.

The b a n k r e p o r t asserts: “Our hope is to complement the discussion on the aspect of freedom from fear in the human security concept” (ibid., p. 45). It perhaps confuses ‘freedom from fear’ with ‘freedom from fear of violence’, although it does on one or two occasions use the latter more accurate formulation for what it is concerned with.

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human security issues by local and international communities because of their urgency and severe actual or potential effects (see, for example, the series of regional human security studies summarized in UNESCO 2008). The large and complex, sometimes fluctuating, sometimes conflicting collection(s) of values that humans hold dear may not permit the standardized simple security categories that analysts, statisticians and bureaucrats might prefer; but complex views of insecurity are crucial for the relevance and sustainability of responses. The practice of thinking and doing on human security has shown that pre-fixed approaches are doomed to fail. A sensible balance may be to combine or alternate periodic comprehensive mapping studies that help to prioritize within the panorama of human development and human rights in a context-sensitive way, with follow-up, more narrowly focused studies on identified priority problems. We return to this suggestion in the concluding section of the paper.

Fifth, one may tentatively identify a pattern that while some comprehensive studies have used the 1994 categories as a ‘handrail’, those categories that fit existing policy portfolios have often not become leading self-standing foci for in-depth work that uses a human security language and framework. Work on economic security (and social protection), health security and food security have instead largely proceeded inside their own already established frameworks.

Sixth, a large exception concerns environmental change, where a major human security literature has emerged, perhaps because most people are not mainly concerned about the environment in isolation, but precisely because of its impacts on how people live and can live. A recent example of such literature is the chapter on human security in the IPCC AR5 draft report, which—given the IPCC rule of using only published peer-reviewed scientific literature—reflects a substantial body of completed work. 16 In environmental change, interactions between all the categories—economic

(in)security,

personal

(in)security,

food

(in)security,

environmental

(in)security, etc.—are often extremely significant, so that the comprehensive perspective and yet human focus of human security analysis has been widely attractive. Literature by the Global Environmental Change and Human Security project and the United Nations University Institute for Environment and Human Security is thus a type of quasi-comprehensive human security research.

In some respects, it is more comprehensive than work that ignores the inseparability of social and ecological systems. The preferred term in this stream of work is ‘socio-ecological system’ or ‘socialecological system’.

Seventh, a major gap in the 1994 list concerns psychological security, which rarely corresponds to an existing policy portfolio or department title. Instead this theme can and should be combined with every type of sectoral focus. Over time, the centrality of psychological security and insecurity to

16

18

See also the new Handbook on Climate Change and Human Security (Redclift and Grasso, eds. 2013).

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human security analysis and human security policies has become increasingly clear. They are central to well-being and ill-being, to peace and conflict, and to effective personal agency. ‘Personal security’ is perhaps the 1994 category that links most readily to psychological security (though community security and health security also connect). This is one reason why, despite its weak conceptualization in 1994, ‘personal security’ has become a robust area of attention in work on human security, as discussed in the following sections.

‘Personal security’ and ‘citizen security’: refining the unfinished traditional security agenda The opening of the 2005 Philippines Human Development Report (UNDP 2005a) illustrates the importance, as well as the uneasiness, of the category of ‘personal security’ inside human security analysis. While setting the mood, to justify the report’s focus on ongoing armed conflicts, the authors recognized an inconvenient fact, one underlined again by the Typhoon Haiyan tragedy in 2013: Many more people in the Philippines lose their lives because of disasters than because of armed conflict. Still, the report’s focus on armed conflict remained. 17 How far is the persistence of the preoccupation with armed conflict compatible with the theme that human security analysis helps in the public prioritization of major issues? A look at the factors contributing to this persistence helps to illuminate how ‘personal security’ is situated in human security analysis. The contributory factors can be divided into three, namely: the continuing traditional security agenda; the weakness as yet of a system to guide the shifts in attention, over time, across human insecurities; and the slow pace of introduction into security thinking of a broader image of the human person. We will discuss each in turn, beginning with the unfinished agenda of traditional security concerns.

The equity dimension in a human security framework requires us to look at the risks and threats affecting ordinary people in their specific varied situations. Threats to personal security—in the traditional sense of threats of violence/harassment to bodily integrity or personal property—remain important, especially in some parts of the world, and form barriers to exercising freedoms. Krause (2013), for example, well underlines why personal safety and bodily security are so important. To enrich and go beyond the entrenched traditional predominant conception of security requires still

Similarly, while the UNDP report on human security in Bangladesh (UNDP 2002) focused on ‘personal security’ in the sense of basic civil rights, a later book-length human security study found that most people ranked ‘natural’ disasters much higher than crime as a felt threat (Saferworld 2008, in association with the BRAC research department).

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devoting serious attention to those issues and clarifying ways to operationalize human security ideas that will help here. In describing this unfinished agenda, we need to distinguish two major sets of threats: conflict and crime.

CONFLICT AND ´PERSONAL SECURITY´ Several advances from applying human security thinking inside the conflict agenda have happened at a macro level, notably the Ottawa treaty banning anti-personnel mines, and the establishment of the International Criminal Court (Bosold and Werthes 2005). Human security ideas also inspired the proposal of the ‘responsibility to protect’ principle (ICISS 2001), which later became a doctrine on its own, separate from human security work. While this notion has been mainstreamed into the toolbox of the Security Council, it has become excluded from human security discourse, as seen in the 2012 General Assembly resolution (66/290). Thinking under this principle is narrow in terms both of its picture of the human person and of the means it mobilizes to protect people—i.e., military intervention. It neglects the range of relevant means identified in human security analysis, generates strong resistance among governments and typically proves counterproductive. Instead, relevant examples of the application of human security/citizen security ideas at the local level need study and synthesis, to the degree possible, so that they can provide appropriately qualified suggestions for societies elsewhere facing similar threats. Reviews of strategies to deal with fragility and public order have stressed, however, how context specific successful solutions are, and warn against attempts at simple replication (World Bank 2011, UNDP 2013a).

Human security thinking has framed peace efforts that go beyond a focus only on military victory. During the first years of this century, after an all-out-war in Mindanao, the UNDP helped to mainstream human security ideas in the Philippines as a way to promote broader changes based on the needs of local people (Oquist 2002). The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, supported by international cooperation, promoted efforts to design conflictsensitive development plans in affected municipalities, as well as to assess needs of culturally complex localities (Gómez 2011). Newman (2011) argues that such emphasis is lacking in the dominant peace-building paradigm, where local ownership seems to be absent, mediation is topdown, and reconstruction and coercion get combined while neglecting underlying causes of conflict.

Newman thus considers that the emphases on bottom-up empowerment and context specificity that are part of a human security perspective make it an appealing candidate to guide upcoming peacebuilding agendas.

The person focus, bringing an emphasis on understanding the root causes of conflict and on due context-specific attention, is a way that human security thinking at the micro-level adds value. It can promote analyses of the conflict situation that all stakeholders may recognize. But such

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situations can be very thorny to address. The Philippines report (UNDP 2005a) includes, for example, a general survey on attitudes towards Muslims among the majority of the country’s population. It showed many ways in which they are stigmatized and socially discriminated against, especially outside Mindanao, even though only 14 percent of the respondents had had direct contact with Muslims. Such insights are essential when trying to form a sustainable, long-term strategy for national stability.

The Afghanistan Human Development Report of 2005 (UNDP 2004) similarly confronted the challenge of illuminating a complex situation without being simplistic. The report’s recommendations centre on addressing the causes of conflict in order to achieve at least a minimum standard of security that allows for survival, livelihood and dignity. It shows that armed conflict is just one among many stressors resulting in the fragility of people’s welfare; drought is the main cause of rural poverty shocks, underlying the continuity of internal displacement. Although field conditions made it difficult to collect local voices, the team made a major effort, including to disaggregate analysis in terms of social, ethnic, gender and regional groups, in order to build a detailed picture of the root causes of instability. The report also highlights the importance of incorporating the psychological sequels of conflict, as the evidence of its deleterious effects across the Afghan population has mounted. 18

CRIME AND ‘CITIZEN SECURITY’ Human security ideas have proved very relevant for examining threats to personal security that are related to crime and the weakness of rule-of-law institutions. This field has been relatively less explored but will have great importance. Scholars and practitioners from Latin America and the Caribbean have been leading on this front, as the region has faced a crisis over the conception of security and in its experiences of insecurity since the late part of the last century, resulting in the emergence of the ‘citizen security’ approach. Notwithstanding early reform efforts, several countries in the region still show exceptional levels of violence associated with organized crime, including the drug trade, endemic community violence and anomic crime (HumanSecurity-Cities.org 2007). This has motivated several national and regional reports by UNDP (e.g., 2003a, 2005b, 2009a, 2012b, 2013a), as well as by the Inter-American Development Bank (Alda and Beliz, eds. 2007).19 Since the first report in the Human Development Reports series that employed a ‘citizen security’ concept, for

18

This is consistent with the work of Leaning et al. (2000, 2004; Leaning 2013).

These studies usually draw on existing local experts working on citizen security in order to gather better data and produce useful recommendations, which may help explain why the approach remained for long as a Latin American speciality.

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Colombia in 2003 (UNDP 2003a), the concept has been assimilated as a near equivalent to ‘personal security’ inside the broader perspective of human security analysis.

Arms control, an issue that cuts across conflict and crime, has received attention in human security literature and practice, starting with the Ottawa anti-personnel mine ban treaty, and continuing in citizen security reports and some human security projects (Gómez and Saito 2012).

Highlighting the opportunities in this area, Basu Ray (2013) points out that while lethal armed violence accounts for over half a million deaths across the globe each year, the vast majority occur not through conflicts but from organized crime or gang killings, against which the heavy armaments that soak up so much public spending are irrelevant. When we take into account that suicide, often by use of guns, is an even higher source of deaths (WHO 2002), a strong argument favouring small arms control initiatives emerges as a pending policy agenda item in human security work. 20

THE CENTRALITY OF STUDYING PERCEPTIONS Relevant to all the experiences just mentioned is a methodological feature that has become recognized as central in the study of human security: identifying and examining perceptions about insecurity (Jolly and Basu Ray 2006, Gómez et al. 2013). There are several reasons for the crucial role of perceptions in human security studies, not limited to cases of conflict or crime but crossing all study of insecurity (Acharya et al. 2011, Inglehart and Norris 2012, Kostovicova et al.

2012, Mine and Gómez 2013). 21 The process of capturing perceptions offers a good opportunity to give voice to affected populations. The plurality of these voices becomes essential to grasping the complexity of situations and carefully tailoring sustainable strategies in response. The methodology reveals the human face of vulnerability and shows how insecurity and agency interact in daily life (Kostovicova et al. 2012). Evidence-gathering through dialogue also allows insight into aspects of security that cannot be documented in any other form.

Research on people’s perceptions offers direct feedback on policy efforts and sheds light on the burden of fear in their lives. Perception-gathering on crime in particular enables us to: contrast perceptions with official statistics, capture public opinion on institutional performance, and understand the consequences and costs of possibly disproportionate fear of crime among the population. The three functions correspond to mainstream practices in modern criminology. In

20

On small arms flows and control, see, for example: www.smallarmssurvey.org/.

The Inglehart and Norris study is particularly important: It analyses the answers to wide-ranging questions about security perceptions that were included in the sixth cycle of the huge World Values Survey (2010-2012—see: www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs.jsp), develops measures of people’s perceived human security, tests for determinants of these perceptions and explores the impacts of high felt security or insecurity.

21

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the Latin American context, they became urgent as the downfall of authoritarian regimes made the reform of the security apparatus, especially the police forces, a major priority for rebuilding trust in the government. Some examples of the insights drawn from perception-gathering in citizen security surveys are as follows: • Insights into the cohesion of communities. In situations where one thinks anyone can be a criminal, fear of crime is likely to affect the bonds supporting the community; hence, we need to get insights into the degree of cohesion and how it changes. For instance, the UNDP report for the Caribbean (UNDP 2012b) used proxies for populations’ feelings of belonging, inclusion, participation, legitimacy and respect, which were matched against the existence of gangs as reported by the same respondents. The evidence suggested that the presence of gangs goes together with less support to the formal mechanisms of social control and regulation, opening the way for criminal groups to supply protection.

• ‘Security dilemmas’ exist at the personal level. Measurements show that the availability of arms is correlated with deaths. The increase in homicides in Latin America, unique across the world, has come along with a larger share of deaths by firearms than in the world average (UNDP 2013a). Yet, as in the United States, controversy still exists about the relative weight of this death toll versus the claimed benefit of holding arms in terms of deterrence. UNDP found that 38 percent of the population in the region would keep a firearm to protect themselves if they could.

• Fear of crime results in individuals sacrificing freedoms and resources in order to feel secure. The 2005 Human Development Report on Costa Rica (UNDP 2005b) and the 2013 regional report on Latin America (UNDP 2013a) have shown how people avoid going out at night or travelling during vacations because of fear. The resources spent on means for security, such as fences and private services, can also be quantified.

• Scapegoating of some populations. In order to ease anxieties about the possible presence of criminals, and also to simplify protection strategies, people tend to associate crime with easy-tospot groups. Reports on Costa Rica (UNDP 2005b), Uruguay (ONU Mujeres et al. 2012), the Caribbean (UNDP 2012b) note the tendency to attribute responsibility for criminal acts to foreigners, persons deported from the United States or young people. In most cases, objective evidence does not match these claims, but the perceptions underlie popular support for harsher laws and zero-tolerance, as part of what is called penal populism.

Reports have recurrently shown that good practices and successful initiatives are not reflected in the subjective perceptions of fear (UNDP 2013a). Some experts maintain that “the dilemma of modern policing is not necessarily about how to decrease crime rates but about how to reduce the feeling of insecurity” (Ruiz Vásquez et al. 2006, p. 74; authors’ translation). Citizen security reports

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identify the perverse influence here of mass media, urban legends, urban disorder, distrust of institutions, and the greater attention that crime receives as the middle classes and elite groups grow. Such identification of distortions has yet to be translated into perception corrections.

However, the added value of these analyses is also to offer a broader spectrum of activities for sustainable reduction of crime and violence, through acknowledging root causes, including poverty, inequality, joblessness, and rapid social changes that fracture cohesion and the informal institutions constraining crime. Solutions then require tools beyond criminal law and prisons, including from economic, social and educational policy (Commission on Human Security 2003, UNESCO 2008).

The challenge of the required flexibility of attention and responses One unintended consequence of the silo approach to threats is that the ideas and institutions that were developed to deal with particular threats tend to outlive their earlier relevance. Concentrating on the means—the conventional established means and methods—the silo approach can lose sight of the ends; correspondingly, its work can become ineffective and thus never finishes. Citizen security analysis has engaged in rethinking the role of police forces in particular, including in relation to the most egregious types of crimes. Necessary steps in the evolution included both a rethought vision of security and a scientific approach to the phenomena of crime, based on data and deeper research.

Then, gradually, citizen security analysis has extended the range of crimes and vulnerable populations considered. For instance, the Human Development Report on Costa Rica (UNDP 2005b) notes how domestic violence and gender-related crimes had often been omitted by earlier analyses.

Similarly, the 2013 Latin America Regional Human Development Report adds attention to corruption, something that deeply undermines popular trust in government institutions, but has so far usually been omitted in citizen security analyses (Medina Ariza 2011, UNDP 2013a). This gradual expansion of coverage has allowed citizen security strategies to grow organically with the evolution of local attitudes and institutions, giving time for data, experiences and good practices to accumulate, and for feedback in the epistemic community around citizen security.

This way of deepening has its limits. The value of approaches can become exhausted in the absence of out-of the-box thinking. And in the case of threat-based organizational silos, an exit strategy may not exist once the targeted threat ceases to be an important danger. Security as a concept keeps being associated with certain specific means—the military, the police, especially in their traditional forms—instead of with the changing agenda of threats. To avoid mistaking means for ends, we require frameworks for transformation that allow moving beyond intellectual and organizational silos (Sygna et al. 2013, Lodgaard 2004). Piecemeal approaches to threats leave blind spots in our understanding of insecurities, and reinforce the silos that are part of the problem.

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One of the gaps in need of spanning exists between the two main threats originally grouped under ‘personal security’: conflict and crime. Research using the human security concept about personal security usually addresses conflict situations, especially in Africa and Asia, while citizen security reports are nearly always about local rule of law institutions in Latin America and the Caribbean. 22 A recently published Handbook of Human Security (Martin and Owen, eds. 2013), for example, gives little consideration to crime, except when crime is synonymous with terrorism. The collection is dominated by authors on war and conflict. 23 In contrast, in Latin America a UNDP review (2011a) about a decade of work on citizen security and conflict prevention gives even-handed attention to both areas. Abrahamsen and Williams’ (2011) study of private security and international politics in Africa makes a similar point, when they warn readers that their book is not about mercenaries but about the “seemingly mundane protection of life and assets... so integrated into our daily activities of work and leisure as to go unnoticed” (p. 1). Abrahamsen and Williams find a relative dearth of empirical investigations on this issue in Africa.

The World Bank’s (2011) report on violence and fragility argued for reducing the gap between treatments of conflict and crime. 24 Given “the successes in reducing interstate war, the remaining forms of conflict and violence do not fit neatly either into ‘war’ or ‘peace’, or into ‘criminal violence’ or ‘political violence’” (World Bank 2011, p. 2). Citizen security serves as a goal for the process of moving out of conflict despite the tremendous stresses that underlie the occurrence of violence.

The image of a spiral was used by the report to indicate how transformation can lead out of conflict and towards security. Citizen security also involves strengthening local institutions and restoring confidence, along with emphases on justice and jobs. Building on successful peace initiatives from around the world, ‘citizen security’ thus replaces ‘peace’ as a transformative goal, for the stage of history after war.

22

The report of Bangladesh in 2002 is an exception (UNDP 2002).

An exception is the chapter on cities. The relation between urban studies and an interest in crime may help to explain the origin of the concept of ‘citizen security’.

23

It is worth noting that, despite the report’s attempt to introduce its own definition of citizen security deviating from the established usage in Latin America, “this [2011 World Development] Report has been developed in an unusual way— drawing from the beginning on the knowledge of national reformers and working closely with the United Nations and regional institutions with expertise in political and security issues, building on the concept of human security” (World Bank 2011, p. 2). The report makes considerable cross reference to human security discussions, and uses human security and human development ideas as parts of its key arguments. For example: “When facing the risk of conflict and violence, citizen security, justice and jobs are the key elements of protection to achieve human security” (p. 11). It moves beyond a narrow conception of human development as only human resource development (“The MDGs have raised the profile of broad-based human development…”; p.

21), and its overview even concludes by emphasizing as central “the concept of shared global risk” (p. 38).

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Human security ideas too emerged from a period of transformation both in regard to security threats and approaches to development (Haq 1995). The end (or major reduction) of the nuclear war menace was followed by the less obvious observation that levels of violence in general have been decreasing, and that armed conflict is mutating into a more complex, low-intensity phenomenon, in a limited set of hotspots. Research behind the Human Security Reports (Human Security Centre 2005; Human Security Report Project 2009, 2012), as well as Mary Kaldor’s work (e.g., 2007), has highlighted these trends and suggested how human security ideas could and should be used to transform state security systems accordingly. Kaldor and her colleagues (Human Security Study Group 2007, Kaldor et al. 2007) have advanced within the European Union a set of principles to operationalize human security ideas. The principles put human rights at the forefront, acknowledge the limitations of military force, and promote multilateralism, a regional focus, a bottom-up approach and military security forces that resemble the police. The principles are combined with an emphasis on analysing crises, not only conflicts, which matches the present approach of UNDP to addressing conflict, citizen security and disasters under the umbrella of ‘crisis prevention and recovery’. 25 The continuing gap between most work on conflict and work on citizen security, not to mention the wider gap between these two and work on disasters, or on the broader agenda of menaces that are highlighted through human security analyses, shows that there is still much to do to assist transformation out of fragility, so that the next generation of solutions better fits emerging and present challenges.

The experience in work on citizen security provides several lessons to promote transformation of mind-sets. One is that changing the scale of analysis and action, for example, from the state to the city, which is where the global and the local converge (Sassen 2006), enables important changes in understanding security. This approach has been creeping up in human security research as trends in urbanization and migration lead us into an ‘urban century’ (HumanSecurity-Cities.org 2007; Mushakoji and Pasha, eds. 2008; van der Maesen and Walker 2012; Liotta and Bilgin 2013; Stiglitz and Kaldor 2013). Indeed, the appeal of the ‘citizen security’ wording in Latin America derives from the way it focuses on the vital stability of cities and municipalities, while reinforcing the state-building processes taking place in the region. The change of scale allows getting closer to people, closer to the reality of threats, and closer to the existing local protection/empowerment practices.

A citizen security approach seemingly reaches one of its limits when non-citizens enter into the picture of insecurities and vulnerability (Edwards and Ferstman, eds. 2010). Supporters of the approach argue this is not the case, but only pointing out efforts to consider non-citizens among the

25

26

From: www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home.html.

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factors influencing citizen security (Rico and Chinchilla 2002) is not enough. Both the Costa Rica and Caribbean Human Development Reports (UNDP 2005b, 2012b) comment on the stigmatization of foreigners as supposedly the main criminals even when statistics show the contrary, a phenomenon that is common elsewhere. The complexity added by non-citizens may have been irrelevant in Latin America in the nineties, when globalization pressures were less important. But, for applicability to the more interconnected societies of the 21st century, and to contexts of fragility where resistance to an imposed identity is part of the dispute, citizenship as a central criterion might become an obstacle. For instance, UNDP’s recent regional report on citizen security fails to affirm that citizen security should cover everyone regardless of nationality (2013a).

Another important lesson from citizen security work is the methodological elaboration reached through inclusion of perceptions in the study of (human) security, as described in the previous section. Citizen security reports have shown how perceptions of personal insecurity from violence and crime can be far greater than the reality of the threat, which helps to explain why the Philippines human security report (UNDP 2005a) chose to focus on violence rather than disasters. T his repeated finding has failed to reverse the trend, however, and some citizen security proponents continue to declare a priori that violence and dispossession are the most important among human security threats (see, for example, UNDP 2009a), despite the evidence showing that contingency in the circumstances, combination and impact of threats disqualifies a priori hierarchization. Any threat can become the most critical, depending on the circumstances. This limitation leads us to a last factor that helps explain the decision behind the Philippines report, and the relation between ideas of personal and human security.

Embedding ‘personal security’ in a broader human security framework as part of a richer view of ‘human personhood’ The now established inclusion of perceptions in the assessment of personal insecurity makes the ‘personal security’ category a gateway for enriching security thinking and practice. It identifies overlooked dangers and can help to introduce a richer picture of human personhood, including of people’s fears and wants, and what disregards their dignity. When, for example, the team of the Philippines report (UNDP 2005a) defended its decision to focus on armed conflicts despite their far lesser impacts on life-expectancy and health, it noted that violence is voluntarily inflicted by aggressors, while blame for ‘natural’ disasters cannot be assigned to anyone in the same way. The

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difference impacts the perceptions of the general public. 26 This characteristic of violence as a threat is particularly highlighted in the case of terrorism. Terrorism causes fear and anxiety, affecting the psychological well-being of the populations that feel targeted. It is malevolent, in large part random, and directed not only to immediate victims but also to an audience, delivering a message about the zero moral worth of some of them. Terrorism, like other violence and crime, “disrupts one’s sense of being safe within one’s own community; the sense of trust in the normal everyday workings of life” (Wolfendale 2007, pp. 81-82). The general population often becomes ready to forego some freedoms and to support harsher punishments in order to regain a sense of security—even though the direct impact of terrorism is minuscule compared to many other threats.

One response to the possible mismatch between perception and reality has been to show that the countermeasures adopted can be worse than the actual threat. Allowing the state to govern through fear, and companies to profit from it, can result in ‘too much security’ (Zedner 2003): pursuing risk reduction but constantly presuming the persistence of crime, continually expanding the penal state, promising reassurance while increasing anxiety (as perhaps in airports around the world, for example). What is presented as a global good may in fact typically foster social exclusion, such as stigmatization of minorities, and distrust of the other, for instance, because notionally anyone might be a criminal. This response thus supports a stance critical of mainstream security policy, and the associated penal populism and similar attitudes. Human security analysts have pointed out too how terrorism discourse biases the ways international aid is allocated between countries that have otherwise similar situations of vulnerability (Duffield and Waddell 2006). Haq already noted something similar when he introduced human security ideas: “(H)igh military spenders among developing countries receive more than twice as much official development assistance per capita as more moderate spenders” (1995, p. 132). The decision by the Philippines team for their 2005 national Human Development Report (UNDP 2005a) suggests how experts might sometimes be forced to follow popular demand for lower priority issues, despite evidence at hand. Similarly, from the four types of urban violence described by the Human Security Cities project (2007), the only one that was not found to be very significant—anomic crime committed by individual actors—is apparently the one that worries Latin American populations the most (UNDP 2013a). In Costa Rica, the 2005 Human Development Report (UNDP 2005b) reported that popular estimates of the chance of particular crimes were up to eight times higher than the actual occurrence.

Similar arguments were used in the Central America Human Development Report (2009a) to justify the centrality of citizen security, and in the Costa Rica Human Development Report (UNDP 2005b) to defend the exclusion of traffic accidents and suicides

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Perceptions research more generally, not only on violence and crime, continually suggests a mismatch between the objective risks and harm from various threats, and the frequency and severity attributed to them by public opinion. Citizen security surveys at the personal level often show how the amounts of income families allocate to additional protective measures, or sacrifice of their freedoms, are disproportionate to the reality of the threats—sometimes disproportionately too much, sometimes disproportionately too little. Broader assessments of human security issues can allow societies to reflect about such mismatches and possible ways to reallocate attention and resources.

Various types of gaps in perception exist, including between different ‘experts’ (such as from different disciplinary traditions), between different ‘citizens’ (for instance, from different social milieus, strata and cultural traditions, and from the non-citizenry too), as well as between experts and citizenry. Consequently, several types of risk misperceptions exist: over- and underestimations, varying from panics to time bombs, as well as indeterminate conundrums. Identifying these gaps allows necessary discussion and more considered responses. 27 A deeper implication of the mismatch between the perception and the objective reality of violence is to acknowledge that we humans are often bad in assessing risks (Slovic 1987, Kahneman 2011). For instance, Gigerenzer (2006) notes that after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, many people opted to travel by car instead of airplane, although airplanes are much safer; he attributed more than 1,000 additional deaths in the United States to this switch. On the other hand, some critical threats go unnoticed despite their severity. In 2009 a study showed that smoking kills an average of 55 Iraqis a day, five times more than the then- average daily toll from terrorism shootings and bombings (The Economist 2009). As has been often remarked, the number of babies and children worldwide under the age of five who as of 2001 died every day from poverty-related causes was 10 times the number of people killed in the 9/11 attacks.

Conceptions of security require a view of the human person that includes physical and psychological vulnerabilities, strengths and limitations, including limitations in the perception of risk. Such a view will facilitate navigation through different types of threats, as all societal actors get more used to acknowledging the near ubiquity (including often for ‘experts’ too) of gaps between objective and perceived risks. This too is part of the agenda of long-run transformation, towards a human-centred approach to security. We observed that the equity dimension in a human security framework requires us to look at the risks and threats affecting ordinary people in their specific varied situations. A second function of a human security framework, building on the

27

See Tables 1 and 2 in Gómez and Gasper (2013) for a classification of possible situations.

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first, is to help us consider the interactions and relative weights, both felt and ‘objective’, of different threats, tracing the interconnections between conventionally separated ‘sectors’ and adopting a comparative perspective—as seen for example in work on the health impacts of alternative economic policy choices.

The 2012 regional Human Development Report on Africa (UNDP 2012a) showed disproportions between budgets for defence and agriculture, stressing how much could be gained through simple interventions on nutrition. Some similar unnecessary spending on various purported means of security happens at the level of families and individuals too, as seen in behavioural economics studies. All these studies follow the principle articulated by Jolly and Basu Ray in their 2006 review of Human Development Reports, namely, to compare the security benefits from alternative possible expenditures. Picciotto et al., eds. (2007) provide many detailed further illustrations. Comparisons between regions can also help, showing that different futures are possible.

Human security analyses have allowed mapping of both the occurrence and the perception of a wider pool of threats, so that traditional personal security issues can be understood in their deserved dimensions and not disproportionately. Good examples of these ‘comprehensive mapping’ studies, reviewing all the major possible threats and potentially threatened values, are found in Human Development Reports for Latvia, the Arab Countries, Thailand and Benin (UNDP 2003b, 2009b, 2009c, 2011b). In addition, some other reports identify generalized fears and uncertainties requiring priority attention in a particular time and place—for example, Chile’s 1998 report (UNDP 1998) and Burgess et al., 2007— and connect the root causes of fear to the larger picture of social changes and transitions, highlighting at the same time the opportunities opened by a new vision of the situation.

The introduction of a richer picture of the human person is intended to influence the way experts approach the study of insecurity/security. Similar enrichment is taking place in much of social policy, welfare economics and development studies, especially in work on well-being (e.g., Gough and MacGregor, eds. 2007; Wood 2007; Stiglitz et al. 2011; OECD 2013), and in behavioural economics applied to poverty reduction (for example, Banerjee and Duflo 2011). The human security approach offers a related view with special attention to reduction of fear, want and indignity, in a way that can address some of the vices of traditional security thinking, by motivating evolution according to the progress in dealing with threats, and as required for coping with changing agendas and new contingencies.

Ideas of human security allow deep, targeted efforts to face particular felt priority issues, such as citizen security currently in Latin America and the Caribbean, but they also later motivate panoramic views once more, so that the means adopted for a particular current task do not displace the ends: human well-being, dignity and fulfilment. This dialectic is important for counteracting

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the typical vices of security practice, by which certain priorities become frozen, fixed in organizational and intellectual silos that do not talk to each other enough, and are hardly subject to review. There is scope too to reframe some issues in terms of human development or other approaches that highlight opportunities lying behind threats.

The person, and thus personal security, is a crucial and contentious category in human security analysis. As Tadjbaksh (2013) remarks, narrow views of threats and means for realizing human security match a too limited picture of the person, and compromise the usefulness of the strategies born from these pictures, such as perhaps the ‘ responsibility to protect’ approach. A picture of humans focused on bodies can lead to emphasis only on body counts and physical violence; a picture of people as primarily individual property holders may bring a focus only on crime. Human security thinking in general, and work on ‘personal security’ in particular, can be turned into either just a slightly modified continuation of established security thinking related to conflict and crime, or instead be the way through which a fuller picture of humans is introduced and maintained in security-related policies and practices, rendering them more equitable, more relevant and more effective.

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Bank. 2011. World Development Report 2011—Conflict, Development and Security. Washington, DC.

Zedner, L. 2003. “Too much security?” International Journal of the Sociology of Law 31: 151– 184.

UNDP Human Development Report Office 304 E. 45th Street, 12th Floor New York, NY 10017, USA Tel: +1 212-906-3661 Fax: +1 212-906-5161 http://hdr.undp.org/

Copyright Š 2014 by the United Nations Development Programme 1 UN Plaza, New York, NY 10017, USA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior permission. This paper does not represent the official views of the United Nations Development Programme, and any errors or omissions are the authors’ own.

IDMC – INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT MONITORING CENTRE

in figures as of 1 july 2014 ALL REFERENCES ARE TO AGENCY INSTALLATIONS

JORDAN

LEBANON

SYRIA(1)

WEST BANK

GAZA STRIP

TOTAL/AVE

GENERAL

REGISTERED REFUGEES (RR) OTHER REGISTERED PERSONS (RPs) TOTAL REGISTERED PERSONS INCREASE IN RPs OVER PREVIOUS YEAR (%) RP AS % OF TOTAL RPs IN ALL FIELDS OF OPERATION EXISTING CAMPS RP IN CAMPS (RPCs) RPCs AS % OF RPs

2,097,338

449,957

526,744

762,288

1,258,559

89,948

38,256

37,330

162,903

69,792

5,094,886 398,229

2,187,286

488,213

564,074(2)

925,191

1,328,351

5,493,115

1.5

1.0

- (3)

1.2

1.6

3.0

39.7

8.9

10.3

16.8

24.2

100

10

12

9

19

8

58

381,919

246,608

175,983

223,602

555,680

1,583,792

17.5

50.5

31.2

24.2

41.8

28.7

EDUCATION - 2012/13 ACADEMIC YEAR

SCHOOLS (ELEM, PREP + SECONDARY IN LEBANON)

173

69

42(4)

97

245

626

5,525

2,049

2,418

2,970

9,616

22,646

PUPIL ENROLMENT

116,953

32,350

46,385(6)

51,327

232,504

479,519

FEMALE PUPILS (%)

48.9

53.3

47.8

58.4

48.2

49.8

COST PER ELEMENTARY PUPIL (US$)

766

1,431

691

1,168

649

941

1,022

2,175

930

1,462

992

1,316

EDUCATIONAL STAFF (5)

COST PER PREPARATORY PUPIL (US$) VOCATIONAL & TECHNICAL TRAINING CENTRES (VTTCs) VTTC TRAINING PLACES EDUCATIONAL SCIENCES FACULTIES (four-year course) PRE-SERVICE PLACES IN-SERVICE TEACHERS IN TRAINING

2

2

1

2

2

9

2,430

1,046

1,054

1,164

1,548

7,242

1

0

0

1

0

2

1,000

0

0

600

0

1,600

213

57

0

0

321

591

23

27

14(7)

42

22

128

737

358

NA

1,011

1,001

3,123

HEALTH

PRIMARY HEALTH CARE FACILITIES (PHCF) HEALTH STAFF(8) MOBILE UNITS PROVIDING DENTAL SERVICES

4

3

0

0

3

11

PHCFs WITH DENTAL SERVICES (excluding mobile units)

29

19

11

23

19

108

PHCFs OFFERING MCH(9) AND FAMILY PLANNING

23

27

19 (10)

41

22

136

PHCFs OFFERING DIABETES/HYPERTENSION CARE

23

27

26 (11)

42

21

136

PHCFs OFFERING LABORATORY SERVICES

23

17

16 (12)

41

21

123

870,298

528,944

433,884

627,412

2,117,196

4,577,734

TOTAL PATIENT VISITS (1 JAN - 30 JUN 2014) RELIEF & SOCIAL SERVICES

59,169

61,031

38,230

36,050

106,535

301,015

SSNP CASES AS % OF RPs

2.7

12.5

6.8

3.9

8

5.5

WOMEN'S PROGRAMME CENTRES

12

9

16

18

7

62

COMMUNITY REHABILITATION CENTRES

8

1

8

15

6

38

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT CENTRES

3

1

3

0

0

7

12

7

13

14

0

46

RELIEF AND SOCIAL SERVICES STAFF (13)

111

114

153

168

343

897

MICROFINANCE & MICROENTERPRISE (Gaza & West Bank)

(TOTALS SINCE PROGRAMME INCEPTION: 1991/92 in Gaza, 1996 in West Bank, 2003 in Syria and Jordan)

SOCIAL SAFETY NET PROGRAMME (SSNP) CASES

COMMUNITY-MANAGED FUND SCHEMES

NUMBER OF LOANS AWARDED VALUE OF LOANS AWARDED (US$) (cumulative)

62,414

-

77,225

95,224

107,630

344,493

77,367,794

-

48,456,362

135,202,694

124,545,603

385,572,453

PROJECTS (1 JAN - 30 JUN 2014) (14)

NO. OF PROJECTS FUNDED (15) PLEDGES & CONTRIBUTIONS (MILLIONS OF US$) (16) (1) All Syria figures represent a working estimate as the situation in Syria remains volatile.

(2) An estimated 490,000 remain in Syria.

(3) Unavailable due to data cleaning.

(4) 76 schools are unusable due to damage, inaccessibility, or because they are housing IDPs; 43 alternative school buildings are used in afternoon shifts. Does not include temporary teaching points.

7

12

28

18

29

101

3.5

11.0

48.2

35.5

73.5

174.3

(5) Including 68 staff in HQ Amman.

(6) An estimated 10,000 UNRWA students in Syria are not currently in school and an estimated 10,000 Palestine refugee students from Syria are attending UNRWA schools in Lebanon and Jordan.

(7) Nine health centres are unusable; UNRWA has established an additional 12 health points.

(8) Including 16 staff in HQ Amman and 231 environmental health staff in the West Bank.

(9) MCH = mother-and-child health.

(10) Including four health points.

(11) Including 12 health points.

(12) Including four health points.

(13) Including eight staff in HQ Amman.

(14) Including projects funded under emergency appeals.

(15) Total includes five projects in HQ Amman and two projects in HQ Gaza.

(16) Total includes US$ 1.2m in HQ Amman and US$ 1.4m in HQ Gaza.

Syria Regional Crisis Response 2014

Emergency Appeal 2014 (West Bank and Gaza)

(Syria, Lebanon and Jordan)

4.2

19.9

Emergency food assistance

Cash assistance

Emergency cash assistance

45

NFI

58.5

Emergency cash-for-work

90

Food assistance

Community mental health

Environmental health

241.6

Emergency health

Health

17.1 11.8

Education

31.7

Protection

115

Repair and maintenance

7

Livelihoods

17.4

1.9

Safety and security Coordination

3

3.2

Total: US$ 300 million

(Syria US$ 328.8m; Lebanon US$ 70.2m; Jordan US$ 14.6m; Regional US$ 3.8m)

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT BUDGET

5

12

Protection

3.8 6.4

Total: US$ 417 million

Operations support officers

Shelter

JORDAN

1

6

8

5 2

Emergency education UXO education Gaza summer fun weeks Emergency environmental health Emergency shelter and repair Coordination and management

3

(West Bank US$ 45m; Gaza US$ 254m; HQ US$ 1m)

LEBANON

SYRIA

WEST BANK

GAZA STRIP

HQ

TOTAL/ AVE.

(CASH AND IN-KIND - MILLIONS OF US$) LONG AND HEALTHY LIVES

30.0

25.9

11.3

26.8

30.3

2.2

126.5

ACQUIRED KNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS

87.0

39.5

31.6

46.0

141.4

3.1

348.6

DECENT STANDARD OF LIVING

14.0

12.8

6.0

13.6

20.1

10.3

76.8

0.9

0.4

0.8

0.7

0.8

0.3

3.9

13.1

11.8

8.7

15.1

24.7

47.8

121.1

TOTAL GENERAL FUND BUDGET STAFF POSTS(17)

145.0

90.4

58.4

102.1

217.3

118.4

731.6

AREA POSTS

6,916

2,981

3,511

4,373

11,842

479

30,102

9

8

9

12

11

101

150

HUMAN RIGHTS ENJOYED TO THE FULLEST GOVERNANCE AND SUPPORT

INTERNATIONAL POSTS

Population by Field

Pupil Enrolment

488,213 564,074 2,187,286

Jordan

925,191

Lebanon Syria

1,328,351

West Bank Gaza Strip

Jordan Lebanon Syria West Bank Gaza

Total: 5,493,115 people

Jordan

232,504

Lebanon Syria West Bank Gaza Strip

Jordan Lebanon Syria West Bank Gaza

Total: 479,519 pupils

SSNP Cases

TotalPatientVisits(1January-30June)

627.412 433.884 528.499 870.298

51.327 46.385 32.350 116.953

38,230 36,050

Jordan

2.117.196

Lebanon

Jordan

Syria

Lebanon

West Bank

Syria West Bank Gaza

Gaza Strip

61,031 59,169

106,535

Jordan Lebanon

Jordan

Syria

Lebanon

West Bank

Syria West Bank Gaza

Gaza Strip

Total: 301,015 cases

Total: 4,577,734 visits

(17) These figures reflect positions filled as of 1 July 2014. The Commissioner-General approved a total of 32,519 positions for the year.

COMMUNICATIONS DIVISION, UNRWA HEADQUARTERS, JERUSALEM, July 2014 Not an official document | For information only | www.unrwa.org

50km north

Neirab

HAMA Hama

HOMS Homs

Nahr el-Bared Beddawi

TRIPOLI 483,375 registered persons

i

As

12 existing camps 69 schools

A

Fields of operation

2 vocational and technical training centres

569,645 registered persons

27 primary health care facilities

9 existing camps

SE

9 women’s programme centres

82 schools

1 community rehabilitation centre Wavel

1 vocational and technical training centre 23 primary health care facilities

BA’ALBEK

16 women’s programme centres 8 community rehabilitation centres

N

Dbayeh

LEBANON i SAIDA

TE

Total: 5,428,712

an

569,645 483,375

Lit

2,154,486

914,192

SYRIA

Burj Barajneh

AN

Jordan Lebanon Syria West Bank Gaza Strip

BEIRUT Shatila

RR

1,307,014

Mar Elias

EA

Population by field*

DAMASCUS

Ein El Hilweh

Sbeineh

Mieh Mieh

DI ME

El Buss

Qabr Essit

Khan Eshieh

a

sb

Ha

ni

Jaramana

Khan Dunoun

TYRE Burj Shemali Rashidieh

QUNEITRA

GOLAN LAKE TIBERIAS

Erez Crossing

JABALIA

Beach

AS SUWAYDA

ISRAEL

Jabalia

DERA’A Dera'a

Jordan

GAZA Nahal Oz Crossing Karni (Al-Montar) Crossing

Jenin

Irbid

IRBID

JENIN

Husn

Nuseirat Bureij

Deir El-Balah

Maghazi

DEIR EL-BALAH

TULKARM

TUBAS

Nur Shams Tulkarm Camp No. 1

Souf Jerash

Askar

NABLUS

Kissufim Crossing

JERASH

Far'a

Balata

WEST BANK

QALQILYA

Khan Younis

KHAN YOUNIS

SALFIT

2,154,486 registered persons Baqa'a

Deir 'Ammar

Rafah

AS SALT

RAFAH

AMMAN

Jalazone

RAMALLAH Am'ari Kalandia

914,192 registered persons

Sufa Crossing

19 existing camps 2 vocational and technical training centres 42 primary health care facilities

Aqbat Jabr

173 schools 2 vocational and technical training centres

Jabal el-Hussein

24 primary health care facilities

Amman New Camp

12 women’s programme centres 8 community rehabilitation centres

JERICHO

JERUSALEM Aida

Zarqa Marka

Ein el-Sultan

JORDAN

Shu'fat

97 schools

Kerem Shalom Crossing

10 existing camps

MADABA

Beit Jibrin

Talbieh

BETHLEHEM

18 women’s programme centres

Dheisheh

15 community rehabilitation centres

Camp Established in 1948

Camp Established in 1967

Refugee Camp Population

GAZA STRIP

D SE

A

Arroub

HEBRON

600 - 25.000

DEA

Rafah Crossing

ZARQA

25.000 - 50.000

Fawwar

50.000 - 110,000 1,397,014 registered persons 8 existing camps

Checkpoint

245 schools 2 vocational and technical training centres 22 primary health care facilities 10 women’s programme centres 7 community rehabilitation centres

*All figures as of January 2014

Completed Barrier Barrier under construction Planned Barrier

UNRWA – AIDA CAMP PROFILE

UNRWA - DHEISHEH CAMP PROFILE

PONTIFICAL COUNCIL FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE

COMPENDIUM OF THE SOCIAL DOCTRINE OF THE CHURCH http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/justpeace/documents/rc_pc_justpeace_doc _20060526_compendio-dott-soc_en.html#CHAPTER THREE

IV. HUMAN RIGHTS a. The value of human rights 152. The movement towards the identification and proclamation of human rights is one of the most significant attempts to respond effectively to the inescapable demands of human dignity [302]. The Church sees in these rights the extraordinary opportunity that our modern times offer, through the affirmation of these rights, for more effectively recognizing human dignity and universally promoting it as a characteristic inscribed by God the Creator in his creature [303]. The Church's Magisterium has not failed to note the positive value of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations on 10 December 1948, which Pope John Paul II defined as “a true milestone on the path of humanity's moral progress” [304].

153. In fact, the roots of human rights are to be found in the dignity that belongs to each human being [305]. This dignity, inherent in human life and equal in every person, is perceived and understood first of all by reason. The natural foundation of rights appears all the more solid when, in light of the supernatural, it is considered that human dignity, after having been given by God and having been profoundly wounded by sin, was taken on and redeemed by Jesus Christ in his incarnation, death and resurrection [306].

The ultimate source of human rights is not found in the mere will of human beings [307], in the reality of the State, in public powers, but in man himself and in God his Creator. These rights are “universal, inviolable, inalienable” [308]. Universal because they are present in all human beings, without exception of time, place or subject. Inviolable insofar as “they are inherent in the human person and in human dignity” [309] and because “it would be vain to proclaim rights, if at the same time everything were not done to ensure the duty of respecting them by all people, everywhere, and for all people” [310]. Inalienable insofar as “no one can legitimately deprive another person, whoever they may be, of these rights, since this would do violence to their nature” [311].

154. Human rights are to be defended not only individually but also as a whole: protecting them only partially would imply a kind of failure to recognize them.

They correspond to the demands of human dignity and entail, in the first place, the fulfilment of the essential needs of the person in the material and spiritual spheres.

“These rights apply to every stage of life and to every political, social, economic and cultural situation. Together they form a single whole, directed unambiguously towards the promotion of every aspect of the good of both the person and society ...

The integral promotion of every category of human rights is the true guarantee of full respect for each individual right”. [312] Universality and indivisibility are distinctive characteristics of human rights: they are “two guiding principles which at the same time demand that human rights be rooted in each culture and that their juridical profile be strengthened so as to ensure that they are fully observed” [313]. b. The specification of rights 155. The teachings of Pope John XXIII, [314] the Second Vatican Council, [315] and Pope Paul VI [316] have given abundant indication of the concept of human rights as articulated by the Magisterium. Pope John Paul II has drawn up a list of them in the Encyclical Centesimus Annus: “the right to life, an integral part of which is the right of the child to develop in the mother's womb from the moment of conception; the right to live in a united family and in a moral environment conducive to the growth of the child's personality; the right to develop one's intelligence and freedom in seeking and knowing the truth; the right to share in the work which makes wise use of the earth's material resources, and to derive from that work the means to support oneself and one's dependents; and the right freely to establish a family, to have and to rear children through the responsible exercise of one's sexuality. In a certain sense, the source and synthesis of these rights is religious freedom, understood as the right to live in the truth of one's faith and in conformity with one's transcendent dignity as a person” [317].

The first right presented in this list is the right to life, from conception to its natural end, [318] which is the condition for the exercise of all other rights and, in particular, implies the illicitness of every form of procured abortion and of euthanasia. [319] Emphasis is given to the paramount value of the right to religious freedom: “all men are to be immune from coercion on the part of individuals or of social groups and of any human power, in such wise that no one is to be forced to act in a manner contrary to his own beliefs, whether privately or publicly, whether alone or in association with others, within due limits”. [320] The respect of this right is an indicative sign of “man's authentic progress in any regime, in any society, system or milieu” [321]. c. Rights and duties 156. Inextricably connected to the topic of rights is the issue of the duties falling to men and women, which is given appropriate emphasis in the interventions of the Magisterium. The mutual complementarities between rights and duties — they are indissolubly linked — are recalled several times, above all in the human person

who possesses them. [322] This bond also has a social dimension: “in human society to one man's right there corresponds a duty in all other persons: the duty, namely, of acknowledging and respecting the right in question”. [323] The Magisterium underlines the contradiction inherent in affirming rights without acknowledging corresponding responsibilities. “Those, therefore, who claim their own rights, yet altogether forget or neglect to carry out their respective duties, are people who build with one hand and destroy with the other”. [324] d. Rights of peoples and nations 157. The field of human rights has expanded to include the rights of peoples and nations: [325] in fact, “what is true for the individual is also true for peoples”.

[326] The Magisterium points out that international law “rests upon the principle of equal respect for States, for each people's right to self-determination and for their free cooperation in view of the higher common good of humanity”. [327] Peace is founded not only on respect for human rights but also on respect for the rights of peoples, in particular the right to independence. [328] The rights of nations are nothing but “‘human rights' fostered at the specific level of community life”. [329] A nation has a “fundamental right to existence”, to “its own language and culture, through which a people expresses and promotes ... its fundamental spiritual ‘sovereignty”', to “shape its life according to its own traditions, excluding, of course, every abuse of basic human rights and in particular the oppression of minorities”, to “build its future by providing an appropriate education for the younger generation”. [330] The international order requires a balance between particularity and universality, which all nations are called to bring about, for their primary duty is to live in a posture of peace, respect and solidarity with other nations. e. Filling in the gap between the letter and the spirit 158. The solemn proclamation of human rights is contradicted by a painful reality of violations, wars and violence of every kind, in the first place, genocides and mass deportations, the spreading on a virtual worldwide dimension of ever new forms of slavery such as trafficking in human beings, child soldiers, the exploitation of workers, illegal drug trafficking, prostitution. “Even in countries with democratic forms of government, these rights are not always fully respected”.

[331] Unfortunately, there is a gap between the “letter” and the “spirit” of human rights, [332] which can often be attributed to a merely formal recognition of these rights.

The Church's social doctrine, in consideration of the privilege accorded by the Gospel to the poor, repeats over and over that “the more fortunate should renounce some of their rights so as to place their goods more generously at the service of others” and that an excessive affirmation of equality “can give rise to

an individualism in which each one claims his own rights without wishing to be answerable for the common good”. [333] 159. The Church, aware that her essentially religious mission includes the defence and promotion of human rights, [334] “holds in high esteem the dynamic approach of today which is everywhere fostering these rights”.[335] The Church profoundly experiences the need to respect justice [336] and human rights [337] within her own ranks.

This pastoral commitment develops in a twofold direction: in the proclamation of the Christian foundations of human rights and in the denunciation of the violations of these rights. [338] In any event, “proclamation is always more important than denunciation, and the latter cannot ignore the former, which gives it true solidity and the force of higher motivation”. [339] For greater effectiveness, this commitment is open to ecumenical cooperation, to dialogue with other religions, to all appropriate contacts with other organizations, governmental and nongovernmental, at the national and international levels. The Church trusts above all in the help of the Lord and his Spirit who, poured forth into human hearts, is the surest guarantee for respecting justice and human rights, and for contributing to peace. “The promotion of justice and peace and the penetration of all spheres of human society with the light and the leaven of the Gospel have always been the object of the Church's efforts in fulfilment of the Lord's command”. [340] NOTES [302] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Declaration Dignitatis Humanae, 1: AAS 58 (1966), 929-930.

[303] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 41:AAS 58 (1966), 1059-1060; Congregation for Catholic Education, Guidelines for the Study and Teaching of the Church's Social Doctrine in the Formation of Priests, 32, Vatican Polyglot Press, Rome 1988, pp. 36-37.

[304] John Paul II, Address to the 34th General Assembly of the United Nations (2 October 1979), 7: AAS 71 (1979), 1147-1148; for John Paul II, this Declaration “remains one of the highest expressions of the human conscience of our time”: Address to the Fiftieth General Assembly of the United Nations (5 October 1995), 2: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 11 October 1995, p. 8.

[305] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 27:AAS 58 (1966), 1047-1048; Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1930.

[306] Cf. John XIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 259; Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 22: AAS 58 (1966), 1079.

[307] Cf. John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 278-279.

[308] John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 259.

[309] John Paul II, Message for the 1999 World Day of Peace, 3: AAS 91 (1999), 379.

[310] Paul VI, Message to the International Conference on Human Rights, Teheran (15 April 1968): L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 2 May 1968, p. 4.

[311] John Paul II, Message for the 1999 World Day of Peace, 3: AAS 91 (1999), 379.

[312] John Paul II, Message for the 1999 World Day of Peace, 3: AAS 91 (1999), 379.

[313] John Paul II, Message for the 1998 World Day of Peace, 2: AAS 90 (1998), 149.

[314] Cf. John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 259-264.

[315] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 26:AAS 58 (1966), 1046-1047.

[316] Cf. Paul VI, Address to the General Assembly of the United Nations (4 October 1965), 6: AAS 57 (1965), 883-884; Paul VI, Message to the Bishops Gathered for the Synod (26 October 1974): AAS 66 (1974), 631-639.

[317] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 47: AAS 83 (1991), 851852; cf. also Address to the 34th General Assembly of the United Nations (2 October 1979), 13: AAS 71 (1979) 1152-1153.

[318] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium Vitae, 2: AAS 87 (1995), 402.

[319] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 27:AAS 58 (1966), 1047-1048; John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Veritatis Splendor, 80: AAS 85 (1993), 1197-1198; John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium Vitae, 7-28: AAS 87 (1995), 408-433.

[320] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Declaration Dignitatis Humanae, 2: AAS 58 (1966), 930-931.

[321] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Redemptor Hominis, 17: AAS 71 (1979), 300.

[322] Cf. John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 259-264; Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 26: AAS 58 (1966), 1046-1047.

[323] John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 264.

[324] John XXIII, Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris: AAS 55 (1963), 264.

[325] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 33: AAS 80 (1988), 557-559; John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 21: AAS 83 (1991), 818-819.

[326] John Paul II, Letter on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Second World War, 8: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 4 September 1989, p. 2.

[327] John Paul II, Letter on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Second World War, 8: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 4 September 1989, p. 2.

[328] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Diplomatic Corps (9 January 1988), 78:L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 25 January 1988, p. 7.

[329] John Paul II, Address to the Fiftieth General Assembly of the United Nations (5 October 1995), 8: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 11 October 1995, p.

9.

[330] John Paul II, Address to the Fiftieth General Assembly of the United Nations (5 October 1995), 8: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 11 October 1995, p.

9.

[331] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 47: AAS 83 (1991), 852.

[332] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Redemptor Hominis, 17: AAS 71 (1979), 295-300.

[333] Paul VI, Encyclical Letter Octogesima Adveniens, 23: AAS 63 (1971), 418.

[334] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 54: AAS 83 (1991), 859-860.

[335] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 41: AAS58 (1966), 1060.

[336] Cf. John Paul II, Address to Officials and Advocates of the Tribunal of the Roman Rota (17 February 1979), 4: Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, II, 1 (1979), 413-414.

[337] Cf. Code of Canon Law, canons 208-223.

[338] Cf. Pontifical Commission “Iustitia et Pax”, The Church and Human Rights, 70-90, Vatican City 1975, pp. 45-54.

[339] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollecitudo Rei Socialis, 41: AAS 80 (1988), 572.

[340] Paul VI, Motu Proprio Iustitiam et Pacem (10 1976): L'Osservatore Romano, 23 December 1976, p. 10.

December

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Journey for Peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land 2

Come & See

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Call from Palestinian Christians

3

Introduction These guidelines were developed in 2010 at a consultative meeting in Geneva to promote justice tourism for pilgrims to PalestineIsrael.

Representing 14 countries, a group of 27 theologians, Palestinian Christian activists and professionals in the tourism industry called on Christian pilgrims to live their faith as they visit the Holy Land, going beyond homage of ancient sites to show concern for the Palestinian people living there whose lives are severely constricted by the Israeli occupation of their lands. The meeting was organized by Alternative Tourism Group (ATG) in cooperation with the Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (ECOT), Kairos Palestine and the World Council of Churches (WCC) through its initiative the Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum (PIEF).

ATG is a Palestinian NGO specializing in tours and pilgrimages that incorporate critical examinations of the Holy Land’s history, culture and politics.

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Affirming our Common Humanity: A Pilgrimage of Transformation The decision to visit the Holy Land is the first step in an amazing journey. Whether this will be your first pilgrimage to the Holy Land or you have visited many times before, we ask you to consider how Christians might best reflect the teachings of Jesus Christ when they are in the land where He walked.

This journey will reveal —in contrast to daily headlines that make us feel helpless and inured to suffering and violence— that there is hope for bringing the fruits of peace to all.

What is yet needed is the momentum and commitment of people of faith and courage.

This pilgrimage of transformation will show us how each of us can be a peacemaker in our own small or large ways.

“If you want peace work for justice” Pope Paul VI

“If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality” Archbishop Desmond Tutu

These guidelines has been written for visionary pilgrims and visitors seeking an authentic, face-to-face human encounters in the Holy Land, who wish to connect with the Palestinian Christians -- the “Living Stones” who share their faith. It contains tools including Biblical reflection (page 10) and a Code of Conduct for Tourists in the Holy Land (page 16) to help plan and prepare—practically and spiritually-- a Pilgrimage of Transformation.

Additional detailed planning and education resources are listed on pages 18-22.

Today you are invited to a journey of truth and transformation that will reveal the love of God to you through the eyes of the Palestinian people who, despite having suffered decades of occupation and dispossession-- maintain their dignity, faith, and capacity for hope.

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The Kairos Call from Palestinian Christians: In a Land Holy to Three Faiths, Occupation is a Sin Kairos (

): an ancient Greek word meaning the right or opportune moment

In December 2009, Palestinian Christian leaders launched the Kairos document, a statement that shares their daily realities of life under occupation and calls on Christian sisters and brothers and churches worldwide to be witnesses to these realities, to be in solidarity, and to take action. The following are excerpts.

Today we have reached a dead end in the tragedy of the Palestinian people. The decisionmakers content themselves with managing the crisis rather than committing themselves to the serious task of finding a way to resolve it…It is a policy in which human beings are destroyed, and this must be of concern to the Church…

These days, everyone is speaking about peace in the Middle East and the peace process. So far, however, these are simply words; the reality is one of Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, deprivation of our freedom and all that results from this situation…

“They say: ‘Peace, peace’ when there is no peace” (Jer. 6:14).

We believe that our land has a universal mission. In this universality, the meaning of the promises, of the land, of the election, of the people of God open up to include all of humanity, starting from all the peoples of this land... It was the initiation of the fulfillment of the Kingdom of God on earth.

“The earth is the Lord’s and

God sent the patriarchs, the prophets and the all that is in it, the world, and apostles to this land so that they might carry forth a universal mission to the world. Today those who live in it we constitute three religions in this land, (Ps. 24:1).

Judaism, Christianity and Islam…It is the duty of those of us who live here, to respect the will of God for this land. It is our duty to liberate it from the evil of injustice and war. It is God’s land and therefore it must be a land of reconciliation, peace and love...

”

Our appeal is to reach a common vision, built on equality and sharing, not on superiority, negation of the other or aggression, using the pretext of fear and security.

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We say that love is possible and mutual trust is possible. Thus, peace is possible and definitive reconciliation also. Thus, justice and security will be attained for all.

In order to understand our reality, we say to the Churches: Come and see. We will fulfill our role to make known to you the truth of our reality, receiving you as pilgrims coming to us to pray, carrying a message of peace, love and reconciliation. You will know the facts and the people of this land, Palestinians and Israelis alike. At the same time we call on you to say a word of truth and to take a position of truth with regard to Israel’s occupation of Palestinian land.

The entire document along with other resources can be found on the Kairos Palestine website: www.kairospalestine.ps

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Justice Tourism and the Palestinian Tourist Sector Transformational pilgrims to Palestine are also justice tourists, seeking to understand and make a positive difference in the lives of people whose lands they visit. Meeting Palestinians who are living under occupation is an act of solidarity that brings hope to the people and contributes to their economic development.

Like the rest of the Palestinian economy, tourism faces unique difficulties caused by the Occupation. Israel controls all entrances into Palestine and, favoring its own tourist industry, Israel severely restricts business in Palestine.

However, while more tourists still visit only Israel, the number of visitors to Palestine has been increasing annually. The Palestinian community has developed compelling and unique tour itineraries and programmes for visitors and pilgrims. The Code of Conduct for tourists to Palestine provides information, guidelines, and protocols for visitors while publications such as the excellent Palestine and Palestinians Guidebook are tremendously informative resources for trip planning.

Justice tourism to Palestine has as its ultimate goal: “promoting peace with justice for the people in the Holy Land.” Engaging churches, social movements and faith-based organizations to promote Pilgrimages for Transformation, it is hoped that pilgrims will be inspired by and will work for justice-based peace and reconciliation for the Palestinians and Israelis.

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“Justice tourism, one of the most effective means of promoting understanding, mutual education, economic exchange and environmental protection, has a central role to play in these efforts…tourists with a commitment to social justice – justice tourists - have the opportunity, not only to make positive contributions to the communities they visit, but to become holders of the knowledge that will one day lead to equality, democracy, and

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human rights for all.

Rami Kassis Alternative Tourism Group

Affirming the Love of God for All

We know that certain theologians in the West try to attach a biblical and theological legitimacy to the infringement of our rights.

Thus, the promises, according to their interpretation, have become a menace to our very existence. The “good news” in the Gospel itself has become “ a harbinger of death” for us. We call on these theologians to deepen their reflection of the Word of God and to rectify their interpretations so that they might see in the Word of God a source of life for all peoples. [2.3.3]

“My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge…” Hosea 4:6a (RSV)

“...It is a call to repentance, to revisit fundamentalist theological positions that support certain unjust political options with regard to the Palestinian people. It is a call to stand alongside the oppressed and preserve the word of God as good news for all...God is not the ally of one against the other, nor the opponent of one in the face of the other. God is the Lord of all and loves all,

Our connectedness to this land is a natural right. It is not an ideological or a theological question only. It is a matter of life and death.

There are those who do not agree with us, even defining us as enemies only because we declare that we want to live as free people in our land. We suffer from the occupation of our land because we are Palestinians. And as Christian Palestinians we suffer from the wrong interpretation of some theologians.

Faced with this, our task is to safeguard the demanding justice from all Word of God as a source of life and not of death, so that “the good news” remains what it is, “good news for us and for all. In face of those who use the Bible to threaten our existence as Christian and Muslim Palestinians, we renew our faith in God because we know that the word of God cannot be the source of our destruction. [2.3.4] from Kairos Palestine, an appeal from Palestinian Christians

...”

Beyond the rhetoric and the media spin is a reality of suffering that has been denied for decades. Churches have done a grave disservice to their flocks by ignoring the plight of millions of dispossessed Palestinians. As Christians living in the Holy Land, we have faith

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that when our fellow Christians from around the world gain access to a more comprehensive picture of our reality, they will no longer be able to ignore our cry for peace with justice.

In many countries today, the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands and the oppression this brings to their daily lives is not well understood and is often obscured in the media and by powerful interests. While some are misled and disempowered to speak or act, many Christians and other people of conscience feel disturbed by a one-sided narrative that justifies the ongoing occupation and its gross human rights violations.

With this background, some come to the Holy Land as spectators, touring holy sites as they would museums, not caring or realizing that for Palestinian Christians these are living places of worship. Reflecting the pious practices of the Pharisees, they search for a personal blessing, seeking to renew an egocentric, individualistic faith. What they choose to see and do only reinforces their prejudices, preconceived notions, and limited understanding of a complex situation.

Yet true faith requires more from a Christian than purveying stereotypes and untruths and supporting injustice. The genuine Christian pilgrim seeks the living Christ in the now, in solidarity with the oppressed, the poor, and the imprisoned. They look for truth and seek justice, supporting and blessing both Palestinian and Israeli peacemakers.

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Spiritual Elements of an Authentic Pilgrimage A true Christian pilgrimage to Palestine is an invitation to “come and see”: a journey to find new and deeper truths about ourselves and the meaning of our Christian faith and be transformed so that we may test and approve what is the will of God – what is good and well-pleasing and perfect.” (Romans 12: 2).

“ Justice denied anywhere

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diminishes justice everywhere Martin Luther King Jr.

We embark on a purposeful and respectful journey with the Palestinian Christians through their land and history, taking sufficient time to listen, reflect, and pray with them.

Hearing their stories may challenge us to unlearn much of what we “know” and “understand” about Palestine and to relearn through experiencing the realities of Palestinian life and their struggle for justice.

Christian pilgrimage must comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable.

Based on the relationships we build with Palestinian Christians on our pilgrimage, we can seek truth and paths to peace and reconciliation by:

1. Listening to the Biblical reflections of local Christians, the descendants of the first Christians, whose experiences have given them a deep and personal understanding of the Scriptures that forms the basis of Palestinian Christian theology.

2. Making connections between our lifestyles and the national policies of our countries and the injustices Palestinians live with each and every day. As these connections become clear, accept the responsibility to respond by working for a transformation in our own lives and home communities.

3. Experiencing the diverse environment of Palestine by accompanying Christian Palestinians on visits to their Muslim brothers and sisters to share and learn from each other.

4. Offering a voice of comfort to the Palestinian people as we hear about their daily humiliation, anger, frustrations, and struggles.

5. Committing to stand with Palestinians in their struggle for dignity and freedom.

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Biblical Insights for a Pilgrimage of Transformation Too often, we can be like the dead Lazarus, wrapped in cloth, unaware of the world around us, and the people in it. Jesus calls us to come out, to come back to life, to make the difference we are meant to make in the world. As St Paul says in 2. Cor, 5:17: “Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, he is a new creation; the old has gone, the new has come!”

The story of Lazarus reminds us that for God nothing is impossible —even death is not an obstacle— and that we must not accept the premise that a just peace in Palestine-Israel is beyond reach.

The Bible itself is an inspiration to see our entire lives as a pilgrimage and to live like a pilgrim every day. The whole Bible is about God’s determination to bring his creation back to a new relation with the divine, to “…a better country, that is, a heavenly one.”

(Hebrews 11: 16) In Hebrews 13 we also learn about “...brotherly love and hospitality to strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.”

What should be even more important to Christians than the holy sites are the communion of living saints at the pilgrimage places. Journeying to a place of divine blessing, presence, and power should be done in the context of human living. Because we are all members of Christ’s body, we cannot be witnesses to other Christians’ lives without caring about their expressions of faith, their traditions, their joys and struggles.

“Jesus looked up to heaven and prayed to his Father, closing with these words: “Lazarus, come out!” When Lazarus came out of the tomb, Jesus told the people to remove his

”

grave clothes.

John 11:43-44

“He has told you, O mortal, what is good and what does the Lord require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly

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with your God? Micah 6:8

“Rejoice with those who rejoice; mourn with those who

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mourn

Roman 12: 15

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God intervenes in human history whenever life is threatened, abused and destroyed– for the slain Abel, Uriah, Naboth, the slaves in Egypt, the poor and the widows. God revives the dry bones that “come to life, stand on their feet and become a great army” (Ezekiel 37:10). The reign of God is present wherever life is set free, the blind see, the lame walk and the good news of liberation is announced.

God sends the prophets to liberate people from oppression and speak words of judgment. God is on an eternal pilgrimage into our here and now for the sake of justice and love. God’s incarnation in Christ is God’s way of entering into the moral struggles of the world and showing us how to live a truly human life. Jesus identifies himself with all those unjustly treated in order to expose injustice. (See the Parable of the Last Judgment, Matt.25: 25-35)

“The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable

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year of the Lord.

Luke 4:18ff (RSV)

“If you love God, you would love the people of God, the people that God created.

Many of us Christians love the church - our buildings, monuments, traditions, relics, liturgies, and symbols. In the name of God, we love what we have created but fail to love what God has created – the human being and the rest

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of creation.

Deenabandhu Manchala World Council of Churches

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Connecting with Palestinian Christians For decades, millions of Christian have journeyed to the Holy Land and returned home without even realizing that their pilgrimage was missing something very important: face-to-face human encounters with those who share their faith. Palestinian Christians’ continuous presence for more than 2,000 years in the land of Christ’s life, death, and resurrection gives them a unique connection to Christianity and its traditions.

They also share, along with the rest of the Arab world, a culture of hospitality renowned for its warmth and generosity. In addition, Palestinian Christians have vast experience welcoming pilgrims to their land, continuing a tradition their ancestors began centuries ago.

As hosts, the Palestinian Christians are able to show visitors holy sites rarely seen by ordinary tourists and can illuminate these sites with a faith that is physically linked to these places.

For Palestinian Christians, the holy sites are not mere tourist destinations —they are often their own local churches— places that have meaning in their every day worship. The people in these communities -- the “Living Stones” -- are the keepers of sacred tradition in the Holy Land and protectors of the places that mark events in the life of Christ and the prophets.

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“Come to him, a living stone, rejected by men but approved, nonetheless, and precious in God’s eyes. You too are living stones, build as an edifice of spirit, into a holy priesthood, offering spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through Jesus

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Christ.

1 Peter 2:4-5

“Palestinian hospitality is a long lasting tradition dating back to the times of Jesus Christ some

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2000 years ago.

Father Richard Potts, editor of The Liguorian. www.TravelPalestine.ps

Who Are the Palestinian Christians ?

No one knows exactly the numbers of Palestinian Christians since the great majority of them live in the Diaspora and there is no proper census to know their numbers. Their estimated number, living in Palestine, Israel and the Diaspora, is estimated between 800,000 to one million. They are an integral part of the indigenous Palestinian population and their mother tongue is Arabic. Their history is linked with the early church established in Jerusalem some 2000 years back and their presence never been disconnected in this land. At present, around 50,000 Christians live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip and make up about 1.2 percent of the total population. In Israel their number is estimated at around 160,000 people. Despite this small percentage, the Christians in Palestine lead a very dynamic community and very active in the field of social services and education. Approximately 45% from the NGOs in Palestine are run by churches or church-related organizations.

The majority of Palestinian Christians living abroad are found in USA, South America, Australia, Canada and Europe. This situation is due to the expulsion of around 750,000 Palestinians, including 150,000 Christians, who became refugees in the year 1948, the year of Nakba (Arabic for “catastrophe�). The dispersal of Palestinians since 1948 has spared no one family or group including Palestinian Christians.

Palestinian Christians in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip belong to the four Christian families: Oriental Orthodox Churches, Eastern Orthodox (Caledonian) Churches, Catholic Churches, and Evangelical Churches. In addition to 13 officially recognized denominations, there are some smaller ones, mainly evangelicals.

Palestinian Christians live almost in every governorate in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, although the majority of them live around the holy sites in Bethlehem and Jerusalem.

There are approximately ten town and village councils headed by Christian mayors in addition to a number of legislators and ministers in the Palestinian authority.

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Meeting the People of Palestine: Suggestions for meaningful face-to-face encounters with “the living stones.”

1. Visit Palestinian churches, attend their services, and worship with them. Stay and talk. More than a dozen denominations -- representing all four Christian families -exist in Palestine, so it will not be hard to find your church.

2. Choose to tour with a Palestinian tour group and/or guide (see Resources, page 19) for all or at least some of the time. Israeli tour companies are permitted to come into the West Bank, but tourists have found that Israeli tour guides have a very different interpretation of the Palestinian reality, and will discourage tourist from having contact with any “Arabs.”

3. While Israeli tour companies regularly bring their tourists to Bethlehem to visit the Church of Nativity, rarely do their busses spend more than an hour there and no money is circulated into the local economy. You can support the Palestinian economy by enjoying the town of Bethlehem and beyond -- eating in restaurants, visiting shops and staying in hotels.

4. Visit Palestinian social, cultural, educational or theological centers.

5. Make contact with one of the numerous Palestinian civil society groups and organizations who focus on women’s issues, children, human rights, or people with disabilities.

Ask if you may visit their programs.

6. Arrange to stay with or visit a Palestinian family. Local tourist companies are happy to match you with a host family whether that is for just one meal or for several days as an overnight guest.

7. Obtain a Palestinian guidebook such as Palestine and Palestinians to give you more ideas and guide you through the country (see Resources, page 19).

8. Explore the country on foot. A journey on the “road less traveled” is an opportunity for encounters with nature, landscape, and culture that would otherwise be inaccessible by vehicle.

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A Code of Conduct for Travelers to the Holy Land This code was developed with input from Palestinian and international organizations in order to present a unified message about responsible tourism in the region. Below are excerpts that we belief are most important for Christians to incorporate into their pilgrimages.

Preparation

To prepare your trip to Palestine, we encourage you to consider including the following in your preparation: 1. Choose an inclusive and balanced itinerary that allows you to visit and stay in different places.

2. Educate yourself by reading guidebooks, travel accounts and articles about current news and events. [See Resources, page 19-23] 3. Establish contact with Palestinians to get up-to-date information about the current situation, safety, local history, culture and customs.

4. Approach travelling with a desire to learn rather than just observe. Leave prejudices behind.

Your trip

Adopting a considerate attitude towards the people you encounter, the environment, and host communities when travelling in Palestine helps to make sure that your trip is beneficial both for you as a tourist and for the hosts.

5. Your attitude

• Respect and learn about the local culture. Although taking pictures is in general welcome, be aware of people›s sensitivity about being photographed: always ask first for their approval.

• Observe local customs. Respect local dress codes and dress modestly.

• Interact and spend time with local people. Be aware that your cultural values may differ from theirs. They may, for example, have different concepts of time, personal space, communication and society. Other values are not wrong or inferior, just diffeent.

6. Your behaviour:

• Be aware of shortsighted emotional reactions, such as giving money out of compassion. This can be offensive.

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• Make sure that you encounter and engage with the local communities who are struggling for the respect of their dignity.

• Support communities in a responsible way, without encouraging them to change their customs in order to adopt yours.

• When visiting holy sites, allow members of the respective religious community to guide you.

7. Your use of natural resources:

• Co-operate with locals in conserving precious natural resources. Commit yourself to a moderate use when possible • Be open to experience local standards rather than expecting to find the same conditions as in your home town and/or country.

8. Support the local economy:

• Appreciate local expertise by paying adequately.

• Buy local products.

• Contribute to ensuring that tourism has a beneficial outcome for the local community.Use local transportation, guides, accommodation, restaurants and markets to benefit the local economy.

• Consider giving tips where customary.

9. Remember that the people you encounter have lived under military occupation for many years. Be sensitive when discussing related topics and listen to their points of view.

10. Be inspired by the pilgrim›s journey: take your time to live and experience the daily life of the local people.

Returning home

When you return from Palestine do not hesitate to share your experiences with friends and relations. Your Palestinian hosts will be very happy to know that you keep them in your mind and that you tell their and your stories. In this way, you can strengthen the human side of tourism and enhance its benefits to communities and individuals.

11. Share your experience

• Think of creating links between your community and the community you visited.

• Tell the stories of the people you met.

• Discuss and debrief with other members of your group (if you travelled together with others).

• Share with your family; inform your community; write articles.

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12. Stick to the commitments you made during your trip: • Remember the promises you made to the local people you met and honour them.

• Keep the people in your thoughts, pray for them and act when your actions are needed.

13. Allow yourself to be enriched by learning experiences: • Question your stereotypes/generalisations, both the ones you had before the trip and the ones emerging from your experience abroad.

• Address prejudices and injustice where you meet them.

14. Take action

• Learn about the involvement and responsibilities of your home country in the Middle East. Expose and confront them when they have been unfair. Address statements you do not agree with, such as inaccurate tourism brochures, stereotyped views of Palestine in conversation and inaccurate or biased media portrayals.

Excerpted from: A Code of Conduct for Tourism in the Holy Land: A Palestinian Inititive, printed by the Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism (PIRT) in 2009. For the complete Code of Conduct or for more information about PIRT, please visit www.pirt.ps

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LEARNING ABOUT THE ISSUES SELECTED RESOURCES For additional resources, please visit

www.pirt.ps to view our expanding list.

PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Al Haq

Independent Palestinian non-governmental human rights organization www.alhaq.org

Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ)

Promoting sustainable development in the occupied Palestinian territory http://www.arij.org

Badil

Resource Center for Palestinian Residency& Refugee Rights www.badil.org

Defence for Children International – Palestine Section

Promoting and protecting the rights of Palestinian children in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) www.dci-pal.org

International Center of Bethlehem

Lutheran-based, ecumenically-oriented institution empowering the local community www.annadwa.org/dar

International Middle East Media Center Independent media coverage of Israel-Palestine www.imemc.org

Joint Advocacy Initiative (JAI) of the East Jerusalem YMCA and YWCA of Palestine

Working for peace with justice in Palestine, based on humanitarian and Christian values. www.jai-pal.org

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Kairos Palestine

Christian Palestinians’ word to the world about what is happening in Palestine www.kairospalestine.ps

Palestine Center for Human Rights

NGO based in Gaza dedicated to protecting human rights www.pchrgaza.org

Palestinian Bible Society

Committed to making the Word of God available to Palestinians www.pbs-web.com

Sabeel

Palestinian Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center www.sabeel.org

ISRAELI HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Alternative Information Center

Promoting the human and national rights of the Palestinian people www.alternativenews.org

Breaking the Silence

Israeli soldiers document their time in the Occupied Palestinian Territories www.shovrimshtika.org/index_e.asp

B’tselem

The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories www.btselem.org

Gisha

Legal Center for Freedom of Movement www.gisha.org

Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

Non-violent, direct-action organization to resist Israeli demolition of Palestinian houses www.icahd.org

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Rabbis for Human Rights

Seeks to prevent human rights violations in Israel and in areas for which Israel has taken responsibility www.rhr.org.il

Who Profits?

Exposing the Israeli occupation industry www.whoprofits.org

Zochrot

Israeli citizens working to raise awareness of the Nakba www.nakbainhebrew.org/index.php?lang=english

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS: Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT)

Faith-based non-violent support in situations of lethal conflict www.cpt.org

The Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI)

Accompaniment and advocacy efforts to end the occupation (An initiative of the World Council of Churches) www.eappi.org

International Solidarity Movement

Non-violent resistance though international solidarity www.palsolidarity.org

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Reports on the Occupied Palestinian Territory http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/MENARegion/Pages/PSIndex.aspx

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BOOKS: Of the Middle East (2005) by Robert Fisk I am a Palestinian Christian (1995) by Mitri Raheb Palestine—Peace not Apartheid (2006) by Jimmy Carter Palestine in Pieces: Graphic perspectives on the Israeli Occupation (2009) by Kathleen & Bill Christison The Question of Palestine (1992) by Edward W. Said DOCUMENTARIES: Hope in a Slingshot (2008)

www.roninfilms.com.au/feature/1706.html

Occupation 101 (2006) www.occupation101.com

Slingshot Hip Hop (2008) www.slingshothiphop.com/dvd

With God on our Side (2010) www.withgodonourside.com

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PALESTINIAN PILGRIMAGE AND TOURIST RESOURCES: Alternative Tourism Group

Palestinian NGO specializing in justice tourism www.atg.ps

Travel Palestine

The Official Website for Tourism in Palestine www.travelpalestine.ps

Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism

A network of organizations advocating responsible tourism in the Holy Land www.pirt.ps

Visit Palestine

«Your guide to Palestine» www.visitpalestine.ps

GUIDEBOOKS: Palestine and the Palestinians (Second edition 2008)

Published by and available from Alternative Tourism Group: www.atg.ps

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Issued by :

Alternative Tourism Group In cooperation with

Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (PIEF)

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Kairos Palestine

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