WP5 Peace Education - Young Peacemakers online - Final by Jose

WALKING PATH 5 Peace Education: Turning Swords into Ploughshares

INDEX

Walking Path 5 Programme YouthPolicy.org (2014). Factsheet: Palestine Sharek Youth Forum (2013). The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013 Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (2013). Palestinian Youth Activism: New Actors, New Possibilities? Breaking the Silence (2012). Children and Youth Soldiers' Testimonies 2005-2011 I. Maoz (2000). An Experiment in Peace: ReconciliationAimed Workshops of Jewish-Israeli and Palestinian Youth Arab Educational Institute (2008). Sumud: Resistance in Daily Life Pope Francis (2014). Message for the World Youth Day Kairos Palestine (2010). Come and See: A Call from Palestinian Christians - A journey for peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land

2 6 9 108

114 187

203 209 210

WALKING PATH 5 PEACE EDUCATION:WALKING WITH YOUNG PEACEMAKERS

A. SUMMARY Since its origins, Pax Christi has walked with young people in search for peace. International Routes, youth camps and other youth initiatives helped built dialogue and understanding across countries and cultures. Participants in this walking path will learn about different local youth-focused initiatives and will interact with young peacebuilders. Later on, they will reflect on contexts around the globe where young people are growing up in violent situations and will discuss how to promote alternative offers to violent radicalization and how to better accompany new generations motivated to advance the struggle for peace and justice. B.

PAX CHRISTI’S WORK WITH YOUTH

In addition to working directly with educators and students in the formal education sector such as schools, Pax Christi Member Organizations produce materials that can be used in non-formal education settings, such as youth and adult groups. Some Pax Christi members also offer training on “Peer Mediation.” Students offer their skills in conflict mediation at school. International Youth Routes of Pax Christi have been one of the main initiatives to bring youngsters from different parts of the world together in a joint effort to sharing and learning for peace. Peace Service projects are often focused on bringing support to countries in conflict or post-conflict situations. Many members of the movement are active in peace services. Some of them choose to live and work as a volunteer for a short or long time in another country to assist local civil society organizations in their daily work. Peace services also give youth from countries with mandatory military service a nonviolent means of performing their duty to their country and the world. For many years, Pax Christi has facilitated the exchange of volunteers between Germany and Poland (and also among other countries). German volunteers work on different projects in Poland, while Polish volunteers are offered an opportunity to work in Germany. Pax Christi Germany also facilitates Civil Peace Services (German) projects in different countries. Several Member Organizations have developed a youth forum or a youth section. They have been developing projects both on the national as well as the international level, mainly on exchanges of youth from different conflict areas such as Northern 1

Ireland, Kosovo, Israel and Palestine and elsewhere in the world. Youth seminars have been held on different topics related to justice and peace. C. PROGRAM THURSDAY: A PILGRIMAGE TO YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS 12h30-13h15

Transportation to Wi’am’s office. Lunch in their garden.

13h15-14h00 14h00-14h30

14h30-15h00

Meeting with Wi’am: mission and initiatives with youth Conversation with students from Bethlehem University about life in Bethlehem Exchange with YMCA: mission and initiatives with youth

15h00-15h30

Coffee/tea with representatives

15h30-16h00

Transportation to the Talitha Komi School

16h00-18h00

Meeting with Combatants for Peace: Interactive programme with testimonies from both Palestinian and Israeli members.

18h00 20h30-21h30

Back to the Hotel (After dinner) Debriefing in Pilgrimage groups

FRIDAY: DEEPENING THE DISCUSSION ON PEACE EDUCATION AND YOUTH Through a participatory methodology, participants will look at how their own organizations and other member organizations around the globe are forging peace by accompanying youth in their quest for active citizenship and for peace. 8h30-8h45 8h45-10h15

10h15-10h45 10h45-12h00

12h00

Introductions “Fishbowl” conversation Facilitator: Annemarie Gielen, Belgium, Secretary General of Pax Christi Flanders.Panelists: Marie Peltier, Belgium, Research Officer at Pax Christi Wallonie-Bruxelles; Jasmin NarioGalace, Philippines, President of Pax Christi Philippines; local representative, regional, tbd; local person, Palestine, tbd. Expanding the conversation Break Open space to deepen the conversation Discussion about various topics in small groups Return to large group End discussion session 2

D. RESOURCE ORGANIZATIONS



Wi’am Palestinian Conflict Resolution Center: As a grassroots organization established in Bethlehem in 1995, Wi’am aims to improve the quality of relationships and promote peace and reconciliation in the community. It strives alongside other forces present in the community to build a society based on democratic norms and values. Website: http://www.alaslah.org/



YMCA: The East Jerusalem YMCA is committed to a vision of community based on the universal values of human dignity, peace, and justice. Through diverse programs and activities with a focus on holistic youth development, the YMCA aims to work toward the building of a viable Palestinian state based on equality and social justice for all. Website: http://www.ej-ymca.org



Bethlehem University is a Catholic Christian co-educational institution founded in 1973 in the Lasallian tradition, open to students of all faith traditions. It was the first university established in the West Bank, and can trace its roots to 1893 when the De La Salle Christian Brothers opened schools in Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Jaffa, Nazareth, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt. Website: http://www.bethlehem.edu



Combatants for Peace is a movement started jointly by Palestinians and Israelis, who have taken an active part in the cycle of violence; Israelis as soldiers in the Israeli army (IDF) and Palestinians as part of the violent struggle for Palestinian freedom. After brandishing weapons for so many years, and having seen one another only through weapon sights, we have decided to put down our guns, and to fight for peace. Website: http://cfpeace.org

ANNEXES (online)       

YouthPolicy.org (2014). Factsheet: Palestine. Link Sharek Youth Forum (2013). The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013. Link Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (2013). Palestinian Youth Activism: New Actors, New Possibilities? Link Breaking the Silence (2012). Children and Youth Soldiers Testimonies 2005-2011. Link I. Maoz (2000). An Experiment in Peace: Reconciliation-Aimed Workshops of Jewish-Israeli and Palestinian Youth. Link Arab Educational Institute (2008). Sumud: Resistance in Daily Life. Link Pope Francis (2014). Message for the World Youth Day. Link

ď&#x201A;ˇ

Kairos Palestine (2010). Come and See: A Call from Palestinian Christians - A journey for peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Link

PALESTINE:

Factsheet: Palestine Last update: 28 April 2014 GDP PER CAPITA

DEFINITION OF YOUTH Although the Arab League of Nations adopts an age category for youth of 15-35, the Palestinian Youth Cross-Cutting Strategy (2011) defines youth as between 13-29 years.

CANDIDACY AGE

HDI

USD 2,782.91 Year: 2012

Source: World Bank

Opposite Sex Same Sex

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union

WITHOUT

WITH PARENTAL

PARENTAL

CONSENT

Male --

15.5

Female--

14.5

Parental consent is required for women to marry, but not for men. Age of consent for homo- and heterosexual relationships is equal in West Bank. In Gaza same sex relations can result in imprisonment from 14-years to a lifelong. Source: UNSD, ILGA

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union Unicameral.

VOTING AGE

MAJORITY AGE

CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY

Source: Euro-Med Youth Programme

Source: IDF Order 1676 (2011)

Year: No data.

Source: UNDP

Source: World Bank

107 out of 187 countries.

PRESS FREEDOM

40.11

CONSENT

Upper House

0.670

Year: 2013

MARRIAGEABLE AGE CORRUPTION PERCEPTION

Lower House

GINI

138 out of 180 countries.

Year: No data.

Year: 2013

Source: Transparency International

Source: Reporters Without Borders

POPULATION BY AGE AND SEX 2010

Minimum Age Israel exercises penal jurisdiction over both Palestinians and Israeli settlers living in the West Bank. However, Israeli military law, applied to Palestinian children in the West Bank gives rise to stark inequalities in treatment. Source: Israel Defense Forces military order (2009) Children in Military Custody (2012)

Source: United Nations - Department of Economic and Social Affairs - Population Division 2012 Revision - Estimates. Including East Jerusalem. (Accessed August 2013). YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT

Share of labour force aged 15-24 available and seeking employment

SITUATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE

YOUTH DEVELOPMENT INDEX

---

Year: No data. Source: Commonwealth

LITERACY RATES

99.36% Both sexes (15-24) %

99.45%99.27% Male (15-24) %

Female (1524) %

Year: 2015

NET ENROLMENT RATE Secondary School

80.66% Both sexes %

77.16%84.31% Male %

Female %

Year: 2012

Source: United Nations - Department of Economic and Social Affairs - Population Division

Youth Programme

Source: UNESCO

BUDGET & SPENDING

SITUATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE

PREVALENCE OF HIV

TOBACCO USE Consumed any smokeless or smoking tobacco product at least once 30 days prior to the survey.

-Female (15-24) %

Year: No data. Source: World Bank

What is the budget allocated to the governmental authority (ministry, department or office) that is primarily responsible for youth and/or youth programming?

UNCLEAR

Male (15-24) %

2012 Revision - Estimates. Including East Jerusalem. (Accessed August 2013).

Both sexes (13-15) %

Male (13-15) %

Female (13-15) %

Year: No data. Source: WHO

According to Maâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;an News Agency NIS 67 million (USD 19 million) was the budget allotted to the Supreme Council for Youth and Sports in 2013 (the Supreme Council for Youth and Sports is the name sometimes used for the Higher Council for Youth and Sports in 2013). However, it is unclear what proportion of this amount is specifically for youth. The World Bank data centre does not currently collate data related to government expenditure on education provision in Palestine.

POLICY & LEGISLATION The national youth policy - planning Is there a national youth document (2005) outlines the guiding policy? principles and terms of reference used by governmental and non-governmental organisations during an effort to establish a national youth policy. This process was put on hold following the creation of the Higher The youth policy and strategy of Council of Youth and Sport. The more Palestine will be revised. A youth study recent, but expired Youth Cross-cutting and a policy study exist. Strategy (2011-2013) includes a situation analysis of a range of policy areas. It notes the vision for Palestineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s youth as being "empowered and participative youth, who have diversified and equitable opportunities for a balanced growth within the framework of a democratic, pluralistic society." The strategy presents four strategic objectives (related to participation; citizenship and rights; empowerment, and access).

TOTAL EXPENDITURE ON EDUCATION AS A PERCENTAGE OF GOVERNMENT SPENDING AND GDP

PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS The Higher Council for Youth and Sports Is there a governmental (HCYS) operates in the West Bank and authority Gaza. The headquarters of the HCYS are (ministry, department or located in Ramallah and regional offices office) that is primarily are located in north, south and central responsible for youth? areas. The HCYS aims to establish a democratic Palestinian society and free nation, which provides citizens with equal opportunities. It aims to do this by providing a legal environment for organising youth work and sports; promoting the values of citizenship, belonging and civil rights; providing an environment for physical activity, and providing infrastructure.

YES

YOUTH AND REPRESENTATION No broad-based national youth organisation could be found in Palestine. There however exists the Palestinian Youth Legislative Council (launched in 2013), a voluntary youth body that aims to provide an opportunity for youth

Does the country have a national youth organisation / association (council, platform, body)?

Source: World Bank Gaps indicate missing data from the original data source. (Accessed August 2013).

PUBLICATIONS AND REVIEWS

Visit our library for further reading: Docs about Palestine

participation and leadership for 132 young people aged 18-30. The initiative includes young people from the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza and replicates the structure of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC). Sharek Youth Forum implements the programme in partnership with the Palestinian Legislative Council and the United Nations Development Programme. The Government of Belgium funds the programme.

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013 The future is knocking A report by Sharek Youth Forum in partnership with the Youth Economic Empowerment Center 2013

Principal Author Waseem Abu Fasheh With the Participation of Umayyah Khammash, Nasr Abdul Kareem, Salwa Alnajjab, Sabri Saidam, Omar Rahal, Saleh Fareed, Nizar Basalat, Ola Awad, Sama Owaida, Samir Huleileh, Randa Helal, Sufian Mushasha, Jamil Rabah, Nevin Shaheen, Badr Zamareh, Mazen Sonnokrot, Munir Qleibo, Doa’a Wadi, Abdel Nasser Farawnah, Muhammad Mubayyed, Ibrahim Abu Kamesh From Lebanon: Jana Abu Diab/President of Maan Organization From Jordan: Rami Sahweil/Youth Activist and Independent Researcher With the contribution of the Association for Arab Youth in Haifa (Amtanes Shehada, Himmat Alzoubi, Nidaa Nassar) and The Palestinian Right to Return Assembly in Syria Polling in Palestine Conducted by Near East Consulting in close cooperation with Sharek Youth Forum Field Research Team in Palestine Bashar Elmashni, Tamara Kassem, Shahd Zakarneh, Ahmed Diriyyeh, Naim Shkeir, Bakr Ezzeddin, Nidaa Alshami, Ahmed Yassin, Mohammad Mushasha, Hala Jarabah, Bayan Abu Hilal, Ahmed Yassin, Diana Kharaz, Mohamed Sawaifeh, Dima Shahrour, Hatem Abdul Rahim, Nusair Abu Mariam, Saed Zahran, Mohammad Muheisen Management and Supervision Team Khalid Ali Hussein, Bader Zamareh, Laila Duaibes, Saed Karazon, Sahar Othman, Wisam Shweiki, Raed Tharf, Omar Yassin, Marie Bashir, Adel Saba’neh, Rateebeh Abu Ghosh General Supervision: Bader Zamareh Graphic Design: Bailasan Cover Image: Fadi Arouri Translation into English: Suha Jaber English Editor: Suzanne Sayegh Opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily express the opinion of Sharek Youth Forum. The report is self-financed by Sharek, no outside funding was solicited. © All rights reserved for Sharek Youth Forum in Palestine. Information in this report may be used with a reference to its source.

List of Abbreviations AWRAD BA GAPAR ID IT NGO PA PCBS PLO UNRWA USD

Arab World for Research and Development Bachelors General Authority for Palestinian Arab Refugees Identification Information Technology Non-governmental Organization Palestinian Authority Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics Palestinian Liberation Organization United Nation’s Relief Works Agency United States Dollar

Acknowledgements Sharek Youth Forum would like to express its gratitude and appreciation to all those who contributed to producing this report. It would not have been possible without the dedication and determination of all those involved. A special thanks goes to all the young people of Palestine who symbolize the struggle for freedom and dignity. We are also grateful to all the researchers and experts who contributed to this report and to the Palestinian youth, community members and political figures who participated in the interviews and focus groups. We want to express our deepest thanks and appreciation to the Association for Arab Youth, Baladna, in Haifa for their valuable input regarding the youth of Palestine 1948. Thanks are also due to The Palestinian Right to Return Assembly Wajeb in Syria for their valuable contribution to the section on Palestinian youth in Syria, to the Together to Palestine Organization in Lebanon for their valuable contribution to the special section on youth in Lebanon, and to The International Labor Organization (ILO) for facilitating entry into Lebanon.

Table of Contents Section One: Palestinian Youth in the occupied Palestinian territory

Executive Summary �� 00 Methodology �� 00 Chapter 1: Youth and Economic Conditions �� 00 1.1 Introductory Remarks �� 00 1.2 Statistical Indicators �� 00 1.3 Selected Issues on Poverty, Employment and Unemployment: Survey Results and the Views of Youth 00 1.3.1 Economic Conditions �� 00 1.3.2 Poverty and Unemployment: The Most Serious Issues Facing Youth �� 00 1.4 Employed and Unemployed Youth: Opinions, Evaluations and Directions �� 00 1.5 Cooperatives as a Contribution to Reducing Poverty and Unemployment �� 00 1.6 Concluding Remarks �� 00 Chapter 2: Youth and Lifestyles �� 00 2.1 Demography of Young People in Palestine �� 00 2.2 Introductory Remarks about Young People’s Health �� 00 2.3 Health Issues �� 00 2.4 Social Issues �� 00 2.5 The Status of Young People with Disabilities �� 00 2.6 Youth Detention �� 00 2.7 Concluding Remarks �� 00 Chapter 3: Youth Participation and Political Opinions �� 00 3.1 Introductory Remarks �� 00 3.2 Youth Participation �� 00 3.3 Young People’s Views on Political Issues �� 00 3.4 Concluding Remarks �� 00 Chapter 4: Youth, Education and IT �� 00 4.1 Education �� 00 4.1.1 Introductory Remarks �� 00 4.1.2 Statistical Indicators �� 00 4.1.3 Young People’s Views on the Education Sector �� 00 4.2 Information Technology �� 00 4.2.1 Introductory Remarks �� 00 4.2.2 Statistical Indicators �� 00 4.2.3 Young People’s Views on the Information Technology Sector �� 00 4.3 Concluding Remarks �� 00

Section Two: Palestinian Youth within Palestine 1948 and in the Diaspora

Introduction: Message from the Youth of Palestine to All Palestinian Youth �� 00 1. Palestinian Youth of Palestine 1948 �� 00 1.1 Statistical Indicators �� 00 1.2 Results of a Study conducted by Baladna �� 00 1.2.1 Education �� 00 1.2.2 Labor Market �� 00 1.2.3 Identity �� 00 1.2.4 Social Issues and Attitudes �� 00 2. Palestinian Youth of Lebanon �� 00 2.1 Education �� 00 2.2 Health Care �� 00 2.3 Employment �� 00 2.4 Personal Security and Freedom of Movement �� 00 3. Palestinian Youth of Syria �� 00 3.1 Palestinian Refugees in Syria: General Overview �� 00 3.2 Key Trends and Issues for Young Palestinians in Syria �� 00 4. Conclusion �� 00

Index of Graphs 1. Youth assessment of the economic situation of their families �� 00 2. Sources of borrowing �� 00 3. Preferred employment sectors among youth �� 00 4. Reasons for the inability of young people to establish their own business �� 00 5. Sources of information about sexuality �� 00 6. The most capable decision-makers within the family �� 00 7. Why young people do not belong to political factions �� 00 8. Youth membership in civil and community organizations �� 00 9. Preferred strategies for confronting the occupation �� 00 10. Opinions regarding the rise of Islamic movements �� 00 11. Youth satisfaction with their academic specialization and level of education �� 00 12. Reasons for youth dissatisfaction with their academic specialization �� 00 13. Sources of information �� 00

Index of Tables 1. Main reasons for borrowing and incurring debt �� 00 2. Establishing a business and the success rate by gender and region �� 00 3. The degree and source of young people’s knowledge about sexuality �� 00 4. Adhering to religious obligations by region and gender �� 00 5. Youth identity by region �� 00

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Introduction With the release of the Youth Status Report in 2009 entitled Promise or Peril?, Sharek Youth Forum made the decision to regularly issue youth reports so as to monitor changes on the major issues affecting young people and their future. It never occurred to anyone at the time that the region was about to witness dramatic changes that would not only affect the youth sector, but also whole communities and entire nations. Within this context, in the spring of 2011, Sharek Youth Forum prepared a report entitled Winds of Change…Will they break down walls of oppression? The report addressed the mobilization of Palestinian youth in the context of Arab Spring. Sharek did not taken any position toward either the Palestinian or surrounding changes. Rather, it maintained a balanced stance, supporting demands for freedom, justice and dignity and denouncing the use of violence and coercion. The duality of the meaning of Promise and Peril within itself directs the Winds of Change. That is to say that youth possess the potential to harness their future and to reject conditions which rob them of a decent life. In the case of Palestine, it could lead them towards liberation and development. Hence this most recent report has been entitled The Future is Knocking, picking up where the Promise and Peril left off. Before deciding on the themes of this report, a discussion about the geographical and demographic fragmentation imposed by occupation emerged. Palestine exists beyond what has become known as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. All Palestinian people, and Palestinian youth, belong to the land, the history and the liberation struggle regardless of where they live. Sharek Youth Forum is cognizant of the fact that in order to produce a comprehensive status report on Palestinian youth, it would need to take into consideration Palestinian youth residing outside of Palestine as well. Sharek did so in this report by including the views of Palestinian-Israelis and young Palestinian refugees from Lebanon and Syria1. Sharek has extensive experience working with young people and addressing a wide array of youth issues. Sharek is therefore aware that assuming homogeneity among the youth sector will bring about skewed results and hence unsuitable strategies which will only lead to the marginalization of different groups of this sector. It is necessary, therefore, to understand the differences and disparities among young Palestinians.

Palestinian refugees from the Nakba of 1948 and later wars fled to the neighboring Arab countries of Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. Others found a life further afield in the Gulf States, South America and North America. To research and produce this report, Sharek worked with youth organizations based in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Due to the delicate context in Jordan at the time of writing, it was difficult to also include the views of Palestinians living there. The sections on Syria were able to be produced prior to the serious escalation of violence there, which sadly have since affected and threatened the lives many of the Palestinian refugees in Syria.

Sharek Youth Forum

Many factors have been taken into consideration for this report and include: • • • • • • •

Geographical Distribution: Identifying the distribution of youth over different geographic areas, and the specific problems and challenges they face in each area, including factors such as proximity or distance from learning opportunities, employment, well-being etc… Economic Situation: Youth distribution among different economic classes and the realities and challenges they face. Political Situation: The political reality including the occupation, repression, open democracy and other factors that present unique challenges and therefore lead to different needs. Social reality: The societal culture and environment that determines the extent of social openness or isolation experienced by youth. Religion: Religious affiliations lead to different realities depending on the teachings of the faith one belongs to and according to how observant one is of religious doctrine. Disability: The unique obstacles faced by the young men and women who have a disability. Gender: Young men and women face a different reality as a result of community perceptions and expectations, among other issues.

The vastness and diversity of potential topics necessitated the careful selection of subjects on which to focus in this report. It is important to note that the selection or omission of a particular theme does not make it more or less important than others. The present report consists of two sections. The first section deals with the reality of young people in Palestine, i.e. the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Jerusalem. The section contains four chapters. The first chapter focuses on the economic realities of youth, in particular the issues of poverty and unemployment. The second chapter focuses on lifestyle, in particular health and social relations. The third chapter covers youth participation and youth attitudes about some key political issues. Finally, the fourth chapter presents the issues of education and information technology. The second section of the report provides overviews about the reality of Palestinian youth living in Palestine 19482, along with the those residing Syria and Lebanon, and who are still considered refugees. Sharek Youth Forum Board of Directors

Palestine 1948 is the term used to refer to what is present-day Israel. 1948 refers to the year of the Nakba or ‘catastrophe’, which is the war in which approximately 750,000 Palestinians were forced into exile or fled from approaching Jewish military groups. Palestinians who fled did so assuming they would return to their rightful homes once the violence subsided and it would be safe for them to return. Many Palestinians took nothing more than the clothes on their back, some food and the key to their front door. Sixty-five years have passed and, to this day, those Palestinians have not been able to return to their homes. In fact, over 450 Palestinian villages have been completely destroyed. The children of those original refugees still live in refugee camps across Palestine, and in camps in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Some others are internally displaced Palestinians (IDPs), who lost all claims to their homes and land and became IDPs in other communities in what has since become Israel.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Section One:

Palestinian Youth in the occupied Palestinian territory

Executive Summary

Youth and Economic Conditions

Sharek Youth Forum

High rates of unemployment and poverty among youth All recent data still indicates high rates of poverty and unemployment in Palestinian society in general and among youth in particular. More than one third of Palestinian youth are unemployed, with the highest unemployment rate among young people with higher education. In fact, nearly half of all graduates (diploma and higher) are unemployed. PCBS (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics) reports that 25.7% percent of Palestinians lives in poverty, in relative poverty or deep poverty3, and nearly one quarter of Palestinian youth are classified as poor. Poverty rates are higher in the Gaza Strip with 38% living in poverty, compared to 18.3% in the West Bank. One cannot simply focus on the quantitative data of poverty without making attempts to understand its various dimensions. Poverty deprives individuals of freedom and opportunity, curbing the potential of young people to develop their capacities, reach their personal goals and contribute to their communities. Furthermore, feelings of frustration, desperation and uselessness not to mention the threats to human dignity generated by poverty and unemployment lead to social ills such as violence, crime and drug abuse. More young people also emigrate in order to seek a better standard of living.

Youth workers are exploited and subjected to racial discrimination in the Israeli labor market and lack of pay equity and nepotism in the Palestinian labor market The economy of Palestine was more strongly linked to that of the occupying power since the war of 1967. This has had a damaging impact on the production and manufacturing sectors, of Palestine, pushing tens of thousands of Palestinians to seek employment in the Israeli labor market, both within Israel and in the illegal Israeli settlements. This report attempts to expose their suffering, exploitation, abuse of rights and the racial discrimination they face. The experience of young workers in the Palestinian labor market demonstrates that a large proportion of them are subject to working conditions which do not meet with basic occupational safety requirements. In addition, there is no pay equity, wages do not meet basic needs (60% of young people are not satisfied with their income level), and there is discrimination in recruitment based on age and gender. Nepotism in hiring practices is also an obstacle.

High level of borrowing and debt among young people Given the difficult economic situation in Palestine, many people resort to borrowing from banks as a way to overcome financial difficulty or in order to purchase major or luxury items. Results show that 95% of respondents currently borrow from banks and lending institutions, which are the principal lending sources representing a source of loans for 46 % of youth.

The majority of youth prefer to establish their own business if they had the necessary capital The majority of unemployed youth would prefer to establish their own business. The ratio of those who aspire to establish a private business reaches 62%, but only 17% have been able to achieve their business initiative. The main impediment youth face in realizing their goal of starting up a business is the lack of sufficient capital.

According to PCBS, for a family of 2 adults and 3 children in 2012 the relative poverty line was 2293NIS and the deep poverty line was 1832NIS. Statistics released on the Eve of International Population Day 11/07/2012.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Youth and Lifestyles The youth of Palestinian society: A wasted potential The proportion of youth (15-29 years old) in Palestine has reached 29.8% of the total population. Such a youthful society brings with it great potential. Youth could be a force to advance society when the social, economic, political, legislative, and educational sectors embrace the different capacities of youth and include them in leading the nation towards achieving national and community objectives. On the other hand, without such investment and involvement of youth, this potential could go to waste and threaten the attainment of these objectives.

Youth health constitutes a central pillar of human development Health determinants in general and among youth in particular cannot simply be regarded as abstract health issues to be handled by the health system alone. Poor health and health inequalities are caused by the inequitable distribution of income, opportunities, services and the social and economic disparity and are influenced by a host of political and economic determinants at the national and global levels.

Negative health indicators While the incidence of infectious diseases has declined, non-communicable diseases such as mental illness, diabetes, heart disease and cancer have actually increased. The rate of smoking among youth reached about 15%, and as high as 28% among the male youth population. According to the young people interviewed, especially those in Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, drugs have become a serious problem. Many of them believe that the occupation has led to increased drug abuse among youth. In Gaza, youth report that the prevalence of certain drug use (such as Tramadol) has been dramatically on the rise since the disastrous siege of Gaza began.

The issue of disability has not yet been addressed from a human rightsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perspective. Family and social relations Family and social relations are still based on the concept of paternalism and the unequal distribution of familial power. As a result, there are differences in opportunities for individuals to access employment and education, among others. Paternalism is still exercised and based on dynamics of power and authority, which include variables such as age, gender, social class, family size and even institutional and party hierarchy.

Youth Participation and Political Opinions Reduced membership and increased disappointment of young people in political factions and civil organizations The majority of young people (73%) have stated that they do not belong to any political factions. They have expressed their disappointment and loss of confidence in these factions, especially for their inability to end the state of division, put aside their narrow self-interests, and allow sectors of society, especially youth, a priority in their programs. Also, with the exception of youth organizations (38% membership), there is a decrease in youth membership in various community organizations. Young people, especially those residing in Jerusalem, have stated that most of their involvement in political and community activities are in response to the occupation, regardless of the degree of confidence in their institutions.

It has been reported by 42% of the youth surveyed that none of the existing political forces in Palestine represent the Palestinian people, as opposed to 33% of youth who consider the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinians. Furthermore, 60% of the youth surveyed believe that it is not possible to establish a Palestinian State in Palestine, but that if a state is established, only 52% of them want a democratic system. The majority of young people have also expressed their support for resistance in all its forms, especially popular resistance, as a strategy for freedom from the occupation.

Youth activism: Uncertain direction and emergent experience With low rates of involvement in partisan and societal institutions, youth (individuals or groups) have resorted to seeking out other channels to express their political and social views. This has resulted in a number of activities and manifestations organized by youth movements. However, there is still a lack of clear objectives, priorities and strategies for action.

Youth, Education and IT Education as knowledge and development Investment in education is one of the most important elements of sustainable development in Palestinian society. Various development studies note that the effectiveness of development in times of conflict comes mainly from investment in human resources and strengthening the role of social capital. Therefore, investment in youth requires reassessing educational elements, namely: infrastructure, teachers, students, curricula and educational methods.

Information technology: A new space for creativity The information technology sector is able to withstand the effects of occupation and is a low cost investment. However, investing in information technology, which could develop into a competitive market, depends on available skills and capabilities in the labor force.

11 Sharek Youth Forum

Representation, the state and democracy and sweeping youth support for Palestinian resistance as a strategy

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Methodology The team working on this report adopted a participatory methodology, combining qualitative and quantitative research tools. The main statistics relating to or affecting youth are based on data provided by PCBS, in collaboration with Sharek Youth Forum. Throughout the reporting period PCBS has provided the team with the latest data, adding some analytical variables to raw data at the request of the working team.

Statistical Overview about Youth in Palestine Young people make up a vital sector in society, particularly as they represent such a high percentage of the total population. Youth enable sustainable development and the building, planning and development of future leadership. It must be noted that young people are among those most vulnerable to social, economic and environmental factors. Studying the characteristics of youth (15-29 years) in Palestine is important because of the uniqueness of Palestinian society. Palestinians have been afflicted with great suffering as a result of protracted Israeli occupation and the absence of national independence. Young people, who constitute close to 30% of the population, are deeply affected by the continued Israeli violations, on a psychological and social level. Some are pushed to the point of leaving their homeland and seeking a better life elsewhere. According to Mrs. Awad, the Head of PCBS, empowering decision-makers and directing their attention to issues concerning youth requires providing them with statistical indicators and data that may serve the goals of development as well as improve the living conditions of young people in the areas of health, education, culture, recreation, the economy and in the promotion of their political and social participation. Since the second intifada, which erupted in September 2000, the quality of life of the Palestinian people has continued to deteriorate as a direct result of Israeli policies such as closing off communities from one another, imposing a blockade and curfews, destroying infrastructure of public service sectors etcâ&#x20AC;Ś These oppressive measures have all led to a decline in the socio-economic, environmental and political conditions in Palestine. The unemployment rate has doubled, poverty has worsened and human security has been lost. The most vulnerable groups are youth, children, women and the disabled. The situation of these sectors of the population are studied with the aim of providing up-to-date data about their current reality in order for policy makers and planners to set priorities, draw plans and modify development programs. The survey for this report was conducted with 1851 young people in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Jerusalem. The development of the survey was carried out as follows: â&#x20AC;˘

Questionnaire design: The questionnaire was prepared by Near East Consulting in collaboration with Sharek Youth Forum. It was carefully prepared and took into account the unique characteristics of Palestinian society. The questionnaire was piloted by telephone on a random sample of young Palestinians to verify its clarity and consistency. Modifications were made based on the results of the piloted surveys. Questions about family structure and the household were included to facilitate analysis about income levels and poverty.

Sample selection and data collection: The survey was conducted between June 17 and June 21, 2012. A total of 1851 young people were selected, 905 of whom were interviewed by telephone and 946 of them were interviewed directly in the field. The target age group was males and females aged 18 to 30. Those surveyed by telephone were selected randomly from the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and East Jerusalem through the use of switchboards from all areas including villages and camps. Timing was chosen in a way to assure the attendance of all family members. Accordingly, the interviews took place between 9 am and 9 pm. As for field interviews, questionnaires were filled by sending field researchers from Sharek Youth Forum to the field. All surveyors underwent training to ensure consistency in survey techniques.

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Data examination and processing: All data were examined. Data cleaning was carried out and data entry was closely monitored to minimize error.

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Data analysis: Data analysis was based largely on a number of pertinent questions, and the overall results were classified according to three key variables: gender, refugee status and region (i.e. West Bank, Gaza Strip and Jerusalem).

Demographic and Social Characteristics of the Survey Sample Of those surveyed, 74% live in the West Bank, 20% in the Gaza Strip and 6% in East Jerusalem. As for gender, males constituted 45% of those surveyed and females made up 55%. Within the three geographical areas, 50% of the surveyed youth live in cities, 34% in villages and 16% in refugee camps. In addition, 44% of the respondents are refugees and 56% of them are non-refugees. The results also show that 11% of the respondents are unemployed and 30% of them work parttime, while 34% work full-time. Twenty percent study full-time and 6% are dedicated to housekeeping, these being females in almost all cases. As for those employed, the results show that 31% of respondents work in the private sector and the same percentage are employed in governmental, civil, international or academic agencies, 7% are traders or have their own businesses, and 31% are employed in vocational professions.

13 Sharek Youth Forum

â&#x20AC;˘

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Expert opinions were collected via in-depth interviews or from written contributions. Experts include decision makers from governmental, civil or youth institutions, or specialized researchers in specific topical areas. Their views and opinions are included throughout this report. Focus groups were conducted across Palestine. The groups were as follows: four groups in Jerusalem -- the Old City, Silwan, Mount of Olives and Abu Dis; four groups in the south West Bank-- Hebron, Bethlehem, Ithna and Nouba; three groups in central West Bank -- Ramallah city, Ramallah refugee camps and Salfit; seven groups in the northern West Bank: Tulkarem, Nablus city, Askar refugee camp, the villages south of Nablus, Jenin, Jenin camp and Arrabah; and six groups across the Gaza Strip: Rafah, Khan Younis, Jabalya, Gaza City, El-Maghazee and Ashateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Camp, for a total of 24 focus groups. In all, about 226 young people participated in these focus group discussions. All participants were between the ages of 15-30, representing various social segments and groups: school and university students, graduates, school leavers, laborers working in various sectors, unemployed youth, refugees and non-refugees, and youth of different economic backgrounds.

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Chapter 1:

Youth and Economic Conditions

Empowering youth is essential to improve their quality of life and increase their opportunities. This requires, however, the provision of institutional, legal, socio-economic and political incentives to encourage their involvement in various sectors in order to influence and benefit from them. Their economic participation is particularly effective as it reduces unemployment through development policies linking the needs of society and the labor market to education and training. This enables youth to find suitable jobs to ensure a decent life for themselves and their families. Youth economic participation is also vital for responsible and active citizenship. It makes youth a powerful force for development and change. Economic empowerment boosts their confidence, increases their involvement in their communities, and their ability to act and influence development so as to achieve the goals of young people on a personal and community level. One of the main challenges facing youth on an economic level is the high unemployment rate, especially among the highest educated. This is due to the general poor economic performance and the growing population whose needs are not being met. Furthermore, gender inequality in hiring practices leads to an unequal distribution of quality posts between men and women. For youth in particular, there are additional challenges related to building education and training programs in which they can be actively engaged. The lack of employment opportunities for young people is having a detrimental impact, contributing to increased poverty among the economically vulnerable and also to increased emigration among those who are educated and have specialized skills. The absence of an effective system and policies to address these issues means that these and other problems will remain unresolved and are likely to worsen. Despite all these factors, one cannot say that the situation as a whole is completely hopeless. On the contrary, there have been many achievements made in the past years. However, these achievements remain incomplete since the root problems remain unresolved.

The introductory remarks were based on the Palestinian Youth Employment Action Plan (2011), prepared by Sharek Youth Forum, and an interview conducted with the economic expert Dr. Nasr Abdul Karim, in September 2012.

17 Sharek Youth Forum

1.1 Introductory Remarks4

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The following table, based on Sharek’s White Paper, Youth Employment Action Plan 2011, specifies five main causes of youth unemployment among Palestinian youth and factors that maintain it. These are elaborated further in this section. Poor Economic Performance • Economic structure • Dependence on foreign aid • Lack of access to markets • Underinvestment • Technological development • Import Restrictions • Land Seizure • Cost of living • Skills and training

Gender Inequality • Traditional roles and attitudes • Lack of clarity of women’s roles and underemployment

Exclusion from Entrepreneurial Opportunity • Economic performance and structure • Lack of affordable business development services • Lack of access to finance • Lack of access to markets • Skills and training • Closed networks • Bureaucracy and legislation • Culture and attitudes • Capital and technology • Competition

Education and Training

Barriers Created by the System

• Gap between • Absence of a comprehensive education and the labor market national youth • Economic strucpolicy Poor representation of youth ture • overly academic in society • Lack of services courses • Cost devoted to youth • Competition • expectations of among NGOs youth • Infrastructure and investment • Lack of services

The occupation is also the central obstacle to the establishment of new businesses. In the Gaza Strip in particular, the occupation prevents new small businesses from succeeding as it is nearly impossible to procure the materials and machinery needed due to the blockade. In the West Bank, these resources are available but with limited trade potential, as the economic decline resulting from the Israeli imposed separation of areas and security and movement restrictions impede any business activities launched. There are also restrictions on investment in the regions, especially in Area C5, which constitutes nearly two-thirds of Palestinian land in the West Bank. This means Palestinians are deprived of the available natural resources including water, particularly aquifers which are located in these areas. Not only is the occupation impeding economic growth and prosperity, which is impacting the ability of youth to build their future, but the occupation also restricts access to education. As a result of movement restrictions imposed by military checkpoints and other Israeli measures, the daily journey for any young person to reach their university, which may be less than an hour away, may take hours due to delays at checkpoints. This means precious time is wasted and makes studying much more difficult than it needs to be. In addition to the occupation, poor economic performance is a main factor for disabling the effective and productive economic participation of the young. The Palestinian economy is a small economy which lacks diversity and a labor-intensive manufacturing base to absorb the large number of new entrants to the labor market. Added to this is the inability to access new markets at the local level due to security restrictions imposed by the Israeli authorities, consumer preference for imported goods and weak investment opportunities in advanced technology. Furthermore, supply constraints represent a complex problem caused by the occupation, particularly in the Gaza Strip. The majority of raw materials for manufacturing are imported, and the occupying power imposes restrictions on many imports on grounds of security. In the Gaza Strip, restrictions are imposed on a long list of commodities such as cleaning materials and cement. In addition, inflation is growing as a result of the trade deficit which exposes the economy to inflation imported from abroad, and the lack of local currency as well as the consequent inability to control monetary policy. The flow of foreign aid and remittances from abroad cause a rise in purchasing power among a limited number of individuals. With rising costs, declining incomes and growing unemployment, the difficulties faced by employers increase as they too face financial restraints to invest in employees. As a result, the availability of jobs for the expanding workforce diminishes. The second factor of youth unemployment as identified in Sharekâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s White Paper is inequality between the genders. There exists unequal opportunities between young men and young women, which leads to an unbalanced society. In Palestine, traditional roles often contribute to the exclusion of women from the labor market. The third factor is that Palestine is one of the most difficult places in the world to start a business, according to the World Bank. The blockade and imposed restrictions as well as the reliance on a service-based economy adversely affects overall production opportunities, and the ability of youth to implement productivity initiatives, particularly in business development services such as finance, training, marketing, research and consulting. 5

The West Bank, as a result of the Oslo interim agreement of 1995, which was meant to be temporary with the gradual handing over to Palestinian authorities, has been divided into 3 areas: Area A, B and Area C. Area C, which forms just over 60% of the land of the West Bank, is the only area that is contiguous. Area C is, however, under Israeli authority, both civil (planning and zoning) and military. The Israeli Civil Administration (ICA) is the branch of the Israeli government that manages Area C, in which 150 000 Palestinians, including Bedouins, live. As a result of the fact that Palestinians are not permitted to manage their own affairs on this land, a number of serious challenges arise that threaten the livelihoods and human security of these Palestinians..

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Certainly the occupation is regarded, both directly and indirectly, as a destructive factor for the natural evolution of Palestinian society, and disables it from resolving structural problems. The Palestinian economy relies heavily on the Israeli economy. An example is the reliance on work opportunities in Israel. While the occupation is the main cause for the majority of the economic problems plaguing the Palestinian economy at present dependency on foreign aid, very much due to the occupation, is another factor.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The fourth factor is education and training. Palestine had an excellent education system which succeeded in producing a skilled workforce. Nonetheless, the current workforce needs to acquire practical skills to meet the needs of the local economy so that young graduates will be able to actively participate in the economy. Young people in Palestine today have access to education and training at a high level. In many cases, however, their choice of study is made based on the availability of teachers in that domain and not on the demands of the labor market. There is a gap between education and employment that has resulted in young people spending time and money on an education that does not necessarily prepare them and assist them in getting a job upon graduation. The expense of higher education is one of the issues related to education and training. It is a problem for many Palestinian families. Another issue of concern is the training and capacity-building which dominates NGO interventions. While there are large training budgets and an entire industry created around them, the trainings are offered for free and thus youth are generally less appreciative of these opportunities. The incentive to attend and benefit from these trainings and workshops are thus reduced. Often, the long-term benefit of training trainees is weak despite the high associated costs. The fifth and final factor are barriers created by shortcomings in the system. Binding elements of society to address social problems â&#x20AC;&#x201C; families, local and national governments and non-governmental actors - are the source of solutions to problems that have been presented above and, if they worked according to what is required of them, could contribute to the elimination of the problems reviewed in the White Paper. However, when these do not provide solutions, they themselves become a barrier.

Social Responsibility of the Private Sector for the Benefit of Youth Applying the concept of corporate social responsibility began to take root four or five years ago. A number of major companies, including banks, public companies and prominent family businesses started warming towards the idea of â&#x20AC;&#x2039;â&#x20AC;&#x2039;social responsibility and putting it into effect. This happened through the development of internal systems and the specific allocation of funds. However, a large proportion of the funds assigned by the boards of directors of these companies and institutions were spent under the umbrella of social responsibility, but not on youth. Large sums of money are spent on issues which do not have the needed impact on the community and its vital institutions and sectors such as youth, employment, education or skills building. It is regrettable that funds are spent on festivals or activities which promote the company without having a real impact on the ground. The big challenge for the economy is in how to employ young people. The test and challenge is how to take advantage of available financial resources, fully conscious that one of every two young graduates needs a job. This is a major challenge where over 45% of young intellectuals and graduates of universities in the West Bank are unemployed, and more than 60% in Gaza. Thus it is a major challenge to generate jobs which match up with the specializations and certifications of job seekers. This means the way in which the funds of social responsibility are spent need to be re-considered. It would be useful to develop policies capable of guiding social responsibility in the sectors of sustainable development.

1.2 Statistical Indicators Data from PCBS from the first quarter of 2012 indicates that 36.6% of young people aged 15-29 years were economically active in Palestine, 38.7% in the West Bank and 33.2% in the Gaza Strip. The unemployment rate in Palestine among young people for the same period was 35.7%. The highest unemployment rate was among individuals 20-24 years old at 41.2% compared with 38.6% among individuals aged 15-19 years, and 29.3% among individuals from 25-29 years old. Unemployment was prevalent among young people who have completed 13 years of schooling or

Overall, more than a third of Palestinian youth are unemployed and, as stated above, the unemployment rate rises among top educated youth where approximately half of all graduates (diploma and above) are unemployed.

Poverty among the Palestinian population was estimated to be 25.7% in 2010 (18.3% in the West Bank and 38.0% in Gaza Strip) according to PCBS. It was also found that 14.1% of individuals in Palestine suffer from deep poverty (8.8% in the West Bank and 23.0% in the Gaza Strip). This poverty line for a family of five members is equal to 2237 NIS per month and the line of extreme poverty has reached 1783 NIS. The percentage of poverty among young people (15-29 years) is 26.1%, (18.4% in the West Bank and 38.7% in the Gaza Strip), which means over one quarter of all youth are living in poverty.

1.3 Selected Issues on Poverty, Employment and Unemployment: Survey Results and the Views of Youth 1.3.1 Economic Conditions Despite the high rates of poverty identified in official statistics, the highest percentage of young people participating in the survey described the economic situation of their families as average. Many of those who are classified as poor (by official poverty definitions) evaluate their situation as average. This can be explained by the fact that they have adapted to the conditions of poverty. As one youth from Gaza said in a focus group session, â&#x20AC;&#x153;We do not know anything but poverty in our lives, we dream that we will live in better conditions but as long as we live under these circumstances, we try to deal with them as if they are usual because most of the community around us live in the same circumstances.â&#x20AC;? Chart 1: Youth Assessment of the Economic Situation of their Families 39% 32%

18% 8% 3% Very Bad

Bad

Moderate

Good

Very Good

It is important to note the differences among young peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s assessment of their economic situation based on their region, gender and refugee status. The rates of young people who assessed the situation of their families as good or very good reached 52% in the West Bank compared to 44% in the Gaza Strip, and the percentage among non-refugees is 55% compared to 46% among refugees. As for differences based on gender, there was

21 Sharek Youth Forum

more, whose unemployment rate was a high 43.7%. The unemployment rate among young graduates was 50.5% during the first quarter of 2012. Graduates of social and behavioral sciences have the highest unemployment rate at 60.1%, while graduates of engineering programs scored the lowest unemployment rate with 33.7%.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

no difference between the assessment of young men and women in regards to the economic situation of their family. In an attempt to determine the disparity between the assessments of surveyed youth from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and that of refugees and non-refugees, the opinions of young people in the focus groups conducted in Ramallah and in Gaza were closely examined. The views of these young people demonstrate that their personal assessment of the economic situation of their families is not defined by the official definitions of poverty or by statistics. Rather, they are based on their daily experience and on the circumstance in which they live. In Gaza, for example, the majority of young people believe that assessing the true economic situation of the family is not just about the familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ability to obtain basic needs, but also extends to the ability of the family to save money due to the instability and to their expectations regarding their future. The majority of official Palestinian statistics and data collected by local and international NGOs have shown higher poverty rates in the Gaza Strip compared to the West Bank in recent years. This is due to the siege experienced by Gazans, and is compounded by the high population density and the scarcity of resources, production opportunities and investment. The young people who participated in the focus groups in the Gaza Strip shared their personal stories of trying to overcome poverty, living under siege and the difficulty of their situation. Others revealed the lack of options and little hope for the future in the Gaza Strip.

1.3.2 Poverty and Unemployment: The Most Serious Issues Facing Youth One of the contributing factors to the continued rise in poverty is the high unemployment rates among young people. Nearly one third of young people are unemployed, and half of all graduates with more than 13 years of education are out of work. Hence, a reduction in the rates of poverty cannot be achieved without policies that bridge the capacities of young people and their qualifications with the needs of the labor market. More importantly what is needed is investment in the production and manufacturing sectors so that they can employ larger numbers of young people.6

For more details on the harmonization of education and the labor market, refer to a study released by the Center for Development Studies, 2010, entitled â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Improving the Flow of Information between Universities, Youth and the Labor Market and Enhancing Education and Workforce Developmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Also refer to the Youth Employment Action Plan, Sharek Youth Forum, 2011.

There are some institutions that give opportunities for partial or temporary work to young unemployed people, though these barely cover their basic needs. For example, a young man revealed to us, “I graduated from accounting college three years ago and the only job opportunity I had was through relief projects. This only covered half of my needs, which meant I still needed to look to my father for support.” Many government strategies and NGO studies and reports have dealt with the policies and produced recommendations to try to reduce poverty and unemployment in general and among the marginalized groups of women, children and young people in particular. However, even when put into effect, these strategies and recommendations have not achieved any real results. The combination of the occupation, an over-reliance on external financing and the economic policies of the Palestinian Authority are barriers to building a self-reliant economy. To eliminate or reduce the impact of these elements, these realities need to be challenged head on.

The Crisis of Graduate Unemployment in the West Bank and Gaza: Institutional Perspectives Doa’a Wadi, Executive Director of the Business Women’s Forum, believes that building on youth initiatives and leading projects are the main mechanisms to reduce unemployment among youth, and to turn young people to vocational education. The first element requires directing and mobilizing resources to build and support youth projects, while the second requires substantial amendments in educational policies and curricula. More efforts are needed to encourage youth to seriously consider a vocational track rather than the academic track to university. Muhammad Mubayyed, Regional Director of the International Youth Foundation, considers it necessary to develop a strategic plan in partnership with all relevant parties including youth, their families, universities, the Ministry of Education and Higher Education and the private sector. This strategy must include a focus on guiding students, keeping in mind their preferences and the needs of the labor market. He also believes there is a need to encourage and stimulate entrepreneurial and creative youth initiatives that empower young people and graduates to start up their own business and lead to economic and social entrepreneurship. The Palestinian labor market does not necessarily conform to accepted standards of occupational safety nor are there equitable wages to satisfy the basic needs of the people. In addition, discriminatory hiring practices are still in place as is the proliferation of nepotism and cronyism. About this, a young unemployed man in Rafah had

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Rising unemployment among university graduates has led to a state of frustration among youth. One of the interviewees from Salfit said, “I am frustrated even before I graduate, since many young people who graduated a year or more before me are still not employed.” Moreover, the limited labor market obliges some employers to demand that their employees take on extra tasks, despite the fact that they may not be in line with their specialties and studies. A young man from Tulkarem talks about his experience working as an electrical engineer, “I am an electrical engineering graduate and hold the electrical engineering license. How can I work as a farm laborer or in carpentry? I want to develop my abilities and experiences in my field. If I work in any other field, I am afraid I may forget what I learned in my specialty. I am constantly looking for an opportunity that fits my expertise. I worked as an electrical engineer in a company but, as there was a lot of free time, my employer started asking me to clean the workplace. For this reason I left my job because I considered it as an insult to me. I am currently unemployed and waiting for an opportunity although I know that my chances are not strong.”

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

this to say, “Look, it is true that some people work and succeed because of their capabilities, but these are few. About 90% of employees belong to a political party that has hired them, or their father is the owner or one of their relatives is a director of the institution or whose husband is a professor in some university or through some of their friends. This is the situation in our country today...” Attaching the economy of the occupied Palestinian territory to the economy of the occupier has led to the distortion and destruction of different structures and production sectors in Palestine. This has led to tens of thousands of Palestinians to participate in the Israeli labor market. It is important to address the experiences of young Palestinians working inside Israel or in the settlements. Their testimonies express suffering, discrimination and unjust treatment. Some are even blackmailed when trying to acquire a work permit issued by the Israeli authorities or when entering into Israel illegally. For example, many young people recounted their experiences in obtaining work permits, and how they were subject to pressure from Israeli authorities to cooperate and collaborate with its security services. Others were obliged to pay large sums of money to a contractor to obtain the permit. Palestinians working inside Israel are rarely insured nor do they enjoy their full labor rights. In addition, these laborers face racism on a daily basis.

Statements and Experiences: “More than once we had to take more than 15 young people in a car that fits only 8 passengers, to drive through a rugged area in order to reach a settlement within the Green Line. We have also been shot at more than once and thank God we didn’t die then. To make a living is bitter; sometimes we face death just to get a loaf of bread…” (A young man from Tulkarem area). “Once, we crossed behind the Wall through a sewer manhole. One guy was waiting and watching for us behind the Wall and took us in his car. What I’m talking about may be hard for a lot of people, but it is harder to be a university graduate and not even have five NIS in your pocket.” (A young man from Nablus area). Some believe it is the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority to provide job opportunities for youth to prevent them from seeking employment in the Israeli market. As a young man from the town of Nouba expressed, “If the government doesn’t offer me a job then working in the settlement is the solution.” However, this does not represent the point of view of all young people. Another young man from the same town stated, “I will not work in the settlements, even if I have to die of hunger.”

Unemployment among young people in occupied Jerusalem Young people in Jerusalem also endure high levels of unemployment. However, unemployment among young Jerusalemites has unique factors. For example, there are limited Palestinian employers inside Jerusalem, meaning many of them work for Israeli employers. As a result of this young people face a number of obstacles including racial discrimination, which is manifested either by depriving Palestinians of jobs and employment opportunities, or by hiring them for jobs that do not fit with their experiences and level of education. “A young man studies for four years and at the end hangs his/her degree certificate on the wall,” said a young man from the Mount of Olives area. Young Jerusalemites need a good conduct certificate from the Israeli authorities, but this is difficult, if not impossible to obtain due to the repeated and random arrests of the youth of Jerusalem by the authorities. “It is impossible or at least very rare to find a young man in Jerusalem who does not have a security file in Israel,” stated a youth from Jerusalem. Due to the difficult economic situation in Palestine, many people resort to borrowing from banks as a way to overcome their financial difficulty or to purchase high price or luxury goods. The results show that 95% of respondents borrow from multiple sources, mainly from banks and lending institutions, which are the source of loans for 46% of young people. Chart 2: Sources of borrowing Other

Place of work

Immediate family Friend or relative Bank or lending institution

13% 30% 46%

Figures do not mount to 100% due to rounding

It is clear that the ease of borrowing from banks has raised the proportion of borrowers. A young employee in one of the banks in the city of Ramallah explained, “Through my presence in the bank and my knowledge of the old and the new loan systems, I noticed that a lot of changes took place concerning loan policies. Recent years have definitely witnessed an easing of criteria. This may be linked to the Fayyad government policies, as they intend to revive the economic situation, even if this ‘reviving’ is imaginary. Liquidity in the whole country has increased, but it is nothing but bank funds.”

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Some young people stressed that working in Israel or in the settlements has been the only source of income for many families for several years. If they cease working there, as happened to many workers in the Gaza Strip, they will be more vulnerable to poverty and destitution. In this context, a young man from the Gaza Strip commented, “There are large numbers of workers in Israel who have been working there for more than 10 years and who make their living through simple jobs such as construction, sales and selling vegetables.”

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The main reasons that prompt young people to borrow or take up loans are to improve their current living conditions, pay for education and construction. The rate of taking out a loan for education costs is higher among the residents of the West Bank, as shown in table (1).

Table (1): Main Reasons for Borrowing and Incurring Debt West Bank

Gaza Strip

Palestinian territory average

To improve living conditions

26%

18%

24%

Education

26%

15%

23%

Emergency medical conditions

Construction/ building

17%

36%

21%

To start a business

10%

12%

10%

Marriage

Other

Many of the youth who partook in the focus groups discussed their experiences with debt or loans. They described feeling the need to repay their loan and the associated difficulties. They also spoke of the needs that they were able to meet as a result of getting a loan. Most youth feel a great deal of bitterness at having to resort to loans to meet their basic needs seeing it as a result of their inability to do so through their income alone. A young man from Nablus commented on the spread of borrowing and debt in Palestinian society by saying, “It seems that all of our society lives in debt: Those who study at university get study loans, and after that they get a loan to build, a loan to get married, a loan to buy a car… Years pass paying back debt.”

1.4 Employed and Unemployed Youth: Opinions, Evaluations and Directions The survey addressed a number of issues facing young people. According to the majority of youth, the income they earn from their jobs is not satisfactory. In fact, over 60% of the participants expressed dissatisfaction with their level of income. A young man sarcastically commented on the income he earns from his job in a shop in Ramallah, “Every day on my way to work I see a statistical banner denoting that the poverty line is about 2300 NIS and extreme poverty is around 1800 NIS. I thank God that I enjoy a salary that is 50 NIS above poverty line. However, any emergency during the month may take away the 50 NIS from me to make me poor.” Income level reacts with other factors including the standard of living. Currently, thousands of young Palestinians from different governates move to the city of Ramallah to work, as there are generally more jobs available there than in the districts of the southern and the northern West Bank. These youth are confronted with a higher cost of living and higher prices for goods and services, which means that most of their income is consumed in Ramallah, or may not even suffice. A young man from the city of Tulkarem who works in a school in Ramallah commented on this, “After graduating from college, I waited for more than a year until I got appointed to a public school in Ramallah as I couldn’t get a position in a public school in Tulkarem and private schools there are rare. My salary is now 2600 NIS, but the problem is that such a salary is not enough for me in Ramallah as I pay around 800 NIS for housing and I need around 800 NIS for transport, water, electricity and phone bills. So the amount left over is minimal. I do not know how it will be possible for me to get married in the future, maybe it is better for us to remain bachelors!” Of the young people surveyed, the relationship with work colleagues ranked highest, with over 88% of them satisfied with their working relationships. The second highest assessment at 70% was their satisfaction with the quality of the work they produce, and the possibility of future development in their work. Finally, satisfaction

Sharek Youth Forum

with their relationship with senior management was shared by 66% of young people surveyed. It is notable that young people in the Gaza Strip expressed higher levels of contentment than that of the young people in the West Bank for all the points regarding the extent of satisfaction with their work. A majority of unemployed youth prefer to establish and work in their own business. The same applies to employed youth who wish to change their current job in order to establish their own business. This percentage rises among males and West Bankers. The proportion of young Palestinians surveyed who wish to establish their own business is approximately 33%. The proportion of young people in the West Bank wishing to establish their own businesses is about 35% compared to 23% of the young people of the Gaza Strip. Young people prefer to work in certain sectors more than others. For instance, some expressed a preference to work in government institutions. Most young people consider that a government job provides them with a level of job security that is not available in other employment sectors. A young woman from the city of Hebron who works in a civil institution in Ramallah says, “I have worked in four civil institutions in Ramallah during the last three years. The problem with these institutions is similar to that of the private sector - managers have all the power and may appoint and/or dismiss staff however they like. If I worked in a government job I would have gained experience within the same institution and could have been transferred to Hebron by now, which would be better for me.” According to the survey, 31% of young people prefer to be their own boss and work for themselves. The focus groups revealed that the majority of young people believe that owning a private business grants them a higher degree of independence, a chance to fulfill their capabilities and the ability to innovate. A young male from Jenin stated, “If I establish my own business my sense of independence will definitely be higher as I will have no boss and I will be able to do whatever I wish by applying my thoughts freely, without interference from anybody.” The second most important factor is job security as indicated by 28% of young people surveyed. Income was the third factor stated by 24% of respondents. A further 13% consider study and practical experience as the main factor influencing their choice or preference for a particular business sector.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Chart 3: Prefered Employment Sectors among Youth

15% Private business Govemment institutions Civil institutions Private sector More than one answer

33%

12% 15% 25%

Sixty-two percent of youth have thought of establishing their own business, but only 17% have been able to achieve the project they had in mind. The proportion of those contemplating starting up a private business is higher among the youth of the West Bank compared to the youth of Gaza. Males scored higher success rates than females in establishing their projects, as shown in Table (2).

Table (2): Establishing a business and the success rate by gender and region Region West Bank

Gender

Gaza Strip

Male

Female

Thinking to establish a private business

56%

48%

74%

52%

Success in establishing a business

17 %

17%

22%

12%

As for the main reasons behind the inability to establish a private business, the lack of sufficient capital takes first place with 69%, and insufficient experience comes second as chosen by 12% of respondents as shown in Chart (4).

Chart 4: Reasons for the inability of young people to establish their own business 2% 8%

Other Difficulty obtaining a loan from lending Difficulty obtaining a loan due to bureaucratic Lack of experience Inadequate capital

Sharek Youth Forum

More than one answer

4% Other

Figures do not mount to 100% due to rounding

In Jerusalem, focus groups were held in the Mount of Olives, Silwan and the Old City. Two primary issues emerged on this topic. The first was the dissatisfaction and lack of faith in these institutions. One reason given was that many of the organizations operating in Jerusalem exploit the sensitivity of their situation including the Judaization of the city, the confiscation of homes and the revocation of identity cards. They support the steadfastness of Jerusalemites, but without bringing about any significant change. Furthermore, institutions working in Jerusalem should operate in a way that takes into account the uniqueness of the issues surrounding Jerusalem and that focus on these issues should be at the core of programming. According to a young man, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Some institutions work in Jerusalem simply in order to increase their funding.â&#x20AC;? There is agreement, however, that a small number of institutions do provide quality programs for young people.

One young man from the old city had this to say, “We have only just began to hear the word Jerusalem in televised speeches.” One of the main forms of participation among young people is through student clubs in universities and colleges. Some observers consider that the outcome of campus elections and enrolment in these political clubs are indicators of wider political opinion. Surprisingly, the majority of young people (76%) think that student clubs represent the interests of the institution they belong to and the political faction they represent. Seventy-three percent indicated that the student union at their academic institution, regardless of the political faction of which it is formed, concentrates its activities on politics (in the narrow factional sense) rather than on the demands of students.

Participants from Jenin noted that the impact of the big political factions within universities limits the autonomy of students, and weakens interest in the union and student issues. They concluded that: •

•

The political parties and their leaders are more influential off campus. They also wield great power over campus politics and activities, maintaining their political agendas with little regard for the actual interests and real issues affecting university youth. Any decisions taken within the university campus must first get the approval of the political party itself. The intervention of security forces in university elections, such as the political arrests of students running for leadership before and after the elections, raises fear and intimidation among students. The emergence of family and regional loyalties within the student clubs, and within university life in general, affects student affiliations, which means the families still exert influence on the choices and the political orientation of students.

As for the participation of young people in local government, in spite of the efforts made by many organizations to encourage youth involvement, especially through the formation of youth local councils (a Sharek initiative), the results are generally disappointing. In a study of the Arab World for Research and Development (AWRAD) in 2011, results revealed the following: • • • • •

The majority of young people have a narrow understanding of local governance. % consider that the local government bodies are institutions which have a role in economic and social development, while 56% merely view them as providers of essential services such as water, electricity and infrastructure. 54% of young people have not yet voted in local council elections, while 46% said they have. Two-thirds of those who did not vote were under the legal age during the last elections (2004 and 2005). 44% of young people prefer to have a man of 35 years old or less as the head of the local council. 16% of young people said that they participated in workshops to identify priorities, and 9% were involved in planning meetings for the local authority. In contrast 37% said they participated in voluntary campaigns to serve their community. 57% of the local councils do not have any young members.

55 Sharek Youth Forum

The second issue relates to youth participation in Jerusalem. Some consider that there has recently been an increase in the effectiveness of their participation in reaction to the continued onslaught against Jerusalemite youth in general. On the other hand, some consider that youth participation is weaker due to a change in their priorities such as addressing their poverty and unemployment, although actions rejecting the occupation and its policies are present nonetheless. Others believe that participation especially in community activities is weakening, but not so for political activities. The participants surveyed mentioned the shortcomings of the PA and the role of political factions within Jerusalem.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

3.3 Young People’s Views on Political Issues Identity More than half of the Palestinian youth surveyed, 57%, primarily identify themselves as Palestinians, while 31% identify themselves as Muslims and 7% as Arabs. Differences in the definition of the identity of Palestinian youth emerged, depending on the region. Islamic identity is stronger among the youth of Gaza at 41%, compared with 29% in the West Bank.

Table (5): Youth Identity by Region West Bank

Gaza Strip

Palestinian

59%

50%

Arab

Muslim

29%

41%

The views of youth in focus group discussions revealed that they have several determinants of identity. The majority identified themselves according to their national identity, i.e. as Palestinians, while the remainder identified themselves according to their Arab or religious identity. There was, however, debate about which components of identity took precedence depending on the context in which they find themselves. For example, young Palestinians may be more likely to identify themselves with their national Palestinian identity when with non-Palestinians, and when sharing the struggles and sacrifices of the Palestinian people, while those residing in Arab or Islamic countries, though they do not ignore their Palestinian nationality, may focus more on their religious or Arab character. Young people seem to have some sub-national tendencies in defining their identity. Some such identities are on the basis of region (from the West Bank or Gaza), or by place of residence (Nablus, Hebron etc…), or region (the north or south). Due to the special case of Jerusalem, which is a part of Palestine occupied in 1967, Jerusalemites debated the blue identity card. (The blue identity card, or Jerusalem ID, is only given to the inhabitants of Jerusalem to distinguish them from the residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and from Israeli citizens. This blue ID gives them the right to reside in Jerusalem, but not the right to be citizens of Israel or the Palestinian Authority). Some young people argued that the Jerusalem ID is somehow a double-edged sword: On the one hand it is a blessing because it proves the existence of Jerusalemites in the city and to some extent gives them freedom of movement; on the other hand it is a curse because it has led to increased segregation between the Palestinian people.

Political Affiliation and the Position of Factions Over 68% of young people surveyed have clearly expressed that the political division has weakened Palestinians in their struggle to express and defend their rights globally, and even on a national level to rally around united national objectives. A young man from Gaza had this to say, “Ironically, we ask the world to stand by our side. How could we ask for this if we are ourselves divided and unable to reach a common position? I’m sure that we are not going to achieve anything as long as we are divided.” The issue of political division in Palestine has also had an impact on the legitimacy of existing political parties. This has been highlighted through the survey results, as 42% of young people feel that none of the existing Palestinian parties represent the people. One third of the surveyed youth (33%) believe that the PLO is the legitimate representative of the Palestinians, while 20% attribute this to Fatah and 5% to Hamas.

The Palestinian State and its Desired Political System Sixty percent of young people believe that the establishment of a Palestinian state on the land occupied in 1967 will not become a reality as a result of the complexity of the internal and foreign political situations. Some of

As for those who believe that there will be a Palestinian state one day, 52% of them prefer to have a democratic system in Palestine while 41% prefer an Islamic system. When asked about their definition of the democratic state they wish to see in the future of Palestine, one young man from Ramallah put it by saying, “A democratic state means elections, rotations in government and the rule of law.” A young woman offered her view of what she thinks may apply to democratic states, “More importantly, there is a need for pluralism. Each of us has the freedom to eat and wear and express our opinions freely and the state has nothing to do with the lives and choices of people. This is democracy in my opinion.” The definitions of an Islamic state by some young people were varied. Some of them regarded the Islamic state system as a system which applies Sharia, while others regarded the Islamic system in the sense of justice, and yet others talked about the values and ethics of society as part of the tasks of an Islamic state system. The youth were asked to identify differences and similarities among the ruling Islamist parties in Turkey, Iran and Gaza. A high percentage of participants said that the Islamic regime they desire does not resemble any of these models but that rather they are looking to major historical models such as Omar bin Abdul Aziz. There are youth who do feel optimistic about the establishment of a Palestinian state. In the Gaza Strip 54% believe this will come about and in the West Bank 35% do. The proportion of females who hold this opinion is 46% compared to 32% of males, and 44% of refugees compared to 36% of the non-refugees also believe a Palestinian state will be established. It is interesting to note that the proportion of young supporters of an Islamic regime is higher in the West Bank than in Gaza, at 42% compared to 36% respectively.

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those surveyed consider that the internal division has weakened the Palestinian position. A young man from Gaza said, “We have no unified strategy for the struggle. We are busy with the Fatah and Hamas division today. We will wake up one day surprised by the presence of one million settlers.” Add to this the poor performance of Palestinian institutions which have failed to achieve a degree of self-dependence. For example, a young man from Nablus stated, “Today we lack for real institutions. The ministries in the West Bank still practice nepotism, and in Gaza I don’t know if there is an authority at all - what we see on TV from one political faction is not of the people.” Some youth feel that due to the accelerated changes occurring in the Arab world, there is less of a focus on the Palestinian cause, as the Arab countries are occupied with their internal affairs. A young woman from Ramallah addressed this point saying, “I’m not really sure that there is a possibility for an Arab country to play an active role in supporting us these days. Each Arab country is busy with their own issues. They need to solve their own problems first.”

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Strategies to Resist Occupation “I support the full boycott of Israel. The negotiations did not give us Al Aqsa back nor did it bring back the refugees, all it did was hinder the Palestinian issue.” (A young man from Nouba in Hebron). “At a time when we need to be as one in resisting the occupation, division is growing. There is nothing new in the reconciliation process. Neither Hamas nor Fatah want reconciliation. It seems that they are preoccupied with their own interests and have no problem with the current situation.” (A young man from Khan Younis). “When we were resisting, we had the world’s attention. Today, everything has changed and no one cares about us anymore. We have lost the trump card we had in hand, we gave up resistance.” (A young man from Ramallah) The previous quotations reflect the position of the majority of Palestinian youth regarding strategies for resisting the occupation. Focus group discussions showed an awareness among young people of the failure of negotiations, which have not achieved any success over the past two decades. Youth are generally dismissive of negotiations and supportive of resistance in all its forms. They are aware that the state of division cannot be an incubator for resistance. A young man from Khan Younis argued that the state of division reflects the narrow interests of the divided parties. Some surveyed youth felt that the experience of the first intifada could form the basis for Palestinian resistance today. “The first intifada succeeded in many of its goals, so why don’t we repeat the experience now? There is nothing for us to lose,” said a young man from a village of Nablus. Others believe that the forms of popular resistance, while good, need development, expansion or adoption from the Palestinian factions. “In Bil’in and Nabi Saleh people still express themselves and take the initiative. Why doesn’t the government support these experiences? Why don’t the factions support them too?” asked a young woman from a village near Ramallah. Others believe that armed resistance can be the most effective against the occu-

There is, however, a small segment of youth who see the possibility of a return to negotiations under Palestinian terms. “Negotiations gained us an Authority. It is not possible to get everything we want all at once, and at least in this way we do not lose our youth to martyrdom and prison. If we support the position of our president and the PA, it is possible to go back to fruitful negotiations.” (A young man from Ramallah). It must be emphasized that popular resistance is not something new to Palestinians. The first intifada, which began in December 1987, was the first Palestinian mass movement involving all sectors of the Palestinian people. The intifada, through a set of clear objectives including the methods of struggle needed to achieve these objectives, was able to continue and grow as a real revolution. The intifada succeeded in imposing a new reality on the Arab-Israeli conflict. The intifada formed a framework of the Palestinian struggle, and became a weapon in the hands of the Palestinians. It became a Palestinian method of confronting the occupation head on and working to achieve the national goals of the Palestinian people, namely freedom and independence. The comprehensiveness and continuity of the intifada brought together the masses of the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, who seemed more than ever united in the face of the occupation. No one can diminish the pivotal role of young people in popular resistance, due to their involvement in all phases of the Palestinian national struggle. Young people today are in a position to outperform yesterday’s youth due to the new means available to them, such as social media, which could fuel popular resistance, and attract supporters on a regional and international level. Young leaders can work with youth to develop methods to resist the occupation in various ways: the recruitment of young volunteers in the name of national service; supporting local producers and boycotting Israeli products; launching websites to expose Israeli practices; using the media, especially social media, to connect with other youth on an international and regional level to advocate their cause; encouraging young internationals to approach their respective governments to stand up against Israeli practices; deepen their political awareness and actively participate in national activities and events and volunteer to assist fellow Palestinians who have been affected by destructive Israeli policies. Statistically, results are in line with findings from the focus groups conducted, where the majority of young Palestinians believe in resistance in its different forms as the strategy to resist the occupation. A mere 3% support negotiations as the single strategy for Palestinians to achieve their rights. If we take into account all forms of resistance, approval reached 70% of Palestinian youth.

59 Sharek Youth Forum

pation. “What is the thing that forces Israel out from southern Lebanon and the Gaza Strip? Isn’t it armed resistance?” asked a young man from Jabaliya.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Chart 9: Preferred strategies for confronting the occupation 36% 27% 21% 13%

3% Combining public and armed resistance

Combining negotiations and resistance

Public resistance and boycott

Armed resistance within the borders of 1967

Negotiations

Youth Activism in Palestine With low levels of youth activism in some community-based organizations, youth have sought other channels to express their political and social views. Social networking represented one of these channels. For instance, 27% of those surveyed considered that there is considerable Palestinian youth activity in social networking with respect to confronting the occupation and its policies, while 42% considered Palestinian action using this medium as average. The generally lower levels of youth participation in political parties versus the higher levels of activism as independents has been scorned by political forces, who have refrained from supporting young people in their objectives. One such example is the March 15 action organized by young Gazans in 2011. A young activist in the Gaza Strip said, “After the experience of March 1516 I became convinced that youth are not able to do anything without the support of political parties. Despite what I think of them, our role is to work within these parties and not challenge them.” This view was shared by another young man, “I think that the political parties are responsible for destroying the March 15 action despite youth trying to stick to them. I think that the political parties constitute an obstacle rather than a supporter for young people’s participation.” The youth movement has been repressed continually and some youth have even been arrested by the security services in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for their involvement in such movements. A young activist in Ramallah stated, “Sure youth participation is limited in the West Bank and Gaza. The authority of security may be different, but ultimately each party is interested in exercising its power and enhancing the division. In the West Bank, many young people have been arrested on the grounds of partaking in activities, demonstrations and sit-ins. Among these young people there were Islamists and leftists, and even some young people from Fatah itself. In Gaza, it is forbidden to say anything against the government there.”

16 The movement of March 15 (2011) was a call for protests to force an end to political division in Palestine; it was a call for unity. It was initiated by a group of young Gazans, through the use of social network sites, especially facebook. They also proposed a Youth National Plan for National Reconciliation for the ruling parties. Unfortunately, the day was coopted by the political factions, and the activists who organized and partook in the day’s events found themselves beaten, assaulted and/or arrested. Please refer to Sharek Youth Forum’s Situation Report 2011 for more information.

If there was a specific target for the Arab youth movement in those countries, it was to overthrow the political regimes. But what is the goal of the Palestinian youth movement? Is it to overthrow the Palestinian political system (i.e. the PA), or to abolish the occupation or is it to end the internal division? Not all participants in the Palestinian youth movement are in agreement on the main goal. There are varying views and purposes, and the lack of agreement on a single goal has weakened their position and led to argument among these activists. How could youth groups with various attitudes, affiliations, ideologies and ideas agree on a single goal? The Palestinian youth movement during the Arab revolutions as a whole was exclusive and selective. Most of the participants and leaders belonged to a narrow sector of the population, i.e. the highly educated, middle and bourgeois class and the leftist intellects and were dissociated from the broad popular base, never having experienced poverty, deprivation and destitution. This means that their views about such problems remained superficial and ineffectual. This latest attempt at youth activism lacked a charismatic leader. Advocates for activism in youth groups often did not agree and were known to attack each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s views. There was suspicion and distrust among them, and more than that there was a sense of superiority. The youth movement was not adept at making alliances and failed to reach out and attract young counterparts from other classes. Some intended to manifest themselves in the way that Arab youth did in neighboring countries, but the place, the circumstance and the players on the ground are not the same. The Palestinian youth movement is frustrated due to the current state of affairs in Palestine, including the political division and the stalemate in negotiations. Furthermore, the Palestinian youth movement has been contained by political authorities including, President Mahmoud Abbas who has met with these youth and succeeded in appeasing them by pretending to acquiesce to their demands. The attempt by some Palestinian factions to adopt youth movements has led to counterproductive results, as in the March 15th movement.

Youth Views on Revolutions and Elections in the Arab Countries The struggle of Arab youth and their rightful defense for the issues and concerns of their people came in the context of the political, social and economic deterioration witnessed in various Arab countries. This reaffirmed the importance of the role of youth in every endeavor to achieve sustainable development. Youth initiated their movement to express their discontent. Millions of Arab youth did not betray the social and political concerns of their people. These young people have shown a deep awareness of themselves, their affiliation, their identity and their history. However, the process of change requires continued involvement. It is difficult to change the opinion of those who occupy positions of leadership about youth. Change happens when institutions realize the importance of working with young people, and truly believe in them rather than just give them token consideration. The change must entail building the youthful mind on the basis of freedom, creativity and the ability to think, innovate and invent. Young people enjoy creative energy, lively spirit, physical and intellectual capacities, giving and sacrifice. In order to foresee a promising future for the young men and women, we must intensify efforts and do more business and activation of plans, programs and strategies related to young men and women to learn their attitudes and approach of their concerns and interests. Furthermore, it is necessary to find the best formulas of how to integrate them as an effective human capital, which puts various government institutions and civil society organizations in front of their responsibility.

61 Sharek Youth Forum

Most observers of Palestinian affairs consider the Palestinian youth movement as nothing more than an attempt to imitate the Arab Spring without adapting it to their unique context. The Arab youth movement in Arab countries is composed of various ideologies, but it is credited for its unity to achieve one goal which is to topple political regimes. The Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions stand out. Arab youth surprised the world by standing up to brutal police regimes. The young people of these two countries were not seasoned revolutionaries, experienced in struggle and national activities or organized as is the case in Palestine, Lebanon or Iraq. Yet there was unrivaled steadfastness and determination to achieve their goal, despite the gravity of the consequences. The Arab youth movement is credited for being completely in the hands of youth. Despite some attempts to thwart this, Arab youth persevered and have overcome many challenges.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The process of change and getting out of the dark tunnel encountered difficulties and obstacles. Despite the fact that history is saturated with defeats, hassle, risk, division and retreat, but the present and its current results establishes for a brighter and more human future. Perhaps young people constitute the essential part of change, because they are the fundamental driving force, as they produce new ideas of their generation which are most able to express their concerns. In the youth lies vitality, enthusiasm, creativity and brilliance needed for change, and the ability to give and the desire to renewal that end up with rebellion and insurrection in order to break the constraints that stand in front of their aspirations. This report is not limited to the examination of the political opinions of young people on Palestinian affairs, but also of young people’s impressions about what is going on in the region. In this context, over 67% of young people believed that the Arab revolutions succeeded compared to 33% who do not believe they have achieved much success. Chart 10: Opinions regarding the rise of Islamic movements They have clear programs and alternative systems of governance

32%

Religious reasons

32%

Absence of a alternative political force

20% 10%

Success will be short -lived Other More than one answer

4% 1%

Figures do not mount to 100% due to rounding

The focus group discussions about regional events centered on the meaning of the success and failure of these revolutions. Views of young people in this regard varied. Some youth considered that breaking the barrier of fear of authoritarian regimes in the Arab countries which experienced revolutions, whether or not they succeeded in actually overthrowing the political systems, represents a success in itself. A young man from Nablus had this to say, “Revolutions pass through phases. It is not necessary for a revolution to succeed in achieving all its objectives. What is important is that people begin to believe in their ability to effect change and break the barrier of fear they grew with.” However, others consider that these revolutions represent the beginning of change, and will not simply stop at changing the political system. “The important thing is that people acted. Years of oppression and fear were cast aside. This is just the beginning.” (A young man from Ramallah) Other young people consider it too early to judge whether or not revolutions are a success or failure. The main concern surrounding the changes in neighboring Arab countries is foreign intervention. A young man from Nouba commented about this, saying “There is no revolution, there is a process of change. However, I fear foreign interference. Success and failure is too early to judge. We need more time to witness changes.” Almost one third of young people surveyed (32%) believe that the reason for the success of Islamic parties in a number of Arab countries (e.g. Egypt and Tunisia) was due to the sympathy and religious persuasion of the people. An equal number believe that the programs of Islamic parties are clear and constitute an alternative to the regimes which collapsed. However, 20% believe that the success of Islamic parties is due to the absence of organized political forces that can compete with them. Some surveyed youth expressed optimism about the arrival of Islamist rule, and others felt that this success is only temporary and will end after the first elections, because Islamists will not achieve significant success in office. A young man from Hebron admitted, “Of course I am optimistic about the success of the Islamic parties in the elections. This result reflects people’s choices and their actual desire to change.” A young

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Gazan said, “I think that the Islamists do not have clear and viable programs, and therefore their rule will end in the next elections. People need programs which reduce poverty, eliminate corruption and lead to development, not just slogans and religious fervor.” Views varied on the possibility of reproducing the current changes taking place in other Arab nations with the Palestinian issue. Some hold the belief that there are more imminent priorities in those countries and that the Palestinian issue is too complex. A young man from Nouba commented, “Their current concern is to provide a living for the Egyptians, they have no time to spend on us.” Other young people, however, consider the changes, especially in Egypt, in favor of the Palestinian cause. A young man from Gaza City said, “It is satisfying to see Egypt open border crossings and facilitates our lives in Gaza. This in itself is a victory for our cause.”

3.4 Concluding Remarks Youth participation within their family, community and nation is an indicator of the level of development in the community. Effective youth participation leads to a society which invests in them in order to achieve development objectives, which encourages dialogue among its citizens, establishes social and political frameworks characterized by democracy, transparency, and the devolution of power; and finally, to institute flexible economic structures which incorporate social responsibility, innovation, and individual and youth initiatives. Supporting youth participation in public affairs requires a national strategy to promote the empowerment of young as both participants and contributors to the development process. It is also an opportunity for young people to have a hand in determining their priorities and needs, and participate in decision-making. Youth participation lays the foundation for several forms of effective partnership across the various sectors, and among international NGOs, institutions working with youth and those affiliated with political parties. There are a number of critical factors that need to be addressed to enable increased youth involvement: It is necessary that legislative and election laws be amended so as to ensure the involvement of young people; civil society organizations should have a greater role with young people; a national strategy with official inclusion of young people needs to be formulated; the government must encourage youth and adopt youth initiatives that create jobs and reduce unemployment; social responsibility from the corporate sector is vital, youth organizations should be supported and a culture of tolerance and coexistence among young people must be promoted. Empowering youth will enable youth participation in political, economic and social decision-making. A look at the reality of our young people today reveals the extent of their reluctance to become involved in community issues and their withdrawal from political and social activities. This is the result of the prolonged exclusion from public life that has been practiced against young people. All obstacles that prevent participation, whether political, social, cultural, administrative, economic or legal must be removed. Certainly there is a need to invest the energies, enthusiasm and creativity of young people and to support them in achieving their aspirations and in developing their abilities. Youth need to be provided with more educational opportunities for skills development and other opportunities for their social, sporting, artistic, cultural fulfillment. Increased dialogue and mutual understanding between youth and public officials is necessary to end exclusion and marginalization.

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Chapter 4:

Youth, Education and IT

4.1.1 Introductory Remarks The Sharek youth report Promise or Peril? examined education from many aspects and in much detail. In this report, the points of view of leaders of the private sector regarding the quality of higher education have been included. Two interviews were conducted, one with Mazen Sinokrot, former minister of economy and a Palestinian businessman, and another with Samir Huleileh, the CEO of the Palestine Development and Investment Company (PADICO). Mazen Sinokrot argues that higher education is poor in terms of quality and output, due to the worsening financial conditions and administrative crises suffered by universities in recent years. He cited the lack of funding for research and development at Palestinian universities. The failure of the Palestinian National Authority to meet their financial obligations to higher education institutions has led to a decline of educational services in general, and the quality of higher education in particular. Furthermore, the income of people working in the academic field is not in line with their qualifications. This has forced many academics to leave their positions at universities in order to pursue more lucrative opportunities in other sectors of employment or to seek positions abroad. Sinokrot stated that the deteriorating national economic conditions are forcing thousands of students to leave university before completing their degree programs or to forego enrolment in order to enter the labor market to earn enough for university tuition. Huleileh concurred that there are many problems facing higher education in Palestine, particularly in terms of quality. He feels that harmonizing the potential offerings of higher education with community needs, particularly those relating to the labor market, are essential. Huleileh believes that there are three key problems affecting the quality of higher education. The first is related to the way in which students choose their area of study. Most students are uncertain about their choice and often end up majoring in a subject that does not interest them but were socially obliged to or because their scores in high school limited them to that field. Undergraduate programs are not keeping pace with global changes such as in business. It is said that 20% of jobs change in terms of their demand each year in the United States, which means that every five years the employment map changes. On the contrary, Palestinian universities rarely modify the specializations offered so as to be in line with the needs of the labor market. In most cases, majors focus on accounting and management, while the private sector seeks broader and more specific majors than those offered. The second problem affecting the quality of education is related to the skills possessed by students, especially communication, language and IT skills. In general, young people possess very poor skills which makes them unable to communicate, particularly with international bodies. Some students do possess such skills, but often they are those privileged enough to be educated in the private system. The third problem is the weak link between universities and the community. The level of interaction of professors and students with the wider public and local businesses is very limited, thus restricting their experience to an academic one with little practical or work experience. He refers to Hebron Polytechnic as an exception to this. To resolve these problems, Huleileh suggests that the most important change required to attain the education standards capable of meeting the needs of the market is to reduce the number of local universities by up to half. He does not believe it is reasonable that the number of universities in Palestine is twice that in Israel. The presence of a large number of universities does not indicate the extent of openness, but rather is a sign that the concept of university is misconstrued. University is not just a learning or training center, but is also a center of knowledge and scientific research. The large number of universities, compounded by the lack of financial resources, inevitably leads to a decline in the quality of education. Teaching focuses on traditional methods, which is relatively economical, and there is little provision of necessary equipment or investment for development and research. It would be beneficial to convert part of the universities into dedicated university colleges which work on retraining staff in fields such as health and education. Huleileh also urges existing universities to extend their geographical reach. This means that the University of Hebron, for example, should have branches or faculties in other locations in order to give universities a national

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4.1 Education

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

character. What more, universityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s need to reduce the number of university students they admit each year. Vocational and technical colleges, on the other hand, need to increase enrolment so as to meet the needs of the labor market. What is especially in demand are technical graduates with strong qualifications (four years of study for instance) who are quickly absorbed into the labor force due to the real link of technical skills to the labor market. Changing admissions policies would reduce unemployment among university graduates and supplement the actual labor market with its needs for multi-disciplinary skilled graduates. This would require appealing to the community to change its opinion and to support technical education, rather than only valuing university education.

4.1.2 Statistical Indicators National statistics for 2011 show that 44.8% of young people (15-29 years) are enrolled in education, 84.9% in the age group (15-17 years), 50.8% for the age group (18-22 years) and 11.9% in the age group (23-29 years old). Statistics further indicate that dropouts and school non-attenders rates for the youth in Palestine has reached 29.7% (34.2% for males and 24.9% for females). The 2011 data indicate that the proportion of males (15-29 years old) who have completed their first university degree or higher reached 8.6%. It is higher for females (15-29 years old) with a percentage of 11.1%. As for those who did not complete any educational stage, the percentage is 3.5% for males compared with 1.7% for females of the same age group. Furthermore, data indicate that 0.7% of young people (15-29 years old) are illiterate, 0.8% for males and 0.6% for females.

4.1.3 Young Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Views on the Education Sector Educational Level and Academic Specialization The satisfaction with education may determine the future of young people and their relationships to the labor market. The results highlighted that 65% of respondents were satisfied with their academic specialization, which encourages them to pursue their education further. Some youth expressed that they would like to complete their education after entering the labor market, but that constraints may limit this ambition. Chart 11: Youth satisfaction with their academic specialization and level of education

Yes

18%

To some extent

17%

Satisfaction with academic specialty Satisfaction with level of education

23%

28%

65%

48%

Figures do not mount to 100% due to rounding

Thirty percent of youth stated that they were not satisfied with their academic specialization and only chose their area of study due to the financial conditions of their families which prevented them from choosing another specialty with higher tuition or to enroll in another university which offers their desired specialty. This is especially true in the Gaza Strip and among young refugees. Many youth were not happy with their high school tawjihi scores because they were not high enough to get them accepted into their preferred area of study. Unfortunately, there is little career guidance available in schools to assist students in choosing their university program. Most youth therefore made their choice based on recommendations from others, especially parents. Chart 12: Reasons for youth dissatisfaction with their academic specialization 30% 27% 21%

11%

Financial circumTuition costs prevent- Did not know what to Pressured by family to stances prevented ed me from studying study when making a study this subject me from choosing my what I wanted choice desired specialization

11%

Other

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Violence in Schools The issue of violence in Palestinian schools is still a topic of concern within the educational system as a whole. Violence in schools is unique to other countries due to the occupation as the violence of the occupation has a detrimental impact on the children, youth and teachers. Students and staff experience harassment from the Israeli army and settlers in many parts of the West Bank. In some areas, such as the old city of Hebron, parents prefer to keep their children home rather than send them to school and potentially put them in harm’s way. Survey results showed that 38% of young people believe that violence in schools is still widespread, and 44% think it exists to some extent, while only 18% do not believe it to be an issue. What is noticeable here is that the youth of the West Bank, especially males, believe that violence is prevalent in schools compared with their counterparts from the Gaza Strip youth or females. In 2011 PCBS conducted a study about violence. It was found that about 9% of youth 18-29 years old were exposed to psychological violence at the educational institutions. This included name calling, shouting, threats, cursing, insults etc… As for physical violence, 4.2% had been exposed to acts such as punching, kicking and beating in school or at university. This was composed of 6.7% males and 1.5% females. According to the same survey, 0.8% of youth (0.7% males and 0.9% females) stated they were the victims of sexual abuse at school or on campus at least once in the preceding 12 months. This leads one to question how many youth have been exposed to violence in one form or another but are too afraid or ashamed to admit to it, particularly in the case of sexual abuse. Teaching Sex Education in Schools Despite the fact that Palestinian society is conservative and tends to avoid discussion on sexual matters, survey results showed that 60% of young people agree or strongly agree that sex education should be included in the school curriculum. The high percentage may be due to the fact that the sample study is composed of young people who may have more liberal opinions than the older population, who still cling to customs and traditions. Youth in the West Bank in particular support the inclusion of sex education in schools. Education in occupied Jerusalem Jerusalem is isolated from its Palestinian environment through blockade, barriers and restrictions on freedom of movement and residence. Palestinian Jerusalemites are in the unique position where they do not enjoy either Palestinian citizenship or Israeli citizenship. The complexity of the situation of Jerusalem has made Jerusalemites vulnerable to deportation and harassment as well as to racist policies against them from the Israeli authorities. Hence, all aspects of life are exposed to the occupation and its policies, which make life intolerable. The education sector, for example, faces some serious challenges in Jerusalem. They include: • • •

The presence of five different educational systems in Palestinian schools in Jerusalem, namely: the schools of the Islamic Waqf, schools affiliated to the Israeli Department of Education (Ma’aref), schools of the Palestinian National Authority, UNRWA schools and private schools. The Judaization and Israelization of the curriculum. The Ministry of Education recently imposed Israeli subsidiary curricula to be taught in Palestinian schools in Jerusalem so as to reflect the Israeli version of the conflict. Not allowing a Palestinian university to be established in Jerusalem, which means that Jerusalemite students have to study at universities in the West Bank, which do not enjoy the recognition needed to be employed in the Israeli market.

4.2.1 Introductory Remarks17 In a world obsessed with the Internet and greater access to the vast amounts of available information, the world of telecommunications continues to expand in peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lives. Today two-thirds of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population possesses a mobile phone, more than one-third uses the Internet and a billion people are affiliated with online social network sites. The last twenty years have seen a digital explosion which has also impacted Palestine. Technology entered into the lives of young Palestinians and has brought about many positive effects, but also brings with it some uncertainty due to its newness and potential power. Despite youth accessing digital information and news in unprecedented numbers, this has not yet led to the emergence of a well-informed Palestinian society, or to a strengthening of the youth movement towards coordinating their efforts to achieve clear goals. The combination of youth, the Internet and knowledge is a powerful one but requires a concerted effort to achieve the goals of the national project and continue to be steadfast. What is needed is an approach from youth which contributes to the betterment of society through the use of technology, and employing it in a meaningful way to attain national goals. According to PCBS, in 2011 two-thirds of Palestinian youth, had access to computer technology. This is wasted unless there is coordinated and balanced effort to address national concerns and use technology as a tool for development.

4.2.2 Statistical Indicators The data related to information technology over the past years has shown that remarkable development has occurred in the areas of access and use of information and communication technology among young people. The data of 2011 showed that the percentage of youth (15-29) who use computers reached 67.5% in Palestine, 70.4% in the West Bank compared with 62.7% in the Gaza Strip. This contrasts with the statistics of 2004 which showed that 47.6% used computers in Palestine. The gap between males and females with regard to the use of computers has diminished, with the proportion of computer use among males being 69.8%, versus 65.0% for females in 2011.

17 Contributed by Dr. Sabri Saidam.

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4.2 Information Technology

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The percentage of young people in Palestine who have e-mail in 2011 was 42.9% (51.1% males and 34.4% females), with 45.9% in the West Bank, and 38.2% in the Gaza Strip. This is three times higher than the rate of 2004, which was 14.3%. Data from 2011 indicated that the percentage of young Palestinians who own a mobile phone is 75.2%, with 79.4% in the West Bank and 68.5% in the Gaza Strip. This is up considerably from 2004, when the rate of ownership was 34.9%. The current figure varies significantly between males and females, with 86.3% of males owning a phone and only 63.7% of females. National data showed that 49.8% of Palestinian youth do not read the daily newspapers or magazines at all, 40.4% in the West Bank and 65.1% in the Gaza Strip. However, 87.2% of young people in Palestine watch TV on a daily basis, 27.1% listen to the radio daily and 24.3% of them use the Internet every day.

4.2.3 Young Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Views on the Information Technology Sector Internet is the primary source for information for young people, followed by satellite television. As for the main source of information among young people, more than half of them, 55%, use social network sites such as Facebook and Twitter, particularly in the West Bank. Sixty-eight percent follow the news online, especially in the Gaza Strip. These percentages are higher among males compared with females. Chart 13: Sources of Information 49%

18% 8%

Internet

Satellite TV More than one source

Local TV

Newspapers

4% Friends

Social media Local Radio

1% Other

Figures do not mount to 100% due to rounding

Thirty-five percent of youth surveyed stated that they spend from one to two hours per day using social network sites and 30% spend less than one hour. The main reasons given for the use of social networking websites is: communicating with friends; as a source of entertainment and to get to know people from around the world.

4.3 Concluding Remarks The educational institutions in Palestine have played a vital role in raising political, social and cultural awareness, and were a support for political action during the Israeli occupation. Since 1994, the PNA has been investing in the development and promotion of the education sector. The development of the Palestinian school curricula is one of the most important successes achieved in recent years, in addition to the five-year plan for educational reform and inclusive education, and the National Strategy for Vocational and Technical Education. However, there are issues which have yet to be addressed. School and higher education institutions have a role in encouraging participation and active citizenship and equipping students with practical knowledge that enables them

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to engage with their communities effectively and efficiently. Expanding investment in education is one of the main elements for sustainable development in Palestinian society. Various studies note that the effectiveness of development in conflict areas comes in large part by investing in human resources and enhancing the role of social capital. Accordingly, investment in young people requires re-evaluating the components of the educational process: infrastructure, teaching staff, curriculum, educational methods and students. Education is considered the most effective tool in enabling liberal development, becoming the foundation on which society is built, while at the same time resisting the occupation and its policies. Along with investment in education is a need to seek out resources that are less susceptible to the occupation. Hence it is important to invest in information technology, which depends heavily on the minds and abilities of the Palestinian people.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Section Two:

Palestinian Youth within Palestine 1948 and in the Diaspora

1. Palestinian Youth of Palestine 1948 This section addresses the most important statistical data and indicators that shed light on the conditions of young Palestinians inside the Palestinian territory occupied in 1948 (young Palestinians in Israel). This section was based on a study conducted by the Arab Youth Association Baladna entitled â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The Needs of the Palestinian Youth in Israel.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;18 The study adopted a methodology combining qualitative and quantitative research tools. The opinion poll was conducted on a sample of 11th and 12th grade students in nine Arab schools spread over a wide geographical area. The number of polled participants was 862 male and female students. Female students constituted 60% of the sample size while male students constituted the remainder. Muslim participants constituted 75%, Christians 16.5% and Druze 1.2%. In addition, meetings were held with 9 focus groups made up of 110 male and female participants between 18 and 30 years old from various communities and social groups. The groups were from the following Arab towns: Arrabah (Galilee), Nazareth, Jaffa-Nazareth, Umm al-Fahm, Tira, Haifa, Jaffa, Jerusalem, Kabul and the Negev. This section of the report consists of two parts. The first part presents statistical indicators based on information from the Department of Socio-economic Statistics and Surveys of the Galilee Association, while the second part presents the most significant results of this study by the Arab Youth Association.

1.1 Statistical Indicators By the end of 2010, the Arab population in Israel was approximately 1.3 million people, accounting for nearly 17% of the total population (not including Jerusalem and the Golan Heights). Young people under 29 years old constitute 62% of the Arab population, while those within the age group 15-29 constitute nearly 25%.

18 This study was prepared by Amtans Shehadeh and Himmat Zoubi, with the assistance of Nidaa Nassar.

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Introduction: Message from the Youth of Palestine to All Palestinian Youth

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

The percentage of Arab citizens participating in the labor market in the year 2010 was around 41% (92% employed, 8% unemployed, 68.8% employed in full-time jobs and 19.5% in part-time jobs). The percentage of Arab men in the labor market was 60% in 2010 (compared with 67% in 1998) with 92.3% of them employed and 7.7% unemployed. As for Arab women, the rate of participation in the labor market in the year 2010 was approximately 25% (compared with 18% in 1998); 91% of them are employed and 9% unemployed. Furthermore, results revealed that 50% of working women are employed in full-time jobs and 43% of them in part-time jobs. The average net monthly household income in Israel in 2010 was nearly 14,400 shekels (equivalent to 3800 USD). For a Jewish family the average was 15,300 shekels (4037 USD), and for an Arab family it was 8,716 shekels (2300 USD). The percentage of poor Arab families reached around 54% of the total Arab families (constituting 38% of the total poor families in Israel, and 15% of all families). In contrast, the rate of poverty among Jewish families was 15% and reached 55% among Haredim families (i.e. ultra-orthodox Jewish families), constituting nearly 13% of all poor families in Israel. There has been a decrease in the participation rate of Arabs of the younger age group (15-24) in the labor force between 1998 and 2010. This can be attributed to the fact that these youth are enrolled in higher education

The percentage of employed male and female Arab youth in the age group 15-24 years is 85% and 76.5% respectively. For Arab males aged 25-29, 94.7% of them are employed and 91.8% of females are. Participation in the labor market is influenced by the number of years of education. Data shows a marked increase in the years of education and the number of young people aged 15-24 obtaining a matriculation certificate. This reached 30.5% in 2010, compared with 22.8% in 2005 for Arab males, and 37.1% among Arab females, up from 33.7% in 2005. It also shows a rise in the proportion of youth aged 25-34 enrolled in higher education (Bachelor and Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree programs). The proportion of young males with a Bachelor degree has increased from 9% to 13.3%, and nearly doubled among females from 10.5% to 19.7% in the same time interval. The percentage of females with a Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree increased from 0.5% to 2.6% (i.e. five times more). In secondary education, 37% of Arab female students specialize in the old traditional branches of technology, while 63% of them specialize in theoretical branches. In contrast, 47% of the male Arab students are majoring in technology and 53% of them in the theoretical field. In 2008 Arab female students working towards a Bachelor degree constitute 60% of all Arab students enrolled in BA studies, they constituted 55% of all Arab students pursuing their Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree, however, Arab females only made up 36% of those completing a doctorate. Sixty percent of females and 50% of Arab male students enrolled at Israeli universities specialize in humanities and social sciences. Furthermore, 17% of Arab students in Israeli universities study medicine and specialties associated with medicine, and 12% study engineering and mathematics, while 3% study law. However, in analyzing these figures, it has been noted that these specializations remain traditional and do not contribute to changing the economic status of young Arabs. Approximately 60% of Arab women work in the fields of education, social work and health services, while 26% of Arab men work in the field of construction, 18% in industry and 6% in education. In addition, 60% of the academic Arab females and 27% of the academic Arab males choose to work in the field of education.

1.2 Results of the Study conducted by Baladna 1.2.1 Education High school students who participated in the survey were chosen from about 40 specialties in 6 different disciplines from each school. The majority specialized in the sciences. As for the reasons they chose their area of study, it was found that most of them based their decision on their interests or academic achievement. A small percentage said that the reasons were related to social pressure or due to a lack of other options. It was also found that the majority is satisfied or somewhat satisfied with their specializations at the secondary stage, although about 64% wanted to pursue specializations which are not available in their schools. The majority of the participating students indicated that they wanted to continue with their specialization in university. Among the surveyed students, 30% reported that they want to study medicine or related disciplines, 16.5% wanted to study science, engineering and technology; 2% preferred law; 2% wanted to study education; 7% chose to study social work, 5% preferred the social sciences and 2% liked human sciences. When it came to choosing their university major, nearly 50% said that selection is greatly influenced by employment opportunities in the country, and nearly 42% said that the availability of employment opportunities in Arab towns and villages have much impact on the selection of their major.

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and hence do not enter the labor market until they are older. In contrast, participation rates of the older youth (25-34) is higher than the general rates for Arab participation in the labor market, and the most prominent is the percentage of young Arab women in the labor market, which reflects the desire of Arab women to be actively engaged in it.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

In the area of infrastructure and equipment in Arab schools, 44% of the surveyed students reported that equipment and infrastructure are enough according to their assessment, 31% said it is hardly enough, and 25% said it is not enough. Respondents cited several obstacles facing Arab students completing their higher education, on a political and personal level and due to the structure of the Arab educational system.19 Of the respondents 13.5% reported that the low quality of education provided in the school system is a fundamental obstacle; 16% said that the Hebrew language is an obstacle; 10% said that the lack of an Arab university is an obstacle, and nearly 40% said that racism towards Arabs constitutes a major obstacle. Despite the awareness of the obstacles facing youth in the pursuit of higher education, and their claim that schools do not prepare Arab students adequately for university education, nearly 60% of students want to continue higher education, and 81% prefer to do so in the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s universities. The results indicate dissatisfaction among young Palestinians in Israel in regards to the performance of Arab schools in Israel, where schools seem to only be interested in student achievement and ignore the development of individual and collective identity. Schools also ignore, and sometimes even suppress personal skills and talents. Participants in focus groups also describe teaching methods as traditional, and do not prepare students for life beyond school nor do they provide them with critical thinking skills. Given the lack of academic guidance in Arab secondary schools, it appears that young Palestinians in Israel are confused when choosing their university major. Many of the respondents selected traditional disciplines (young males: medicine, law and accounting; young females: languages, nursing and social work). The participants explained the reasons for their choices stating that, in the absence of post-secondary career and academic guidance, young Arabs seek information and advice from family, neighbors and friends, and that their choices are influenced significantly by traditional gender and social opinions. Most of the participants explained that Arab students are not aware of the diverse fields of specialization in universities and colleges and this is further reason students choose to pursue traditional disciplines.

19 In Palestine 1948 it must be noted that while there are some Arab primary and secondary schools, which offer the Israeli curriculum, there is no Arab university.

1.2.2 Labor Market The results of the study indicate serious limitations in the labor market for secondary and university students. As stated by many of the participants in the focus groups, there is a lack of employment opportunities in general, and during the summer holidays and after finishing high school in particular. A large proportion of those who did find work noted that the working conditions for this age group are unfair in terms of salaries, social rights and working hours.

Nearly 48% of the students surveyed work while in high school. Four percent of them work fulltime, 4% only work on weekends, 21% of them work in the summer holidays, and 8% of them help out in the family business. However, 52% of them do not work at all during their secondary education. According to the survey, 45% of students do not enjoy legal working conditions. Twenty-five percent of the respondents report that they have worked or are working in very good working conditions, 38% of them in good working conditions, 12% said it is good, and 10% believe they are being exploited. The difficulties faced by students in secondary and post-secondary education are reflected in the choice of study and career. On the other hand, young males and females who do not wish to pursue higher education and want to enter the labor markets face a shortage of jobs, or are limited to jobs in specific areas. Young women face greater difficulty because they prefer, in general, to look for work in Arab towns and villages. Difficult economic conditions facing the Arab community in general compel students in many cases to work and study at the same time, and some even have to drop out of education in order to help support their families. Many of the participants in the focus groups said they were forced to work before starting their university studies so as to contribute to the costs of education, compared to the smaller number of participants who were financially supported by their parents who pay for all of their educational expenses or through scholarships or special student working programs.

“I had to work in a boutique in one of the Arab cities for 10 hours a day for 100 NIS, not to mention during the holidays when we work day and night with poor working conditions... I worked there because I did not have many other options. This is what was available and this is the market.” “I work at a gas station in my town, inside the shop as a cashier. I don’t serve the cars because this is not considered acceptable in our society or town. If I was working out of town though, I would not mind serving the cars and pumping gasoline.” The results of the field study show that the vast majority of male and female participants in the focus groups are unaware of the needs of the labor market in Israel and do not pay it much attention. Results also show that most of the participants do not have enough information about the needs of the Israeli labor market in terms of scientific disciplines or professional specializations demanded, especially in the latest hi-tech technology sector, or even those of the industrial technological disciplines.

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Focus group discussions and surveys revealed the presence of obstacles due to the structure of the educational system, in addition to discrimination against Arabs, both of which create challenges for Arab students pursuing their higher education in Israeli universities. For example, the Hebrew language is one of the central difficulties facing Arab students in their first year of higher education. Furthermore, most of the participants noted that they face a so-called ‘culture shock’ when they enter into Israeli universities and colleges. In addition, the results of the study indicate that most students and their parents struggle to finance post-secondary education.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Israeli racism towards Palestinian youth: The State of the Labor Market Arab youth suffer from discrimination in the Israeli labor market, and this is one of the serious obstacles facing the building of their professional future. One of the participants said about the discrimination in the Israeli labor market: “I know of three or more companies that don’t allow the employment of Arab people. Even in companies which do employ Arabs, the Jewish employees in these companies are treated much better even if an Arab has the same capacities they have.” “Before starting my education, I wanted to study economics, but I thought what would I do with an economics degree after graduation? At best I would become a bank employee making 4000 NIS a month. We are not like Jewish students who study economics and then find work in investment companies or brokerage firms. We know nothing about this field which is centered in the cities only. Now I am considering working in the Negev in the field of social work. Jobs are available there.” Racism in the Israeli labor market is one of the reasons why Arab youth try to find work locally, as stated previously. The results of the focus groups show that a high percentage of the respondents prefer to work in the local labor market and in their region of residence, especially young women. This is also based on social and family reasons.

Another participant said, “I, for example, wanted to be a nurse, but my family said that working as a nurse means that I have to work late nights and with the responsibility of house and children, it would be too difficult to balance the two. They said it is hard for a woman to work at night so it would be better for me to study social services for example. My mother always advised me to be a teacher so I will be home by 1:00pm.” Overall, the Arab domestic market is small, undeveloped and limited in terms of the economic branches and professions. Hence most employment opportunities are found with the local authorities, and in the education and service sectors, which provide work for a large segment of Arab society, especially Arab women. There are several barriers to Arab youth in the local labor markets, in part due to political and economic conditions that mean that the local labor market is limited and does not have enough industrial or commercial capacity to accommodate young people’s employment. Local Arab markets are small and do not provide enough economic stimulation. Their ability to expand and hence employ more people is limited, particularly in small-scale industries and the service sector. This was evident in the focus groups. For example, one participant said, “One of the problems that I face is that I cannot open a car repair shop for only 10 or 20 people.” Additionally, there are obstacles related to domestic politics in Arab society such as family attitude and competition. One of the female participants commented on family ties constituting an obstacle to find work with the local authority. “I want the municipality to employ me. If you are a son of a well-known family, it is guaranteed that you will get employed, otherwise you won’t. The lawyer and the engineer can work for themselves, but what about the teacher and such professions? Everything else is related to the government.”

1.2.3 Identity Twenty-seven percent of respondents identified themselves as “Arab Palestinian” and “Arab Palestinian in Israel”, only 5% as “Arab Palestinian Israeli,” 6% as Arab, and about 25% identified themselves according to their religion (such as Muslim or Christian). The remainder chose personal, family or mixed identifications. Many could not distinguish their identity specifically and rather had a plural/composed identity such as a Muslim Arab Palestinian in Israel or Arab Christian in Israel, which indicates the multiple composition in the identity of Arab youth on the one hand, and the underdevelopment of the national identity.

“I am an Arab Palestinian. I am part of the Palestinian people, and I am distinct for being in Israel, but for sure my identity is Palestinian.” “I am glad to carry multiple identities, I mean, I was born in Israel and carry Israeli identity, and I was born in a Christian environment, but when identifying myself I chose my Palestinian Arab identity. This is what I want to be known as.” According to the survey results, most young Arabs (45%) said they do not feel proud when they hear about the achievements of Israel, 13.5% said they feel negative about it, only 6% feel very proud and 30% feel some sense of pride. When away from the Zionist education system and exposed to alternative sources of knowledge offered by institutions of civil society and various parties, young Arabs begin to develop and solidify their identity. Moving away from their hometown and being exposed to another reality, as well as through their experience in a society where they experience racial discrimination have also clarified their national identity. Many of the participants reported

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One of the female participants commented on this subject: “I see a lot of parents who pressure their daughters. For example there are many women who work as teachers so they will get home by 1:00 or 1:30 pm to be with their children at home. I do think that this is the situation everywhere and it is not limited to a certain area.”

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

that they had a more solid idea of their national identity in the post-secondary education stage, especially when they enrolled in Israeli universities and experienced the shock of political and cultural racism against them. “I remember that for many years on ‘Independence Day’ the Israeli flags were fluttering on our car. But when I started joining activities of an organization, the situation changed and my family witnessed some kind of transformation. I started to explain the reasons for this change in situation to my brothers.”

1.2.4 Social Issues and Attitudes The poll results show that a high proportion of young people are aware of a number of negative phenomena among the Arab community in Israel. The most important of which are the following: Survey data indicate a rise in drug abuse and alcoholism, as well as violence and criminality. Seventeen percent of those surveyed reported a serious drug abuse problem and 61% of them argued that this abuse is average or above average. As for alcoholism, 26% considered it a significant problem in Arab society, compared with 56% who considered it average or above average. Also, a large majority acknowledged the presence of violence and criminality in the community. The results of the survey and focus group research showed a consensus among most participants about the inequality between the status of Arab women and Arab men. According to 56% of the students surveyed, women’s work is just as important as men’s, 12% reported that it is important only if the man is not earning enough for the family, 20% reported that it is important only if it does not prevent the women from complet-

One of the female participants commented on the reactions encountered when she returned from work in the evening saying, “My work always starts after 2:00pm and finishes at 9:00 or 9:30pm. I have to close the shop and take the key home with me. I close by 8:30, sometimes 7:30 or 7:00pm and I walk home since I have no car or money for a cab. I think it is normal but people consider it strange for me to walk at night.” About conditional equality one of the participants says, “Wait a minute! In my view, women’s rights include her right to education and to work even if she has to spend the night elsewhere. Women have the right to work day or night, but at the same time women should be forbidden from having too much freedom so as to limit their exposure to society.” Another participant says, “There has to be equality but a limited one.” Regarding the role of parents in maintaining the present social roles, one female participant said, “You are talking about the status of women, but in many families the mother, for example, educates her daughter that when she reaches the age of 18 she should marry. The mother is not as concerned with the girl’s education. We ourselves ask for equal status for women but at the same time the majority of our society educates their daughters that marriage is the most important thing.” Violence is one of the greatest risks facing the Arab community, according to the Arab youth. Nearly 75% of students surveyed said that the phenomenon of violence exists prominently in the community. As for physical attacks, only a small percentage stated that they had been assaulted at school (5.5%) or at home (4%) or in the neighborhood (4%). Nearly 20% said they had been subjected to verbal violence by teachers at school, 30% by classmates and 17% in town. When asked, “Have you seen acts of violence toward others?” the responses changed drastically, as nearly 40% reported witnessing violence in class, 68% in the school, 15% at home, and 55% in the neighborhood. This implies that Arab students prefer to attribute scenes of violence to others, and say that they were witnesses to it, but deny getting personally exposed to violence, perhaps due to shame. In the focus groups conducted with older youth, the results were clearer, which may indicate once again that the more mature youth have the courage to deal with the negative aspects of society and accept the existence of such problems. The focus groups also spoke of high rates of violence in Arab schools. For example, a female participant said, “School violence was so prevalent that I stopped attending class. I mean I took a mathematics course outside of school at my own expense, and I did not learn any English in class.” Of the strongest sentences spoken in the context of the violence that has swept the Arab community came from a participant from the Jaffa group who stated, “Violence and murder have become commonplace in our lives. We are accustomed to murder and the loss of friends. I graduated from school three years ago and since graduation one of my classmates has been killed every year.” As for the causes of violence, the youth accused the Israeli establishment for the spread of this phenomenon. One male participant said, “We are a society which lives without police. What would you expect from such a society? For example, if someone attacks my uncle in the street, I expect my uncle to go to the police so

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ing household tasks and 4.5% reported that women’s work is not important at all. On the other hand, the survey showed that there is a high level of acceptance of women’s rights in the areas of education, employment and living outside the home to pursue education, even to travel outside the country in order to study. However, when discussing individual rights and personal freedoms for women, there was a significant decline as the idea of women living outside the home to work, to spend leisure time with companions, or to travel outside the country for a holiday was not greatly supported. For example, the majority of participants (86%) reported the completion of higher education for women is very acceptable, but this rate decreases dramatically when talking about women living outside the home in order to work, as nearly 47% of respondents reported this is extremely unacceptable, and only 19% believe it is very acceptable. The majority of students (50%) reported that young women going out with friends without the company of a family member is not acceptable, while 22% reported it is very acceptable.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

they may solve the problem, but my uncle has no one to resort to, therefore he heads to my father and cousins to solve the problem.” The last community issue addressed by the study is religious affiliation and relations between families. Fifteen percent of the respondents said that sectarianism does not exist in the community, 44% said it is present with medium or low intensity and 38% said it exists with high intensity. As for relations between families in the Arab community, nearly 40% of the respondents said that the phenomenon of familism widely exists in the Arab community, compared to 18% who said it does not exist, and 30% who believe it exists with medium intensity. Youth surveyed were asked, “If you had the opportunity to live in a neighborhood inhabited by families from several communities or families of your sect only, in which neighborhood would you prefer to live?” Twenty-four percent answered that they prefer to live in a neighborhood inhabited by the families of their community and 26% preferred living with different sects, while 50% replied that they are indifferent. On the question, “Have there been or are there problems which occur on a sectarian basis between the population groups of your country?”, 11% said that problems always occur, 52% said that they sometimes occur and 37% stated that they do not occur at all. Overall, 63% of respondents said that the problems based on religion occur in their hometowns, which is a very high percentage somewhat in contradiction to student responses in previous questions on sectarianism. Poll results do not differ a lot from the focus groups results, but because of the difference in the age of participants and the fact that the participants in the focus groups were older than the school students polled, they are more realistic and more willing to acknowledge the existence of negative phenomena in society. The results of the study indicated that participants in focus groups seem aware of the existence of sectarianism between the people belonging to different sects in Palestinian society, and the existence of preconceived ideas about other different sects. For example, a young woman said “I told my sister I had two mentors, one Muslim and one Christian. ‘Did you know that so-and-so is Christian?’ She replied, ‘How do they allow him to work as a mentor?’” Another young woman stated, “If, for example, you tell someone that you used to have a Christian roommate in university it will seem like you have done something wrong. I had a Christian roommate, and the people who knew it seemed surprised. I didn’t know that she was Christian, we didn’t talk about it, I mean it’s normal!” We found that participants are aware that the Arab community prefers to avoid dealing with the issue of religion directly. For example, one participant said, “During any gathering, whenever I go I am asked about my religion –Muslim or Christian- so they know how to talk to me.” It also appeared that there is a belief that there are some aspects of discrimination in the workplace. A young woman said, “I worked in a nursery in my city, and this nursery is owned by a woman from another religion. All the time I used to feel that she treated me with arrogance and racism.” A young man from the north said, “I know an engineering company which employs nearly 15 Arab engineers, all from the same sect.” He is convinced that if he submits an application to work in that company he will not be accepted due to his sectarian affiliation. It was also found that most of the participants, young women and young men, oppose marriage between sects and prefer the existing traditions and respect for their religion. They believe that as otherwise several problems will arise.

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

2. Palestinian Youth of Lebanon 20 About half a million Palestinians live in Lebanon, which is 9.1% of the total number of Palestinian refugees in Arab countries. There are 436,150 refugees registered with UNRWA as refugees and they live in over twelve official camps as well as many communities where UNRWA is absent. The camps have witnessed very few changes since the Nakba of 1948. Initially refugees were housed in tents but as time passed, these temporary shelters were replaced with housing units built of cement and zinc sheets and then concrete. Most camps have been established in suburbs. The camps are divided into neighborhoods of compact residential units. Neighbors are no more than a meter or less away from one another. Streets are paved in dirt which become muddy in the winter and fill with streams of putrid water in the summer. The number of rooms in a housing unit generally does not exceed two or three rooms, and often 5-7 people sleep in each room, leading to health and social problems. Lebanese laws prohibit Palestinians from owning homes outside the camps, and they prevent the entry of raw materials needed for building or renovating housing inside the camps.

Palestinians in Lebanon: Living in Tragic Circumstances About 66% of the homes of Palestinian refugees in the camps suffer from moisture, mold and water leakage affecting their physical and mental well-being About 8% of households have roofs and/or walls made of tin or wood About 8% of households live in overcrowded housing (more than three people per room) About 15% of Palestinians suffer from food insecurity and need urgent food assistance, while approximately 63% suffer from food insecurity to some extent About 6.6% of Palestinians suffer from extreme poverty, meaning that they are unable to meet their basic daily needs including having enough food (compared with 1.7% of the Lebanese population) About 66.4% of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are poor, meaning that they are unable to meet the minimum food and non-food essential needs (compared to 35% of the Lebanese population)

20 This part of the report is based on a paper presented by Jana Abu Diab, Head of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;together to Palestineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; society of Lebanon, and on the results of focus groups and interviews held by Bader Zamareh in the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon.

According to one of the young women in Ein al-Hilweh camp, “This law is detailed for Palestinians only. It carries serious meaning, the most important of which is that Lebanon does not recognize Palestine as an regional Arab state, although this contradicts with Lebanon’s international obligations in this regard, the most important of which is the Casablanca protocol which provides that the Palestinians receive proper treatment and rights in the Arab countries, and this means never depriving Palestinians from owning housing and shelter under any circumstances.” It was clear during the course of the focus group discussions in Ein al-Hilweh that this law is one of the most important issues of concern to Palestinians in Lebanon, because it maintains the discrimination against them and limits their most basic rights to decent life. A young woman asked, “Does rejecting settlement mean inflicting injustice on Palestinians who have been driven out of their homeland and whose circumstances led them to Lebanon? Does this mean they may prevent them from earning a decent living and their right to own property, establish associations, have decent housing, and receive medical care and hospitalization...?” Another young man said, “This law is the law of displacing our Palestinian nationalism and not advocating our return, as some believe.” The youth continued to express their resentment towards these laws. • •

•

“I don’t have any motive for life. Everyone here looks at us with disgust. We are not able to deal with reality and we do not think about the future. The camp is enclosed around us, and we are unable to deal with its difficult circumstances.” A young woman from Ein al-Hilweh. “As Palestinians we thank the Lebanese government and the Lebanese people for sheltering us for 64 years, but I do not understand why we should be deprived of all our rights, why we have to suffer every day and why we live in exile accompanied by daily suffering and horrors.” A young woman from Ein al-Hilweh. “In addition to the fact that we are prevented from owning property, seeking work and reconstructing existing homes, we also live in complex circumstances. Our camps in Lebanon are the worst refugee camps in the region in terms of poverty, health, education and living conditions. Walking in the alleys of the camp one witnesses the congestion, odors, sounds, noise of people and whining of the sick from the summer heat and winter cold without sign of decent life.” A young man from Ein al-Hilweh.

2.1 Education Lebanon has 68 schools belonging to UNRWA, including 6 high schools, which are attended by 32,213 male and female students. However, there are only two centers for vocational and technical training, also belonging to UNRWA. The total school dropout rate among Palestinian refugees in the age group of 7-15 years in the year 2010 reached about 8%. Only about half of Palestinian youth aged 16-18 years attend secondary school or vocational training institutes. The percentage of those who hold a bachelor’s degree or a higher degree does not exceed 6% (compared with 20% among the Lebanese).

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Young people in the focus groups talked about the Lebanese legal system that has stripped them of their basic civil rights, Youth considered the laws unfair, especially those that deny them ownership in Lebanon. One of the participants from Ein al-Hilweh camp mentioned the text of law number 296 (the first article/second paragraph) approved by the Lebanese parliament, “Ownership is not allowed to any person who does not carry citizenship issued by a recognized state, or to any person if ownership conflicts with the provisions of the Constitution in terms of rejecting settlement.” This is regarded as discrimination against the Palestinians. He added, “The Representatives of the Lebanese Parliament who have introduced the Act of Acquisition Prevention overlooked the fact that resettlement is a political decision that has nothing to do with real estate, and that Palestinians would reject resettlement and hold fast to the right of return, and that when return is possible no Palestinian would care about any real estate he owns in any place in the world because nothing can replace going back to the homeland.”

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Statistical data demonstrates overcrowding, high dropout rates and reduced opportunities to higher education. The education sector of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is facing many challenges, which are aggravated by the general conditions in the refugee camps and the situation of Palestinians in Lebanon in general. The most significant of these factors is the issue of civil rights, as Palestinians lack the right to citizenship in Lebanon, and thus their civil rights are restricted. They are unable to enroll in schools outside the refugee camps. Numerous studies have shown that most Lebanese universities do not allow Palestinians to enroll in many of the disciplines, and that there is a lack of financial resources available to Palestinian students to complete their university education. The high school dropout rates and the low level of skills have limited the chances of young Palestinians to engage and compete in the labor market. In addition, there are many restrictions on the professions and sectors in which Palestinian refugees can be employed. Despite the establishment of a fund to support Palestinian students in refugee camps in Lebanon, on behalf of President Mahmoud Abbas (the President Mahmoud Abbas Fund), the needs of students are greater than the funding available. One of the university students from Burj Barajneh camp reported, “This initiative is positive, but it only covers first and second year university students, which means that those who have completed those years of education have to manage their affairs by themselves.”

2.2 Health Care There are 28 UNRWA health centers in Lebanon. UNRWA provides primary health care services, and covers part of the costs of secondary health care in some hospitals. However, health care services for refugees suffer from a number of serious problems, most notably the lack of medical personnel in the UNRWA health clinics. There is also a scarcity of essential drugs. A young woman from Mieh Wmieh camp commented on this saying, “The patient meets with the doctor for 3 minutes or less regardless of the patient’s condition. Is it possible that two or three minutes suffice for a doctor to ask about his patient’s medical history, examine him, diagnose his illness and prescribe the appropriate treatment? Thus what results is treatment for the symptoms and not the disease. Quite possibly doctors prescribe unsuitable medicine for the patient, leading to neglect in treating the disease in its infancy, and eventually leading to serious complications. This is the reality in the camps.”

According to UNRWA data, about one third of Palestinian refugees suffer from chronic diseases such as cancer, diabetes, asthma, heart disease and polio. In this context, the young of Shatila refugee camp highlighted the most serious health problems in the camp: • • • •

A significant deterioration in health services and infrastructure. Rehabilitation and restoration, especially health clinics, are desperately needed. Limited medical staff, and the decline in health services provided by UNRWA clinics. Significant lack of medicines and financial inability to buy them from outside the camp because of the high cost, especially medication to treat chronic diseases. Emission of unpleasant odors and the spread of insects due to sewage dumped in alleys and streets among the houses, as well as incinerating garbage or accumulating landfills inside the camp.

2.3 Employment The law regulating the work of non-Lebanese residents dates back to 1964 through Resolution no. 17561. This law obliges all non-Lebanese residents who wish to work in Lebanon to obtain a work permit from the Ministry of Labor. Initially there were a number of professions which Palestinians were forbidden to practice, as many

In the Shatila camp, youth discussed in detail the proposed legal amendments to address Palestinian rights, especially employment and ownership. These amendments were submitted by a number of parliamentary blocs within the Lebanese Parliament. In its plenary session on August 17 2010, the Lebanese parliament discussed the bill submitted by the Socialist Party on the right to work. Debate on the right to own property was postponed indefinitely because, according to some of the Lebanese lawmakers, the right to own property is linked to resettlement. The results of the meeting were disappointing for Palestinian refugees and Lebanese supporters of Palestinian human rights in Lebanon, as well as the aspirations of local and international human rights’ groups. Parliament passed a law amending Article 59 of the Lebanese Labor Law and Article 9 of the Social Security Act. The amendments were ambiguous and did not meet the minimum proposals of the three laws mentioned: •

•

Amendments now require that Palestinian workers obtain permission to work as a foreigner according to the Lebanese law, but are exempt from paying for the permit fees. Note that the Palestinian worker, according to previous ministerial decisions, used to pay only 25% of the value of these fees. Amendments were also kept provided that the Palestinian worker submits documents to the Ministry of Labor to obtain the permit. This means that it has maintained the previous mechanism that obliges the Palestinian worker to go between the Ministry of Labor and the employer exposing them to blackmail and exploitation by employers who use their power to exploit them. What is really needed is to eliminate the requirement for Palestinians to procure a work permit, or at least excuse them from providing the necessary documents to get the permit. Amendments on the ban on Palestinians practicing professions such as medicine, law, engineering and others were maintained. Furthermore, they have not abolished the requirement of reciprocity, which cannot be applied in the Palestinian case because there is no Palestinian state to apply this principle for Lebanese

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as 24 professions, but now the number of disallowed careers is 73. This situation has naturally led to a steady increase in the proportion of unemployed. The percentage of unemployed Palestinian refugees has reached 56%. Palestinians are mostly employed in occupations such as construction or farming. According to a youth of Burj el-Barajneh, “We cannot apply for jobs because we are prohibited from doing so, and if we work as freelancers we cannot work easily as many challenges and problems stand in our way.”

nationals. Thus Palestinians are limited to practicing vocational trades and office jobs provided that they get the necessary work permit. Note that allowing foreigners to practice these professions, including Palestinians, is the prerogative of labor ministers themselves and does not need legislation from Parliament.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

•

As for social security, the amendments now allow Palestinian workers affiliated with the social security fund to take advantage of end-of-service compensation in which the worker himself and the employer contribute. Previously the Palestinian worker had to pay a contribution to the fund without being able to benefit from this compensation. These amendments, however, still do not allow the Palestinian worker the right to claim compensation for family, maternity and sickness laws related to it.

All in all, the legislators in Lebanon have emptied the content of the laws proposed in Parliament and did not change much in the end. They postponed discussion of the main issues such as ownership and resettlement due to political factions.

2.4 Personal Security and Freedom of Movement Refugee camps are surrounded by Lebanese security and military checkpoints at all entrances and roads leading into the camps, which have turned camps into isolated security hotbeds. The Lebanese security forces do not interfere with what takes place inside the camps. This falls on the political and military Palestinian forces, which wield much influence within these camps. The Lebanese security forces inspect male and female refugees at the entrances of the camps. One of the participants from Ein al-Hilweh reported, “The camp is always closed and surrounded by checkpoints of gendarmerie and security forces, and no one is allowed in except for those with special permits.” There is a growing phenomenon of armed groups, particularly those involving nonPalestinians and which are not part of the political fabric composing the Palestinian situation. This means that camps are becoming areas of unbridled security with militant forces trying to control the inside. The refugees are paying the bill of this lawlessness and armed presence, which means that the Palestinians in Lebanon are all victims of the practices of these armed groups, which constitute only a small percentage of camp residents. According to a young man from Ein al-Hilweh camp, “We have become a ‘security problem’. No one considers us as humans with rights and duties.” In addition to the armed militants, there are many of those fleeing the law or wanted by the Lebanese state, who hide away in the camps away from the threat of the security forces. This has added to the complexity of the situation in the camps, and increased security measures in their surroundings. The reality of life inside the camp is reflected by the security practices toward Palestinians outside the camp, since the movement of Palestinians and any aspect of their daily lives is controlled. A young man from Ein al Hilweh stated, “Even outside the camp we feel threatened all the time. Even if we are innocent, we will be implicated in an incident simply because we are Palestinian and will face terrible treatment. Treating a Palestinian is different than treating a Lebanese national. Palestinians are treated harshly.” The lack of basic rights guaranteed by international law and Lebanese law isolate youth from the Palestinian and Lebanese community around them and leads them to join armed militant groups. The youth join Palestinian armed groups inside the camps or the Lebanese armed factions in the vicinity of the camps for a small amount of money which does not even satisfy their minimum needs. Informants have appeared recently, paid off for less than fifty dollars, but risking the personal security of the people of the camps. These realities interact with poverty and unemployment creating new problems among refugees, especially young refugees. Drugs, theft, family and social disintegration are on the rise. A young women from Ein al Hilweh camp commented on this by saying, “As if the lack of social and civil rights, the poor services in education, health care, social services and recreation programs are not enough, not to mention the security issue which is one of our greatest concerns… I think the situation cannot continue as it is - it will escalate and, a bomb will explode… such immense pressure will produce a huge explosion. If we don’t feel our humanity things will get worse.”

Sharek Youth Forum

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

3. Palestinian youth in Syria21 3.1 Palestinian Refugees in Syria: General Overview Palestinian refugees in Syria are concentrated in 13 camps and 14 assemblies. The camps are under the full mandate of the General Authority for Palestinian Arab Refugees in Syria (GAPAR) in terms of the administrative affairs and civil status, while the assembly is under the control of the Syrian municipality in its administrative affairs. According to UNRWA, the camps are divided into two types: 9 official camps and 3 unofficial camps22. Note that there is no difference between the official and unofficial camps in terms of the way the Syrian state or UNRWA deal with them. About 80% of Palestinian refugees are present in the camps in Damascus or its suburbs, as well as its residential neighborhoods.

Palestinian Refugees in Syria The number of registered Palestinian refugees in 2011, according to data from UNRWA, is nearly 510, 000 (when including non-registered refugees this would raise the number of refugees to 600,000). This constitutes about 10% of the total number of registered Palestinian refugees. About 150, 000 of these refugees live in the refugee camps in Syria, representing 30% of all Palestinian refugees in the country. Most of the Palestinian refugees in Syria arrived to the country after the Nakba of 1948 from towns and villages in the Galilee and the Upper Galilee (e.g. Safed, Haifa and Tiberias). In general, the refugee situation in Syria is relatively good compared to other countries, and legislation passed since 1949 has granted the refugees their rights within the legal framework. Relative stability has helped them to improve the situation of refugees, who have the right to work and study as Syrian citizens. The University of Damascus alone employs 125 Palestinian university professors who hold a post doc, constituting 10% of the faculty, which is astounding given that Palestinian refugees represent only 2.8% of the total population of Syria. Syrian laws have ensured that Palestinian refugees have maintained their original nationality while giving them the same rights enjoyed by Syrian citizens in terms of employment, labor, education, trade, employment and military service. Palestinian refugees in Syria fall into four categories, according to the date of claiming refugee status. The first category is for refugees of 1948, for they form the largest proportion of the Palestinian refugees in Syria. The affairs of this category of refugees are supervised by the General Authority for Palestinian Arab Refugees. This group enjoys the same rights as Syrian citizen in areas of employment and education, except in matters concerning the election and nomination for membership of parliament, while retaining their Palestinian Arab nationality. The refugees who arrived in Syria in 1948 are included in the compulsory military service in the Palestinian Liberation Army23 , and receive special travel documents for Palestinian refugees, to facilitate their movement to and from Syria and not restrict their movement within the country. They have the right to work and to career progression to the highest career ranks. They also receive regular health and education services, and are referred to as: ‘Who are treated as the Syrians’ especially for registration in the different Syrian colleges and universities. The second category includes refugees who were not officially recognized until 1956 and who were registered 21 This part of the report has been produced in cooperation with the Palestinian Right to Return Assembly in Syria, some articles published on their website were used in addition to the results of a poll carried out with the participation of a sample of 400 young men and women. Moreover, 3 focus groups were conducted with young people from Syria via Skype. These focus groups were conducted with youth groups in Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus, in addition to a group of young Palestinians in the Rukn al-Din neighborhood of Damascus. Other sources of information for this section include: 1) Badil (Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights) http://www.badil.org; newspaper issues on The Right of Return, especially number 47 and an article by Diyaa Ayub entitled ‘Palestinian Refugees in Syria’. 2) Ibrahim Draji, ‘Palestinian Refugees in Syria: A Legal Study Presented to the Panel of the Palestinian Return’ (Wajeb), 2010. 3) Bilal Salaymeh, ‘Palestinian Refugees in Syria and the Syrian Revolution’, research paper, Refugee Studies Academy, London, 2012. 22 For more information please refer to UNRWA’s website: http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=55. 23 Under Syrian control

The economic situation of the Palestinian refugees varies from one category to another and from one group to another. The economic situation of the refugees who live outside the camps is better than that of the residents of the camps in general. However, the economic situation within the camps can be divided into levels, the highest of which is Yarmouk refugee camp, which has gone past being a refugee camp and is more urbanized and more integrated with Damascus having become a southern suburb of the Syrian capital.

The unemployment rate among Palestinian refugees in Syria is around 17%, while the unemployment rate in Syria in general as reported in 2010 by the Central Bureau of Statistics is 8.4%.

3.2 Key Trends and Issues for Young Palestinians in Syria In this part, the report addresses some of the issues and trends of importance to the Palestinian youth in Syria, although it must be noted that they do not represent all issues or necessarily the most important.

Identity and Camp Like other young Palestinians, the Palestinian youth in Syria associate themselves with several identities. About half of the young Palestinians identified themselves according to their national identity, as Palestinians. However, 17% identified themselves as Palestinian Syrians, 16% as Muslims, and the rest of them identified themselves as Arabs or refugees. Some differences have emerged between the participants on the basis of gender. While females tended to identify themselves as Palestinians, Palestinian Syrians and Arabs, males tended to identify themselves as refugees or Muslims. Many of the young respondents reported that despite belonging to the third or fourth generation of refugees in Syria, they have maintained their national Palestinian identity and their sense of belonging. To many of them this is due to the political activity available to the Palestinians in Syria, as long as it does not interfere with the internal issues of Syria. What has preserved this is the presence of a headquarters of the Palestinian political factions in the camps and in other areas in Syria, in addition to dozens of institutions and clubs which organize meetings and dialogues as well as artistic and social activities, and celebrate all Palestinian national events. Many young people also consider that the educational system in Syria focuses on the Palestinian issue, both in UNRWA schools and in public schools. In addition Syrian media focuses attention on this matter.

24 As a result of the military campaign known as Black September.

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with UNRWA and GAPAR. What applies to refugees of the first category applies to those included in the second category except that the latter cannot enter the labor market except on a temporary basis. Also, they are not subject to compulsory military service in the Palestinian Liberation Army. The third category includes those displaced in 1967. Some have the same conditions of the second category, but are not registered with those refugees and are treated like foreigners. Finally is the category of the displaced Palestinians of 197024 whose situation is regarded as the most complex, since the vast majority of them do not hold any documents.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

“Here in Rukn al-Din we have people from different countries: Palestinian, Syrian, Kurdish, Hourani and Alawi. The relationships are excellent, there are no problems among them, and the Palestinians receive all the respect and appreciation among the people.” A young man from Rukn al-Din. “Sure we recognize that we are from Palestine and we are proud of our identity. There is no discrimination against us, all the Palestinians know the country of their ancestors, and we all believe that we will go back someday.” A young man from Rukn al-Din. “It is true that there are differences between the factions in our camp, but these differences don’t end in violence because the state is strong and imposes its stature on everyone. The most important thing is that these factions have strengthened the national spirit of the youth.” A young man from Yarmouk. “I am a trainer of a Palestinian Dabke group in the camp. The activities of the group have deeply influenced my character. I used to have a general knowledge about Palestine, but today I know about its heritage and customs. More than once I have imagined myself practicing Dabke in my grandfather’s garden in Safed.” A young man from Yarmouk. As for accommodation in the camps, results revealed that the majority (61%) prefer to remain in the camp and not to move to the city, compared to 29% who prefer to leave the camp. Specifically, 57% of the survey sample of Yarmouk camp prefer the camp, compared with 28% who don’t; 60% of the sample of Aleppo camp prefer to stay in the camp compared to 35% who don’t; 81% of the sample of Homs camp prefer to stay in the camp com-

Reasons for which young people prefer to remain in the camp or leave it varied. Those who prefer to stay in the camp say it is for political, national or socio-economic factors. Some of them stated that they want to stay in the camp so as to maintain their Palestinian identity. “The national identity is stronger in the camp; it is enough to notice the difference between the accent of Palestinians in the camp, and that of a Palestinian from outside the camp. Those outside the camp speak with a Syrian accent and we still speak with the accent of our people who are refugees here.” (A young man from Yarmouk camp). Others have said that the camp is their center, not only as their home as a refugee, but also as a constant reminder of their dream to return to their homeland. Some preferred staying in the camp due to social relations, work and business interests, as they are familiar with the lifestyle and social structure inside the camp. They do not feel they will likely compete with the larger markets or broader categories outside the camp. Most of the young people who prefer to leave the camp, however, say that they prefer to do so due to the difficult conditions in the camps, which include overcrowding and social problems, in addition to better opportunities available outside the camps. A young man stated, “Yarmouk is better than other camps, but it is still a camp. Come and have a look at Alhajar Alaswad. The sun doesn’t reach the streets there, not even at noon. When I say I prefer to leave the camp and live somewhere else, my intention is to move to a more spacious neighborhood. Of course I don’t like living in the poorer neighborhoods of Damascus.”

Youth Membership in Organizations and Political Parties and their Willingness to Volunteer Survey results showed that more than a third of young people (about 38%) have been members of youth organizations or institutions, with a higher ratio among males than females. Among youth who reported their membership, 62% said they were active at the time of their membership, compared to 34% who were inactive, and who contented themselves with formal membership. Active membership was higher among males. When young participants were asked about their motivation for joining youth institutions and organizations, the majority of young people who have been members reported that these institutions offer a space for them to practice different activities, and that most of the activities can be exercised for little to no expense. They also stated that their involvement in Palestinian institutions serves their national cause and introduces them to new people and experiences. The young people who have never joined such organizations, however, do not want to get involved because they believe that some of them are linked to political factions. Others considered that these institutions do not fit with their interests, or that they do not have enough time for such activities, and they prefer to focus their energies on study or work. In regards to youth organizations and institutions, the majority of young people (71%) argued that attention should be focused on national and development aspects together, compared with 13% who believe that priority should be given to national issues and 7% who believe that the attention and the focus should be on development. A young man from Yarmouk camp said, “We should not separate development from the national issue. Finding job opportunities for our young people is just as important as strengthening their national identity. We cannot separate what is national and what is developmental.” There is little information about the roles of Palestinian youth institutions outside the camps, although some youth who live outside the camps cooperate with organizations within the camp. A young woman from Rukn al-Din reported, “It is easy to speak about Palestinians institutions and what can be done inside the camp, but outside the camps it is not possible because the Palestinians are dispersed. This may be better because we live with other citizens and share their life experiences.” As for voluntary work, the majority of young people (83%) expressed their willingness to volunteer in a project held in the camp they live in, compared to about 6% who rejected the idea of volunteerism, and 11% who felt that no one really works for free. The detailed results showed that the demand for voluntary work is affected by gender and place of residence, as the desire to volunteer is higher among females compared to males, and

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pared to 11% who don’t, and 55% of the respondents of Jaramana camp prefer to stay in the camp compared to 40% who prefer to leave.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

higher in some camps compared to others. For instance, the desire to volunteer reached up to 95% in Jaramana refugee camp, compared with 73% in Yarmouk camp. Forty-two percent of respondents believe that young people are reluctant to join political parties because they fail to meet their aspirations, while 51% expressed a lack of confidence in them. The focus group participants reported that their aversion to Palestinian political factions based in Syria is mainly due to the fact that these parties neglect the needs of the people there and instead focus on the political rivalries and factional competition reflecting political attitudes of Palestine. More importantly, the core of these parties has shifted to the Palestinian territory and has marginalized refugee issues. On the other hand, 22% state that policy and the political situation are the biggest motivation for youth involvement in political parties, compared to 19% who considered the financial factor to be their primary motivation for participation in political parties, while 49% felt that both factors motivate young people to become involved. Concerning this, some young people considered that engagement in political organizations is sometimes the only source of livelihood, especially with the high rates of unemployment. When the Syrian crisis was raised, the majority of young people stated that their position on the crisis is consistent with their position on what is happening in the Arab countries, which is that Palestinians, wherever they are, support popular fair demands and at the same time reject all forms of violence regardless of who practices it. They also spoke about the need for Palestinians to move away from interfering in affairs of the states in which they live, regardless of their positions as individuals, groups or political factions, so as not to engulf Palestinians in additional crises.

Sources of Information and Media The results showed that 11% of young people read newspapers on a daily basis, compared with 72% who read them when they are available, and 14% who read them infrequently, with no difference attributed to gender. The majority of young people interviewed explained that they always read the daily newspapers, though this tends to be among the highly educated. Moreover, some of them reported that the daily newspapers in Syria are not worth pursuing since they only express the official view, and that they prefer other sources of information such as the television and the Internet, which give them access to multiple points of view. A young man from Yarmouk camp commented, “Our newspapers are issued by the same source, and its most important concern is the propagation of the official point of view. It is great that there is satellite and Internet now to allow us to see and hear what the rest of the world has to say.” In relation to newspaper content, politics receives the highest degree of interest among youth, with 31% of the respondents preferring to read political subjects, 18% preferring cultural subjects, 13% enjoying reading about subjects of local tragedies, 11% like art, and 10% prefer social, sports and entertainment. A young woman reported about her lack of interest in political news saying, “Politics means nothing to me, no change is taking place concerning it, and today’s news is similar to that of last year or twenty years ago. I prefer to search for some happy news.” As for satellite channels, it was found that 25% of respondents watch Al Jazeera regularly, 9% watch Al-Arabiya, 11% the Palestine channel, 9% prefer music channels, 14% prefer entertainment channels, and 9% prefer foreign movies channels. Finally, it was found that 80% of the respondents know how to use a computer while 16% do not know how to, most of whom are female.

Gender Issues To measure the position of young people on some gender issues, results of the poll showed that half of the young people surveyed do not mind working under the direction of a woman, while about 26% are undecided, and 19% rejected the idea. The Jaramana group showed extreme opinions where 35% reported that they refuse to work under the direction of a woman, compared to 11% in Homs, 14% in Damascus, and 23% in Aleppo. For males, the Aleppo males were the most severe where the percentage of the naysayers reached 34%, followed by Jaramana males 31%, Damascus males 13%, and Homs males 12%.

Although the above attitudes are relatively positive, some of the discussions have revealed different views. For example when discussing personal freedom, men were less accepting of women’s enlarged role in society. On the one hand, young males accept women’s enlarged roles in general, on the other hand they do not necessarily support this in practice. For example, many of the young males expressed their reservations in allowing young women to move away from their families in order to study. They were also uncomfortable with women’s involvement in social activities in the public sphere through civil and social organizations. Other young males argued that the Palestinian community in Syria is becoming more conservative, in line with the general atmosphere there, especially due to the overcrowding in camps and neighborhoods inhabited by the Palestinians. This has led to the spread of societal problems which young males called “scoundrelism”. As a result, most families are more inclined to be more protective of their daughters.

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In a related development, over 11% of the sample argued that women are fit to work in the house only, while 84% rejected this view. Regarding whether or not the education of women contributes effectively to the development of society, 93% answered with approval while only 1% rejected this notion.

The Status of Youth in Palestine 2013

Conclusion At the time this report was published, in January 2013, a group of young Palestinians, joined by international activists, set up a tent camp in an area denoted as E-1, to protest the expansion of an illegal settlement on the edge of Jerusalem. The camp, which was named Bab El Shams (door to the sun), was forcibly evicted by the Israeli military. While these youth have been involved in organized, non-violent action against the occupation, creating their own ‘facts on the ground’, the leaders of Fatah and Hamas were making their way to Egypt, to hold yet again another set of ‘reconciliation’ talks. The talks have led to no concrete agreement, as in all past talks, while Bab el Shams has captured international attention and has succeeded in highlighting the injustices of the occupation. The youth have demonstrated that talk is not enough, that concerted and unified action towards one goal in the form of popular non-violent struggle is what is needed to resist the occupation and liberate Palestine. No doubt the actions of these youth put to shame the lack of action from the political factions themselves. This begs the question, what has changed in the last few years? In the last Status Report Sharek produced in 2009, Promise or Peril, it ended with the assertion that youth ‘cannot wait for Palestinian factions to resolve their differences.’ All across Palestine, through volunteerism, activism, social media, young Palestinians are asserting their

resilience, even in the absence of unified support from their leaders. What is needed is the support of the entire Palestinian community, including the involvement of larger numbers of youth who need to build their nation. Not far off from this reality of young people in the Palestinian territory 1967, the Palestinian young people living in the surrounding Arab area are living their own challenges. In a changing Arab world Palestinian young people find themselves in the middle of everything where acting powers on the ground continuously attempt to involve the Palestinians in internal issues of those states. Young people there take themselves from beyond Diaspora out of the challenges of poverty, unemployment, poor education, and citizenship and identity issues into a new level of exile; inside and outside their already existing exiles. We stand hopelessly useless even on the moral support level, perhaps even some of us try to justify their inadequacy to offer support to their recurrent tragedies. We ought to offer our apologies to them, for every day we stood still without reaching out to them fulfilling our responsibility towards them. We must mobilize every possible effort from now on to be with them; young Palestinian in refugee camps and wherever they live are an inevitable part of history, the present and the futureâ&#x20AC;Ś..

Sharek Youth Forum

Report June 2013

Palestinian youth activism: new actors, new possibilities? Executive summary

By Jacob Høigilt, Akram Atallah and Hani el-Dada

As the Palestinian national leadership remains divided and ineffective, it is natural to look to youth activism for renewal. Although young Palestinians are as a rule alienated from politics, there are pockets of dedicated activists who are able to mobilise widely from time to time and who have a fresh vision of the struggle for liberation from Israeli occupation. Their demands are for national unity, an end to coordination and dialogue with Israeli authorities, and a renewed, representative national leadership in the form of a revived Palestinian National Council. There is evidence of integration among these scattered milieus, but it has not yet reached a level where they engage in sustained national organisation. However, in the event of continued co-operation between leftist and Fatah youth activists in the West Bank, there is a possibility that young people may gain a voice in Palestinian politics.

Introduction The organisations Fatah and Hamas dominate Palestinian politics. However, both have experienced a loss of trust and legitimacy as a consequence of the collapse of the peace process, authoritarian modes of government, widespread corruption and internal political strife. In polls, young Palestinians express their disillusionment with politics, the peace process and their leadership. This situation has led several observers to argue that young Palestinians have exited from politics. To the extent that they engage in society, this takes non-political forms, according to this view. A recent NOREF/Fafo report concluded that widespread discontent with their situation among youth does not translate into increased political interest or engagement. Instead, the majority leaves organised politics and what they consider a political class associated mostly with Fatah and Hamas (Christophersen et al., 2012). However, there are pockets of politically active Palestinian young people in the West Bank and Gaza who struggle against the occupation and the paralysis of Palestinian internal politics. This report focuses on these environments. The main question the report seeks to answer is: what is the nature and form of the evolving youth movement’s political involvement? The level of political activity, organi-

sation and ideological development are three important variables in this respect. It is also crucial for any emerging political actor to forge bonds with existing elites or to ally with other forces that are strong enough to create a new elite by themselves. The report is based on 35 in-depth interviews with young people across the West Bank and six interviews in Gaza. Of the interviewees, 27 were male and 19 were female. Unfortunately and for unclear reasons, the Hamas authorities did not permit the project leader to enter Gaza, despite vigorous attempts by the research team. Therefore, the data from Gaza is not as complete as it should have been. The cut-off date for data collection was April 25th 2013.

An evolving, decentralised youth movement One often thinks of student politics when hearing the words “youth movement”, not least in Palestine, where the student movement was an important part of the first intifada. Student politics gives young people the opportunity to organise in a closed environment and forge bonds with colleagues at other universities, thus creating national, rather than local, movements. Looking at recent news headlines in the West Bank, this aspect of youth politics seems to be alive and well: over 70% of students partici-

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pated in April and May’s elections to student senates, and Hamas election blocs contested for the first time in many years at several universities and did well. However, speaking to students, one soon realises that the reality behind the elections façade is disappointing. Student politicians are widely seen to be grooming themselves for a future professional career first and foremost, and student politics reportedly consists of little more than providing welfare services such as subsidised photocopying for students in order to attract their votes. Fatah student leaders at Bethlehem University themselves see their mandate as limited to providing student welfare. To find youth activists who have greater ambitions and who try to contribute something new to the national Palestinian struggle, one has to look outside the campus, to university drop-outs, youth centres in refugee camps and small clusters of young professionals across the West Bank. The youth movement that has appeared after the end of the second intifada is still no more than a loose conglomeration of initiatives and personalities that sometimes cross geographic and factional boundaries. They have some traits in common that justify the term “movement”: a critical attitude to the policies of the Hamas and Fatah elites; independent political initiatives that seek to include the Palestinian grassroots; and a predilection for unarmed, but aggressive, struggle against occupation and the continuous Israeli land grabs in the West Bank. The informal groups that share these characteristics are often referred to as al-Harak al-Shababi remove quotes. Groups of relatively like-minded young people are found in all the major Palestinian cities. These activists seem to agree on three issues: the political division must end, the Palestinian National Council must be revived, and there is to be no normalisation of relations (tatbi’) with Israel – a policy pursued today by the Palestinian National Authority (PA). On the question of a one-state or two-state solution, they have different opinions, but the predominant view is that time has run out for the two-state solution. In addition, they are all committed to a non-violent approach, building on what is commonly known among Palestinians as the popular resistance. This choice is not necessarily informed by ideology: there are not many pacifists among young Palestinians and it is hard to find people who are willing to criticise acts of armed resistance on moral grounds. The choice of unarmed resistance is dictated by necessity and for many it may be subject to revision given changed circumstances. Many of the young people who unite under this umbrella have taken part in or are part of the established Stop the Wall campaign, which co-ordinates grassroots, non-violent demonstrations against the construction of the separation barrier and land grabs in the West Bank. Beyond these four issues, there is not necessarily much co-ordination or agreement among those who describe themselves as belonging to al-Harak al-Shababi. For example, during a discussion in a sit-in tent in support of hunger-striking prisoners in Deheisheh camp, Bethlehem,

one of the authors witnessed a discussion between two groups of young people, both of which identified themselves as “al-Harak al-Shababi” (the youth movement) within the camp. They disagreed sharply about issues pertaining both to camp politics and to support for the ongoing demonstrations at a nearby checkpoint. It should be noted, however, that there seems to exist a core of activists, numbering around 50 persons, that gathers now and then in Ramallah. These activists are connected with others in Gaza, and they had a central role in the March 15th demonstrations in 2011 that saw thousands of Palestinians going into the streets in Gaza and the West Bank to protest against the division in the national movement. Importantly, this group has been willing to confront the PA openly. When Israel’s then minister of defence, Shaul Mofaz, was invited to Ramallah in July 2012, a Facebook group called Youth for Dignity that was affiliated with the youth movement organised an angry protest in the centre of Ramallah. They were attacked by Palestinian security forces, harassed and beaten up, but Mofaz’s visit was cancelled (O’Ceallaigh, 2012). Similar informal groups of youth activists exist elsewhere. One notable example, because of its vigorous activity, is the group Youth against the Settlements in Hebron, which organises the yearly Open Shuhada street demonstration. In line with the local activism of many young people in the West Bank, this group is dedicated to struggling against the Israeli settlements in the city centre of Hebron that have made parts of the old city a ghost town with closed streets and checkpoints. In addition to its yearly demonstration, the group organises activities for children in the areas affected by settlements, organises political tourism, and assists people whose houses are attacked and damaged by settlers. An interesting aspect of our interviews with activists in the West Bank and Gaza is how little they talk about religion. Their activism is informed primarily by the political realities they live and witness, and religion does not enter into the picture for most of them. There is a clear difference between Hamas members and most others regarding their view of violence, but this comes across less as a function of Hamas’s Islamist ideology than as a pragmatic question of what strategy is most effective, as well as a question of sticking to party policy. As mentioned above, even though most of the West Bank activists we interviewed did not favour armed struggle, some radical leftist, non-religious men and women were convinced that the Palestinian issue cannot be solved without the use of force at some point.

A process of integration? Youth activism still suffers from the devastating effects of the second intifada and the paralysing split between Fatah and Hamas, and youth initiatives are still, as a rule, relatively timid and tentative affairs. However, recent devel-

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opments might signal that a process of emboldening and integration is taking place. Two examples suffice to illustrate the trend. Firstly, independent, leftist and Fatah young people came together in 2008 to create a national youth parliament that was meant to give young people a voice in society. The parliament succeeded in getting tens of thousands of young people to vote for delegates, and started organising awareness-raising work on the role of young people and women in society, as well as protesting on behalf of Palestinian political prisoners. Symptomatically, foreign funders and Palestinian authorities alike have given little support to this initiative, but the parliament still has offices in Ramallah and the organisational infrastructure exists. More importantly, the experience helped connect young people in all the cities in the West Bank – and Gaza, although the Hamas authorities eventually did not allow elections to take place there. Secondly, there have been integrative events, of which Bab al-Shams is the best example. On January 11th 2013 a group of about 200 Palestinian activists, most of them in their twenties and thirties, erected tents on a piece of land between Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement of Maale Adummim. The area is dubbed E 1 by Israeli authorities, and plans for major settlement construction there had recently been approved by the government. Soon Palestinian and international media reported that the activists had announced the establishment of a Palestinian village called Bab al-Shams (Gate of the Sun), and that the Palestinian owners of the land had agreed to this move. It took the Israeli authorities more than two days to get the necessary court rulings to dismantle the tents and arrest the activists, and by that time around 2,000 Palestinians had visited or tried to visit the site, and it had got the attention of major international news outlets, such as the BBC, The Guardian and the New York Times. Bab al-Shams was hailed as a qualitative change in Palestinian resistance by activists themselves and by the local media, since the “villagers” took the initiative, established a fact on the ground, and thus caught both the Israeli and Palestinian authorities by surprise, rather than responding to an action taken by Israeli soldiers or settlers. In the course of our fieldwork we met young people from Fatah and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), as well as independent ones, who came from different parts of the West Bank and who had all participated in Bab al-Shams. For the first time they had met with like-minded young people from other cities in the West Bank and engaged in open, constructive discussions about resistance strategies. The integrative effect of Bab al-Shams was obvious, but it remains to be seen how long-lasting it will be.

Current limitations of the youth movement Integration is absolutely necessary for Palestinian youth activists to gain traction on the political scene and to remedy the key weaknesses of the movement. The first weakness is its lack of national organisation, which makes

it less cohesive and effective than it might be. All the activists in this movement we have encountered are politically sophisticated and open-minded, and they are in opposition to the current political regime in the West Bank, regardless of whether they are formal members of one of the factions or not. They happily join forces across the PFLP Fatah Hamas divides to send messages to the establishment; for example, in 2010, before the Arab revolutions, young people in Bethlehem put up a tent in Manger Square to protest against the political split, and they stayed there for about 20 days. However, they are unable or unwilling to create an alternative political organisation. This unwillingness may have several causes, but two seem more prominent than others. The first is that some youths are so fed up with hierarchies and inefficient leaders that they eschew the whole idea of an organisation with any semblance of a pyramidal structure. At the same time it is hard for them to escape society’s ascription of a factional label to them based on their families’ perceived political orientation. This restricts their ability to act independently. Secondly, there seem to be no well-developed ideas among the activists about how the youth movement can represent a real alternative to the ossified political institutions in Palestine, represented by the authorities in Gaza and the West Bank and the formal political organisations such as the PFLP, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Hamas and Fatah. Also, until now there have been no signs that the young people are able to form alliances with powerful forces within these organisations, a fact that severely restricts their ability to make headway in terms of both ideational and practical influence on Palestinian society. Some affiliations between young people and the older generations exist, notably between the al-Harak al-Shababi and the Stop the Wall campaign, a central part of the popular resistance, which has consciously tried to empower young people on their own terms. However, Fatah and Hamas are the keys to allowing young people a greater say in Palestine, and the leaderships of these two organisations have not seriously addressed the issue of youth. Lastly, thus far the youth movement has not managed to break the wall of fear that stands between many young Palestinians and overt political activism. Our interviews in Nablus were deeply coloured by the stifled political atmosphere that currently seems to dominate the city, and in Gaza some of those we interviewed drew attention to Hamas’s silencing of other political currents than the Islamist one. In Bethlehem, where the climate is much freer, several young activists stated that there was no room at present for them to try and convert their ideas into practice on an organised scale. Instead, they focused on changing their own mindset and influencing people in their immediate personal circle by example.

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The importance of Fatah youth activists Given the picture of evolving networks and the obstacles they face, young members of Fatah may play a crucial role in the further development of a critical youth movement. Fatah remains the key player in the Palestinian context: it props up the PA, it dominates the Palestine Liberation Organisation and it has extensive connections on the international political scene. For meaningful change to occur in Palestinian politics and in the resistance struggle, Fatah needs to be part of the team, which is difficult, since it is also a part of the problem. Fatah’s close association with the failing PA, its seeming inability to recruit young people to leadership positions and its lack of organisational discipline all contribute to the picture of an organisation in crisis. However, the youth section of Fatah, the Shabiba, provides some of the most dedicated grassroots activists in the West Bank. Young Fatah activists were founding members of both the Palestinian youth parliament and Bab al-Shams, and they also participate in Youth against the Settlements in Hebron. What characterises these activists is their eagerness to co-operate across organisational borders and to create grassroots initiatives in the absence of meaningful resistance activities by the elite leadership of Fatah. They are measured in their criticism of their leaders, but their actions bespeak an urge to go beyond dialogue and state-building efforts and instead challenge the occupation directly. They thus see eye to eye with independent youth activists with whom they co-operate. Crucially for any future development of the Palestinian youth movement, the Shabiba is part of a strong organisation with chapters in all Palestinian counties and universities, and it enjoys access to some of the most important members of the Palestinian elite. To the extent that Shabiba activists are able and willing to challenge the policies of their own organisation, Fatah’s youth organisation may function as the main channel for political renewal in Palestine. Interestingly, the most energetic and visionary young Fatah activists are not the student senate leaders – they come across as disillusioned and confined to working on student affairs within the campuses. Instead, young professionals and refugee camp activists in their late twenties and early thirties are the leading voices. This of course raises the question to what extent they are able to inspire and recruit the younger age cohorts, and we have not been able to answer this question within the boundaries of this project.

Three sociopolitical challenges for the youth movement: apathy, women and the Gaza/West Bank division It is important to note some qualifications at this point, lest the reader think that there is a mass youth movement building up in the West Bank. There is no evidence of this happening. On the contrary, the activists that this report

focuses on are a tiny minority. The recent Noref/Fafo report referred to above (Christophersen et al., 2010) shows that most young Palestinian, whether in the West Bank or Gaza, are thoroughly disillusioned and have exited from politics, regardless of whether they are students, unemployed or professionals. Our findings confirm that view; in fact, even among student politicians, there is a palpable sense of resignation, notwithstanding the fervent activity connected with student elections each spring semester. As a rule, activism relevant to the resistance struggle takes place outside campuses. Indeed, a major challenge for the Palestinian youth activists is to get university students on board en masse, as happened before and during the first intifada. Secondly, the activism that does exist is male-dominated. For example, during the Bab al-Shams incident only a handful of women were present, including one of our female interviewees, who lamented the small number of women among activists. A conservative culture is probably partly to blame. Tellingly, many young females tend to engage in community-building work that focuses on improving the living conditions of children and women. This suggests a second challenge for a progressive Palestinian youth movement: unless the social situation for women is improved, significant sections of society’s female half will direct their energies to social issues other than resistance against occupation. Thirdly, the split between Hamas and Fatah in 2007 was damaging for all youth organisations, but the effect was even more devastating in Gaza than in the West Bank, it seems. Hamas tolerates less independent youth activism than the PA in the West Bank, and violently suppressed the March 15th demonstrations in Gaza, which were organised largely by independent young people. The Hamas authorities also closed the offices of a major non-partisan youth organisation, the Sharek youth forum in Gaza, without providing any clear reasons for this decision. Hamas internal discipline seems to be stricter than that of Fatah: while young Fatah activists willingly engage in self-critical reflection, their counterparts in Hamas stay close to the official party line. Currently, therefore, there is little overt independent youth activism in Gaza of the kind witnessed in the West Bank, and youth activists are more closely monitored and less free to engage in network-building activities. However, our limited data does not support the notion that Gaza and the West Bank are becoming completely separated enclaves, isolated from each other politically and socially. Youth activists we interviewed in both places reported that they had co-ordinated with each other both on the Palestinian youth parliament issue and on the March 15th 2011 demonstrations, and youth activists in Gaza are no less enthusiastic about the Bab al-Shams event than their counterparts in the West Bank. Their attitudes on the resistance are also similar: among the activists in Gaza, all acknowledge the efficacy of popular resistance, but they

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are by no means pacifists, and some (independent) activists also favour armed resistance as the most effective way of struggling against occupation. Still, given the limits imposed on independent youth activism in Gaza, the onus is on young people in the West Bank to build a movement that can successfully challenge the paralysing grip that the middle-aged and old elite in the political factions has on Palestinian politics.

Conclusion Youth frustration and restlessness are evident across Palestine, whether manifested in stone-throwing at Israeli soldiers, demonstrations against living conditions or acts of vandalism. However, for young people to gain a voice and for change to occur in Palestine, this frustration must be harnessed by more organised and politically sophisticated activists. There are pockets of dedicated activists who are able to mobilise widely from time to time and who have a fresh vision of the struggle for liberation from Israeli occupation. There is evidence of integration among these scattered milieus, but it has not yet reached a level where they engage in sustained national organisation. The main forces in the new youth movement are independent activists on the far left and young Fatah activists. Importantly, these activists seem to co-operate comfortably, raising the possibility of a loose alliance that may be able to wrench some of the power and political initiative from the ossified elites in Palestinian politics. As the political atmosphere in the West Bank is less oppressive than in Gaza, this possibility seems stronger in the West Bank. In light of the paralysis in Palestinian national politics, there is reason to welcome this evolving and critical youth movement. However, the question of how to encourage it is not straightforward. Generally speaking, these young people are critical of European and U.S. sponsorship of

political activities, partly because it sometimes comes with strings attached (the U.S. Agency for International Development in particular has requirements that alienate many), and partly because they do not believe in the approach of the international community to the Palestinian conundrum (many are tangibly weary of foreign-funded “workshops” and “seminars”). Change in Palestinian politics must come from within. In this process perhaps the best aid the international community can give is to avoid supporting forces and initiatives that try to suppress the critical and independent youth movement in the West Bank. In this way it may become easier for the young people to make headway within the main organisations of Fatah and Hamas, which are the keys to any mass mobilisation of youth. Young Palestinians do not need more new organisations to gain a voice: they need to be heard within the establishment. Today, however, this establishment is so hard of hearing that the youth movement has been largely forced to gather outside the organisational frameworks.

References Christophersen, Mona, Jacob Høigilt & Åge A. Tiltnes. 2012. Palestinian Youth and the Arab Spring. Oslo: Fafo/NOREF. <http://www.peacebuilding.no/eng/Regions/Middle-East-and-North-Africa/Israel-Palestine/Publications/ Palestinian-youth-and-the-Arab-Spring> O’Ceallaigh, Eoin. 2012. “Palestinians reclaim streets despite PA police repression.” Electronic Intifada, July 8th. <http://electronicintifada.net/content/palestinians-reclaimstreets-despite-pa-police-repression/11474>

The authorS Akram Atallah is a researcher with Fafo, working at its Bethlehem office in Palestine. His work focuses on surveys of living conditions and political opinions in the region. He is a regular contributor of political analysis to the Arabic media. Hani el-Dada is a researcher with Fafo, working at its Gaza office in Palestine. He contributes to Fafo’s work on living conditions, political opinions and political development in Palestine. Jacob Høigilt is a researcher with Fafo, specialising in the Middle East and North Africa. His main geographical areas of interest are Palestine and Egypt. Among his recent publications are the journal article “Islamism and education” and the NOREF/Fafo report Palestinian Youth and the Arab Spring (with Mona Christophersen and Åge A. Tiltnes).

The Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre Norsk ressurssenter for fredsbygging The Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF) is a resource centre integrating knowledge and experience to strengthen peacebuilding policy and practice. Established in 2008, it collaborates and promotes collaboration with a wide network of researchers, policymakers and practitioners in Norway and abroad. Read NOREF’s publications on www.peacebuilding.no and sign up for notifications. Connect with NOREF on Facebook or @PeacebuildingNO on Twitter Email: info@peacebuilding.no - Phone: +47 22 08 79 32

Disclaimer The content of this publication is presented as is. The stated points of view are those of the authors and do not reflect those of the organisations for which they work or NOREF. NOREF does not give any warranties, either expressed or implied, concerning the content.

BREAKING THE SILENCE Children and Youth Soldiers' Testimonies 2005-2011

“There was this incident where a ‘straw widow’ was put up following a riot at Qalandiya on a Friday, in an abandoned house near the square. Soldiers got out with army clubs and beat people to a pulp. Finally the children who remained on the ground were arrested. The order was to run, make people fall to the ground. There was a 10-12 man team, 4 soldiers lighting up the area. People were made to fall to the ground, and then the soldiers with the clubs would go over to them and beat them. A slow runner was beaten, that was the rule...”

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Breaking the Silence

Breaking the Silence activities are made possible through the generous support of individuals and foundations including: Broederlijk Delen, Dan Church Aid, Ford Israel Fund, ICCO, NGO Development Center (NDC), Network for Social Change (UK), Medico International, MISEREOR, the Moriah Fund, the New Israel Fund, The Royal Norwegian Embassy in Israel, Foundation Open Society Institute, Sigrid Rausing Trust, SIVMO, and Trocaire. 3

This booklet is a compendium of testimonies given by over thirty IDF soldiers who served in the West Bank and in and around the Gaza Strip in the years 2005-2011. Like previous publications by Breaking the Silence, it portrays daily events in the Occupied Territories. The testimonies in this anthology illuminate the realities of everyday life for Palestinian children and youth who live under Israeli occupation. Although the events described here took place after the peak of the Second Intifada, at a time perceived as calm and uneventful from a ‘security’ standpoint, the reality that emerges from the testimonies shows that harsh treatment of Palestinian children continues unabated, and despite the overall security situation. Having served in different units and regions, the testifiers depict a routine in which Palestinian minors, often under 10 years of age, are treated in a manner that ignores their young age, and how, in practicality, they are perceived by both the soldiers and the military system at large as subject to the same treatment as adults. This booklet reveals how physical violence is often exerted against children, whether in response to accusations of stone-throwing or, more often, arbitrarily (see Testimonies 3, 6, 14 and 36). Such violence is often accompanied by harassment and humiliation (1, 7, 39 and 46). Testimonies describe child arrests (2, 13, 33 and 35) and cruel and indifferent treatment of children in custody (8 and 25). Despite Israel’s High Court of Justice’s ruling that sweepingly forbade the use of human shields, soldiers speak of commanders who continue to implement this procedure, at times using children for this purpose (15 and 17). The most disquieting tendency emerging from the soldiers’ testimonies relates to the wounding and killing of children in the West Bank and Gaza, whether by ignoring them at the scene of events, or by targeted shooting (see Testimonies 4, 9, 29 and 34). Israeli children enjoy the protection of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Israel is signatory, whereas Palestinian children grow up with no protection or ability to live protected as their Israeli peers do. Since these children are perceived by the Israeli military as adults, they are exposed to a harsh daily reality that includes constant friction with military forces active on the ground, arrests, violence, harassment and, at times, serious injury and even death.

The dozens of testimonies contained in this booklet reveal the perspective of the Israeli soldiers on the ground, messengers of Israeli society, and serve as witness to the ongoing decline of the military system into increasing immorality. The words of the soldiers included here constitute an urgent call to Israeli society and its leaders: We must foster a serious discourse regarding the price of military rule of the Occupied Territories, the factors that enable this reality, and their drastic effect on the future of the region.

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1 "What is that job, really?" Unit: Armored Corps Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2005 We moved to the Ariel area, near Nablus. We were in charge of the entire road that crossed the West Bank from west to east, all the way up to the checkpoint at Tapuach Junction. Our designated mission was to prevent acts of terrorism. Simply handle the population. We would enter villages on a daily basis, at least twice or three times a day, to make our presence felt, and… it was like we were occupying them. Showing we’re there, that the area is ours, not theirs. How is this done? A patrol goes in, or two patrols, two hummers secured by a jeep, and raise hell inside the villages. A whole company may be sent in on foot in two lines like a military parade in the streets, provoking riots, provoking children. The commander is bored and wants to show off to his battalion commander, and he does it at the expense of his subordinates. He wants more and more friction, just to grind the population, make their lives more and more miserable, and to discourage them from throwing stones, to not even think about throwing stones at the main road. Not to mention Molotov cocktails and other things. Practically speaking, it worked. The population was so scared that they shut themselves in. They hardly came out. Earlier I recall a lot of cabs with people on their way to work near the main road. Then it hardly existed any more. The whole village shut itself in. This just shows what a company commander is capable of doing. What level does this reach? What is he able to do? At first you point your gun at some five-year-old kid, and feel bad afterward, saying it’s not right. Then you get to a point where… you get so nervous and sick of going into a village and getting stones thrown at you. But it’s obvious, you’re inside the village, you’ve just passed the school house, naturally the kids will throw stones at you. Once my driver got out, and without blinking, just grabbed some kid and beat him to a pulp. And that kid was just sitting in the street and looked like some other kid, or wore another kid’s shirt, or perhaps he was that kid but that's not the point. He beat him to a pulp. Didn’t detain him. Just beat him. And I remember they had this pool hall. These were already the more ‘serious’ guys, the ones who throw Molotov cocktails.

In order to get them out, detain and interrogate them, we’d catch them – my company commander caught a 12-year-old kid there once, and made him get down on his knees in the middle of the street. Yelled like a madman – it looked like some Vietnam War movie – so that the other guys come out or else he’ll do something really bad to them. He’d do something to that kid. I knew it was just a hollow threat, and after all the guy’s an officer, and I don’t think an officer would do anything, but… Actually shackled him? He had a plastic shackle. I remember it was raining. We went in, and as usual stones were thrown at us. My communications man who runs fast caught this kid who supposedly threw stones, shackled him and took him to the company commander. Brought him back to this place in front of that pool hall. The vehicles were parked there. He got him down on his knees and yelled as if… In Arabic? No, in Hebrew, very loud so that the kids from that club would come out so we could interrogate them. They didn’t come out on their own. What did he yell at the kid? He yelled at him to shut up and the kid cried of course… He also peed in his pants, in front of the whole village. He got him on his knees and began to scream in Hebrew, to swear at him: "Those fucking kids from the club should come out already!" "Get those whores out!" "Let him be scared!" "Look what I can do!" "I’ll show this kid." Finally the kids didn’t come out, but we always had in mind that image of the old Arab with his keffiya and stick. Regardless if there’s shooting or stones, no matter what, he’s a kid in the middle of the street. Kids and soldiers both would respect him. So this old guy comes along and somehow convinces my company commander to release the kid. And that’s how that episode ended. We got out of there. The next day two Molotov cocktails were thrown at the main road. So we didn’t really do our job. And you wonder what that job really is.

***

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2 "Until someone comes to pick them up" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2010 On your first arrest mission, you’re sure it’s a big deal, and it’s actually bullshit. You enter the Abu Sneina (Hebron) neighborhood and pick up three children. After that whole briefing, you’re there with your bulletproof vest and helmet and stuck with that ridiculous mission of separating women and children. It’s all taken so seriously and then what you end up with is a bunch of kids, you blindfold and shackle them and drive them to the police station at Givat Ha’avot. That’s it, it goes on for months and you eventually stop thinking there are any terrorists out there, you stop believing there’s an enemy, it’s always some children or adolescents or some doctor we took out. You never know their names, you never talk with them, they always cry, shit in their pants. Was there a case of someone shitting in his pants? I remember once. Always that crying. There are those annoying moments when you’re on an arrest mission, and there’s no room in the police station, so you just take the kid back with you to the army post, blindfold him, put him in a room and wait for the police to come pick him up in the morning. He sits there like a dog… We did try to be nice and find a mattress for them, some water, sometimes some food, and they’d sit there blindfolded and shackled, left like that until morning. Those were the instructions. That, or just to leave them in the war-room. That was also standard procedure. Until morning, until someone came to pick them up.

*** 3 "It’s not right" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Jenin 2008 In Jalame, Jenin, while in squad commander's training, a driver showed me pictures of two kids they had caught, shackled, and kicked…

He told you about this. He showed me the video he took on his cell phone. Sitting shackled, and some soldier walks by and – pow – kicks them in the back or something. I felt so… in hindsight I thought: Why didn’t I just tell him to stop? It was only later that I told him this was wrong, and he gave me a piece of his mind, this driver.

*** 4 "We put some kid to sleep" Unit: Paratroopers Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2006-2007 When there’s a "disturbance of the peace" the unit commander is authorized to ask the battalion commander for permission to shoot the leader in the leg. What is a leader? These are kids. Everyone participating is a kid. No older than 16. At most, 18. Usually when we come in, they don’t go to school. We’re the attraction and they come out to 'play'. I even remember once we put on music for them through some cellular phone. We also got used to this. We were relatively sane, took things fairly in proportion. We’d get… cement blocks and crazy things thrown at our vehicle and you… at first you use some rubber ammo and then realize, it’s silly. Once... there’s this PA system we have (a sound system for addressing a large public), so we put on music from a cell phone and everyone started dancing. The kids? Yes, it was huge. We put on music and suddenly they all stopped throwing stones and began to dance. It was eastern music so they were dancing with their hands. Then the song ended and they went on throwing stones. It was really serious. You realize who you’re dealing with here. These are kids. Chances are I’d do exactly as they do if I were in their shoes. There was a case of a unit commander who decided to shoot a guy in the leg because he runs the show, and it happened. Live ammunition? Yes. Live, not rubber. You know, from the point of view of the commander, they would have stopped throwing anyway.

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When you begin getting hit with stones, you get out of the jeep? No. You shoot the rubber ammo from inside the jeep? You shoot through the loophole. Where do you aim? Do you choose some kid at random? Yes. Choose someone, aim at his body. Body? Center of mass. 10 meters' range at the center of mass? I remember one time we put a kid down. We didn’t kill him but someone hit the kid in the chest and he fell and probably lost consciousness, or at least, it was pretty close. About 10 meters'. Were you instructed as to how to use rubber ammo? No. It’s like… There are rules. They tell you to shoot four. There’s this cluster of rubber bullets, pieces with four parts, packed in a kind of nylon. You can break it in two, so it’s stronger and flies further. As soon as it’s four it’s less strong and flies less far. We’d usually break it in half. Is this something you were told to do? That if you want to achieve a longer range you break it in half? No, we figured it out ourselves. It’s something that’s common knowledge in the army. People know about this. It’s not… When you use a weapon, you get to know it pretty well, I guess. Just so you know, as soon as this pack is broken in half, it becomes lethal. Really? Well, that’s what we did. We did, too. As soon as the 'tampons' are separated, they’re lethal. The nylon must not be removed. Not removed?! No. We barely fired a whole cluster, I mean four. It’s like you want to save ammo, too.

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5 "Finding the solution ourselves" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: Lieutenant Hebron 2008 Were there people detained, sitting blindfolded at the sentry post? Yes, plenty. I’ll give you the simplest example – we had Arab kids who went into shops to steal metal. Those same shops that Jewish kids would steal from? [Note: This refers to a story mentioned earlier by the testifier] Yes, just like that. They have their spots. Now, kids are kids, and they come in, and steal. We got tired of it, you take them to the police once, and they come back, I guess their parents beat them and they have to bring the stuff. So we had no solution. We’d blindfold and shackle them, they’d sit in the army post, we’d bring them food and water… For the first time they’d be kept for five hours, longer the second time. That’s the punishment we’d give them. After the police picked them up we’d try to find a solution ourselves. They would not be beaten. It would surely help, by the way, but we don’t do that. So the punishment they got, and often, was to be detained until they were arrested – they'd be kept at the sentry post.

*** 6 "Some hours at company headquarters" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Qalqiliya 2007 At the entrance to Ma’ale Shomron settlement there is a curve in the road, named "Curve 90". It’s a sharp curve where cars have to really slow down to take it safely – it's a right angle. It is very close to a village called Azoun, ten minutes from the town of Qalqiliya, and is considered hostile. Lots of popular terrorist action originates there, lots of stone-throwing. It's situated right on the main road to Ma’ale Shomron and many stones and fire bombs are thrown at cars on the road. The villagers are known for their hostility. There isn't usually stone-throwing at the turn, but once there www.breakingthesilence.org.il

was. It happened as close as 200 meters from the village, a place where cars really have to slow down, and this happened after there was stone-throwing at other spots a number of times. We were alerted to there with our front command jeep. We got to the village, drove up to the houses closest to the curve, and then saw a group of children, 9-10 years old, running away. So the company commander and I got out of the jeep. We began to chase them. First they ran, went onto the balcony of some house, and then the commander took a stun grenade and hurled it into that balcony. It blew up. I don’t think it hurt them or anything, but it made them run out of the balcony. The house was at the outskirts of the village, a neighborhood right next to the road, and they ran off around the house. We saw them run around so we came up from the other side of the house to face them. And we really did. As soon as the kid came up in front of us – he was about two meters away – the company commander cocked his weapon in his face to make him stop. The kid fell on the ground and cried and begged for his life. And our commander, so brilliant of him, decided to arrest those kids. Take them in for a few hours to company HQ, just to scare them. And the kid was just freaking out, certain he was going to be killed, and begged and pleaded for his life. His father and brother came along and said: "Don’t take him! He’s just a kid," and so on and so on. "We’ll take care of everything." But the commander was adamant: "No, I want to take him in." And he actually tore him away from his dad’s leg and we put the kid in the jeep. I did nothing at that point. You took in one boy? Two. Two kids, if I remember right. He decided he wanted to take them in. It was this kind of gray situation, not that terrible, I think. Because those kids really do throw stones and that’s risky – it’s not like we actually meant to harm them. I suppose it is a very scarring experience for them, but the situation is complicated. On the way, at the exit from the village, people waited for us; they actually tried to block our way. Lots and lots of stones were hurled at us – rocks – until we finally got out. Are you sure those were the kids who threw stones? They were kids who saw an army jeep and broke off in a run. So we said: "Okay, they’re running." That’s the thought, and so we began to chase them. How do we know they threw stones? It’s hard to tell. We didn’t even interrogate these kids afterward. We made them sit for a number of hours at the post and then returned them to the village.

Blindfolded? No. The fact is that as soon as they got there, we soldiers gave them sweets right away and kidded around with them. What did the company commander say about this? He didn’t see this, didn’t know. It’s not that black and white. At the end of the day, something has to make these kids stop throwing stones on the road because they can kill. That specific kid who actually lay there on the ground, begging for his life, was actually nine years old. I think of our kids, nine years old, and a kid handling this kind of situation, I mean, a kid has to beg for his life? A loaded gun is pointed at him and he has to plead for mercy? This is something that scars him for life. But I think that if we hadn’t entered the village at that point, then stones would be thrown the next day and perhaps the next time someone would be wounded or killed as a result. Did the stone-throwing cease afterward? No.

*** 7 "Along came a soldier and kicked him" Unit: Givati Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Gaza Strip Boundary 2008 At Nahal Oz there was an incident where kids came to try to find food or something – their parents must have sent them off to try to sneak into Israel because the families were going hungry. Any such incident is considered infiltration and involves a chase. There were 14- and 15-year-olds there, I think. I remember a kid sitting there, blindfolded, and along came a soldier known to be an idiot, kicked him and poured rifle-grease over him. He did this in the middle of the company HQ and not a single officer saw him. I said something to him at the time but I didn’t yell at him, and I didn’t tell my commander about what he did.

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8 "Things that can still be changed" Unit: Armored Corps Rank: First Sergeant Ramallah 2006-2007 We had this checkpost for Palestinians at Ofer Prison, the interrogation facility. We had to check Palestinians coming into the base. We did it by pointing our gun at them, telling them to approach, lift their shirt, regardless of the weather — this is near Ramallah, where it’s not warm at all in the winter. If necessary they had to lift their pant legs. Men came through, girls came through – I don’t know who we had to check. Did you ever find a person of interest? No. Not at all. I would talk to them. It was important for me to be the good soldier. What was the point of taking off their pants? If anything aroused suspicion. Personally I never saw this, but I suppose certain people were amused by this. I’m sure there were such cases: "What a kick, I can tell him to take off his pants"… I recall a detainee being brought in, a 16-17-year-old kid who tried to stab a warden at Ofer Prison. He was shackled, blindfolded, and claimed he was beaten all the way there. I told him: "Sit down, have a drink of water, eat some fruit." Everyone laughed at me. "What do you care?" I don’t care what he did, he’s a kid. Regardless whether he committed the worst crime, it’s not his fault. These things can still be changed. Even the worst 15-year-old settler who beats up Palestinians, I still believe these things can be changed. Where did he come from? From jail. He was visiting his brother, and I was told he came with a knife, wanting to stab a warden. So he was brought to your detention facility? No, just brought so we’d keep an eye on him, at our quarters. He sat there shackled and blindfolded for 3-4 hours. He was scared, pissed in his pants, a little fellow, 16 years old. He claimed he'd been beaten up. It’s not really our business. I told the Border Police to come pick him up, and they said: "Don’t worry, it’s okay..." Do you think it was passed on? Yeah, right… his hitters were put on trial… No, I’m kidding. These are the little anecdotes. Suppose it’s right, and I’ve totally lost faith. A guy tries to stab a warden, he deserves to sit in jail. He gets beaten to a pulp on the way, and I’ve seen things 15

like this done: A detainee is brought in, he is tied to a post at the company HQ and anyone passing by slaps him a couple.

*** 9 "With half a wink" Unit: *** Rank: *** Jenin 2007 There was a mission we took part in, we were gathering intelligence about an activist staying in a village in the Jenin area. This village was very isolated, located at a high elevation, and had two approach roads entering and exiting it in both directions – there was no other way to approach. There was an activist living in that village and every time a military force came to the village they knew way ahead of time because there was only one way to reach it. And he escaped. The intelligence we had on him said that he sometimes spent weekends at home so we checked and he was actually spotted armed, with another armed friend. The operation as it was prepared at the brigade HQ was to gather intelligence. The planners didn’t really go into how and who would carry out an arrest as soon as the wanted man was spotted. And when he was actually seen, at that moment the undercover Border Police unit was alerted. It was a Saturday, and within hours they were ready for action and arrived at the village. They came to the house, next door, and ran out. What team? Undercover. The working assumption was that the only way to get inside this village was undercover, not out in the open. It was noontime. Very soon they were shooting in the direction of the activist and his friend. One was killed, the other badly wounded. In that shooting an Israeli kid was killed, too, an Israeli Arab from Rahat. The ones who were undercover were shot at? No. Not at all. I guess the point was arrest, on the one hand. On the other hand, could be that this was only pretend, because in several of the undercover operations I’ve heard about, there were arrests only in one of them. Every time the undercover unit was involved, it ended up with fatalities. I’m almost sure there was no fire opened at them, there wasn’t time for this. The undercover guys just run and shoot.

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Did the Palestinians have enough time to get their guns out, and hold them? I don’t know. Generally I think the rules of engagement let them fire if there are wanted men or armed men. I mean, they didn’t have to wait for their lives to be endangered in order to shoot. I saw them get out and a second later there was gunfire. Very fast.

*** 10 "As is done with all detainees" Unit: Armored Corps Rank: Sergeant Ramallah 2009 Anyone who touches the fence activates the alerts at the war-room. We got a reference point at Deir Qadis that the fence there was touched. When we got there we saw glass bottle shards. We stood on top of the jeep itself and saw a few kids. We went in, both the company commander’s front command jeep and the patrol, and tried to catch them. It was on the outskirts of the village in the area closer to the fence. The patrol came from one direction and the commander from another entrance through Ni’ilin and the kids were detained. These were three children, the oldest 15 years old, one really little one, 7-8 years old, and another one in between the two, age-wise. The commander caught all three and wanted to check things so he made them sit on the road about five meters from each other, facing the other way. He took one shoe from each of them and began to walk the fence, looking for tracks. Then he saw tracks, one of the shoes matched it, and realized they were their tracks. He went to the little boy and spoke to him in Arabic, scared him until the kid broke out crying and told him. He detained the two older kids, the little one told him what happened. All these areas are covered with surveillance cameras connected to HQ and lookouts. If the commander wanted to do something extraordinary, he couldn’t, he’s being filmed. He opened the jeep’s two back doors and placed the kid inside. He didn’t beat him but he made brutal threats and the kid began to cry. Anyway, after getting the picture he detained the two older boys and continued back to the village. He yelled: "Go! Get into the village!" and the kid was terrified. The commander threw a stun grenade in his direction and the kid ran off.

What did you do with the two others? They were taken the way all detainees are, on to the battalion post, and from there they were sent on. I don’t know what happens to them.

*** 11 "For no reasons at all" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Salfit 2009 We had to take over a school, which is already a big problem – taking over a school and turning it into a detention facility when it’s actually an educational facility. We took over a school and had to arrest anyone in the village who was between the ages of 17 and 50, something like that. It lasted from morning until noon the next day. Anyway, all sorts of people arrived, shackled and blindfolded. What happened was that when these detainees asked to go to the bathroom, and the soldiers took them there, they beat them to a pulp and cursed them for no reason, and there was nothing that would legitimize hitting them. Really terrible things. An Arab was taken to the bathroom to piss, and a soldier slapped him, took him down to the ground while he was shackled and blindfolded. The guy wasn't rude and did nothing to provoke any hatred or nerves. Just like that, because he is an Arab. He was about 15 years old, hadn’t done a thing. We arrested many of the people just in order to collect information about them for the Shabak, not because they had done anything. Many stones were thrown along the roads in that village... In general people at the school were sitting for hours in the sun, they could get water once in a while, but let’s say someone asked for water, five times, a soldier could come to him and slap him just like that. Or let’s say, I saw many soldiers using their knees to hit them, just out of boredom. Because you’re standing around for 10 hours doing nothing, and you’re bored, so you hit them. Perhaps that was the only satisfaction they had. That whole time, the Palestinians were shackled and blindfolded, in the sun? Yes. I have two phrases that I made up. There are soldiers who know what the point of the [plastic] handcuff is, and then there are others, who think that it is meant as a device to stop blood flow from the wrist to the fingertips.

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What does that mean? That they think it should be on so tight that no blood can get through. Why do they do this? The purpose of these handcuffs is to keep the person from freeing his hands, but there’s a difference between that and preventing circulation. Were many people very tightly shackled at that school? Yes, lots of hands were shackled tightly, and they were begging to be released just a bit. And were they? Eventually, after they cried and complained, the company commander ordered them released, and after a while they even had their hands in front instead of behind their backs. After how long? About seven hours. They were sitting there with blue hands for seven hours? No, it takes time for hands to turn blue. Not everyone had blue hands, but many people already turned numb. How many people did you arrest that day? Around 150. Some of them were wearing their sleeping garments, straight out of bed. Some had been allowed to get dressed, but most hadn’t. I remember most clearly one 15-year-old whom a commander in the riflemen’s company took in, grabbed his ear and put him behind another Arab. The kid was all shaking, I was sure he would piss all over himself out of fear. That’s how I recall it. Which village was that? Hares. It was a brigade operation. Our battalion was in Hares because many stones were being thrown from that village at Israeli roads, so the army decided to collect information and find out who was in charge and organizing things. So this school was taken over to bring in all those people for Shabak interrogation. The whole battalion went in? Yes. Did this start in daytime or at night? At night. It was pretty funny, the school janitor was called in at 3 a.m. to open up all the rooms.

And all the guys in the battalion, what did they do? Some went to houses, brought in people to the school, some took up positions, others organized rooms for the company commander, deputy battalion commander… All the officers who came there, and a room for the Shabak. And the whole battalion checked every house in the village? I believe so. Whoever was supposed to be arrested, was. What were the criteria for arresting people? Anyone over 17 years of age. But even 14-year-olds were brought in. How long did you stay? From 3 a.m. until around 3-4 p.m. 12 hours. Did you witness more cases of violence against Palestinian detainees? Many reservists took part in this. They really had a ball with those Palestinians – swearing, humiliating them, pulling their hair, ears, kicking and slapping them around. These things were a norm, the whole battalion. The case at the bathroom was extreme but slapping and swearing and humiliating and kneeing them and stuff like that were usual. I know that at the bathroom, there was this "demons’ dance" as it was called. Anyone who brought a Palestinian there – it was catastrophic. Not bleeding beatings – they stayed dry – but still beatings. I know of one case where lots of Palestinians were sitting on a kind of ramp and then two soldiers just went ahead and kicked two detainees. So the officer told them: "If you do this once more, you'll be in trouble," and that was it, as if during the whole operation there were only these two cases of bad conduct. That’s what those officers must have thought.

*** 12 "Human advantage" Unit: *** Rank: *** Hebron 2007-2008 One night, things were hopping in Idna village, so we were told there’s this wild riot, and we should get there fast. Our officer wasn't there. The sergeant, plus a team of six soldiers, mount a secured vehicle, and we go to Idna. At some point it was really crazy there, burning tires, burning garbage bins in the middle of the road. We

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drive and whole rocks land on the vehicle, thrown from the rooftops. Our hearts were pumping madly. You entered the village? There were lots of forces there. Us, and the front command jeep with the company commander, battalion commander, his deputy and the command of another three companies, three patrols. The village was swamped with army personnel. We drove the company commander’s jeep along quite a main street in the village, next to the mosque, several times. Suddenly we were showered with stones and didn’t know what was going on. Everyone stopped suddenly, the sergeant sees the company commander get out of the vehicle and joins him. We jump out without knowing what was going on – I was last. Suddenly I see a shackled and blindfolded boy. The stoning stopped as soon as the company commander gets out of the car. He fired rubber ammo at the stone-throwers and hit this boy. The boy was holding his belly and tried to run or throw another stone, there are several versions of this. This is what I was told afterward, I didn’t see it myself. The company commander punched him, very fast, made him fall on the ground and the medic and communications man tied him up and blindfolded him. All this happened within 20 seconds from the moment the vehicle stopped until I saw him shackled. He was put in our vehicle and you saw he was filthy from the stones. He asked: "What did I do? Why me?" I tried to talk to him a bit, gave him some water on the way, and he asked again why he was detained. I told him he had thrown stones, he said he hadn’t, and so back and forth a few times. Finally I told him: "You’re lying, shut up." The sergeant also got annoyed and said: "Don’t talk to him." Two guys there were excited by their first action in Hebron and had their pictures taken with him. Did he object? No, he was blindfolded, he didn’t know. He asked for water so one of the guys said: "Water?" and gave him a hard hit on the head. I argued with that guy a bit and with the two guys who were photographed. At some point they talked about hitting his face with their knees. At that point I argued with them and said: "I swear to you, if a drop of his blood or a hair falls off his head, you won’t sleep for three nights, I’ll make you miserable." I took it hard. How did they respond? They knew I was like that, I never hid it. They laughed at me for being a leftie. "If we don’t show them what’s what, they go back to doing this." I argued with them that the guy was shackled and couldn’t do anything. That he was being taken to the Shabak

(General Security Services) and we'd finished our job. A few weeks later, I heard one of them saying things that sounded different: "If someone’s shackled, why should I touch him?" So why did they want to abuse him? Because they were caught up in a storm of action, wanted to show the Palestinians who's who, and the adrenalin kicked in. Mine did, too. You rode on and out of Idna? Yes. Maybe other jeeps picked up more people. We took him for a medical examination and that was that. The argument about whether he should have been beaten up or not continued for some days. It became the business of anyone who was there, and people who joined around, from the platoon. Most said the Palestinians should be beaten up so they’ll know what’s what, because that’s the only way they’ll learn. I was really surprised. I knew that’s the way minds worked in general, but I thought that *** would be more humane. But there’s no humane advantage there at all. Later I heard worse stories about places where guys who wanted to beat up Palestinians were not stopped at all, in other battalions. After a while, still I looked alright, compared to others.

*** 13 "Young kids" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Bethlehem 2005 On the first patrol we caught kids with "nunchucks", these Ninja weapons. We picked them up because they’re not allowed to carry those around. I have never heard of such an order. That’s how it was, they couldn’t carry weapons including ‘cold’ weapons. Anyway, we were there – myself, another soldier and the platoon commander. The driver said they look suspect, we stopped the kids, they unpacked their bags, we found their "nunchucks" and something else that was suspect, asked what to do about them, and were told to "take them to the interrogation post at the regional brigade HQ." I think it belongs to the Shabak.

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An interrogation facility. Yes. We were told to "bring them in." How old were these kids? I don’t know, 14-15 I guess. How are they put in the jeep? First of all we stopped them at the Gush Junction, everyone’s looking on, plenty of people passing by, people all around them. You try to secure the situation – can’t tell what’s about to happen. You could be shot any minute. The whole situation is one of fear. How do we get them into the jeep? Two sit in back, and I and *** stand watch over them, pointing our guns at them. All of that just over some "nunchucks"…? Go figure, young kids. I suppose you shackled them. Yes. And blindfolded them. Those are your instructions, and besides you don’t know what to do, your first time out there. This was your first arrest? Yes. Very first incident. Do you know what happened to them? I think they were brought back to the same spot. Did they get their "nunchucks" back? No, I think the Shabak passed them on to us and they were put in the war-room. The kids had made them themselves. The company commander was thrilled and put them in the war-room.

*** 14 "Whoever is slow to run – gets beaten up" Unit: Combat Engineering Corps Rank: First Sergeant Ramallah 2006-2007 There was this incident where a ‘straw widow' [ambush in an urban area] was put up following a riot at Qalandiya on a Friday, in an abandoned house near the square.

Soldiers got out with army clubs and beat people to a pulp. Finally the children who remained on the ground were arrested. The order was to run, make people fall to the ground. There was a 10-12 man team, 4 soldiers lighting up the area. People were made to fall to the ground, and then the soldiers with the clubs would go over to them and beat them. A slow runner was beaten, that was the rule. What does such a club look like? It’s the simplest wooden club, straight, about 30 centimeters long. You stick it in back of your ceramic bullet proof vest, like the sword on a ‘Ninja-turtle,’ then you pull it out and pound it down. You can kill a person. We were told not to use it on people’s heads. I don’t remember where we were told to hit, but as soon as a person on the ground is beaten with such a club, it's difficult to be particular. How many times did your platoon do this? I don’t know, quite a few. Certainly 4-5 times. Perhaps with different kids… What did the company commander expect? That they would learn their lesson. I can only hope that the kids detained on the base or at the police station would not go back to throwing stones, but I can’t believe this was the effect.

*** 15 "Neighbor procedure" Unit: Paratroopers Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Tul Karm 2005 "Neighbor procedure" is used when an arrest mission takes place and usually a neighbor, a resident of the neighboring house, is summoned and required to enter the wanted person’s home and call all its inhabitants to come outside. That’s what you called it, "neighbor procedure"? Yes. At the briefings we were simply told to order a neighbor out. Who gave those briefings? The unit commander. Anyway, in other instances neighbors were required to enter www.breakingthesilence.org.il

a house after its inhabitants got out, to make sure no one stayed inside. There are many problems with this procedure beyond the fact that there had been a ruling made by the High Court of Justice in November 2002 or a bit earlier against using the procedure. I remember this because it was a short while before I was recruited. The ruling was brought about after a big to-do about some arrest mission where the neighbor was killed – the Palestinians from the wanted man’s house had killed their neighbor – so this procedure was outlawed completely. Besides being illegal, at times use was made of women and children for this purpose. Children. Do you recall a specific instance? Yes. I think it was in Tul Karm. There was a rather complex structure of several multi-storey houses. We got all the people out. No one was the wanted person. We feared he was still there, inside. So at first neighbors were used, then some kid. Bilal, I even recall his name. I remember because I got very angry over this. And they kept sending him into that house to check that no one was inside, open all the doors, turn on all the lights, open all the windows. Who decided to send him in? I don’t know – I suppose it was our unit commander – but usually commanders wouldn’t assign me to the team carrying out the mission, they knew my views on the subject quite well. I mean, there was some briefing: before an operation where I was squad commander, they used to say, **’s squad will go here and get a neighbor out. I approached my own squad commander and said: "Listen, I don’t know the unit commander’s view on this, I’m not going to do this. I will not handle this business of ‘neighbor procedure’, both because I object to it personally, and because it is against the law." And what were you told? My own squad commander said: "No problem. Don’t do anything you aren't comfortable with." What did he say about its being against the law? They know it is, and still they – I quote the unit commander – "I know it’s illegal, and I am willing to have that neighbor killed, that mother, that woman, so that none of my men will be killed entering that house." He cited examples of missions where a wanted man locked himself in, and several times the army tracking dog was sent in and did not detect him, and several times the mother was sent in to open doors and she did, and every time the dog went in and found nothing. There was a squad there that noticed she didn’t open a certain door on the roof every time, and forced her to open 25

that door. The guy was really there and the next time the dog went up, he killed the army dog. The commander gave this example because in his opinion he had saved the life of one of the combatants and he was willing to risk lives [of Palestinians] over this. Unlike him, the battalion commander told me... Before my talk with him, I got a copy of the "neighbor procedure". At the time it was accepted by the court under a lot of conditions. I got hold of these conditions and studied them beforehand, and told him: "Here and here and here we don't carry it out properly." Meaning, soldiers had used children and women, and that means their participation was not always based on their willingness. Sometimes those neighbors were threatened, coerced, etc. What kinds of threats? "We’ll arrest you, too." Things like that. No physical violence threats. Arrests, stuff like that, let’s say harassment. You approach someone and say: "Come with me." He answers: "I don’t want to?" No one said they wouldn’t. When you knock on someone’s door in the middle of the night with your gun pointing in his face and shining your light into his eyes and tell him to strip, turn around, check that he is not armed, and then begin to ask him who lives here, who lives there, go here – he will not say he is not willing. But when later the person says: "I don’t know, and this and that," and you think he’s selling you short, I’ve heard guys answer him: "Too bad, we’ll pick you up, too." There were all kinds of things like this. And the battalion commander claimed it was legal. He has a law degree. He claimed it’s legal and we began to discuss the conditions and stuff, and he said: "In some instances you’re right, and we do have to fix things." Indeed that night of my discussion with him in Jenin, again children were sent in to do it. So a request was sent out on radio that this time no one use neighbor procedure at all. I know that a very large-scale action was planned for that day, and right after my discussion with the battalion commander, all the commanders of all the battalion units were summoned for a talk with him. The first thing he did was to brief them on clarifying "neighbor procedure" – that permission should be requested, and that women and children should not be used. So on that day, everything still worked out ok. The next night, we entered Jenin again, and again a boy and a woman were used. After a few times, I heard over the radio that no one was supposed to send women or children into such a house, only adult men and only with the permission of the commander on the ground. So those were the changes. Although I know that later there were cases of "neighbor procedure", I don’t know whether with children or not, but I’m also sure that today this is still done. www.breakingthesilence.org.il

*** 16 "I couldn’t care less" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2010 Did you happen to arrest children? I remember especially adolescents. We once arrested three guys, three or two who were a kind of gang that kept throwing stones at us and they were… just boys. What were the grounds for arrest? Either the Shabak [General Security Services] wanted to talk to them, or they had thrown stones, or they were suspected of contacts with Hamas… Earlier you spoke of an incident where a kid shat in his pants during his arrest. Would you like to elaborate? While we took him out of the jeep I remember hearing him shitting his pants… I also remember some other time when someone pissed in his pants. I just became so indifferent to it, I couldn’t care less. He shat in his pants, I heard him do it, I witnessed his embarrassment. I also smelled it. But I didn’t care.

*** 17 "The guys are bored, they want action" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 … So there’s a school there. We’d often provoke riots there. We’d be on patrol, walking in the village, bored, so we’d trash shops, find a detonator, beat someone to a pulp, you know how it is. Search, mess it all up. Say we’d want a riot? We’d go up to the windows of a mosque, smash the panes, throw in a stun grenade, make a big boom, then we’d get a riot.

And the locals were praying at the time? Yes, possibly. Everything goes. It's best, in the middle of prayers. That annoys them the most. You know what it’s like. Soldiers are bored. They want action. Some are already waiting for the Palestinians outside, to fire rubber ammo as soon as they come out. Once we came – actually this was not planned – one of our guys went up to the window of the mosque, smashed it, and suddenly a riot broke out. So we came, shot rubber ammo, and they all scurried back inside. So a soldier went up and threw a gas canister inside. Into the mosque? Sure. Can you imagine what sort of riot broke out there? I tell you, I never saw one like that. In Hebron we were provoking them like crazy. Then the company commander was alerted, the command jeep, because we needed more permission for these riots. The commander arrived, and said: "Look for this and that, shoot at the knees." We had a screwed up company commander, a real Arab-hater, too. We went out and there was this terrific riot, cement blocks were thrown at us from rooftops, everything. I had never seen such a riot in Hebron. You know, they’d get really upset at us when we threw stun grenades into their holiday prayers. So the commander got annoyed, stopped, froze everyone, just when all the Palestinians want to come back from the mosque. He wouldn't let anyone through. Old people want to get home – nothing moves. It’s already 11 p.m., they’ve been standing there for some four hours. People are getting really nervous. He goes: "Okay, marksmen, up on the roofs. Soon Molotov cocktails will be flying." We were waiting for this. He says: "Wait, they’re getting annoyed." He is used to annoying people: "Give them time, we’ll warm them up." Some begin to push. He picked up stones, threw them at people, said: "No one gets through." A car came. He picked up the blocks that had been thrown from the rooftops, and boom boom, smashed the car. "Get out of here, fuckers!" Smashed the whole thing. Lights, everything. Left nothing whole. Crazy. How did the riot end? It was a big one. We fired a lot of rubber ammo. A lot. Every time we’d catch Arab kids, hold them like this, with stones, like retards. You know, so that the others would throw stones at them, not at us. Turn them into human shields? Yes.

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Did it work? Sometimes. Depends how much you provoke them. With the mosque it was a bit hard, because we were stoned from all directions. The kids don’t want to run away? Don’t manage to get away? You know how badly beaten they get? You catch him, push the gun against his body, he can’t make a move, he’s totally petrified. He only goes: "No, no, army." You can tell he’s petrified. He sees you’re mad, that you couldn’t care less about him and you’re hitting him really hard the whole time. And all those stones flying around. You grab him like this, you see? We were mean, really. Only later did I begin to think about these things, that we’d lost all sense of mercy.

*** 18 "Total helplessness" Unit: Paratroopers Brigade Rank: (female) Sergeant Nablus 2005-2006 It’s a harsh reality. Very very harsh. And the closer it gets to you, the more you realize things. Suddenly things that on the news just didn’t make any sense to you, now pass as normal. And here you live it. I saw combatants abuse detainees, for instance, so many times, and it was highly upsetting. Was this common practice or a single event? Not common practice. Commanders also knew how to put an end to it. I mean, it’s not something they’d encourage. On the whole people got treated… When you saw this for the first time, what did you say? It was very weird for me. Incredibly weird. It stressed me out. I was really scared of this situation. Do you recall a specific situation? I remember one morning, one of the first times I came to the commander’s office and saw some five detainees, incredibly scary, and a few soldiers… What was scary, the way they looked? No, not the way they looked. The fact that they were actually children, around 14-15 years old. Not older. Blindfolded. And these combatants were not from my own

battalion - after all we were a regional brigade, and there are lots of different units – combatants came at those kids, threw stones at them, swore at them. And the kids sat as helpless as a human being can be, their hands shackled in those tight plastic bands that don’t let them move, blindfolded, total helplessness. I often found myself feeling very ambivalent, not sure what I was doing, whose side I was on in this whole thing. Did you say anything to anyone? I often made remarks, and some people responded by saying: "You’re right, this has to be looked into." Others said: "After all they do to us, we have the right to treat them any way we want." Listen, seeing my own guys coming back, later in their service, but still, coming back from an eight-hour shift at Hawara checkpoint, when a Palestinian tried to stab one of them, at that point I say, sorry, but screw them. With all due respect. With all my good will.

*** 19 "That’s what they understand" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2010 I happened to be at Gross Square several times when Palestinian children ignited thorns and weeds in the cemeteries or rolled tires and threw stones at the 'Pillbox' Post or towards the Jewish settlement. A patrol would be alerted to catch them, but until the police arrived, the soldiers couldn’t just stay with them outside so they would take them inside the ground floor of the post, and they would stay there. Once they had to stay in there alone for hours, and the stench in there is terrible. Golani infantrymen who were there before us would piss inside that post on the floor so it really stank. They stayed in there for a few hours without water, without food. Just that stench, it was disgusting. They cried and began to call people on the phone so one of the soldiers from another post was sent to be in there with them, to make sure they didn’t make trouble — to sit on the stairs. They were a lot of trouble. They weren't supposed to use the phone but still they did. I didn’t want to use force so I called the war-room, and at the time the company commander was sitting with the deputy battalion commander at our company HQ, so the company commander came to the www.breakingthesilence.org.il

post. He arrived, opened the door and began yelling at them in Arabic and swearing at them, even slapping them around a bit. How did it all end? They were quiet, he had scared them. Three hours later they were released. They had sat there for three hours, as a punishment. But they would often either sit there and wait for the police to pick them up and then one of the soldiers would go with them for the inquiry, or the police would come right away. And that whole story, sitting in the pillbox, was because they rolled tires? Rolled tires, threw stones, burnt grass. Did the stones ever hit you? Or the pillbox? No. Were the tires burning? Once a tire was burning, but they're not allowed… It’s like disciplining a child, as soon as you let him do something wrong, he'll keep doing it. They know they shouldn’t do this and as soon as they realize no one reacts, they will just go on doing it because they’ll think it’s okay. What's the point? No point. If they see that no one jumps them, or cares that tires are being rolled, they will do it. Then there will be burning tires, and then stones. What should to be done with such children, according to instructions? Scare them. The police, too, said there was nothing to be done with them at the police station. And the company commander’s approach is routine? The point is he didn’t punch them or kick them on the floor and fracture their bones. Just slapped them around. I'm not saying this is right, but that’s what they understand. Do you think that while you were there, this really changed things? Did they throw fewer stones, burn fewer tires? No. They know, somehow, they hear which battalion is due to arrive. They probably fear Golani infantry, because that unit is more violent than Nahal, and then there was the Kfir Brigade… We are a more 'moral' battalion. Still, it should be clear that we don’t just hang around our posts and look around, but act. Show some clout, so they realize there are more soldiers, more patrols. So they’ll know they can’t approach or make trouble, because they’ll be caught.

How is this manifested? Beyond leaving them in the post for several hours? Nothing can be done. The point is these children are afraid they’ll be sent to the police station and their parents will have to come and bail them out, and then their dad will beat them up. They’re told: "The police will come soon," and then they’re just released.

*** 20 "Everything stays the same" Unit: Navy Rank: First Sergeant Gaza Strip Boundary 2005-2007 … There is an [offshore] area that closes in on Gaza, it’s called area K and is controlled by the Israeli Navy, and it stayed this way after the ‘disengagement’ [of the Israeli military from the Gaza Strip] – nothing has changed there as far as the maritime designated area is concerned. Everything has remained the same. The only thing that changed is that area K is between Israel and Gaza, area M is between Egypt and Gaza, and in the middle was another buffer preventing boats from the Rafah dock to cross over to the Gaza dock. This part was opened to them as the ‘disengagement’ took effect. That was the only gain. I mostly remember that near the K area between Israel and Gaza there are children who would get up very early in the morning, really little children, they’d get there around 4-5 .a.m., because that area was filled with fishermen. It’s a small area, and the fish would escape to the closed areas where no fishing happened. The kids would keep trying to get through, so every morning shots would be fired in their direction to scare them away, to the point that fire was directed at their legs – at kids who stood on the beach or rode a surfboat into the water. We had a Druze on board who would yell at them in Arabic and swear at them. Later you'd see the kids’ faces on camera, crying, those poor kids. What do you mean by firing in their direction? It began with shots in the air, bullets passing them closely, and in extreme cases, even shooting at their legs. I didn’t do it, but there were other vessels in my company that shot at their legs.

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What range? Long. 500-600 meters. Firing a Raphael Mag, all automatic. Where do you aim? It’s a matter of angles. You have dimension gauges in the camera, and you place the marker where you want and it prevents the wave effect and hits where you want it to, precisely. You aim one meter away from their surfboat? More, even five, six meters. There were cases I heard about but didn't see, where the surfboat was hit. Ricochets hit them, of bullets hitting the water.

*** 21 "Boom boom" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 We haven’t mentioned the Jews in Hebron. The Jewish shits. They gave you a hard time? Sure they did. But there’s nothing much you can do about the Jews there. What are you going to do? That’s the worst part. There are cases where you already wish you could beat them. For example, you know the "Worshippers' Path"? This Jewish kid walks along, an Arab kid passes by, boom, the Jew kicks the Arab kid in the face. If the Arab would hit him back I have to catch him and slap him on the face, see? The Jew is free to do whatever he likes. Did you work with the Border Police? Yes, they’re the worst shits. What we do is nothing in comparison to them. They didn’t give a damn, they go around breaking people’s knees just like that. I remember once some Arab was caught throwing stones, they put his leg up against the wall as he lay on the ground and, boom, someone just stepped on his knee. No mercy. I said: "Wow." I could never believe the level of cruelty I saw there, how could they… We’d pass by on patrol, let’s say, and see them standing at the checkpoint, saying to someone: "Come here." Boom boom, hit him, kick him, and it’s just a kid. "Go on,

don’t talk." "You’re talking? Get over here again." Boom, boom. Start a stopwatch and make him run back and forth. He has 20 seconds to get me a soft drink. What, from the grocery? Yes. Beat him to a pulp. And then the kid gets back: "He wouldn’t give me the drink." "What do you mean? Go tell him now that if he doesn’t give it to you, I’ll slaughter him." That’s how they’d speak to him. In Arabic? Of course. Lots of Arabic-speakers in the Border Police. Lots of Druze.

*** 22 "A kind of game" Unit: Reserves Rank: *** Ramallah 2011 On Friday morning we went out to the village. My platoon had to occupy two houses. We split into two squads. One force took the roof of a house, and the other took another roof. The residents of these houses already know that their houses will be taken over on Friday because they have a good lookout position over the village. We were told that the person who lives in the house we took over, the father, is a Palestinian policeman. We got to the house. He asked: "What do you want?" At first he tried to resist a bit. "Why are you entering my house? It’s my house." We said: "You are familiar with the procedure, we have no choice, we have to go in. We stand here on your roof every Friday." So he said: "Okay, go in." He resisted just a bit, he wanted to close some door upstairs first… And one soldier couldn’t hold back, of course, and saw this as resistance and immediately began to yell at him: "Shut up, what are you doing?", while the guy didn’t even intend to put up any resistance. He was really nice. I mean, he was very meek. He didn’t really have a choice anyway. We came in, five soldiers, and the mother of that Palestinian policeman tried to resist a bit, too, and yelled at us why we were going up, it was their house. Except for that soldier who yelled, we were relatively okay. We spoke nicely to them, we said: "Listen, we didn’t come to mess up your house. Go ahead, lock up everything you need, finish, tell us and we’ll go upstairs." I mean, we treated them really well and as a result, except for

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that yelling in the beginning, they were alright. Then we climbed up to the roof. It was around 10:30-11 a.m., and on the other roof, at a distance of about 300 meters from us, we saw the other force. And then nothing happened. One soldier with a teargas canister launcher, and other soldiers without anything but stun grenades, are on the lookout. The heat is intense, it’s July, the roof baking in the sun, they get bored. Once in a while they enter the stairwell where there’s a bit of shade – smoke, drink, eat, and go back. But in the meantime nothing happens. Absolutely nothing for about an hour. We’re on that roof and nothing happens. Then at some point we see two people suddenly going behind some house. We don’t know what they’re going to do, what their deal is, but two people were spotted so this was a great opportunity for the soldier with the launcher to fire some teargas in their direction. Then you see how from the other roof also, our guys, and really the Border Policemen downstairs, begin to fire teargas every two minutes in some direction, because they spotted someone walking. This means, that on that Friday, if you were a Palestinian and you didn’t want to get hurt, you couldn’t walk around in your village street from 11 a.m. If you turned, that already makes you suspect and you’d be targeted with teargas or a stun grenade or something. Then it starts – people run away from the gas and suddenly the Border Police see them running, so – oh, they’re running? Then they’re definitely suspect and so they, too, start firing gas. You look out from your rooftop and see this scene – from about three different posts teargas is being fired at various targets in the village. Nothing massive, but it is still starting to rain gas. Around 1 p.m. we hear the Muezzin sounding the call to prayer for about 15 minutes, and after that we‘re told over the radio: "Now the demonstration will begin." Usually after prayers they come out and then we really see the mosque, but we still can't see its entrance, and then we hear people chanting on the megaphone, very weakly. I didn’t see the people. Later I watched this on video. You really see it's nothing spectacular, maybe 20 people. Not some mass demo. 15-20 people. We couldn’t actually see the demonstration from our post, but I began to see that teargas was being fired at them from all directions. Who was it, the other force? Mainly the Border Police. The demonstrators were advancing towards them on the road so the Border Police began to throw teargas and more teargas in that direction. And that’s it. We hear that the demonstration stopped. How much teargas do you think was fired that day? A lot. Perhaps close to 100 rounds. Certainly many dozen, maybe over a hundred. But it's important for me to mention one more thing: The atmosphere among the

soldiers is… It’s like some kind of game. Before Nabi Saleh, everyone wants to arm themselves with as much ammo as possible, so they’ll have plenty to fire. It’s for kicks. You have lots of stun grenades, eventually there’s nothing you can do with one, you have to throw it, so they’re thrown for the sake of throwing at people who are not suspected of anything. And in the end, you tell your friend at the Friday night dinner table: "Wow! I fired this much, you fired that much, I stopped this, you stopped that…" I mean, it's fun and games, elation, a chance for release and people just fire it all. That’s the experience. Around 2 p.m. the company commander ordered us to go downstairs, and it’s time to patrol the village on foot. So we gathered at a kind of village square, where there’s a grocery as well, people were sitting there having refreshments, so the commander asked the grocer to close up and go away. He did, of course. Then lots of Palestinians started coming, but it was actually mainly internationals, Israeli anarchists and so on who started coming. They didn’t demonstrate, didn’t throw stones or yell or anything. They just came and stood there. We were about 10 soldiers, and then the battalion commander’s front command group arrived, too, one of the brigade officers came with a document declaring the place a 'closed military zone,' and we told them in Hebrew and English both: "This is a closed military zone. Anyone who does not leave will be arrested." In fact there was no reason to arrest them, they were just standing there. But if it’s a closed military zone you have to arrest them. But they did nothing. We stood there, even spoke with them a bit. At that moment, things broke up: some soldier tried to grab someone so he ran away. There were little things, you heard a shout and someone was running, but it’s no incitement, nothing like that. Until the demonstrators decided they would not budge, and a guy who was a reservist, in fact a settler, from the auxiliary company, an older man who was a volunteer reservist, around 50 something, began to go berserk, and became really violent. He lost it. He grabbed women and threw them to the ground, grabbed press cameras and threw them in a sewer, broke them, and this was a real provocation. He touched some woman, and immediately guys jumped to protect her, so all the soldiers jumped them. Anyway, all hell broke loose just because of that one reservist who started it all because he came along and didn’t even wait. He was told he had to disperse them so he started hitting, kicking, and throwing anything that moved. Any Palestinian, anything. The press didn’t interest him, he simply went wild. Really lashed out? Yes. Lashed out, seriously. At some point the battalion commander told some officer

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to take that wild soldier and keep him away from the area. Send him back to the company. "I don’t want him here, don’t let him near." We also felt we overdid things. I noticed other soldiers were also feeling very uneasy. Because we were always being told this is exactly the kind of thing demonstrators are looking for, and here they got it from that berserk soldier. Later there was an inquiry, the company commander spoke and said: "That guy was not from our company but it is important to mention that it’s an exceptional instance, and if it were one of my subordinates I’d throw him out of the company straight away. Keep that in mind..." How was this exceptional? He spoke about values, said this was out of line… Around 3-4 p.m. we began to get people out of the village, either by arrest or by chasing away all the people who were not from the village itself. Anyone who was not a Palestinian had to leave. Then they began to hide in houses, so soldiers under command of our company commander began to search the houses. We reached a house, the commander asked to bring the owner out, we knew that about 20 anarchists had just entered it. He said: "What do you want me to do, stop them from coming in?" So the commander said: "Yes." He said: "I can’t keep so many people out." So the commander simply arrested the guy. Blindfolded and shackled him, took him into the jeep. Now this was the kind of arrest where the man is not taken to some detention facility because he wasn’t actually rioting or anything, he was simply taken to the 'Pillbox' Post and made to wait there until about 8 p.m. when everything was over and then he was returned to the village. An older man? Yes, about 50 years old. We walked the village, didn’t see any more people out because they hid inside the houses, came back to the main square, there was this father there, the grocer. He was with his many children and children’s kids – they spoke fluent Hebrew. Many boys were standing there with him. One of them, around 17 years old, annoyed one of the company commander’s staff. Annoyed? He smiled or something, so immediately an order was given to arrest two of the sons. Why? Because he smiled or something. First the father said, no, don’t arrest them. I’ll beat them up. They did nothing. Didn’t throw stones. So the commander said: ‘No, he was provoking us. He provoked a soldier of mine." And we simply took them, blindfolded, shackled, into the jeep and to the pillbox where they were made to wait for hours… There was an Israeli press photographer who simply stood there. Wouldn’t leave. He 37

was told: "This is a military zone, everyone has to leave!" I mean, leave how? They ran into houses. He wouldn’t, so the soldiers grabbed him by force, threw his camera on the ground, made him lie down, shackled him. He began to swear at them, he said: "You’re Nazis..." this and that. While he was shackled, he said: "Just get my camera inside my bag." His bag was on his back. So some soldier came to get his camera inside the bag. It was returned to him without the film. He was all dust, and treated violently, forced to the ground and his head hit the ground, and he wouldn’t give up, continued to curse the soldiers, out of frustration, ideological badmouthing. But you said that at some point you were told to remove everyone who didn’t belong in the village. Right, but we went around the houses and didn’t find them. We were playing catand-mouse for about an hour. Then we said: "What, are we going to start a houseto-house search?" So the commander said: "Let's go back to the central square, and if you see them outside, chase them, catch them." But we didn’t see those people. Outside were only Palestinians because they knew we wouldn’t arrest them if they weren’t holding stones. So we reached some house, the commander wanted everyone out to make sure no anarchists were there. One soldier was sent in to make sure there were no internationals there, and that’s it… Around 5 p.m., we had nothing left to do in the village so the commander took our force to the nearest pillbox. He said: "Wait here, if there’s anything happening you’ll be alerted, and if not, just wait in the pillbox. He said, take off your vests, make some coffee. In other words, there’s no assignment for you right now. As we went down to the pillbox from the village, on foot, one of the soldiers already had ammo in his barrel and the safety catch was off, so there was nothing left to do but fire. Now, if you’re a smart soldier you fire at some open ground – those soldiers weren't lacking. We went on and the whole time he kept saying: "What should I do with this?" So coming down from the village, there was no demonstration, nothing. There was this grocery and some kids hung around there, so when we passed them at some 200 meters away he decided to turn around and fire in their direction. He didn’t hit them but he was bored so he decided to waste the ammo in the direction of those kids who weren't connected to any incident. At the pillbox were the two detainees, and we had to watch over them. They sat quietly. The soldiers did nothing, we just talked amongst ourselves, and occasionally one of us ate a peach and of course threw the pit at a detainee. And occasionally I'd see someone go over to them and step on their balls, stuff like that. Little things, not harsh violence, or…

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Stepping on their balls? That doesn’t sound like nothing. Just lightly, to show him: "I’m still here." Or if he moved a bit because the position he was sitting in was was uncomfortable, then they'd yell at him: "Hey, don’t move!" and give him a little slap. But no violence, I mean not beating them up, or smashing their faces with rifle butts or anything. That’s it. Around 8 p.m. everyone came back from the village, and we were told to fold up. We asked the company commander over the radio what to do with the detainees, and were told that they would be released. And I really saw them being taken, without the blindfolds, free to walk back to the village.

*** 23 "A 12-year old boy" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006 In Jalis, a situation developed – three solid days of chases. On one of the patrols it grew into a mad, mass riot where we chased some three kids from house to house and yelled: "Where are they?" at every house. How old were the kids? I don’t know – 12-year-olds. It grew out of some small incident but this was already after three very charged days and it was insane. We didn’t end up finding those kids. When it happened and we entered houses, we began to hear some noises in the neighborhood. Shouts and noise. We entered one house where we saw them enter and asked directly: "Where are they?" We got everyone out of the house and they were not there. We searched the whole house and realized they must have exited from the back. In the meantime you hear a rumble down in the street as we prepare to exit. In order to get out, I stand there and push people like this with my weapon, sideways, and someone above me hits away with my gun-barrel. What, at people’s heads? People’s mouths, heads. But this is a way to disperse a crowd. To make way. There were about 20 people just at that exit from the house. They spread out and ran, went down the street and began to throw chairs at us. I actually remember the image of a plastic chair flying overhead, and rocks, too. I feared for my life. Two patrols came

and we dispersed everyone. But it all began with a chase after some kids. Why were you chasing them to begin with? You don’t know what happens, you’re the sheriff, what do you mean, why? Why did he throw stuff at me? I throw back at him. Really, I think I was acting as a 12-year-old kid, what we did out there. But with weapons. I did whatever I felt like doing.

*** 24 "Getting beaten up all the way" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 At some point a really effective solution was found to stop the stone throwing. Say a kid is caught throwing stones. First thing, if you bring him to his dad, he beats him up like hell. Did you witness this? Sure. They don’t care. That father doesn’t care. He sees soldiers bringing his son home, doesn’t talk to him. First thing, he punches him in the face, without a word. Doesn’t ask: "What happened? Who did what? Did you... Didn’t you..." First thing, he punches his face. Then he grabs onto the kid and tries to take him from you. He says: "Better I beat him up, rather than have the soldiers hit him, take him to jail or anything else." Beats him up. And soldiers, like any human being... It’s really unpleasant, so you begin to pity the kid, I mean his dad beats him with a stick, on and on. So he’s left alone. Basically, the point’s been made. But if a kid is caught and a patrol is alerted, and the kid is taken into the jeep, they drive to the other end of town and throw the kid out there, and he has to walk all the way across town and also be beaten. Inside the jeep? In the jeep and on the way. The whole time. Slaps, kicks? Or what? Both. I’ve already seen…We had a guy, from the Caucasus, he was on our patrol, got off the jeep for a moment and someone swore at him. He got off, took off his helmet, hit him in the face with it. Literally split his face open. There were also beatings with sticks. Wood sticks, like the handles of a large hammer or ax.

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You had clubs in your vests? We confiscated them from Palestinians. They had them in their shops and stuff. Just the handles without the hammer. No iron, just the wooden stick itself. They would carry them like police clubs. What’s the point? The kid gets hit by the patrol, and he’s thrown out at the other end of town and on his way back through he has to pass the guard posts, pillboxes. So he gets hit on the way back, too. He has to pass Gross Post and Avraham Avinu settlement and is beaten there as well. So not only does he have to make it all the way back on his own, he also gets hit again and again.

*** 25 "Aspirin" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Jenin 2005 Salem is a detention center for security prisoners who do their time there. Conditions there were less favorable than at Meggido, which is a huge prison. There is checkup time once or twice a week, and whoever is taken to Salem has already undergone a doctor’s examination to verify that he can do time at a facility without a doctor. Whoever isn't able goes to Meggido. There were all sorts of cases that I'm sure – if a doctor had seen them, they never would have entered Salem. Like a cardiac patient facing surgery, or a diabetic. They went to Meggido? Yes. But they were at Salem. That’s the point. There were three instances I remember: The first was a 15-year-old boy with pain in his balls. You could hear shouts from inside the cell. A sewer runs under Salem and it stinks like hell in the summertime, really bad. Incredible. The inmates yelled for the sergeant on duty to arrive, and after 20 minutes of yelling, a 15-year-old boy was brought out of the prisoners’ cell where there’s a shaweesh (an inmate who can speak Hebrew and mediates between the wardens and the inmates). He explained that the boy had testicle pains. The medical protocol requires that anyone suffering pain in his testicles must reach the hospital, see a doctor. I was stressed out and tried to speak with the battalion doctor to ask him to make a call. He said he’d be there two days later, and that I should give him an aspirin. 41

How did you answer this? That aspirin doesn't help testicle pain. He needs to get to the hospital. The doctor said he couldn’t do it and would try to get there the next day. What happened to this boy? He’s okay, a doctor came and took him. You told him to sit in the cell and gave him an aspirin? There was nothing much I could do. I gave him a pill to relieve his pain and it calmed him psychologically. I told him that if it hurts more, he should call me. He didn’t. Did you see him the next day? I don’t remember. I think so. Again, I remember he didn’t summon me that night. There’s a guard post inside the detention center which my own company was supposed to man, I wasn’t there on duty as a medic. The detention facility would summon medics from the company as needed, when there was no doctor around. There was not ample medical provision there, not even a first aid kit. I realized he was supposed to undergo hernia surgery before his arrest. I know because a doctor who checked him before his arrest signed it. Maybe the examination was not thorough, but this kid could not stand arrest. Then I realized that a doctor does not always really examine the detainees. How did you realize this? When the medics were required to examine detainees’ ability to withstand custody, we were told that even a medic could do so. At some point I could no longer be there. I had many confrontations with the staff and my company medic and the battalion doctor over this, so I was told not to go there any more. How do you know the prisoners’ data? I saw their files… Every person arriving at the detention facility was required to undergo a medical examination. The doctor had to check his medical history in order to verify his capability, as well as anyone who was being released. What does the file include? Name, data, picture, formal details, crime, length of prison sentence, arrest document. Who fills it out? In principle, the doctor or medic. Did you fill such files out? Yes. I wrote in pulse, blood pressure, issues of health, medication, family history.

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Who signed the document? I did. What’s written below the signature? The doctor, I think. I’m not sure. I think they said the medic may also do this. Who did? The doctor, I think. The doctor approved this? Yes.

*** 26 "Some resentment" Unit: Oketz Canine Unit Rank: First Sergeant Gaza Strip 2005 We were at a post near Nisanit, close to Beit Hanoun, the northern Gaza Strip. There were two incidents that week at a place called Beit Lahiya. It is known as a very hostile place, and shootings and bombings there were not uncommon, Qassam rockets were launched from there towards Nisanit. We had to enter the village with D-9 bulldozers and armored APCs, a very massive force, and we were ‘welcomed’ with porcelain toilets, cement blocks, and the like, being hurled at us. We had to enter some house, at least to lay a "straw widow" [ambush in an urban area]. The "widows" in Gaza are not the same as in the West Bank, they’re a bit different. You take apart the house. What do you mean? You enter with the heavy vehicle and make the wall collapse, then you come out of the vehicle into the house. You don’t get off the vehicle outside the house, that would be life endangering. You know that you are actually going to destroy a house. The point was that some terrorist group had launched Qassam rockets at Jewish settlements and we had to go into one house in order to reach that house, from where they were fired. We got to a house that was in an area where there are no streets, really. It’s all dirt tracks, and there’s no set of aerial photograph maps that direct you, so we just break walls and proceed through them indoors, no walking on the street out there. 43

How do you break the walls? With hammers, and special equipment that belongs to the bomb removal unit, that uses explosives and creates a kind of hole in the wall, and then you break through with your rifle butt. Simply moving from house to house, by breaking through a wall in every house. But you entered the first house with a heavy armored vehicle? Exactly. Now sometimes we would pass through yards, so the vehicle is taken there to create a kind of wall and then the soldiers go through. Once, we came to a school and heard voices of children inside. The force stopped – no one was supposed to be there, especially not children. Usually when IDF forces are around, the kids either come out and throw stones and then run away, or they’re not there at all. So we thought it was intentional, you know, some kind of provocation of children so the Israeli army force would have to stop and be a target. We didn’t really know what to do. The orders were to throw a stun grenade to create panic, so anyone there would creep back to their holes. And that’s what happened. We entered one of the classrooms, we saw they’d left all their notebooks and stuff. I remember we were supposed to conduct a search with a tracking dog to make sure no one was left there by mistake… with some teacher, or someone pretending to be a teacher. Anyway, there was no one, and there were plenty of notebooks we were supposed to collect. The notebooks? Yes. I remember looking at them. I remember seeing a map of Israel and Arabic writing, as if all of Israel is actually Palestine. You see cartoons of soldiers, of Jews, of burning Israeli flags and a kind of ax held by a soldier. Stuff like that, makes me think, hey, what’s this? These are kids? This is what they’re taught? On the other hand, we come to their school, scare them with a stun grenade. Now I tell myself: If you were a kid under the same circumstances, you’d naturally develop a kind of resentment. The Gazan child there in that school develops resentment almost naturally because you actually come to his school. He's already poisoned. On the other hand, he sees it happening on the spot. So he gets even more poisoned. He's saying: "It’s not in vain, the stuff I’m being told." Why did you have to get to this school in the first place? We were not exactly aware this was a school, it was a kind of relatively long building that could be passed through length-wise, rather than over exposed ground. We got to it simply because it was pretty close to our objective, so we decided to pass through.

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*** 27 "Can’t tell right from wrong" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 We also did such things, you know. Kids would throw stones at us, we’d catch some kid who happened to be there and beat him to a pulp. Even if he didn’t throw stones. He would know who did. "Who is it? Who is it?" Finally he’d tell us who did it. Once we were on patrol, someone threw stones at us, nothing really serious, so we caught some Palestinian kid who had been nearby, we knew he’d seen this, he knew who had thrown the stones. Let’s say we hit him, to put it mildly, until he told us. He took us. He told us where that kid was, we wouldn’t leave him alone until he told us exactly where that kid lived. We went to that person’s home. He wasn’t there that day. We went back to ***, came out on patrol again at 6 a.m., went straight to the home of that kid. He was about 15 years old. The kid you caught? No, the kid that he ratted on. The kid who was the regular stone-thrower. How old was the kid you caught? About 10 years old. And the one he told on was 15? Something like that. Yes. We went to his house. He hadn’t been home the night before. So we came in the morning, knocked on the door, some old woman came out, around 60 or so. She says: "There’s no one here." You know how it is. We said we didn’t care, went in, me and another guy, and at this point you have no more patience for Hebron and Arabs and Jews there. We entered, began to trash the place. There are doors on both sides of the corridor, I open all of the doors on one side, my friend on the other side. We found the boy behind the last door on the left. He was totally scared, realized we’d caught him. At first he wanted to escape, then he saw my comrade standing at the door, and gave up. We took him out. We had a commander, never mind his name, who was a bit crazy. He beat the boy to a pulp, really knocked him around. He said: "Just wait, now we’re taking you." Showed him all kinds of potholes on the way, asked him: "Want to die? Want to die right here?" and the kid goes: "No, no..." You know. 45

In Arabic? Yes. He spoke Arabic well. So we began to walk, trying to walk behind them. I’ll spare you the whole description, some things there were really out of line. What happened? We walked on and on, the commander showed him holes in the ground: "You want to die?" "No, why…" He was taken into a building under construction. The commander took a stick, broke it on him, boom boom. And the kid didn’t cry. I tell you, he was tough. About 14 years old or so. Not big. The commander took a stone, gave it to him, and said: "Throw it at him," pointing at me. I stare at him. What? "Throw it already." Slaps him in the face. "Man enough? Throw it at him." Boom, more beatings. The kid thought he was being made to throw the stone at me, so he did, not strongly or anything. The commander said: "Of course you throw stones at a soldier." Boom, banged him up even more. I tell you, that guy… Then people started coming. His whole family came out. And they weren’t allowed in. They surely heard all the slaps and hitting. That kid was such a mess, broken apart. Then one of the soldiers said: "Listen, you’re going too far. We don’t want to come out of here with a dead body, there are still families around here." And I tell you, that kid got punched in the face, in the knees, kicked around. Only from the squad commander? No, there was another soldier who joined in, but not as seriously as the commander. That commander had no mercy. Really. Anyway the kid could no longer stand on his feet and was already crying. He couldn’t take it anymore. He cried. The commander shouted: "Stand up!" Tried to make him stand but he couldn’t. He really couldn’t. From so much beating he just couldn’t stand up. The commander goes: "Don’t put on a show," and kicks him some more. Then ***, who had a hard time with such things, came in, caught the commander and said: "Don’t touch him anymore. That’s it." The commander goes: "What’s with you, gone leftie?" And he said: "No, I don’t want to see such things being done." He always stayed away, never liked such things. A sensitive guy, a medic, one of the good guys. And then what? Then he said: "I can’t stand to see this any more." An argument ensued. The commander said: "I can’t believe I take you out on patrols." Like he was really doing him a favor. Where were you standing? We were nearby but did nothing. We were sort of indifferent, you know. Well, you only www.breakingthesilence.org.il

get to thinking about this later, you don't think at first. This was happening every day. These were the little things. And then it becomes a kind of habit. Patrols with beatings happened on a daily basis. We were really going at it. And then he let the kid go? No. He grabbed him, took him out, and the people saw him, the parents saw him. Took him out? Lifted him by force. The kid hardly got up. I tell you, I have no idea how he managed, after an hour. And the commander goes on: "What are you carrying on about?" and kicks him some more. Takes him out, others are asking: "What did you do to him? Look!" Obviously he’d been beaten up. Anyway, he told them: "Get the hell out of here!" and all hell broke loose. What do you mean? You know, his mother is here and after all it’s her kid. "What, he’s only a kid!" His nose was bleeding. He had really been beaten to a pulp. The commander said to his mother: "Keep away!" Came close, cocked his gun, he already had a bullet in the barrel, or halfway so it wouldn’t just fly out. She got scared. He actually stuck the gun-barrel in the kid’s mouth. Literally. In front of his parents? Sure. "Anyone gets close, I kill him. Don’t annoy me. I’ll kill him. I have no mercy." He was really pissed off. Then the father, or not even the father, I don’t know exactly who it was, caught her: "Calm down, leave them alone. Let them go, so they’ll let him go." All in Arabic? No, they spoke to us in Hebrew. And he wanted us to see this, he was no fool. A good man. The guy who spoke to us? Was a really good man. Things got to a point where you can no longer tell good from bad. That’s how it was in our platoon. We thought they were all shits. Anyway, the commander gripped the kid, stuck his gun in his mouth, yelled and all, and the kid was hardly able to walk. We dragged him further, and then he said again: "One more time this kid lifts a stone, anything, I kill him. No mercy." It was like that the whole way. *** was going on and on at this commander all along: "You’re such a retard, all you’re doing to this family is making them produce another suicide bomber, that’s what you’re doing. You have no mercy. If I were a father and saw you doing this to my kid, I’d seek revenge that very moment." He went on and on for a whole hour. If I were a Palestinian, what would I get beaten up for? It was enough for you to give us a look that we didn’t like, straight in the eye, and

you’d be hit on the spot. We got to such a state and were so sick of being there, you know what I mean.

*** 28 "Did you swear at the soldier?" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 When I was a commander at Gross Post [in Hebron], sometimes out of boredom, you know, there are more soldiers there so you sit and chat. I recall once some soldier caught an Arab kid and said: "You swore at me!" or something like that. His grandfather or father came, some adult, and he told them: "The kid swore at me. You don’t know who you've messed with, I’m a maniac," begins to curse him, threaten him. Who? The soldier yelling at the kid and his father. Grabs him like this, holding him by the neck to the wall. So the father says to the kid: "You swore at the soldier?" Boom, slaps him. The father slaps the kid, you know, paying his dues. "You swore at the soldier…" You’re looking on and saying to yourself, Wow, I don’t know. I mean, cases of real humiliation…

*** 29 "Disturbances of the peace" Unit: Givati Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2008 There is a case I remember, where a kid died. What happened? I’m not even sure whether he died or not, he didn’t die on the spot. I was indirectly www.breakingthesilence.org.il

involved. There was a demonstration, well not one with banners and stuff, there were stones thrown. A riot. Exactly. A riot, with stone throwing. I don’t know whether at settlers or soldiers, because by the time I got there, the front command group had arrived. The response was rubber ammo, from some point on. My officer is, let’s say… First I’ll give the dry facts. Rubber ammo fired at the legs, that’s… That’s what is allowed? That’s procedure? At some point. Not at the beginning, I think. From some point, yes. Sometimes a teargas canister is used. At some point in the riot the officer shot to the legs, but at extremely short range. I don’t know why, from about 20 meters, something like that. The moment he did that, a kid was bending down to pick up a stone, and got hit in the head. From there on the whole incident was about the treatment, some medic came and a Jewish ambulance, and an Arab one… I don’t remember exactly. After a very long time because the situation was very dangerous, half of his brain was out of his skull, he finally got to the hospital and I believe that two days later he died. Now, from the facts themselves you could assume that this was intentional. But from my acquaintance with this officer, it was not. From the kind of orders he was responsible for about hurting people in Operation Cast Lead, it was rather obvious that this was not intentional. Where did this happen? There’s this neighborhood, I don’t remember its name, above Tel Rumeida. There’s a main road that separates it from Tel Rumeida. And that’s where the Palestinians throw stones, if you remember, towards the Jewish settlement at Tel Rumeida? I don’t know whether at the houses, or the pillbox or the soldiers. I don’t even remember because I wasn’t there, I came there only later. The officer got there before me. When this shooting took place we were on the way, because we were on foot. You got there after the boy was hit by the bullet? I think so, yes. What did you see there? I saw a huge crowd and my medic taking care of the boy, mainly him. An ambulance arrived, two even.

Were there dozens of Palestinians on the spot? Or hundreds? Dozens. Was there contact between the demonstrators and the soldiers? Not really. The stones were the contact. Was the boy among the kids throwing stones? At the front line, and the shots were taken from about 20 meters, really close. If that was the front line of the demonstrators, the soldiers approached after firing? Just the medic, not the soldiers. What, stones weren't thrown at him as he advanced? I’m trying to visualize the situation. Perhaps, but when I got there, there weren't. Everyone had come to take care of him and it was obvious that the medic hadn't come to… The riot was over by then? Not the anger and the shouting and crowding. But there were no more stones being thrown. I’m trying to understand the situation as a result of which he tried to hit a child in the leg at 20-meter range. Is it because that’s what you do in case of a riot, or was there a life-threatening situation? My assumption is that certain judgment is used, and stones thrown at a certain range justify rubber ammo. Were only officers authorized to use rubber ammo, or was this something that even… I don’t know. I’m not sure whether the shot was taken by the officer or someone from his command jeep. I remember it was vague. I don’t know the exact instructions, whether only officers or not, but I think it was not too commonplace, and there weren’t that many riots. I do remember two or three really well. At that time. I don’t remember anything stretching over the whole period of time. It wasn’t routine.

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30 "They have to be respected" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 We’d go on these vendettas. Against whom? Against those who threw stones at us. But you don’t really know who did? We'd pick up kids, beat them up really hard, kids who were nearby, and they'd tell on them and take us to their homes. You can see them with your gun sights. At what range? 100 meters, you can already detect the kid. So you go catch him later, you know it was him. How? By his shirt. Often they change, but I remember we’d catch them, look at the palm of their hand, see how dirty it was, if there’s soil, if they’d thrown stones. Right after the stone throwing? Yes, right away. Some were picked up a day later, when we already weren’t sure, but we were told it was the right kid, so it was. …What about women? What did you do to women? Really, not much. Women are already out of bounds. Was that the norm? Yes. The limit. Sort of like, they had to be respected. There’s this thing that you have to respect women, after all. No matter how sickening they are, you still have to respect them. You know that if you hurt a woman… Once we caused a serious riot because of this. You caused a riot? Yes, we made it happen. We said: "This is it, we need to get some armed men out of the house." Someone began an argument, with an old woman, like about 60, when they’re already so screwed up, they start arguing. So somehow… I’ll tell you how it was. We caught some kid and the mother came right away to get him. We wouldn’t let her. We started arguing with her over him. "We’re not letting you have him. He threw

stones." "No, no." She began pushing the soldiers. So one of them slapped her face right away. Boom. That very second the whole family came out of the house. You know how it is, a mother, a woman. When you hurt a woman – nothing can be done. So a whole riot started. The woman slapped his face back, there were beatings, a whole mess… There were actually lots of incidents like this, come to think of it. A mother comes to pick up her boy, and doesn’t get him. He's about to tell on others, she realizes this, she’s afraid he’ll squeal on others, so she catches him: "No, why?" "Move, where is he?" She gets slapped on the hand, and starts fighting with the soldiers. Then someone slaps her face and the whole thing blows up.

*** 31 "Gotta keep my spirits up" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Tul Karm 2008 … There was another instance of a 14-year old, an illegal alien. He was detained, kept on the side, so he stood there and hummed to himself. This annoyed one of the guys. He went up to him and said: "Something amusing you?" The kid said: "Yes, gotta keep my spirits up." "Spirits up, eh?" and the soldier slapped his face. You’re in a dilemma here, because he’s your buddy so you’re not going to tell on him. I began to say to him: "What are you doing?" and he said: "No, they have to learn their lesson." You never told anyone? I couldn’t.

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32 "Everything’s fine" Unit: *** Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2010 The company commander’s front group jeep… People were saying all the time that they beat Arabs for fun. Beatings happen all the time, but there was one episode that turned into my own "main event" while I was out there… One day we were alerted. The PA system (a sound system for addressing a large public) announced: "Front command group to the jeep." We all jumped to our feet, began gearing up, me and the medic, we prepared everything and the company commander opened the door of his office, came out and said: "Get lost. Only *** and I are going." He told me to take off my gear down and come as I was. He was without a bulletproof vest or anything. Just a uniform and gun. We drove to the ‘Pharmacy’ Checkpoint. There were two, three kids out there who would not go through the x-ray machine. We stopped the jeep, he got off, took a boy to the alley. One of the kids who refused? Yes. Then he simply went ahead and did it. What did he do? First of all he faced the kid, who was this close to the wall. He looked at him for a second, then held him like this, pushed him with his elbow, choking him against the wall. The kid went totally wild, the commander kept screaming at him in Hebrew, not in Arabic. Then he let go, the kid lifted his hands to wipe off his tears, and the commander goes boom! at the kid, who lowers his hands to stop wiping his tears, keeping them at his sides. Then the slaps came, more and more slaps… This was a second phase of hitting and yelling. Then the kid began to really scream, it was frightening, and locals began to gather around the checkpoint, peek into the alley. I remember the commander coming out of the alley and telling them: "Everything’s fine." He yelled at the kid: "Stay right here, don’t go anywhere!" and went out to tell them everything was okay. He called the squad commander at the checkpoint, stood facing the kid and said: "This is how they should be treated," gave the kid another two slaps and let him go. It’s an insane story. I remember sitting in the vehicle, looking on and thinking: I’ve been waiting for this situation for 3 years, from the moment I enlisted, I joined the army to stop such things and here I am, not doing a thing,

choosing not to do anything. Am I fine with this? I remember answering myself: Yes. I’m fine with this. He’s beating an Arab and I’m doing nothing about it. I was conscious of not doing anything because I was really afraid of that company commander. What? Should I jump off the jeep and say to him: "Stop, it’s stupid what you’re doing."? How old was the kid? A teenager. Under 18. Really – 13, 14, 15 years old. And how long did this last? Something like 10 minutes of hitting, and then the officer got back in the jeep and left.

*** 33 "Motivate them" Unit: Reserves Rank: *** Jenin 2009 After my discharge, I was in reserves and we were on active duty. On one of our missions, someone threw stones, and then got arrested shortly afterward, nearby. It was a kid from Ya’abad village. Really just a kid. Two, three days later we were supposed to go bother villagers there, go to his parents’ house and say: "Your kid was arrested because he threw stones. Make sure this never happens again." And that’s what we did. We came at night, talked to his parents, and his brother who was a Palestinian Authority man. They didn’t even know that he had been arrested. They had no idea where he had been for three days, and that’s what I know. How old was he, do you remember? I think he was 14-15. There was no point besides this. Our orders read to punish them a bit, motivate them to see to it that their kids wouldn’t ever do it again. That was the reason to enter the village. Wake up everyone around. So the thinking was didactic in that sense. Educate them to educate their kid.

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34 "Things happen, what can you do" Unit: *** Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2005-2006 … Riots we’re in – we were told to shoot, of course, if anyone throws a Molotov cocktail. If we detect someone like that, we should fire in his direction. If someone heats things up you can shoot either very close to him or to his legs or something like that. Who decides that someone is heating things up? That’s the point. There isn’t anyone. I remember the guys next to me, all those fanatics who see all the Palestinians there as heating things up. And then what? Live ammunition or means for crowd dispersal? We had means for crowd dispersal, but for us at the firing positions with our normal weapons, there’s one guy with these means, but, you know, once we had a real serious riot. Everything was thrown at us, we were shot at from all directions. You hear the shots as if they’re one meter away from you and have no idea where they're coming from. You don’t know who, you can’t see, it is probably above you or from the sides and you can’t see a thing. How many soldiers were you? We were six guys inside an armored jeep, and there were a bunch of other guys there. The whole battalion. The whole recon unit. And we were forced to be there because one jeep got stuck there and we had to stick it out. There were attempts to haul the jeep out, and the whole time all of Nablus was on its feet. There were four guys killed that evening. Or that day, rather. It was already morning. Four guys from your unit? No, four Palestinians. I remember there was a real crowd next to us, rocks were being thrown at us. You die, I remember acting dead in order to do something to make them stop, get away, run away from us. The guy next to me fired at the ground to make them run away, and then he goes: "Oops!" I look and see a kid bleeding on the ground and the crowd indeed was gone. The kid lay there on the ground, bleeding. I think he was still alive. I don’t know what happened to him afterward, whether he was killed or not. I do remember him being removed. And four Palestinians were killed that day. No one spoke to us about this. There was no inquiry.

That whole episode began with a jeep that got stuck and needed to be hauled out? We were on our way back when a jeep got stuck, turned on its side. We had to haul it out. Of course, everyone stayed. And that brought on the biggest riot I've ever experienced, and I’ve been in plenty of them. We were shot at and explosive charges were thrown at us from all directions, and boulders, stones, refrigerators, dishwashers, everything was thrown at us – anything they had. I remember that I couldn’t even urinate from all that stress. We were in that riot for some 10 hours. A long time. Out in the street or indoors? In the street but inside our armored jeep. So the guy who shot the kid did it through the loophole… Yes, from inside the vehicle. I believe he aimed at the legs or next to the kid. Could be he didn’t hit him with the bullet but that it a ricocheted. But the kid was lying there bleeding. So… He also said to us, like: "Don’t tell." No one talked to us about this. No one asked anything. Well, okay, a riot, so things happen and what can one do. Those guys throw Molotov cocktails at us so we have the okay to shoot to kill. Regardless of their age? Regardless. How was he with this afterwards, the guy who shot the kid? I remember saying to him: "I’m sure you’re really upset about this." I didn’t want to intervene, really. But I was actually the only one on my team who was bothered by such things. And I didn’t bring them up too much, didn’t say too much. How was a riot normally dispersed? Mainly with means for crowd dispersal: teargas, rubber ammo. Also when shooting rubber, one should aim at the legs, not at the center of mass of the body. Always. But at some point we were told: "If you realize you have to use live ammo, go ahead and use it." So of course we first shoot in the air, or at a wall, or at the ground, and there are cases where shots are fired and hit the target either unintentionally or on purpose. But dispersal in general? Mostly teargas. Essentially these guys also don’t want to get too close. I do remember that we fired, they were about five meters from us. Suddenly we saw someone come out of a stairwell holding this giant rock and, boom!, he throws it, and that rock hits our vehicle. It’s scary, suddenly you don’t see a thing. They get close and then you use everything you have and that’s it. That was a

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riot. A tough one. We had lots of those. It was just the longest, really the hardest. But there were plenty. Stones were thrown at us, shots were aimed at us, I remember that in nearly every mission I was on, every action that lasted till morning, we were shot at.

*** 35 "Desperate shaking" Unit: *** Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2010 Once there was a stone-throwing incident at Gross Square, so we were alerted and the kid appeared and we were called from HQ, and the lookout instructed us: "Listen, stop where you are, he’s right next to you." How old was he? 15 years old. His name was Daoud. We stopped our vehicle, ran out, he was in total shock. We took him to Gross Post, to the Jewish side, and he began to cry, scream, he was just streaming sweat and tears. We had nothing to do with him, suddenly you end up with a crying kid. A second ago he was throwing roof tiles at the army post, and you’re dying to beat him to a pulp, and you’re alerted out there in that heat. You want to kill him but he’s crying. We didn’t know what to do, so we put him under watch. Once someone who was with him went wild, did something to him and left. At some point when I was with him I tried to calm him down because he was tied, blindfolded, and crying, tears and sweat streaming out all over. I began to shake him, then the deputy company commander tried. He grabbed him and began to shake him: "Shut up, shut up, enough, cut it out!" Then we took him to the police station at Givat Ha’avot and he continued to cry because the policemen didn’t take him in for interrogation. He was so annoying, this was insane. In all that mess, while he was crawling on the floor, the communications man took out his Motorola, his two-way radio and boom! – banged him on the head. Not meaning to be cruel, just hearing that unbearable crying for over two hours. This happened at the police station? Yes.

Somewhere on the side? No. In the lot with all those police vans… Outside the interrogation room. At some point when I was with him, the communications man photographed me. I didn’t want to be in a picture with him, this was a bad situation — you simply don’t know what to do with your life. We were terribly confused. There was anger, too, because you see the stones he’d thrown, you know it could be dangerous. Again, you’re constantly experiencing bad moments but the people who do them are such, I don’t know… The screwed up part is that he was at Givat Ha’avot for a very long time. Whenever someone does something bad, one of the Arabs, you take him to Givat Ha’avot and he disappears from there. He’s either taken to some camp or another for 3-4 days, or I don’t know. We’d just bring them to the police station and forget about them. After a while they come back. They don’t really go anywhere. You said earlier that the deputy company commander shook him, when you were at Gross Square. We all did. He drove the commander out of his mind. They were such worms at some point, I remember we hated them, I hated them [Palestinians]. I was such a racist there, too, I was so angry at them for their filth, their misery, the whole fucking situation. You threw a stone, why did you do that? Why did you have to make me bring you here? Don’t do it. We were shaking him out of despair, not necessarily because we were violent. I think we even broke out laughing. Now, too, when I think about it, you’re so lost there in that situation. We were shaking him, like saying: "Enough already! You’re driving us mad!" and kept yelling at him: "Stop it! Stop it!" throwing in some words in Arabic. Any word we knew. All kinds of nonsense like "fine" and "what’s your name".

*** 36 "Source of pride" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: Lieutenant Bethlehem 2006-2007 We’d go on two night patrols in the designated area. I was driving and suddenly I see some Arab boy, about 18 years old, with his face mangled, really bad. He had a black eye, his lip was torn, in really bad shape. So I stop, offer him water, and he points www.breakingthesilence.org.il

at my jeep and say the license plate number was 06543, so he goes: "No, 0666 hit me." I don’t understand what he wants from me and then the other jeep arrives. The sergeant in it says: "See how I handled him?" and the kid was all agitated. He went back to his village. This was at the entrance to his village, he lives in Husan, and that was that. The next day I went and told the deputy company commander about this, and nothing was done about it. The sergeant told you… That he beat him up. He thought it was funny. He saw this as a source of pride. He was very proud of this and it seemed like something really cool to do.

*** 37 "What can you do" Unit: Field Intelligence Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2006 Once we had to occupy a family home for six days in a row. This was in Nablus. There was a Paratrooper brigade operation there that lasted several days, so while searches and arrest missions were conducted, we had to make sure there weren’t armed men. At some point we’d hear explosive charges blasting and occasional gunfire. We entered the home of some shoe storekeeper, it was a pretty large house so we concentrated the family on the same floor. The action lasted for three days. Of course, we were exposed after 12 hours and the whole street knew we were there. At first they crowded downstairs, then kids even came up to throw stones. I remember the officer called up one of the Druze soldiers in the company for him to come and threaten the man in Arabic, warn him to order the kids away, otherwise he’d be harmed. Who? The house owner. He received warnings on the phone in Arabic, to tell them to go away. And did he? Yes. It was procedure. That’s what they’re supposed to do. If we positioned ourselves on the ground and were exposed, we were supposed to bring the person over to

our position, and then call one of the Arabic-speaking soldiers and require him to threaten the man like :"We’ll set your house on fire if you let anyone know." The deputy company commander instructed us on this. He also told us about a time this was done. They are with you for three whole days. What do they eat, drink? It was a rather large house. There was another storey upstairs where we were, and we put the family downstairs with a guard. They were in their home. The first time, no one came out, and then we folded. Then the officer and I found an alternative spot and went to show it to one of the paratrooper officers. In my opinion it was an ego thing, he didn’t like the idea that we had gone on and looked for a place on our own, so he required us to settle in that same house for the rest of the mission. I remember laughing about it later because after we entered the same house the second time, the officer told me the owner raised his hands, and the soldier facing him said: "What can we do…" So we entered for another three days. We let one of the kids come out and go buy food because they had been inside for a long time. Later, we already heard his kids going crazy and breaking stuff. He also talked to us and tried to tell us it wasn't right, he was a working man and it wasn't right that he had to be locked up at home with his kids. We were simply there that whole time. Are there rules of engagement? On this mission I don’t remember anything of the sort. There was nearly always a line of opening fire, especially when we’d enter abandoned houses, construction sites. Usually that line was drawn at a range of about 300 or 100 meters. What are the rules of engagement? Take down anyone visibly armed. Anyone with a Molotov cocktail – take him down, too, even if it hasn't been thrown yet. For the rest, anyone who approaches the force needs to be warned: "Stop!" and if he doesn’t heed the warning, to shoot at his legs. You said that at a certain point the kids began to throw stones from that house. What do you do in such a case? We called the Druze soldier. I don’t exactly know what he told the owner of the house, but they stopped.

***

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38 "Kazabubu shlaflaf" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2005 Once I was on the company commander’s front command group and we were on a patrol. Suddenly a disturbance broke out. Someone threw stones at us and it seemed strange to me later that we could have got out of there and nothing would have happened, I don’t know. It turned into a chase on foot, we ran among the houses, back and forth. Like playing hide-and-seek, only with grenade launchers and stones. How long did it last? Whom were you chasing? Three quarters of an hour, half an hour, kids 8-12 years old. We caught two. What did you do with them? We yelled at them… You threaten them, mainly. Some people got beaten, but with them it wasn’t beating, more like raising a threatening hand. What can you do with a kid? The whole idea of chasing rioters is weird. Because the system has no means of handling things that happen there, with the law it tries to enforce. The enforcement system doesn’t care, and what are you going to do with a kid who just threw stones at you now, and he’s 8 or 12 years old. Did you ever detain or arrest them? We detained adolescents, say 16, 18 years old. You shackle them, blindfold them, put them at the army post’s sentry booth and then take them back. Nothing happens to some of them. Some are harassed. What kind of harassment? It doesn't happen at a post, it happens while driving, say. Once we arrested someone and while driving, in the APC, someone played "Kazabubu Shlaflaf" with him. When I say, "kazabubu," you have to say your name, and when I say, "shlaflaf," you must say your family name. So he began to play the game with him without explaining the rules. He said: "Kazabubu," and hit him on the head. Not too tough, but it was simply humiliating. Less painful than humiliating. He would hit him and some would yell the answer at him, what he was supposed to say: "Say your name!" and the like: "What’s your name!?" Shouts like that. Such a game can take about seven minutes…

*** 39 "Harassment post" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 The ‘Pharmacy’ Post (in Hebron) was a real harassment post. One of our guys would catch kids, make them spread their legs against the wall, hit them between their legs with a metal rod and go: "Sing, repeat after me!" "No, no way!" They had to shout the Israeli national anthem after him… And if they didn’t sing on beat, they’d get a blow with that rod to their knee. "Exactly as I say it!" on a regular basis. Always. It was a permanent harassment spot. People would be kept locked up inside, old men, and detonators would be thrown in where they were held. Regularly. Just like that. Bullshit. Our battalion was known for these things. The soldiers were already sick of guard duty, so they thought, if I’m going out of my mind, let them go out of their minds, too. You know these things. This nonsense. Listen, you get desperate.

*** 40 "Trying to heat up the kids" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2009 We were lying in ambush on Mount Eval, in Nablus. We were sitting there in a post that is very high up – there was an approach road and no one drove on it except for our patrols and supplies. Once in a while one of our vehicles would be hit by Molotov cocktails up there. After a few such incidents we were told to lay an ambush. It was a Friday. We came out of the post at noon, and sat at some corner so we could see if anyone approached. There was this tiny Palestinian hamlet there, really small, and we sat to watch whether kids came up there and threw Molotov cocktails. If a kid was about to throw a Molotov cocktail, you’re allowed to shoot him.

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Shoot to kill? Absolutely. That’s procedure. The moment you even see the lighter spark. So we are all out there, gung-ho, thinking we are going to shoot a Molotov cocktail thrower, and the trick was for some jeep to be driving up and down, in an attempt to heat up the kids. The jeep goes by and suddenly we see this group of kids coming out. I think they were holding some bag, I don’t remember exactly. We had a marksman, one of my buddies, and he’s sitting there with his M24 [marksmen’s rifle], aiming at one of the kids, and I realize that this story is over, no one is getting killed. He asks the officer if it’s okay to release the safety catch. The officer tells him it’s fine, and he does, and we’re waiting. There’s this moment where you’re at the edge of your nerves, like: What’s going to happen?, and suddenly – boom! – the marksman’s rifle let off a shot. We see the kids scatter in all directions, running like hell, and we have no idea what happened because we know he was aiming and we don’t know whether the kid was hit or not. We report on the radio, fold up, the platoon commander was grounded or something, and my buddy wasn't really punished. Did he hit the kid? No… You said they were holding a bag. Did they aim at the one holding the bag? That's a spot that Molotov cocktails are often thrown from. But a Molotov cocktail is a bottle, not a bag. But you always have to assume that that’s what’s in the bag. You get it? What ages were these kids? Little – 13, 14, 15.

*** 41 "People always exaggerate" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2006-2007 Were there cases where a soldier or a commander went overboard, and there was real violence or abuse? Always. It’s not a normal situation to be in, and 19-year-old kids go overboard. There

were situations in which they really did, and others where they were even too soft with people. Do you have examples? Yes. Just walking down the street and hitting kids with a stick in the knee so they trip and fall, that’s going overboard. Catching children who cross the checkpoint because they didn’t understand what they were supposed to do and just walked on – they would just hit them. How old were these kids? 10-year-olds. Do you have a specific example? Two brothers were walking along the ‘Pharmacy’ Post, which is a kind of trailer checking post. They just walked through. The metal detector bleeped, and the soldiers yelled at them to stop and come back and they didn’t hear them, or didn’t really want to hear. One of the soldiers there ran, caught a kid, and there’s this iron post at the side there. Looks like a big oven? Exactly. It’s a kind of protective container. Yes. He pushed the kid inside there. Beat him up for five minutes and then let him go. A 10-year-old kid. Yes. The kid walked away after about 15 minutes. Limping.

*** 42 "A kind of routine" Unit: Nahal Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Hebron 2007-2008 Another episode took place on a patrol in a neighborhood parallel to Harsina neighborhood, north of Givat Ha'avot. We patrolled there and the kids yelled at us. Some of the soldiers, including the officer, were sensitive to this. I argued with them, I told them to just let those kids yell. They said: "No, if they yell now, tomorrow they’ll throw stones. If they feel free, they’ll do anything they like and end up shooting at www.breakingthesilence.org.il

us." Their proof was that someone who was with us on patrol in another part of the neighborhood had a stone thrown at his neck, and the stone thrower disappeared. How old were the children? 9-13 years old. What did you do? We were five soldiers and a commander. We acted as though we were walking on. The commander called his deputy, telling him to take three soldiers and split up – break to the right and go around the children. The first time didn’t work. He told them: "You’re such infants, you can’t surround them!" He laughed at them. He took someone else and went to surround the kids. At this point, the kids sort of scattered. We tried to provoke them so they’d get closer and we’d be able to detain them. Suddenly, we hear noise coming from the direction we had come from and the commander gets on radio: "Get over here." We go to where he is and find out he’d caught one of those kids whose home was really close by. His father had just gotten home. The father claimed the officer had caught the kid and probably made him fall to the ground and dragged him. The father, a huge guy, scary, began to shout in fairly good Hebrew: "What are you doing taking my kid?" The officer yelled back at him to lower his voice, that’s what counted for him. Neighbors came, elderly people, trying to calm things down and explain them to the officer. The father was very worked up and the kid was half crying. The platoon commander, himself not in the greatest shape from the whole ordeal, got annoyed with the father, told one of the elderly guys to shut up, said: "Lower your voice," to another. I tried to help calm things down, too. I spoke with the older man and understood that he’d come to take care of the children. He said he’d tell their parents, beat up his nephew who was there and look to it that everything will work out alright and they’d never do it again. Everyone was so short-tempered. Everyone wanted to show they were in charge of the situation so no one listened to anyone and finally the old man insisted with the officer, spoke to him and somehow made the officer listen to him. This was an attempt to heat things up and what bothered me most of all was that this became a kind of routine out there. If anyone as much as yelled at us, we’d stop and try to surround them. It happened mainly with that officer. Is this something that happened repeatedly? Yes. Usually it didn’t work. In this case it turned into real chaos. A whole chaos with that family because the mother and grandmother both intervened. We’d try to provoke the children, stop cars, inspect people, check IDs of people so that kids

would get closer and we’d surround them. Usually this didn’t work, the kids did not react to the provocation.

*** 43 "A kind of fun" Unit: Paratroopers Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Gaza Strip Boundary 2008 Once every few nights people would try to cross the fence and we stopped them. Usually these were little kids, and the claim was that they were sent by terrorists to check if the fence was crossable. What age are the kids we’re talking about? 12-14, approximately. They simply tried to cross the fence, over to the Israeli side. They claimed they came to work, I don’t know. We didn’t talk with them much. They would hop over the fence or cross in spots inside the riverbed where there is no fence. What were the instructions? Nothing. The lookouts would spot them, the patrol would catch them, tie them up, blindfold them, hands shackled behind their backs, and that was it. They’d be left at the company HQ for a day or so. In certain cases it was longer, two days. I recall it was kind of fun to leave someone there. They were left at the entrance to the mess hall, on the side, in a shady corner. Then the Shabak (General Security Services) would pick them up. What do you mean by ‘fun’? There was this saying: "We have a detainee." Soldiers wanted to have their picture taken. Usually they were not allowed to do so, but sometimes they did. It was done, but it wasn't actually permitted. As though it didn’t happen, but everyone did it. People would video tape themselves, they made clips: "Say ‘Advanced Company’ is the bomb, come on, say it!" Finally, some action. You’re in such routine out there, every day it's the same thing, it’s all terrible… you’re looking for stuff. Suddenly there was something to talk about…

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They’re shackled constantly, the whole day or two? Yes. Tied up. Whoever is on duty that day brings them food, water. If they need to go to the bathroom someone would take them. Or for cigarettes. I don‘t know. There wasn’t anyone specific in charge. Did the company commander say anything about different treatment for children? No. As usual. There were not that many children caught. They were not considered kids, they were "assisting terrorists". They weren’t perceived as little kids. That’s simply what was said. Only in hindsight, when I’d think about it, I said I don’t know what they actually did, probably came to look for work. I don’t really know why they tried to cross the fence. How often would you arrest kids like that? I remember there was always someone around. Almost always. Would someone passing by them slap them on the way, or were they well treated? There were all sorts of incidents, but the officers were also involved. If they saw someone hitting the kid… I remember a few people went up for trial because they had hit a kid. The intelligence officer saw two soldiers beating one of the detainees. I think they were about 16 years old, if I remember correctly. After that they were tried and were made to stay on the base for the weekend. Something like that.

*** 44 "As soon as you light a Molotov cocktail – you are free game" Unit: Kfir Brigade Rank: First Sergeant Ramallah 2008 In Ramallah, a friend of mine was on an ambush – there’s the Beit El settlement and above it, the Jilazoun refugee camp. Once a night or two, guys at Jilazoun send out kids who throw a Molotov cocktail in the direction of Beit El. None of them ever really reach Beit El. It was always kids throwing, and for a while we would lay ambushes there, and once in a while a Molotov cocktail would be hurled at one of our forces, and they'd be chased. One of my friends was sitting at Beit El in a sort-of marksman’s

post, and a kid came out and threw a Molotov cocktail, and he shot him. The moment they light up the bottle, they're free game. Did the kid mean to throw it at the force? No, he was the furthest away, he wasn't endangering my friend who shot him with his marksmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rifle. And he killed him? Yes. How old was the kid? Young, 16 years old. There was a Molotov cocktail being thrown from Jilazoun to Beit El every night, but not in a way that it even reached the settlement or crossed the fence. They weren't Molotov cocktails being aimed at a personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s body or at a vehicle. Nothing. They were stupid kids who felt like protesting. Do you remember when this happened? July-August 2008. We had lots of X's [Note: Marked on the side of a soldier's rifle, indicating the number of people he's killed] at that time. The battalion loved it. There was an ambush around there where a kid coming up with a Molotov cocktail had his leg blown off. They laid ambush exactly at that spot. Kids came, the soldiers were there, the kids lit a bottle, and they were shot in the leg. At what range were they standing, when, you say, they were throwing the bottle towards Beit El? A few hundred meters. In an open space between the village and Beit El.

*** 45 "The jeep was rocking" Unit: Reserves Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2005 We went up to a post between the settlements of Shilo and Eli, on some hill, I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t remember the name. We were briefed to replace the regulars, it was our first day out in the area. We arrived, we had a quarter of an hour briefing about the site and went up to replace them on duty. It was a pillbox post, located between two villages, on a junction in Road 60. We were briefed not to stop vehicles at the junction because

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there's no intention to disturb them. We were only supposed to observe from above and make sure that no harm comes to settler cars as they pass. We got there, entered the post, and not even 10 minutes went by before we saw a police jeep coming. Israeli police? Yes. They parked the jeep in the middle of the junction, I got up and saw this, went downstairs, and two minutes later we heard shouts: "Help us, army! Soldiers, help us!" All the conscripts went out with three reservists to help them. I went up to observe what was going on and there was this confused kid standing there, and I realized they had caused this tremendous traffic jam, stopping in the middle of the junction without bulletproof vests, without helmets, nothing. The reservists? The police. They did just the opposite of what we’d been instructed, in every way. They created a traffic jam, and created a real disturbance. As they called us, they grabbed a father, mother and child, the parents around 50, the kid about 17, 18, and began to hit them, the father and the kid. They fought with them for a few minutes, in the meantime the soldiers arrived, flanked and secured them, and they were really fighting. One of the soldiers, I think, went over to join in. After a moment of hitting, they handcuffed the father on the asphalt. It was summer, very hot, I remember this. The kid was handcuffed as well, and the policeman took the kid with his hands tied behind his back and threw him into the jeep. The father was shackled on the side, and the mother was hanging on to the policeman. He pushed her away and the two went into the jeep, and the jeep was seen ‘rocking’. You know, it’s no lightweight vehicle. The soldier threw the kid into the jeep head first and he had no way of holding on to anything and then the jeep rocked. Finally they drove away, the father stayed lying on the asphalt, shackled, I don’t know who released him. The mother came to the post and began to throw stones. In a few seconds several others arrived but dispersed pretty quickly, it didn't turn into a real riot. Did you manage to talk to the policemen or the soldiers before that? Ask what had happened? No, no one understood what went on. They began hitting, I think they just detained people without any kind of intelligence information. They caused a traffic jam, they were there without a computer, empty handed, nothing, a pistol in their belt, and that’s all. I went on radio, talked with my superiors – company commander, his deputy, battalion commander, his deputy, and even with the brigade commander – and told them I demanded an inquiry, I wanted to know why they did this. I tried to go through

the official channels to know why, how they could act against all the rules that had been made clear to us an hour earlier. They acted in total disregard of any law. And that was that. No inquiry, nothing. Did you try asking after that day? Yes. I was told it was being looked into, and that was that. I asked several times. Even after I left my reserves duty… Except for you, how did other reservists see this? They were less upset. Also, they came to secure them, and throughout the incident they were on guard and missed most of the violence. The beatings. They came, surrounded them, and before they got organized I was above, looking down at the whole thing. I saw it all from above. I don’t think this was such an extraordinary incident, but to see with your own eyes how this unfolds in a matter of seconds...

*** 46 "Jeans and a red shirt" Unit: Armored Corps Rank: First Sergeant Ramallah 2007 Once we were driving on Road 443, and a frightened [settler] woman stopped us saying stones were thrown at her. The commander immediately turned around – "We’re entering the village" — and we went to Lower Beit Ur village, the whole show, storming in on the jeep, the lookout directs us, we arrive at the house, there were 20 children there. "Everyone line up." My commander liked me, but before we got going he said to me: "***, don’t be a wimp here," meaning, don’t show any mercy. We get there, face them: "Stand in line! Who threw stones?" Everyone is scared. Five soldiers, with guns, try to catch those two 13-year-olds who threw two stones. The woman stops next to you and tells you that stones were thrown at her? The lookouts were on to this? No, we saw two children on the road beyond the fence, and later she came and we realized it was them. The lookout said they were identified and that they were on their way back to the village. We didn’t know exactly where they were, we got to the house and caught those three kids by their clothes, none of them confessed. We were there

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for about 20 minutes, they were lined up in front of the house, we were pointing our guns at them and facing a bunch of trembling kids, who’d be pissing in their pants in a moment, and the commander yells: "Who is it?!" and grabs the oldest one. "Tell me who it is and you won’t get in trouble, don’t worry, we’ll take him and bring him back." We picked up three kids there. The mother was crying, the women were all in tears, the kids were shackled, taken into the jeep, scared. I just try to think what they must have felt, what it’s like to be taken in an army jeep. I was sitting in back with one of those kids and the jeep bumps along the road, those roads out there… I took the driver’s helmet because he doesn’t need it in front, and placed it on the kid’s head. The driver turned around, saw the kid with his helmet, and said: "What are you doing?! I can’t wear it after this!" I got annoyed, I mean, what? If he wears your helmet then it’s filthy? "You’ll wash it out for me," he said. What a buddy… When he got to company HQ, first he washed out his helmet in soap and water, and only then put it on his head, because it had been on the kid’s head for a few minutes. And this is a guy who votes for the Labour party, claims he is a leftie, but this disgusts him. How has this happened to us? What happened to the children in the end? I think they were brought back two days later. No jail space would be wasted on them. The kids confessed at some point? No, we got a lookout’s identification for them, jeans and a red shirt. One of them escaped me when I shackled them, not too tight, so he released himself and ran. He was not chased. We were not sure it was them, and only on Friday night, back from Bil’in, our commander said: "They were it, alright," and everyone applauded. So we weren’t sure, we picked up whoever was closest to the description. I thought then that if that’s how they’re treated, they’ll be back two days later, and instead of throwing a stone they’d want to hurl a fire bomb… They should have been given chocolate and a sandwich and a good talking to. Now I know that wouldn’t have helped either. Bringing their mother and saying to her: "Your kids can get in trouble," with a smile. This is one of those little incidents that you just take for granted. You choose two who look close to the description, and then you have a soldier washing out his helmet after the kid had it on.

***

47 "Mortal fear" Unit: Reserves Rank: First Sergeant Nablus 2006 We were in Ariel where we put up checkposts without understanding why. In hindsight, several years later, you think: "What incredible things I did thereâ&#x20AC;Ś" You put up a checkpost out of boredom, sit there for a few hours and then continue on. Once I saw kids passing, and one of the guys, a reservist who spoke Arabic, wanted to ask them what they study. He didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t mean it in any bad way. Then I saw how the kid nearly peed in his pants as the guy tried to kid with him, how the two worlds are simply disconnected. The guy was kidding and the kid was scared to death.

www.breakingthesilence.org.il

“Breaking the Silence” is an organization of Israeli veterans who served during the Second Intifada, beginning in 2000. The organization aims to make public the everyday life routine as it exists in the Occupied Territories, a reality that remains voiceless in the media, and to serve as an alternative information conduit for the public at large about the goings-on in the State of Israel’s ‘backyard’. The organization was founded in 2004, and since then has received unique public and media standing, bearing the voice of soldiers who have previously kept silent. Since its inception, over 800 male and female soldiers have given testimony about their experiences in the military. They described the reality of military rule in the Occupied Territories for the past twelve years, as reflected by the soldiers’ point of view. The main purpose of “Breaking the Silence” is to arouse public discussion of the moral price that Israeli society pays for a reality in which young soldiers face a civilian population and dominate it on a daily basis. Every testimony published by the organization undergoes careful research. This includes verification of the facts and crossing-checking them with other testimonies and archive materials of human rights organizations active on the ground. Our journalistic mode of operation requires the identity of testifiers to remain confidential. The testimonies published in this booklet have remained in their original formulation, except for dropping any information that might help identify the witness. Certain short notes have been added in parentheses in certain cases, to clarify content and military terminology. We wish to thank our volunteers and activists who have dedicated their time and energy, enabling this publication. Without their extensive assistance we could not bring such important testimonies to the attention of those who must be made aware of them.

Sumud - Resistance in daily life Toine van Teeffelen and Fuad Giacaman From Challenging the Wall: Toward a Pedagogy of Hope Hope can find powerful expression in symbols. Gaining a central place in Palestinian political discourse during the 1970s, the symbol of sumud (steadfastness, persistence, endurance) points to two characteristics that can be ubiquitously found among Palestinians in Palestine and elsewhere: On the one hand, preserving deep roots in the homeland; on the other, stubbornly going on with life and keeping hope for the future despite all the adversities that are faced, including occupation, discrimination, expulsion, and international negligence. At its core, sumud refers to the refusal to give up on Palestinian rights and dignity. Despite sumud’s focus on the here and now, it bespeaks the vision of a human and just solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. A typical artistic expression of sumud, found in a great many Palestinian paintings and logos, is the image of the olive tree with its roots deep in the land and a life span stretching over hundreds of years. The Palestinian mother is also a characteristic symbol of sumud: she is said to protect the home and cultural identity while at the same time transmitting to new generations the quiet power of people’s persistence. Sumud has deep spiritual and social sources of inspiration that include the history and memory of the Palestinian national struggle but also other cultural and social sources. Think about the influence of religion, which gives to many Palestinian Muslims and Christians a deep motive to continue to live and to struggle. Religion sustains essential values of care, connectedness, and solidarity without which sumud cannot exist. The Palestinian family and community are probably the most important sources of steadfastness because of the supportive social environment they provide. Challenging the isolation in which many Palestinians find themselves, the ongoing expressions of international solidarity provide another essential source of inspiration and support. Despite the severe internal difficulties Palestinians presently face, the joint influence of memories of the Palestinian struggle, spiritual sources, the family, the community, and international solidarity nourishes the inner strength and the inner peace that are so necessary for people to go on with their outer struggle and daily commitments. Historical background Initially the symbolic use of sumud was rather top-down, official. In 1978, the term was given to a fund in Jordan that collected contributions from Arab and other countries to support the economic conditions of Palestinians in the occupied territories. As a motto in speeches and political texts, sumud served to bring out the defiant spirit of Palestinians living in Palestine. With its “inside” perspective and focus on staying on the land, it was felt to complement and enable the struggle of Palestinians from the “outside” to return. One reason for its appeal was the fact that the Zionist movement, from its beginnings on, has marginalized or negated the presence of Palestinian civilians on Palestinian land. The practice and communication of sumud have enabled Palestinians to oppose this aim or tendency. In addition to being a symbol or motto, the notion of sumud has been employed for more analytic purposes as well: to refer to a stage of grassroots institution-building in the occupied territories at the end of the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s. This stage was said to be primarily aimed at keeping people and communities on the land in defiance of the wave of new settlement building in the occupied territories and Jerusalem that was conducted at the time by the new Israeli Likud government. The somewhat defensive sumud stage was distinguished from, and seen as a preparation for, the more challenging stage of nonviolent struggle against the occupation that started with the first Intifada in 1987. In looking back to the recent history of the Palestinian movement in Palestine, but also in Palestinian communities in Israel and in exile (to which we cannot pay attention here due to lack of

space) the symbol of sumud expresses the value of staying put while confronting an overwhelmingly stronger military and political force. As any national symbol, expressions of sumud face the risk of becoming “frozen” and rhetorical. But it is our contention that it remains a very relevant concept for a hope-based nonviolent strategy, certainly so at a time when Palestinians are pushed once again, even literally, to stand with their backs against the “wall”. The main reason for the usefulness of the sumud concept is that it puts common citizens center-stage. Nobody is excluded by the concept of sumud, which is a characterization of, and an appeal to all Palestinians. It is the Ramallah-based lawyer Raja Shehadeh who brought the concept from a rhetorical level down to the realities of civilian life under occupation. In his 1981 diary, The Third Way, he situated the meaning of sumud in opposition to two extremes. On the one hand, the samid (the steadfast person) refuses to accept or become subjugated by the occupation, whereas on the other hand, he or she refuses to become dominated by feelings of revenge and hate against the enemy. In fact, Shehadeh seemed to present sumud as an example of life against two kinds of death: a death from inside and a death from outside. In his writings, sumud expressed citizen agency; the will to carve out an existence and a home not necessarily through heroic actions but in a spirit of human dignity. A democratic concept The form that Raja Shehadeh gave to his understanding of sumud is significant: a diary. A diary is not the vehicle of speeches or rhetorical symbolism but rather conveys the rhythm of ordinary life. Within the diary genre it is possible to recognize the various voices and stories that show how Palestinian citizens persist. Although there are certain prototypical stories of Palestinian sumud for example, the man or woman who stands in front of the bulldozer and refuses to go away, or the family who rebuilds its “illegal” home for the fourth time the most salient feature of the concept is simply that it can be realized in innumerable different ways. With all its difficult demands, sumud is a democratic concept that allows for participation in diversified meaning-making. The concept can be employed to point to typical Palestinian realities that every person will experience in a slightly different manner. Think about the very common feeling among Palestinians of being continuously tested; the ongoing guardedness against misfortune despite fatigue; the bittersweet happiness after having tricked a soldier at a checkpoint; the abovementioned connectedness to community and family life as ultimate sources of rest and nourishment in the eye of the storm. The stories of such experiences have a typically Palestinian feel. Many diaries that depict life against the odds such as the various published diaries from the time of the prolonged curfews in the West Bank, at times convey not only an understandable rage but also a tragic-comic, even absurdist mood. The diaries picture realities in which everything that is normal becomes abnormal, and vice versa. Going to school, finding work, traveling outside town all tend to become personal or family “projects” that require flexible planning, uncommon imagination, and enormous endurance.

Given the absurd reality, the diaries sometimes bring to mind a broader literary genre that centers on the naive anti-hero who manages, often in seemingly funny ways, to preserve humanity while living the “normal abnormal” daily life of conflict, war, and occupation. Examples are the Czech “good” soldier Schweyk of Jaroslav Hasek, or, in the Palestinian context, the Saeed character in Emile Habibi’s novel, The Pessoptimist. It is no coincidence that dry humor is an essential part of this genre. Despite the dire situation, the steadfast, too, feel the need to laugh. Humor creates lightness in an unbearable situation. It may even be part of a kind of silent communicative code among those who share similar experiences. Edward Said once wrote in a travel reflection that Palestinians employ a code that is only known among Palestinians. If such a hidden code exists, it will surely express those various shades of life, barely perceptible to the outsider but typical for the sumud stories.

The most fundamental value of a diary is honesty. It is, of course, a most difficult value to realize. In fact, in later diaries Shehadeh showed himself to be slightly skeptical about the concept of sumud precisely because he felt that it can become a rather meaningless symbol that is distant from the all-too-human realities on the ground. Truth, being open to reality, is essential to keep focus and clarity. A diary can show ambiguities and doubts but, if true to its form, remains focused on a reality not blurred by excessive fears, uncontrollable anger, or wishful thinking. Any hope to bring to life a new reality should go through the detailed observation and understanding of the existing reality. That, too, is part of the groundedness of sumud. Social functions In its communicative expressions, such as in diaries, sumud can fulfill different social functions. The stories of sumud provide a learning moment for anybody who wants to read about, listen to, or view the Palestinian experience of daily life. The stories may elicit a liberating laugh for the reason mentioned above such as Suad Amiry’s diary Sharon and My Mother-in-Law. They can inspire people. Communicating daily life experiences can be consoling, as morning coffee meetings among Palestinian staff who have been traumatized by the experience of being closed up, or the stories told in the teachers’ room of Palestinian schools or in the evening among the family. They can enrage when they describe routine humiliation and oppression. But whatever their impact, the stories are typically dialogical in the sense of being oriented towards sharing experiences and informal learning. If we use sumud as an umbrella term for the stories of daily life under occupation, oppression and dispersion, we should also not forget that these stories together with letters, interviews, and whatever comes to us on the Internet are significant sources for future historical documentation. They show the small stories and memories woven on the threads of the national Palestinian story. The sumud stories are excellent materials for learning about Palestinian identity and the reality beyond the very general lines of history. Oral history projects that bring out the details of daily life in the past and allow for surprising crossconnections with the present are an example. Collecting and understanding sumud stories are active ways to engage the learning process, in and through the community, and can thus contribute to new ways of education. They show the diversity of the Palestinian experience within an overall connectedness and national unity. Sumud invites Palestinians to learn about the identity of the land through the little stories of the land and its beauty, such as the memories and stories of people and communities living on it; the popular practices on/in the land including agricultural work, religious worship, and traveling; and the meaning-making associated with those practices. Hearing about, discovering, and also reconstructing the detailed stories of the land are types of learning about Palestinian identity and roots that are not usually provided in formal education. Sumud as resistance But there is a question posed by many. If sumud is a positive expression of the continuity of the many different threads of Palestinian society, history, and relation to the land, how then do we look at the discussions among Palestinians that have frequently flared up in the past and have cast doubt on sumud as an expression of national resistance? Is keeping on with daily life not different from actively and nonviolently challenging the occupation? Does sumud not come close to the “survival mode” just preserving life without nourishing the desire to change the oppressive reality? Is there no need to add an adjective to sumud so as to give the concept a more challenging and dynamic quality, as provided for instance by the expressions “resistance sumud” or “active sumud”? Sumud is a struggle to preserve one’s home and daily life. For Palestinians, home is usually an extremely precarious reality, often put in question or brought under legal or military pressure.

A not uncommon Palestinian experience is to literally become an exile in one’s own homeland. The very effort of preserving one’s home and going on with ordinary life can be viewed in the Palestinian context as a refusal to give up on one’s home and a willingness to make sacrifices. In brief: to exist, to go on with daily life, is to struggle. But, again, is sumud in its meaning of living such a struggle similar to sumud as “resistance”? The notion of “resistance” implies the development of a broader view that goes beyond preserving daily life and keeping one’s head high. In fact, viewed in a more critical light, the sumud struggle can seem to point to a rather inflexible defensive and protective posture, reminiscent of the hardiness, the “steeling” property of a peasant culture with its somewhat inward orientation towards “staying where you are” and “never giving up”. Sumud points to a stubbornness born out of a history in which, each time anew, conquerors and occupiers took control over Palestine and in which common people had to find ways to protect themselves against the dominating powers. Without many other options than staying on the land, the sumud of peasants can be extremely hard to break but may also have been tactically, inspirationally immobile. We think that this criticism holds true, by and large, especially at a time when means of communication and mobility are radically different from the past. Staying sumud in the Palestinian land should not necessarily mean staying wherever you are. In fact, doing so can sometimes be a maladaptive response (called “perseveration” in psychology). This is especially so when there are no conditions that allow one to stay put in a meaningful way, or when there is a better way to contribute to the community’s overall persistence by taking on another role or position. Examples are not difficult to find. A study or work experience abroad may do wonders for Palestinian youth who want to make a creative contribution to the national cause (even though the experience of not being able to find appropriate work or study in one’s homeland is deeply disturbing in itself). It should thus be possible to define the qualities of sumud in different ways, less purely affirmative and defensive, and more flexible and dynamic (and containing even “light” and “humorous” ingredients). Such qualities are perhaps more suggested by another word also used to characterize the Palestinian mentality: “resilience” at the veering back from adverse experiences. From the perspective of protecting the community and maintaining a presence on the land, sumud can be viewed in the context of a resilient, pro-active advocacy that uses the powers of modern means of communication. As a form of resistance, sumud can, for instance, be shown to take on a more energizing, challenging, and imaginative view of the concept of home, or of the practice of making a home, or of giving new meaning to home while protecting it. A home or the daily-life environment that characterizes or surrounds the home can be recreated for tactical purposes in a struggle against expropriation of land and the building of the Wall. For instance, the nonviolent movement in the village of B’ilin in to the west of Ramallah used to place playground tools in front of the bulldozers and the soldiers in order to show how the building of the Wall there jeopardizes the fabric of daily life. The movement also put caravans on land that was threatened to be disowned or excluded. House and home can be moved to the “frontline” as part of a challenge. Less courageous but also extremely valuable is the documentation and publishing of home and daily life under threat of disappearance, such as in the form of family stories and family trees available on the Internet. Other inspiring and imaginative examples of a more “mobile” expression of the spirit of sumud can be taken from the artistic sphere. Take the following description of the painting The New Walk of Samira Badran: In her piece almost five meters long, The New Walk, meandering images of artificial limbs reflect on the universal conditions of oppression in face of the onslaught of man-made tools and barricades, which result in all forms of incarceration. In this work the prosthesis is a metaphor for the indomitable spirit of the Palestinians who seem always to find alternate

routes to crossing barriers. The congested artificial limbs some broken, others bandaged do not beg for sympathy, instead their seemingly frenzied march portrays boundless determination and resilience, a tribute to the Palestinians’ steadfastness in the face of military and political domination, and that despite all constraints, they continue to cross artificial boundaries and barricades. Here the essence of steadfastness is seen as the ability to keep the spirit moving on, crossing boundaries along alternate routes, despite pain and sacrifices. Another point is in place here. Much of the value of the spirit of sumud is related to its communicative power. Communicating Palestine by showing practices of sumud helps to provide a human image of Palestinian reality that breaks through the familiar media stereotypes of passive or angry victimization and terrorism. Showing and communicating sumud thus contributes to the important task of creating an international image of Palestine that is beyond rhetoric and seen from an internal Palestinian and human perspective rather than interpreted and distorted by others. Comprehensive contrast An active understanding and communication of sumud apply to the so-called sumud peace house, which AEI-Open Windows has opened opposite the northern watchtower at Rachel’s Tomb in Bethlehem. The Wall there snakes through the area of northern Bethlehem in such a way that the neighborhood has lost its vigor and life. Families move away whenever possible. How can local people resist a Wall? At first sight there is no way. A wall is not an adversary; it is a block of concrete. As it once was said, the only thing you seem to be able to do after the Wall is erected and you live inside, is to walk around in circles like mice. In fact, one reason that the Wall has been built may well have to do with the reduction of human contact points between Israelis and Palestinians (from the West Bank), because such contact points are essential for any active and challenging forms of nonviolent resistance, individually or collectively. Active resistance while in confinement may thus sound like a contradiction. However, through the peace house and similar initiatives near the Wall another “contact point” is created one between humans/humanity and the Wall. Sumud can be communicated directly in front of or even on the Wall through any media genre or practice that one can think of: diaries, video, film, visual memories, drama and plays, (inter-)religious rituals, traditional customs and festivals, even dinners. By communicating daily life and the “art” of life lived against the odds, normal life is put in opposition to the oppression of the Wall. By showing, even celebrating, life and by creating and reclaiming spaces of life next and in opposition to the Wall, the relation between human life in Palestine and the Wall is defined as one of comprehensive contrast. Think about a piano concert under the military watchtower with children around, or a Rap concert next to the Wall, or artistic, festival-like life that is created near a house surrounded by the Wall on three sides (as is the case with the house of the Anastas family opposite Rachel’s Tomb). Performance artists often make use of contrasts to create surprising effects. Here Sumud will communicate to a worldwide audience contrasts between beauty and ugliness; fragility and massiveness; dignity and disdain; thanksgiving and military arrogance; voices and suffocation; life and death. Essential to this resistance is communicating a reversal of the Israeli image of the Wall as a protection of Israeli daily life against Palestinian violence. Instead, the Wall is shown for what it is the killer, expropriator, and divider of Palestinian life, land, and community. The involvement of media, including the use of media by the civil community itself, will be extremely important. Publicity about sumud practices is needed to shame the adversary as long as he persists in disregarding the humanity of the other. Of course, the final goal of the nonviolent struggle cannot be other than the removal of the Wall itself, making possible the concrete vision of a new reality.

Mezzaterra There is also another, final side to sumud. Even with the Israeli adversary it is desirable to have human relations, if only to challenge him or her to help end the occupation; to jointly see the possibility of a different reality a transformation of the status quo on the way to equality and justice -; and to allow for honest (self-) criticism. For Palestinians, the Wall kills communities by separation. Refusing that separation, an initiative such as the sumud peace house is designed to be an open house, a place of conviviality and sharing food, and thus a sign towards peace in line with the slogan: “Not walls, but bridges.” The house will point to liberating, border-crossing experiences to some extent characteristic for that neighborhood in the past, when many Israelis used to come over to shop or visit a restaurant (even though IsraeliPalestinian interaction under occupation has inevitably been tainted or corrupted by power inequality). The concept of sumud will be applied in an open-minded, flexible, imaginative way. The house’s activities, including in the field of inter-religious encounters and prayers between Muslims, Christians, and Jews, will aim to create a mezzaterra, an inter-zone, in which surprising connections will help to create a different order and community life, and defy Israel’s obsession with separation. We started with the statement that symbols can contribute to or express hope. But as we tried to make clear, the attractiveness of the concept of sumud is located in the fact that it not only touches a basic Palestinian “snare” but also that it is potentially much more than “just” a symbol, left to be admired but out of touch with lived realities. In our opinion, it can best be realized by living and communicating people’s experiences in daily life in both its embodied and spiritual-imaginative dimensions. The practice of sumud helps to communicate people’s and citizens’ voices, open up the diverse memories of the land and its people, and make the nonviolent struggle to preserve home and community against occupation more deep and encompassing. Last but not least, it shows the human dignity of a people that has been continuously dehumanized, here and internationally. Sumud is a choice for renewal of life.

Message of Pope Francis for the 29th World Youth Day 2014 Dear Young Friends, How vividly I recall the remarkable meeting we had in Rio de Janeiro for the Twenty-eighth World Youth Day. It was a great celebration of faith and fellowship! The wonderful people of Brazil welcomed us with open arms, like the statue of Christ the Redeemer which looks down from the hill of Corcovado over the magnificent expanse of Copacabana beach. There, on the seashore, Jesus renewed his call to each one of us to become his missionary disciples. May we perceive this call as the most important thing in our lives and share this gift with others, those near and far, even to the distant geographical and existential peripheries of our world. The next stop on our intercontinental youth pilgrimage will be in Krakow in 2016. As a way of accompanying our journey together, for the next three years I would like to reflect with you on the Beatitudes found in the Gospel of Saint Matthew. This year we will begin by reflecting on the first Beatitude: ‘Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven’. For 2015 I suggest: ‘Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God’. Then, in 2016, our theme will be: ‘Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy’. 1. The revolutionary power of the Beatitudes It is always a joyful experience for us to read and reflect on the Beatitudes! Jesus proclaimed them in his first great sermon, preached on the shore of the sea of Galilee. There was a very large crowd, so Jesus went up on the mountain to teach his disciples. That is why it is known as ‘the Sermon on the Mount’. In the Bible, the mountain is regarded as a place where God reveals himself. Jesus, by preaching on the mount, reveals himself to be a divine teacher, a new Moses. What does he tell us? He shows us the way to life, the way that he himself has taken. Jesus himself is the way, and he proposes this way as the path to true happiness. Throughout his life, from his birth in the stable in Bethlehem until his death on the cross and his resurrection, Jesus embodied the Beatitudes. All the promises of God’s Kingdom were fulfilled in him. In proclaiming the Beatitudes, Jesus asks us to follow him and to travel with him along the path of love, the path that alone leads to eternal life. It is not an easy journey, yet the Lord promises us his grace and he never abandons us. We face so many challenges in life: poverty, distress, humiliation, the struggle for justice, persecutions, the difficulty of daily conversion, the effort to remain faithful to our call to holiness, and many others. But if we open the door to Jesus and allow him to be part of our lives, if we share our joys and sorrows with him, then we will experience the peace and joy that only God, who is infinite love, can give. The Beatitudes of Jesus are new and revolutionary. They present a model of happiness contrary to what is usually communicated by the media and by the prevailing wisdom. A worldly way of thinking finds it scandalous that God became one of us and died on a cross! According to the logic of this world, those whom Jesus proclaimed blessed are regarded as useless, ‘losers’. What is glorified is success at any cost, affluence, the arrogance of power and self-affirmation at the expense of others.

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Journey for Peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land 2

Come & See

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Introduction These guidelines were developed in 2010 at a consultative meeting in Geneva to promote justice tourism for pilgrims to PalestineIsrael. Representing 14 countries, a group of 27 theologians, Palestinian Christian activists and professionals in the tourism industry called on Christian pilgrims to live their faith as they visit the Holy Land, going beyond homage of ancient sites to show concern for the Palestinian people living there whose lives are severely constricted by the Israeli occupation of their lands.Â The meeting was organized by Alternative Tourism Group (ATG) in cooperation with the Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (ECOT), Kairos Palestine and the World Council of Churches (WCC) through its initiative the Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum (PIEF). ATG is a Palestinian NGO specializing in tours and pilgrimages that incorporate critical examinations of the Holy Landâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history, culture and politics.

Come & See

Affirming our Common Humanity: A Pilgrimage of Transformation The decision to visit the Holy Land is the first step in an amazing journey. Whether this will be your first pilgrimage to the Holy Land or you have visited many times before, we ask you to consider how Christians might best reflect the teachings of Jesus Christ when they are in the land where He walked. This journey will reveal —in contrast to daily headlines that make us feel helpless and inured to suffering and violence— that there is hope for bringing the fruits of peace to all. What is yet needed is the momentum and commitment of people of faith and courage. This pilgrimage of transformation will show us how each of us can be a peacemaker in our own small or large ways.

“If you want peace work for justice” Pope Paul VI

“If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality” Archbishop Desmond Tutu

These guidelines has been written for visionary pilgrims and visitors seeking an authentic, face-to-face human encounters in the Holy Land, who wish to connect with the Palestinian Christians -- the “Living Stones” who share their faith. It contains tools including Biblical reflection (page 10) and a Code of Conduct for Tourists in the Holy Land (page 16) to help plan and prepare—practically and spiritually-- a Pilgrimage of Transformation. Additional detailed planning and education resources are listed on pages 18-22. Today you are invited to a journey of truth and transformation that will reveal the love of God to you through the eyes of the Palestinian people who, despite having suffered decades of occupation and dispossession-- maintain their dignity, faith, and capacity for hope.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

The Kairos Call from Palestinian Christians: In a Land Holy to Three Faiths, Occupation is a Sin Kairos (

): an ancient Greek word meaning the right or opportune moment

In December 2009, Palestinian Christian leaders launched the Kairos document, a statement that shares their daily realities of life under occupation and calls on Christian sisters and brothers and churches worldwide to be witnesses to these realities, to be in solidarity, and to take action. The following are excerpts. Today we have reached a dead end in the tragedy of the Palestinian people. The decisionmakers content themselves with managing the crisis rather than committing themselves to the serious task of finding a way to resolve it…It is a policy in which human beings are destroyed, and this must be of concern to the Church… These days, everyone is speaking about peace in the Middle East and the peace process. So far, however, these are simply words; the reality is one of Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, deprivation of our freedom and all that results from this situation…

“They say: ‘Peace, peace’ when there is no peace” (Jer. 6:14).

We believe that our land has a universal mission. In this universality, the meaning of the promises, of the land, of the election, of the people of God open up to include all of humanity, starting from all the peoples of this land... It was the initiation of the fulfillment of the Kingdom of God on earth.

“The earth is the Lord’s and

God sent the patriarchs, the prophets and the all that is in it, the world, and apostles to this land so that they might carry forth a universal mission to the world. Today those who live in it we constitute three religions in this land, (Ps. 24:1). Judaism, Christianity and Islam…It is the duty of those of us who live here, to respect the will of God for this land. It is our duty to liberate it from the evil of injustice and war. It is God’s land and therefore it must be a land of reconciliation, peace and love...

”

Our appeal is to reach a common vision, built on equality and sharing, not on superiority, negation of the other or aggression, using the pretext of fear and security.

Come & See

We say that love is possible and mutual trust is possible. Thus, peace is possible and definitive reconciliation also. Thus, justice and security will be attained for all. In order to understand our reality, we say to the Churches: Come and see. We will fulfill our role to make known to you the truth of our reality, receiving you as pilgrims coming to us to pray, carrying a message of peace, love and reconciliation. You will know the facts and the people of this land, Palestinians and Israelis alike. At the same time we call on you to say a word of truth and to take a position of truth with regard to Israelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s occupation of Palestinian land. The entire document along with other resources can be found on the Kairos Palestine website: www.kairospalestine.ps

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Justice Tourism and the Palestinian Tourist Sector Transformational pilgrims to Palestine are also justice tourists, seeking to understand and make a positive difference in the lives of people whose lands they visit. Meeting Palestinians who are living under occupation is an act of solidarity that brings hope to the people and contributes to their economic development. Like the rest of the Palestinian economy, tourism faces unique difficulties caused by the Occupation. Israel controls all entrances into Palestine and, favoring its own tourist industry, Israel severely restricts business in Palestine. However, while more tourists still visit only Israel, the number of visitors to Palestine has been increasing annually. The Palestinian community has developed compelling and unique tour itineraries and programmes for visitors and pilgrims. The Code of Conduct for tourists to Palestine provides information, guidelines, and protocols for visitors while publications such as the excellent Palestine and Palestinians Guidebook are tremendously informative resources for trip planning. Justice tourism to Palestine has as its ultimate goal: “promoting peace with justice for the people in the Holy Land.” Engaging churches, social movements and faith-based organizations to promote Pilgrimages for Transformation, it is hoped that pilgrims will be inspired by and will work for justice-based peace and reconciliation for the Palestinians and Israelis.

Come & See

“Justice tourism, one of the most effective means of promoting understanding, mutual education, economic exchange and environmental protection, has a central role to play in these efforts…tourists with a commitment to social justice – justice tourists - have the opportunity, not only to make positive contributions to the communities they visit, but to become holders of the knowledge that will one day lead to equality, democracy, and

”

human rights for all. Rami Kassis Alternative Tourism Group

Affirming the Love of God for All

We know that certain theologians in the West try to attach a biblical and theological legitimacy to the infringement of our rights. Thus, the promises, according to their interpretation, have become a menace to our very existence. The “good news” in the Gospel itself has become “ a harbinger of death” for us. We call on these theologians to deepen their reflection of the Word of God and to rectify their interpretations so that they might see in the Word of God a source of life for all peoples. [2.3.3]

“My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge…” Hosea 4:6a (RSV)

“...It is a call to repentance, to revisit fundamentalist theological positions that support certain unjust political options with regard to the Palestinian people. It is a call to stand alongside the oppressed and preserve the word of God as good news for all...God is not the ally of one against the other, nor the opponent of one in the face of the other. God is the Lord of all and loves all,

Our connectedness to this land is a natural right. It is not an ideological or a theological question only. It is a matter of life and death. There are those who do not agree with us, even defining us as enemies only because we declare that we want to live as free people in our land. We suffer from the occupation of our land because we are Palestinians. And as Christian Palestinians we suffer from the wrong interpretation of some theologians. Faced with this, our task is to safeguard the demanding justice from all Word of God as a source of life and not of death, so that “the good news” remains what it is, “good news for us and for all. In face of those who use the Bible to threaten our existence as Christian and Muslim Palestinians, we renew our faith in God because we know that the word of God cannot be the source of our destruction. [2.3.4] from Kairos Palestine, an appeal from Palestinian Christians

...”

Beyond the rhetoric and the media spin is a reality of suffering that has been denied for decades. Churches have done a grave disservice to their flocks by ignoring the plight of millions of dispossessed Palestinians. As Christians living in the Holy Land, we have faith

A Call from Palestinian Christians

that when our fellow Christians from around the world gain access to a more comprehensive picture of our reality, they will no longer be able to ignore our cry for peace with justice. In many countries today, the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands and the oppression this brings to their daily lives is not well understood and is often obscured in the media and by powerful interests. While some are misled and disempowered to speak or act, many Christians and other people of conscience feel disturbed by a one-sided narrative that justifies the ongoing occupation and its gross human rights violations. With this background, some come to the Holy Land as spectators, touring holy sites as they would museums, not caring or realizing that for Palestinian Christians these are living places of worship. Reflecting the pious practices of the Pharisees, they search for a personal blessing, seeking to renew an egocentric, individualistic faith. What they choose to see and do only reinforces their prejudices, preconceived notions, and limited understanding of a complex situation. Yet true faith requires more from a Christian than purveying stereotypes and untruths and supporting injustice. The genuine Christian pilgrim seeks the living Christ in the now, in solidarity with the oppressed, the poor, and the imprisoned. They look for truth and seek justice, supporting and blessing both Palestinian and Israeli peacemakers.

Come & See

Spiritual Elements of an Authentic Pilgrimage A true Christian pilgrimage to Palestine is an invitation to “come and see”: a journey to find new and deeper truths about ourselves and the meaning of our Christian faith and be transformed so that we may test and approve what is the will of God – what is good and well-pleasing and perfect.” (Romans 12: 2).

“ Justice denied anywhere

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diminishes justice everywhere Martin Luther King Jr.

We embark on a purposeful and respectful journey with the Palestinian Christians through their land and history, taking sufficient time to listen, reflect, and pray with them. Hearing their stories may challenge us to unlearn much of what we “know” and “understand” about Palestine and to relearn through experiencing the realities of Palestinian life and their struggle for justice. Christian pilgrimage must comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable. Based on the relationships we build with Palestinian Christians on our pilgrimage, we can seek truth and paths to peace and reconciliation by: 1. Listening to the Biblical reflections of local Christians, the descendants of the first Christians, whose experiences have given them a deep and personal understanding of the Scriptures that forms the basis of Palestinian Christian theology. 2. Making connections between our lifestyles and the national policies of our countries and the injustices Palestinians live with each and every day. As these connections become clear, accept the responsibility to respond by working for a transformation in our own lives and home communities. 3. Experiencing the diverse environment of Palestine by accompanying Christian Palestinians on visits to their Muslim brothers and sisters to share and learn from each other. 4. Offering a voice of comfort to the Palestinian people as we hear about their daily humiliation, anger, frustrations, and struggles. 5. Committing to stand with Palestinians in their struggle for dignity and freedom.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Come & See

Biblical Insights for a Pilgrimage of Transformation Too often, we can be like the dead Lazarus, wrapped in cloth, unaware of the world around us, and the people in it. Jesus calls us to come out, to come back to life, to make the difference we are meant to make in the world. As St Paul says in 2. Cor, 5:17: “Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, he is a new creation; the old has gone, the new has come!” The story of Lazarus reminds us that for God nothing is impossible —even death is not an obstacle— and that we must not accept the premise that a just peace in Palestine-Israel is beyond reach. The Bible itself is an inspiration to see our entire lives as a pilgrimage and to live like a pilgrim every day. The whole Bible is about God’s determination to bring his creation back to a new relation with the divine, to “…a better country, that is, a heavenly one.” (Hebrews 11: 16) In Hebrews 13 we also learn about “...brotherly love and hospitality to strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.” What should be even more important to Christians than the holy sites are the communion of living saints at the pilgrimage places. Journeying to a place of divine blessing, presence, and power should be done in the context of human living. Because we are all members of Christ’s body, we cannot be witnesses to other Christians’ lives without caring about their expressions of faith, their traditions, their joys and struggles.

“Jesus looked up to heaven and prayed to his Father, closing with these words: “Lazarus, come out!” When Lazarus came out of the tomb, Jesus told the people to remove his

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grave clothes. John 11:43-44

“He has told you, O mortal, what is good and what does the Lord require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly

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with your God? Micah 6:8

“Rejoice with those who rejoice; mourn with those who

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mourn

Roman 12: 15

A Call from Palestinian Christians

God intervenes in human history whenever life is threatened, abused and destroyed– for the slain Abel, Uriah, Naboth, the slaves in Egypt, the poor and the widows. God revives the dry bones that “come to life, stand on their feet and become a great army” (Ezekiel 37:10). The reign of God is present wherever life is set free, the blind see, the lame walk and the good news of liberation is announced. God sends the prophets to liberate people from oppression and speak words of judgment. God is on an eternal pilgrimage into our here and now for the sake of justice and love. God’s incarnation in Christ is God’s way of entering into the moral struggles of the world and showing us how to live a truly human life. Jesus identifies himself with all those unjustly treated in order to expose injustice. (See the Parable of the Last Judgment, Matt.25: 25-35)

“The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable

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year of the Lord. Luke 4:18ff (RSV)

“If you love God, you would love the people of God, the people that God created. Many of us Christians love the church - our buildings, monuments, traditions, relics, liturgies, and symbols. In the name of God, we love what we have created but fail to love what God has created – the human being and the rest

”

of creation.

Deenabandhu Manchala World Council of Churches

Come & See

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Connecting with Palestinian Christians For decades, millions of Christian have journeyed to the Holy Land and returned home without even realizing that their pilgrimage was missing something very important: face-to-face human encounters with those who share their faith. Palestinian Christians’ continuous presence for more than 2,000 years in the land of Christ’s life, death, and resurrection gives them a unique connection to Christianity and its traditions. They also share, along with the rest of the Arab world, a culture of hospitality renowned for its warmth and generosity. In addition, Palestinian Christians have vast experience welcoming pilgrims to their land, continuing a tradition their ancestors began centuries ago. As hosts, the Palestinian Christians are able to show visitors holy sites rarely seen by ordinary tourists and can illuminate these sites with a faith that is physically linked to these places. For Palestinian Christians, the holy sites are not mere tourist destinations —they are often their own local churches— places that have meaning in their every day worship. The people in these communities -- the “Living Stones” -- are the keepers of sacred tradition in the Holy Land and protectors of the places that mark events in the life of Christ and the prophets.

Come & See

“Come to him, a living stone, rejected by men but approved, nonetheless, and precious in God’s eyes. You too are living stones, build as an edifice of spirit, into a holy priesthood, offering spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through Jesus

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Christ.

1 Peter 2:4-5

“Palestinian hospitality is a long lasting tradition dating back to the times of Jesus Christ some

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2000 years ago. Father Richard Potts, editor of The Liguorian. www.TravelPalestine.ps

Who Are the Palestinian Christians ? No one knows exactly the numbers of Palestinian Christians since the great majority of them live in the Diaspora and there is no proper census to know their numbers. Their estimated number, living in Palestine, Israel and the Diaspora, is estimated between 800,000 to one million. They are an integral part of the indigenous Palestinian population and their mother tongue is Arabic. Their history is linked with the early church established in Jerusalem some 2000 years back and their presence never been disconnected in this land. At present, around 50,000 Christians live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip and make up about 1.2 percent of the total population. In Israel their number is estimated at around 160,000 people. Despite this small percentage, the Christians in Palestine lead a very dynamic community and very active in the field of social services and education. Approximately 45% from the NGOs in Palestine are run by churches or church-related organizations. The majority of Palestinian Christians living abroad are found in USA, South America, Australia, Canada and Europe. This situation is due to the expulsion of around 750,000 Palestinians, including 150,000 Christians, who became refugees in the year 1948, the year of Nakba (Arabic for â&#x20AC;&#x153;catastropheâ&#x20AC;?). The dispersal of Palestinians since 1948 has spared no one family or group including Palestinian Christians. Palestinian Christians in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip belong to the four Christian families: Oriental Orthodox Churches, Eastern Orthodox (Caledonian) Churches, Catholic Churches, and Evangelical Churches. In addition to 13 officially recognized denominations, there are some smaller ones, mainly evangelicals. Palestinian Christians live almost in every governorate in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, although the majority of them live around the holy sites in Bethlehem and Jerusalem. There are approximately ten town and village councils headed by Christian mayors in addition to a number of legislators and ministers in the Palestinian authority.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Meeting the People of Palestine: Suggestions for meaningful face-to-face encounters with “the living stones.” 1. Visit Palestinian churches, attend their services, and worship with them. Stay and talk. More than a dozen denominations -- representing all four Christian families -exist in Palestine, so it will not be hard to find your church. 2. Choose to tour with a Palestinian tour group and/or guide (see Resources, page 19) for all or at least some of the time. Israeli tour companies are permitted to come into the West Bank, but tourists have found that Israeli tour guides have a very different interpretation of the Palestinian reality, and will discourage tourist from having contact with any “Arabs.” 3. While Israeli tour companies regularly bring their tourists to Bethlehem to visit the Church of Nativity, rarely do their busses spend more than an hour there and no money is circulated into the local economy. You can support the Palestinian economy by enjoying the town of Bethlehem and beyond -- eating in restaurants, visiting shops and staying in hotels. 4. Visit Palestinian social, cultural, educational or theological centers. 5. Make contact with one of the numerous Palestinian civil society groups and organizations who focus on women’s issues, children, human rights, or people with disabilities. Ask if you may visit their programs. 6. Arrange to stay with or visit a Palestinian family. Local tourist companies are happy to match you with a host family whether that is for just one meal or for several days as an overnight guest. 7. Obtain a Palestinian guidebook such as Palestine and Palestinians to give you more ideas and guide you through the country (see Resources, page 19). 8. Explore the country on foot. A journey on the “road less traveled” is an opportunity for encounters with nature, landscape, and culture that would otherwise be inaccessible by vehicle.

Come & See

A Code of Conduct for Travelers to the Holy Land This code was developed with input from Palestinian and international organizations in order to present a unified message about responsible tourism in the region. Below are excerpts that we belief are most important for Christians to incorporate into their pilgrimages.

Preparation

To prepare your trip to Palestine, we encourage you to consider including the following in your preparation: 1. Choose an inclusive and balanced itinerary that allows you to visit and stay in different places. 2. Educate yourself by reading guidebooks, travel accounts and articles about current news and events. [See Resources, page 19-23] 3. Establish contact with Palestinians to get up-to-date information about the current situation, safety, local history, culture and customs. 4. Approach travelling with a desire to learn rather than just observe. Leave prejudices behind.

Your trip

Adopting a considerate attitude towards the people you encounter, the environment, and host communities when travelling in Palestine helps to make sure that your trip is beneficial both for you as a tourist and for the hosts.

5. Your attitude

• Respect and learn about the local culture. Although taking pictures is in general welcome, be aware of people›s sensitivity about being photographed: always ask first for their approval. • Observe local customs. Respect local dress codes and dress modestly. • Interact and spend time with local people. Be aware that your cultural values may differ from theirs. They may, for example, have different concepts of time, personal space, communication and society. Other values are not wrong or inferior, just diffeent.

6. Your behaviour:

• Be aware of shortsighted emotional reactions, such as giving money out of compassion. This can be offensive. A Call from Palestinian Christians

• Make sure that you encounter and engage with the local communities who are struggling for the respect of their dignity. • Support communities in a responsible way, without encouraging them to change their customs in order to adopt yours. • When visiting holy sites, allow members of the respective religious community to guide you.

7. Your use of natural resources:

• Co-operate with locals in conserving precious natural resources. Commit yourself to a moderate use when possible • Be open to experience local standards rather than expecting to find the same conditions as in your home town and/or country.

8. Support the local economy:

• Appreciate local expertise by paying adequately. • Buy local products. • Contribute to ensuring that tourism has a beneficial outcome for the local community.Use local transportation, guides, accommodation, restaurants and markets to benefit the local economy. • Consider giving tips where customary. 9. Remember that the people you encounter have lived under military occupation for many years. Be sensitive when discussing related topics and listen to their points of view. 10. Be inspired by the pilgrim›s journey: take your time to live and experience the daily life of the local people.

Returning home

When you return from Palestine do not hesitate to share your experiences with friends and relations. Your Palestinian hosts will be very happy to know that you keep them in your mind and that you tell their and your stories. In this way, you can strengthen the human side of tourism and enhance its benefits to communities and individuals.

11. Share your experience

• Think of creating links between your community and the community you visited. • Tell the stories of the people you met. • Discuss and debrief with other members of your group (if you travelled together with others). • Share with your family; inform your community; write articles.

Come & See

12. Stick to the commitments you made during your trip: • Remember the promises you made to the local people you met and honour them. • Keep the people in your thoughts, pray for them and act when your actions are needed. 13. Allow yourself to be enriched by learning experiences: • Question your stereotypes/generalisations, both the ones you had before the trip and the ones emerging from your experience abroad. • Address prejudices and injustice where you meet them.

14. Take action

• Learn about the involvement and responsibilities of your home country in the Middle East. Expose and confront them when they have been unfair. Address statements you do not agree with, such as inaccurate tourism brochures, stereotyped views of Palestine in conversation and inaccurate or biased media portrayals.

Excerpted from: A Code of Conduct for Tourism in the Holy Land: A Palestinian Inititive, printed by the Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism (PIRT) in 2009. For the complete Code of Conduct or for more information about PIRT, please visit www.pirt.ps

A Call from Palestinian Christians

LEARNING ABOUT THE ISSUES SELECTED RESOURCES For additional resources, please visit

www.pirt.ps to view our expanding list.

PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Al Haq

Independent Palestinian non-governmental human rights organization www.alhaq.org

Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ)

Promoting sustainable development in the occupied Palestinian territory http://www.arij.org

Badil

Resource Center for Palestinian Residency& Refugee Rights www.badil.org

Defence for Children International â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Palestine Section

Promoting and protecting the rights of Palestinian children in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) www.dci-pal.org

International Center of Bethlehem

Lutheran-based, ecumenically-oriented institution empowering the local community www.annadwa.org/dar

International Middle East Media Center Independent media coverage of Israel-Palestine www.imemc.org

Joint Advocacy Initiative (JAI) of the East Jerusalem YMCA and YWCA of Palestine

Working for peace with justice in Palestine, based on humanitarian and Christian values. www.jai-pal.org

Come & See

Kairos Palestine

Christian Palestinians’ word to the world about what is happening in Palestine www.kairospalestine.ps

Palestine Center for Human Rights

NGO based in Gaza dedicated to protecting human rights www.pchrgaza.org

Palestinian Bible Society

Committed to making the Word of God available to Palestinians www.pbs-web.com

Sabeel

Palestinian Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center www.sabeel.org

ISRAELI HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Alternative Information Center

Promoting the human and national rights of the Palestinian people www.alternativenews.org

Breaking the Silence

Israeli soldiers document their time in the Occupied Palestinian Territories www.shovrimshtika.org/index_e.asp

B’tselem

The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories www.btselem.org

Gisha

Legal Center for Freedom of Movement www.gisha.org

Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

Non-violent, direct-action organization to resist Israeli demolition of Palestinian houses www.icahd.org

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Rabbis for Human Rights

Seeks to prevent human rights violations in Israel and in areas for which Israel has taken responsibility www.rhr.org.il

Who Profits?

Exposing the Israeli occupation industry www.whoprofits.org

Zochrot

Israeli citizens working to raise awareness of the Nakba www.nakbainhebrew.org/index.php?lang=english

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS: Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT)

Faith-based non-violent support in situations of lethal conflict www.cpt.org

The Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI)

Accompaniment and advocacy efforts to end the occupation (An initiative of the World Council of Churches) www.eappi.org

International Solidarity Movement

Non-violent resistance though international solidarity www.palsolidarity.org

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Reports on the Occupied Palestinian Territory http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/MENARegion/Pages/PSIndex.aspx

Come & See

BOOKS: Of the Middle East (2005) by Robert Fisk I am a Palestinian Christian (1995) by Mitri Raheb Palestine—Peace not Apartheid (2006) by Jimmy Carter Palestine in Pieces: Graphic perspectives on the Israeli Occupation (2009) by Kathleen & Bill Christison The Question of Palestine (1992) by Edward W. Said DOCUMENTARIES: Hope in a Slingshot (2008)

www.roninfilms.com.au/feature/1706.html

Occupation 101 (2006) www.occupation101.com

Slingshot Hip Hop (2008) www.slingshothiphop.com/dvd

With God on our Side (2010) www.withgodonourside.com

A Call from Palestinian Christians

PALESTINIAN PILGRIMAGE AND TOURIST RESOURCES: Alternative Tourism Group

Palestinian NGO specializing in justice tourism www.atg.ps

Travel Palestine

The Official Website for Tourism in Palestine www.travelpalestine.ps

Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism

A network of organizations advocating responsible tourism in the Holy Land www.pirt.ps

Visit Palestine

«Your guide to Palestine» www.visitpalestine.ps

GUIDEBOOKS: Palestine and the Palestinians (Second edition 2008)

Published by and available from Alternative Tourism Group: www.atg.ps

Come & See

Issued by :

Alternative Tourism Group In cooperation with

Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (PIEF)

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Kairos Palestine

Jesus challenges us, young friends, to take seriously his approach to life and to decide which path is right for us and leads to true joy. This is the great challenge of faith. Jesus was not afraid to ask his disciples if they truly wanted to follow him or if they preferred to take another path. Simon Peter had the courage to reply: ‘Lord, to whom shall we go? You have the words of eternal life’. If you too are able to say ‘yes’ to Jesus, your lives will become both meaningful and fruitful. 2. The courage to be happy What does it mean to be ‘blessed’ (makarioi in Greek)? To be blessed means to be happy. Tell me: Do you really want to be happy? In an age when we are constantly being enticed by vain and empty illusions of happiness, we risk settling for less and ‘thinking small’ when it come to the meaning of life. Think big instead! Open your hearts! As Blessed Piergiorgio Frassati once said, ‘To live without faith, to have no heritage to uphold, to fail to struggle constantly to defend the truth: this is not living. It is scraping by. We should never just scrape by, but really live’ (Letter to I. Bonini, 27 February 1925). In his homily on the day of Piergiorgio Frassati’s beatification (20 May 1990), John Paul II called him ‘a man of the Beatitudes’ (AAS 82 [1990], 1518). If you are really open to the deepest aspirations of your hearts, you will realize that you possess an unquenchable thirst for happiness, and this will allow you to expose and reject the ‘low cost’ offers and approaches all around you. When we look only for success, pleasure and possessions, and we turn these into idols, we may well have moments of exhilaration, an illusory sense of satisfaction, but ultimately we become enslaved, never satisfied, always looking for more. It is a tragic thing to see a young person who ‘has everything’, but is weary and weak. Saint John, writing to young people, told them: ‘You are strong, and the word of God abides in you, and you have overcome the evil one’. oung people who choose Christ are strong: they are fed by his word and they do not need to ‘stuff themselves’ with other things! Have the courage to swim against the tide. Have the courage to be truly happy! Say no to an ephemeral, superficial and throwaway culture, a culture that assumes that you are incapable of taking on responsibility and facing the great challenges of life! 3. Blessed are the poor in spirit… The first Beatitude, our theme for the next World Youth Day, says that the poor in spirit are blessed for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. At a time when so many people are suffering as a result of the financial crisis, it might seem strange to link poverty and happiness. How can we consider poverty a blessing? First of all, let us try to understand what it means to be ‘poor in spirit’. When the Son of God became man, he chose the path of poverty and self-emptying. As Saint Paul said in his letter to the Philippians: ‘Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped, but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, being born in human likeness’. Jesus is God who strips himself of his glory. Here we see God’s choice to be poor: he was rich and yet he became poor in order to enrich us through his poverty. His is the mystery we contemplate in the crib when we see the Son of God lying in a manger, and later on the cross, where his selfemptying reaches its culmination.

The Greek adjective ptochos (poor) does not have a purely material meaning. It means ‘a beggar’, and it should be seen as linked to the Jewish notion of the anawim, ‘God’s poor’. It suggests lowliness, a sense of one’s limitations and existential poverty. The anawim trust in the Lord, and they know that they can count on him. As Saint Therese of the Child Jesus clearly saw, by his incarnation Jesus came among us as a poor beggar, asking for our love. The Catechism of the Catholic Church tells us that ‘man is a beggar before God’ and that prayer is the encounter of God’s thirst and our own thirst. Saint Francis of Assisi understood perfectly the secret of the Beatitude of the poor in spirit. Indeed, when Jesus spoke to him through the leper and from the crucifix, Francis recognized both God’s grandeur and his own lowliness. In his prayer, the Poor Man of Assisi would spend hours asking the Lord: ‘Who are you?’ ‘Who am I?’ He renounced an affluent and carefree life in order to marry ‘Lady Poverty’, to imitate Jesus and to follow the Gospel to the letter. Francis lived in imitation of Christ in his poverty and in love for the poor – for him the two were inextricably linked – like two sides of one coin. You might ask me, then: What can we do, specifically, to make poverty in spirit a way of life, a real part of our own lives? I will reply by saying three things. First of all, try to be free with regard to material things. The Lord calls us to a Gospel lifestyle marked by sobriety, by a refusal to yield to the culture of consumerism. This means being concerned with the essentials and learning to do without all those unneeded extras which hem us in. Let us learn to be detached from possessiveness and from the idolatry of money and lavish spending. Let us put Jesus first. He can free us from the kinds of idol-worship which enslave us. Put your trust in God, dear young friends! He knows and loves us, and he never forgets us. Just as he provides for the lilies of the field, so he will make sure that we lack nothing. If we are to come through the financial crisis, we must be also ready to change our lifestyle and avoid so much wastefulness. Just as we need the courage to be happy, we also need the courage to live simply. Second, if we are to live by this Beatitude, all of us need to experience a conversion in the way we see the poor. We have to care for them and be sensitive to their spiritual and material needs. To you young people I especially entrust the task of restoring solidarity to the heart of human culture. Faced with old and new forms of poverty – unemployment, migration and addictions of various kinds – we have the duty to be alert and thoughtful, avoiding the temptation to remain indifferent. We have to remember all those who feel unloved, who have no hope for the future and who have given up on life out of discouragement, disappointment or fear. We have to learn to be on the side of the poor, and not just indulge in rhetoric about the poor! Let us go out to meet them, look into their eyes and listen to them. The poor provide us with a concrete opportunity to encounter Christ himself, and to touch his suffering flesh. However – and this is my third point – the poor are not just people to whom we can give something. They have much to offer us and to teach us. How much we have to learn from the wisdom of the poor! Think about it: several hundred years ago a saint, Benedict Joseph Labre, who lived on the streets of Rome from the alms he received, became a spiritual guide to all sorts of people, including nobles and prelates. In a very real way, the poor are our teachers. They show us that people’s value is not measured by their possessions or how much money they have in the bank. A poor person, a person lacking material possessions, always

maintains his or her dignity. The poor can teach us much about humility and trust in God. In the parable of the pharisee and the tax-collector, Jesus holds the tax-collector up as a model because of his humility and his acknowledgement that he is a sinner. The widow who gave her last two coins to the temple treasury is an example of the generosity of all those who have next to nothing and yet give away everything they have. 4. … for theirs is the kingdom of heaven The central theme of the Gospel is the kingdom of God. Jesus is the kingdom of God in person; he is Immanuel, God-with-us. And it is in the human heart that the kingdom, God’s sovereignty, takes root and grows. The kingdom is at once both gift and promise. It has already been given to us in Jesus, but it has yet to be realised in its fullness. That is why we pray to the Father each day: ‘Thy kingdom come’. There is a close connection between poverty and evangelisation, between the theme of the last World Youth Day – ‘Go therefore, and make disciples of all nations!’ – and the theme for this year: ‘Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven’. The Lord wants a poor Church which evangelises the poor. When Jesus sent the Twelve out on mission, he said to them: ‘Take no gold, nor silver, nor copper in your belts, no bag for your journey, nor two tunics, nor sandals, nor a staff; for the labourers deserve their food’. Evangelical poverty is a basic condition for spreading the kingdom of God. The most beautiful and spontaneous expressions of joy which I have seen during my life were by poor people who had little to hold onto. Evangelisation in our time will only take place as the result of contagious joy. We have seen, then, that the Beatitude of the poor in spirit shapes our relationship with God, with material goods and with the poor. With the example and words of Jesus before us, we realize how much we need to be converted, so that the logic of being more will prevail over that of having more! The saints can best help us to understand the profound meaning of the Beatitudes. So the canonization of John Paul II, to be celebrated on the Second Sunday of Easter, will be an event marked by immense joy. He will be the great patron of the World Youth Days which he inaugurated and always supported. In the communion of saints he will continue to be a father and friend to all of you. This month of April marks the thirtieth anniversary of the entrustment of the Jubilee Cross of the Redemption to the young. That symbolic act by John Paul II was the beginning of the great youth pilgrimage which has since crossed the five continents. The Pope’s words on that Easter Sunday in 1984 remain memorable: ‘My dear young people, at the conclusion of the Holy Year, I entrust to you the sign of this Jubilee Year: the cross of Christ! Carry it throughout the world as a symbol of the love of the Lord Jesus for humanity, and proclaim to everyone that it is only in Christ, who died and rose from the dead, that salvation and redemption are to be found’.

Dear friends, the Magnificat, the Canticle of Mary, poor in spirit, is also the song of everyone who lives by the Beatitudes. The joy of the Gospel arises from a heart which, in its poverty, rejoices and marvels at the works of God, like the heart of Our Lady, whom all generations call ‘blessed’. May Mary, Mother of the poor and Star of the new evangelisation help us to live the Gospel, to embody the Beatitudes in our lives, and to have the courage always to be happy.