WP 2 Ecological Justice online - Final by Jose

WALKING PATH 2 Ecological Justice: Promoting Sustainable Peace

INDEX Walking Path 2 Programme UN OCHA. Humanitarian Fact Sheet on the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Area. February 2012 UN OCHA: Demolitions in the Jordan Valley (2013) The Applied Research Institute (Jerusalem). Al’ Auja Town Profile The Applied Research Institute (Jerusalem). Fasayil Village Profile PLO. The Jordan Valley: A Microcosm of the Israeli Occupation. Factsheet December 2011 BADIL. The Forcible Transfer of the Palestinian People from the Jordan Valley LA CROIX. La vallée du Jourdain est vitale pour l’État palestinien OXFAM. Au bord du gouffre : Les colonies israéliennes et leur impact sur les Palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain Safeguarding the Environment. From the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church Kairos Palestine. Come and See: A Call from Palestinian Christians - A journey for peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land

2 6 7 8 32 56 68 74 76

107 125

WALKING PATH 2 ECOLOGICAL JUSTICE: PROMOTING SUSTAINABLE PEACE A. SUMMARY For Pax Christi there is no peace without ecological justice. Armed conflicts and irresponsible natural resource extraction projects are having a significantly negative impact in the way communities interact with their environment – and affecting us all. Conflicts around land and water and other resources are increasing and there is a need of comprehensive approaches to conflict transformation. Participants in this walking path will visit the Jordan Valley and will interact with communities affected by land eviction and water scarcity; afterwards, they will look at how Member Organizations around the globe are supporting communities as they face conflicts around natural resources and at how they are promoting sustainable peace. B.

ECOLOGICAL JUSTICE

Ecological justice celebrates the interconnection and interdependence of all beings, and recognizes our human responsibility to co-exist in harmony for the wellbeing of the Earth community. Ecological justice promotes human dignity, the selfdetermination of all persons, and the development of sustainable economies with justice for all within a finite world. From a Christian perspective, ecological justice is based on the belief that the Earth is sacred, and that the dignity of the human person requires particular attention to the needs of the marginalized and the poor – a preferential option for the poor. From a scientific perspective, ecological justice is based on the knowledge that the Earth and its resources are finite, that ecosystems are complex and fragile, and that the natural world, of which humans are a part, exists as an interconnected and interdependent system. In this web of existence, human ingenuity and activity must be founded on prudence and care. From a historical perspective, ecological justice is based on the fact that the Earth’s dominant economic, social and political systems have favoured – and continue to primarily benefit – people in the Global North. This has led to the depletion of Earth’s ecological diversity, ecosystem destruction, pollution of soil, sea and sky, species extinction and climate change. This damage has been felt most deeply by populations in the Global South who are least responsible for it. Working for ecological justice calls for inspiration, prayer, resourcefulness, and imagination. Responding to the urgency of the present global inequities and ecological degradation – particularly from the effects of climate change – will require determination, restraint, solidarity and love from each of us. Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace

C. PAX CHRISTI AND THE WORK FOR ECOLOGICAL JUSTICE Pax Christi International has been approaching ecological challenges from the perspective of intervening factors in the emergence and maintenance of violent political conflicts. Social and economic factors are particularly important. Decreasing supplies of physically controllable environmental resources, such as clean water and good agricultural land, sometimes provokes interstate conflicts or resource wars. But Pax Christi looks at the root causes and works with affected communities supporting them in their nonviolent struggle against destruction caused by corporations managing large natural resource extractive projects. Militarism is one of the most wasteful and environmentally damaging practices that can be changed in order to reduce ecological damage and liberate resources for environment protection and meeting people’s essential needs. Reduction of 10-20% of the global military budget (currently $1.7 trillion per year) would provide sufficient resources to support this. Pax Christi International has been active in campaigns around Climate Change. The movement is also joining other NGOs at United Nations climate change conferences and will be present at the COP21 taking place in Paris in at the end of 2015. D. PROGRAM THURSDAY: PILGRIMAGE TO THE JORDAN VALLEY 12h30-13h30

Bus leaves hotel to the Jordan Valley to meet the Jordan Valley Solidarity representative

13h30-15h00

AL AUJA VILLAGE -

15h00 – 15h30 15h30-17h00

Transportation to Fasayel village FASAYEL VILLAGE -

18h00

Meet with EAPPI who have a placement in the Jordan Valley : mission and projects run by EAPPI Walking tour with JVS/EAPPI: community / settlements / water issue Interaction with a group of families: life in the village and perspectives for the future.

Meet with the Palestinian Hydrology Group providing water storage tanks and irrigation for JV villages: Mission and projects run by them. Meet with a group of families living there to see impact of Israeli settlement farming / loss of water: life in the village and impact of Israeli military/settlements in the village Tea/coffee in JVS center while exchanging about Jordan Valley’s situation and main issues, present their projects and answer to questions

Back to the Hotel 2

FRIDAY: DEEPENING THE DISCUSSION ON ECOLOGICAL JUSTICE During this session, through a participatory methodology, participants will look at how their own organizations and other member organizations around the globe are forging peace by promoting ecological justice, especially for those groups most affected by injustice and violence in its different forms. 8h30-8h45 8h45-10h15

10h15-10h45 10h45-12h00 12h00 E.

Introductions “Fishbowl” conversation Facilitator: Fr. Joseph Nangle OFM, USA, Pax Christi USA Ambassador of Peace. Panelists: Jef Felix, Belgium, Former Treasurer of Pax Christi International; Stanislaw Latek, Poland, Member of the Board of the Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej; Barbara McBride, New Zealand, Member of Pax Christi Aoteaora-New Zealand; local person, Palestine, tbd. Expanding the conversation Break Open space to deepen the conversation Discussion about various topics in small groups Return to large group End discussion session

RESOURCE ORGANIZATIONS 

Jordan Valley Solidarity is a network of Palestinian grassroots community groups from all over the Jordan Valley and the international supporters. The aims are to protect Palestinian existence and the unique environment of the Jordan Valley by building international support and supporting communities on the ground. This includes monitoring, recording and aiming to prevent the abuse of Palestinian human rights by the Israeli occupation and settlers. Website: http://jordanvalleysolidarity.org/



Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI): It is a programme of the World Council of Churches that brings international human rights monitors to the West Bank. Engaged with local Palestinian and Israelis pursuing a just peace to change the international community’s involvement in the conflict, urging them to act against injustice in the region. Website: https://www.eappi.org/en



Palestinian Hydrology Group: Largest Palestinian NGO working to improve access to water and sanitation services, and to monitor pollution and climate change in the OPT. Website: www.phg.org

ANNEXES (online)   

UN OCHA (2013). Humanitarian Fact Sheet on the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Area. February 2012. Link UN OCHA: Demolitions in the Jordan Valley (2013). Link The Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem (2012). Al Auja Village Profile. Link 3

      

The Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem (2012). Fasayil Village Profile. Link PLO (2011). The Jordan Valley: A Microcosm of the Israeli Occupation. Factsheet December 2011. Link BADIL (2012). The Forcible Transfer of the Palestinian People from the Jordan Valley. Link LA CROIX (2012). La vallée du Jourdain est vitale pour l’État palestinien. Link OXFAM (2012). Au bord du gouffre : Les colonies israéliennes et leur impact sur les Palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain. Link Pontifical Council of Justice and Peace (2004). Safeguarding the Environment. From the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church. Link Kairos Palestine (2010). Come and See: A Call from Palestinian Christians - A journey for peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Link

UNITED NATIONS

Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory

HUMANITARIAN FACT SHEET ON THE JORDAN VALLEY AND DEAD SEA AREA FEBRUARY 2012

KEY FACTS � The Jordan Valley and Dead Sea area covers around 30% of the West Bank, and is home to nearly 60,000 Palestinians. � 87% of the land is designated as Area C, virtually all of which is prohibited for Palestinian use, earmarked instead for the use of the Israeli military or under the jurisdiction of Israeli settlements. � An additional 7% is formally part of Area B, but is unavailable for development, as it was designated a nature reserve under the 1998 Wye River Memorandum. � Around one quarter of Palestinians in the area reside in Area C, including some 7,900 Bedouin and herders. Some 3,400 people reside partially or fully in closed military zones and face a high risk of forced eviction. � There are 37 Israeli settlements, with a population of 9,500, established across the area, in contravention of international law. � In 2011, the Israeli authorities demolished over 200 Palestinian-owned structures in the area, displacing around 430 people and affecting the livelihoods of another 1,200 Palestinians. � Water consumption dips to 20 litres/capita/day in most herding communities in the area, compared to the WHO recommendation of 100 l/c/d and the average settlement consumption of 300 l/c/d. � Access to the area is limited to six routes, four of which are controlled by Israeli checkpoints, severely restricting the movement of Palestinian-plated vehicles. � If Palestinians gain access to 50,000 dunums (12,500 acres or 3.5% of Area C) of uncultivated land, this could generate a billion dollars of revenue per year (The World Bank).

1. The majority of the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea area is off limits to Palestinian residential or community use and development, due to the inability to obtain building permits from the Israeli Civil Administration, including for homes and basic service infrastructure, such as schools, roads or water networks, as well as restrictions on access to grazing and agricultural areas. 2. Palestinian access to and from the Jordan Valley area is highly constrained by dozens of checkpoints, roadblocks and trenches, further fragmenting the West Bank. These restrictions have impeded the access of Palestinians to grazing land, services, markets for agricultural produce, and undermined family and social ties. 3. The restrictions on access to transportation routes, to agricultural land and to water resources have hampered the Palestinian agricultural sector. The denial of access to the Dead Sea coastline has also prevented the development of a potentially

significant source for revenue and employment. Meanwhile, Israeli settlements have been able to develop highly profitable agricultural, mineral, touristic and other businesses. 4. Thousands of Palestinians in the area are at risk of forced displacement.This is due to a combination of factors, including demolitions, forced evictions from closed military zones and the inability to meet basic needs due to a range of Israeli-imposed restrictions. 5. Under international law, Israel, as an occupying power, has an obligation to protect the civilian population and to administer the territory for their benefit. This includes respecting their human rights and ensuring that their basic needs are met. The demolition of civilian Palestinian homes, as well as the transfer of Israeli settlers into the occupied territory, are strictly prohibited and must be brought to a halt.

P. O. Box 38712 East Jerusalem 91386 l tel. +972 (0)2 582 9962 l fax +972 (0)2 582 5841 l ochaopt@un.org

l www.ochaopt.org

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짜

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United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory " "

" " ""

oPt

ISRAELI DEMOLITIONS OF PALESTINIAN PROPERTY IN THE JORDAN VALLEY, 2013

Demolitions and displacement in the Jordan Valley 590

Al FarisiyaNab'a al Ghazal

Hammamat al Maleh

Tubas

390

Khirbet ar Ras al Ahmar

People displaced

2012

2013

J "

1-3

Humsa-Basallia

4-10 11-70

" J

Governorate Capital Constructed / UnderConstruction Barrier

Al Jiftlikabu al 'Ajaj

Planned Barrier

Tell al Khashaba

Palestinian Community Settlement Areas JA & Salfit Oslo Areas" B

Oslo Area C "

" ""

" " " "

"" "" " "

" " " " " "

" " " "" "" " " " " " " " " " " "

Closed Military Area

Fasayil al-Fauqa

Israeli Nature Reserve

West Bank " " " " """ " " " " "

" " """ " " "" "" " " "" """ "" "" " " "" "

"" "

" " "

Fasayal Al Wusta

Al 'Auja

Ras Karkar

Mu'arrajat East An Nuwei'ma alFauqa Bedouins

Ramallah J "

Al Mashru, Jericho

Mikhmas

Al Baqa'a

East

2.5

Isteih

10 Km

J "

Jericho

Jordan

Donor-Funded Structures

River Jordan

Mak-hul

Khirbet 'Atuf

Al Hadidiya

Nablus

Legend

Hammamat alMaleh-al Meiteh

Structures destroyed

172

Jinsafut

'Ein al Hilwa

Khirbet Yarza

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279

Bardala

Al 'Auja Town Profile

Prepared by

The Applied Research Institute â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Jerusalem Funded by

Spanish Cooperation 2012

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Acknowledgments ARIJ hereby expresses its deep gratitude to the Spanish agency for International Cooperation for Development (AECID) for their funding of this project. ARIJ is grateful to the Palestinian officials in the ministries, municipalities, joint services councils, town committees and councils, and the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) for their assistance and cooperation with the project team members during the data collection process. ARIJ also thanks all the staff who worked throughout the past couple of years towards the accomplishment of this work.

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Background This report is part of a series of booklets, which contain compiled information about each city, village, and town in the Jericho Governorate. These booklets came as a result of a comprehensive study of all localities in Jericho Governorate, which aims at depicting the overall living conditions in the governorate and presenting developmental plans to assist in developing the livelihood of the population in the area. It was accomplished through the "Village Profiles and Needs Assessment;" the project funded by the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation for Development (AECID). The project's objectives are to survey, analyze, and document the available natural, human, socioeconomic and environmental resources, and the existing limitations and needs assessment for the development of the rural and marginalized areas in the Jericho Governorate. In addition, the project aims at preparing strategic developmental programs and activities to mitigate the impact of the current political, social, and economic instability with special emphasize on agriculture, environment and water. All locality profiles in Arabic and English are available online at http://vprofile.arij.org.

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Table of Content Location and Physical Characteristics........................................................4 History ...................................................................................................................5 Religious and Archaeological Sites ..............................................................6 Population............................................................................................................6 Education..............................................................................................................7 Health Status .......................................................................................................8 Economic Activities...........................................................................................9 Agricultural Sector ......................................................................................... 10 Institutions and Services.............................................................................. 12 Infrastructure and Natural Resources .................................................... 13 Impact of the Israeli Occupation ............................................................... 18 Development Plans and Projects............................................................... 20 Locality Development Priorities and Needs .......................................... 22 References......................................................................................................... 23

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Al 'Auja Town Profile Location and Physical Characteristics Al 'Auja is a Palestinian town in the middle of Jericho Governorate located (horizontally) 9.8 km north of Jericho City. Al 'Auja is bordered by the Jordan River to the east, Fasayil village to the north, Kafr Malik and Deir Jarir villages' lands (in Ramallah Governorate) to the west, and An Nuwei'ma town to the south (ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2010) (See map 1). Map 1: Al 'Auja location and borders

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011.

Al 'Auja is located at an altitude of 242 m below sea level with a mean annual rainfall of 166 mm. The average annual temperature is 23 oC, and the average annual humidity is approximately 48% (ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2010). Since 1995, Al 'Auja has been governed by a local council, which is currently administrated by 8 members appointed by the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), in addition to 5 permanent employees. The Local Council owns a permanent headquarters, but does not own a vehicle for the collection of solid waste. However, it does possess a

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

pick-up car and a tractor to serve a number of the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). It is the responsibility of the local council to provide a number of services to the residents of Al 'Auja, including (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011): 1. Establishing and maintaining the water network. 2. Solid waste collection, road construction, pavement and rehabilitation, street cleaning and social development services. 3. Organizing the construction and licensing processes. 4. Constructing and supervising kindergartens.

History Al 'Auja town's name comes in relation to Al 'Auja Spring which is located in the town (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). The establishment of the town dates back 200 years with its residents descending from indigenous Bedouin populations who lived in the area a long time ago (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011) (See photo below for Al 'Auja town). Photo 1: General Landscape of Al 'Auja

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Religious and Archaeological Sites In terms of religious establishments, there are four mosques in the town; Ash Sheikh Ibrahim, Hamza, An Noor and Al Huda Mosques. As for archaeological sites, there are just a few, mainly: a site of Bizantine remains, Umm Zaqumah remains, Haider Well remains, and waterfall and historic mill areas. It is noted however that these sites are not qualified for tourism (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011) (See Map 2). Map 2: Main locations in Al 'Auja Town

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011.

Population According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), the total population of Al 'Auja in 2007 was 3,934; of whom 1,965 were male and 1,969, female. There were additionally registered 674 households to be living in 721 housing units.

Age Groups and Gender The General Census of Population and Housing carried out by PCBS in 2007 showed the distribution of age groups in Al 'Auja was as follows: 44.2% were less than 15 years, 51% between 15 - 64 years, whilst 2.5% fell in the 65 years and older category. Data

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

additionally showed that the sex ratio of males to females in the town was 99.8:100, meaning that males and females constituted 49.9% and 50.1% of the population, respectively.

Families Al 'Auja residents are composed of several families, mainly: An Nujoum, Ka'abnah, 'Atiyat, Sa'ayidah, 'Ereinat, 'E'shibat, Jama'at, Freijat, 'Etifat and Romaneen (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011).

Education According to the results of the PCBS Population, Housing and Establishment Census2007, the illiteracy rate among Al 'Auja population was approximately 10.2%, of whom 76% were females. Of the literate population, 17.7% could only read and write, with no formal education 28% had elementary education, 28.2% had preparatory education, 9.9% had secondary education, and 5.4% completed higher education. Table 1, shows the educational level in the town, by sex, and educational attainment (2007). Table 1: Al 'Auja population (10 years and above) by sex and educational attainment, 2007 S E x

Illiterate

Can read & write 232

202

232

Elementary

Preparatory

Secondary

Associate Diploma

Bachelor

Higher Diploma

Master

PhD

Unknown

Total

396

387

125

1,291

340

352

135

1,334

2,625

T 267 464 736 739 260 55 88 Source: PCBS, 2009. Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, Final Results

With regards to the basic and secondary education institutions and schools in Al 'Auja in the academic year 2010/2011, there are three public schools in the town run by the Palestinian Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MoEHE), in addition to a private school run by UNRWA (Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011). In the town there are 1,279 students, 84 teachers, and 53 classes, and it should be noted here that the average number of students per teacher in the school is nearly 15, whilst the average number of students per class is approximately 24 (Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011).

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Table 2: The Schools in Al 'Auja by name, stage, sex, and supervising authority School Name Al 'Auja Boys High School Al 'Auja Girls High School Badu al Ka'abnah School Al 'Auja Co-educated Elementary School

Supervising Authority Government UNRWA

Sex Males Females Co-educated Co-educated

Source: Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011

Moreover, there are two local kindergartens run by private bodies, with the total number of children in between these, reaching (in 2011), 108. Table 3 shows these kindergartens according to their names and supervising authority. Table 3: The Kindergartens in Al 'Auja by name and supervising authority Kindergarten Name

No. of Children

Supervising Authority

Al Jeel al Jadeed/ Al 'Auja Kindergarten 'Ahbab Allah Kindergarten

15 93

Private Private

Source: Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011

Nevertheless, the educational sector in Al 'Auja suffers some obstacles, mainly: 1. The lack of classrooms in comparison to the yearly growing number of students. 2. The instability of permanent teachers due to their movement from one school to another; either because of the long distances between their homes and schools or the lack of transportations.

Health Status There are few health centers available in Al 'Auja town; a governmental health center, two general clinics (one run by a private body and the other by UNRWA, and a pharmacy. In case of emergency or absence of any required health services, patients are sent to Jericho Governmental hospital in Jericho City which is located approximately 20km away from the locality. In case of the absence of some health specific services, such as X-ray, medical laboratory analysis or mother and childcare facilities, patients of Al 'Auja travel also to Jericho city, or to Aqbat Jaber in physiotherapy cases; 10km and 14km in distance from the locality, respectively (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). However, the health sector in the town suffers numerous obstacles and problems, including: 1. 2. 3. 4.

The lack of a physician working on daily basis in the health center. The lack of a permanent and constantly accessible ambulance in the town. The lack of a radiology center and a medical laboratory. The lack of a physiotherapy center for disabled persons.

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Economic Activities The economy in Al 'Auja is dependent on several economic sectors, mainly: the Israeli labor market, which absorbs approximately 60% of the town’s workforce (See Figure1) (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). The results of a field survey conducted by ARIJ in 2011 to realize this study showed that the distribution of labor by economic activity in Al 'Auja is as follows: • • • • •

Israeli labor market (60%) Agriculture Sector (25%) Government or Private Employees Sector (9%) Trade Sector (5%) Industry (1%) Figure 1: Economic Activity in Al 'Auja town

Source: Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011

In term of commercial, economic and industrial activities in Al 'Auja town, there are a few, mainly: a factory for filling dates in boxes, a number of chicken farms (for both broiler and layer poultry), vegetables filling factory for exportation (Palestine Gardens Company) and a water filling factory, in addition, there are 20 grocery stores in the town, 2 vegetables and fruits stores, 5 different professional workshops (carpentry, blacksmith, etc.), 10 different services stores, 2 stone quarries, a store for agricultural equipments and 2 agricultural nurseries (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011).

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

However, the unemployment rate in Al 'Auja reached around 40% in 2011, and it was found that the social groups most affected in the town as a result of the Israeli restrictions and procedures, were as follows (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011): 1. Workers in the agricultural sector. 2. Workers in the trade sector. 3. Industrial workers

Labor Force According to the PCBS Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, 33.3% of Al 'Auja labor force were economically active, of whom 96.1% were employed, and 66.1% were not economically active; of whom 46.1% were students and 39.5% were housekeepers (See table 4). Table 4: Al 'Auja population (10 years and above) by sex and employment status Economically Active Not Economically Active UnempNot Currently Employed Stud- House- Unable working & UnempTotal Other loyed (Never ents keeping to work Not looking loyed worked) for work 13 11 365 97 3 36 M 758 782 83 6 4 436 685 85 1 28 F 93 T 841 19 15 875 801 685 182 4 64 Source: PCBS, March 2009. Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, Final Results S E X

Total

Unknown

Total

501 1,235 1,736

8 6 14

1,291 1,334 2,625

Agricultural Sector Al 'Auja lies on a total area of around 106,398 dunums, of which 26,032 dunums are considered arable land, and 1,126 are registered as ‘residential’ (See table 5 and map 3). Table 5: Land use and land cover in Al 'Auja town in 2010 (area in dunum) Agricultural area (26,032 dunums) Permanent Green- RangeCrops houses lands 106,398 1,126 2,457 846 9,951 Source: ARIJ – GIS unit, 2011 Total Area

Builtup Area

Arable lands 12,778

Inland water 96

Forests

Open Space

Area of Industrial, Commercial & Transport Unit

Area of Settlements & Military Bases

74,625

109

4,409

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Map 3: Land use/land cover in Al 'Auja town

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011.

Agricultural production in Al 'Auja depends mostly on springs and groundwater wells. The town residents cultivate different kinds of vegetables using these methods, mainly; tomatoes and cucumbers (See table 6). Table 6: Total area of cultivated lands in Al 'Auja town (dunum) Vegetables

Citrus

Grapes

2,137

area 241

Palm No. of trees 5,943

Banana 10

Total area 2,486

Source: Jericho & Al Aghwar Directorate of Agriculture – Jericho, 2011

The difference in the two sets of results of agricultural areas, obtained from the Ministry of Agriculture and by ARIJ’s GIS Unit, is explained by the fact that the Ministry of Agriculture, who in combination with the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (2011) conducted a survey considering a definition of agricultural areas based on the size of ownership. Thus, the areas included in the survey were those of actual holdings of agricultural areas instead of seasonal ones. The survey did not consider fragmented and small seasonal cultivated areas in residential and agricultural areas which contains some springs. ARIJ’s survey however indicated the existence of a high proportion of small and fragmented holdings (home gardens) throughout the occupied Palestinian territories. This illustrates the bigger area of agricultural holdings calculated by ARIJ.

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

The field survey shows that only 25% of the residents in Al 'Auja rear and keep domestic animals such as sheep, poultry and bees (See Table 7). Table 7: Livestock in Al 'Auja town Cows* 13

Sheep 18,704

Camels 96

Poultry 183,000

Bee Hives 99

* Including cows, bull calves, heifer calves and bulls Source: Jericho & Al Aghwar Directorate of Agriculture – Jericho, 2011 There are also around 50 kilometers of agricultural roads in the town (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011), divided as follows: Table 8: Agricultural roads in Al 'Auja town and their lengths Suitability of Agricultural Roads For vehicles For tractors and agricultural machinery only For animals only Unsuitable

Length (km) 20 10 10 10

Source: Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011

However, the agricultural sector in the town suffers some problems and obstacles, mainly (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011): 1. The lack of water for adequate agricultural cultivations and the drought suffered by of Al 'Auja spring. 2. The lack of lands suitable for grazing. 3. The confiscation of agricultural lands by Israeli occupying powers. 4. Israeli settlers' attacks on agricultural lands.

Institutions and Services Al 'Auja town has a few governmental institutions, including: an office for the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA), a police station and a national security center, in addition to a number of local institutions and associations that provide services to various segments of society such as: children, youth, and women. The services are in the areas of culture, sports and others, including (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011): • •

Al 'Auja Local Council: Founded in 1995 by the Ministry of Local Government with the goal of taking care of all the issues in the town and providing various services to its population including infrastructure services. Al 'Auja Youth Club: Founded in 1985 and was licensed recently by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, with an interest in all sports, cultural and social activities.

Palestinian Localities Study

• • • • •

Jericho Governorate

Al 'Auja Women Center: Founded in 2007 by Al 'Auja Local Council, in order to follow up with the women’s issues in the town and provide them with different workshops and services. Al 'Auja Women Charitable Society: Founded in 2008 by the town’s women, in order to provide cultural, educational and health awareness workshops. The Cooperative Society for Beekeeping: Founded in 2008, by the town's men and women, in order to raise bees and develop solutions for honey marketing. The Farmers Union: Founded in 2000 by the Farmers Union in Jericho Governorate, in order to provide assistance and guidance to farmers. The Banana Society: Founded in 2000 by local banana farmers, with the aim of taking care and developing the cultivation and exportation of locally grown bananas.

Infrastructure and Natural Resources Electricity and Telecommunication Services Al 'Auja has been connected to a public electricity network since 1984; served by Jerusalem Electricity Company, which is the main source of electricity in the town. Approximately 70% of the housing units in the town are connected to this network; however, many town residents suffer some problems concerning electricity, mainly (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011): • • • •

The high costs of electricity. The high costs of participation fees and meters. The weak electricity current. The problem of filling and charging the meters.

Furthermore, Al 'Auja is connected to a telecommunication network and approximately 20% of the housing units within the town boundaries are connected to phone lines (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011).

Transportation Services There are 10 public taxis, a bus and 20 unlicensed/illegal cars considered to be the main means of transportation in Al 'Auja town (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). As for the road network in the town; there are a total of 17km of designated ‘main’ roads and 10km of ‘secondary’ roads (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011) (See Table 9).

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Table 9: Roads in Al 'Auja town Road Length (km) Status of Internal Roads Main Sub Paved & in good condition 5 3 Paved but in poor condition 2 2 Unpaved 10 5 Source: Al ’Auja Local Council, 2011

Water Resources Based on the results of the project implemented by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Italian Group of Civil Volunteers (GVC)1, which aims to promote and support farmers who are suffering from difficult living conditions in the Jordan Valley, the water supply in Al 'Auja town is recorded to be dependent on several geographical areas: Al 'Auja, Badu al 'Auja and Ras 'Ein al 'Auja. Al 'Auja is currently being provided with water by the privately owned Israeli ‘Mekerot’ Company, through the public water network established in 1986. It is noted that approximately, 100% of the housing units are connected to the water network (GVC & FAO, 2011). The average rate of water supply per capita in Al 'Auja town is around 174 liters per day, with the quantity of water supplied to Al 'Auja in 2011 being estimated at approximately 18,250 cubic meters/ month. Here it should be noted that no Al 'Auja citizen in fact consumes this amount of water due to water losses, which are about 30%. These losses happen at the main source, major transport lines, distribution network, and at the household level, making the rate of water consumption per capita in Al 'Auja an estimated 120 liters per day (GVC & FAO, 2011). However, residents of Badu al 'Auja and Ras 'Ein al 'Auja areas depend on Al 'Auja spring as a main source for water to supply their domestic and agricultural needs. The rate of water consumption per capita in Badu al 'Auja and Ras 'Ein al 'Auja is 32 liters per day, and the average rate of water consumption in Badu al 'Auja and Ras 'Ein al 'Auja is 973 and 292 cubic meters/ month, respectively (GVC & FAO, 2011). It is worth mentioning that Al 'Auja town has been suffering from a severe shortage of water for many years, mainly in Badu al 'Auja and Ras 'Ein al Auja areas, which are located within area C, where there exists severe restrictions on citizens' access to water. This occurs simultaneous to illegal Israeli settlers draining of water resources on lands built in West Bank. In addition, the water quality in these areas is considered a source of growing concern for the local Palestinian citizens. Table 10 shows the waters quantities consumed for agricultural, livestock and domestic purposes in Al 'Auja town for the year 2011. 1

The project was implemented in cooperation with the Palestinian Hydrology Group (PHG) and the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC), with the support of the Palestinian Water Authority and the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture, and funded by the Italian Cooperation.

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Table 10: Amount of water used for livestock, domestic and agricultural purposes in Al 'Auja, 2011 Area

Amount of Water Consumption (cubic meter/year) Domestic Agriculture Livestock

Al 'Auja

153,300

1,032,815

30,295

Ras 'Ein al 'Auja Badu al 'Auja

3,504 11,680

0 0

43,800 39,055

Source Private agricultural wells & the water network Al 'Auja spring Al 'Auja spring

Source: GVC & FAO, 2011

It is worth noting here that Al 'Auja spring is one of the main springs in Palestine; the quantity of water discharged from the spring having reached more than 2,000 cubic meters per hour in some years, with the estimated rate of discharge being considered more than 10 million cubic meters per year. It is noted that in 2005, the spring’s annual discharge reached around 14 million cubic meters (PWA, 2007). The spring’s discharge predominantly depends on the quantity of rainwater, meaning the discharge declines if the amount of rains decreases. The spring is also susceptible to ‘drying out’, which although this only used to happen infrequently, has in recent years become a more frequent phenomenon, with the spring becoming repeatedly dry for long periods of time. In 2012, the flow of the spring began earlier than last year, starting on Feb 1st and lasting for just 20 days. The spring then dried up as a result of ‘Mekorot’ Company withdrawing the water from the aquifer once the spring water started flowing (See Picture 2). Photo 2: Flow of Al' Auja water spring

Source: Maan News Agency, 2012

It is worth mentioning here that the spring’s dryness is a direct result of Israel’s control over the groundwater and the groundwater wells. Israeli occupation forces have constructed huge sized wells over Al ‘Auja’s hot water basins which has caused serious and direct harm to the quantity of water flowing from the spring, therefore resulting in its dryness, and also leading to the destruction of thousands of dunums of agricultural areas which were being fed by the water spring. In addition, the region adjacent to the spring

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has become a closed military zone because of the military exercises carried out by the Israeli occupation army. Moreover, there are 7 artesian wells located in the town, on which agricultural projects are carried out, including the cultivation of vegetables, mussels and corn. The amount of water extracted from the wells in 2009 was around 912,365 cubic meters/ year (GVC & FAO, 2011).

Sanitation Al 'Auja lacks a public sewerage network with most of the town residents using cesspits as their main means of waste -water disposal (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). Based on the estimated daily per capita water consumption, the estimated amount of wastewater generated per day, is approximately 325 cubic meters, equating to 118 thousand cubic meters annually. At the individual level, it is estimated that the per capita wastewater generation is between 25 to 80 liters per day. The wastewater collected by cesspits, is discharged by wastewater tankers directly to open areas or nearby valleys without any regard for the environment. Here it should be noted that there is no wastewater treatment either at the source or at the disposal sites and this poses a serious threat to both environment and public health (ARIJ-WERU, 2012).

Solid Waste Management The Joint Services Council for Development and Planning for the Management of Solid Waste in Jericho & Al Aghwar is considered the official body responsible for managing solid waste, i.e. solid waste collection and disposal, generated from the citizens and establishments in the town, which is currently represented by solid waste collection and disposal. Due to the fact that the process of solid waste management is costly, a monthly fee (approx. 15 NIS/month) has been charged on the population serviced by domestic solid waste collection and transportation services. However, the collected fees are not considered sufficient for a good management of solid waste; as only 20% of these fees are collected from town citizens (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). Most of the population in Al 'Auja benefit from the solid waste services, whereby waste is collected from households, institutions, shops, and public squares in plastic bags and then transferred to 60 containers2, spread throughout the locality. The Council collects the solid waste from the containers twice a week and transports it through a waste vehicle owned by the Joint Council to a random dumping site3, located 0.5km in distance from the town center. The common method for solid waste treatment in this dumping site is through the burial of waste. It should be mentioned here that household waste, industrial, and medical solid waste are collected together and dumped into the same landfill, with

2 3

each with a 1m3capacity Al 'Auja dumping site

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the absence of any special system for separation and/or collection (Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011). The daily per capita rate of solid waste production in Al 'Auja is 1.05kg. Thus the estimated amount of solid waste produced per day from Al 'Auja residents is nearly 4.1 tons, or 1,508 tons per year (ARIJ-WERU, 2012).

Environmental Conditions Like other villages and camps in the governorate, Al 'Auja experiences several environmental problems which must be addressed and solved. These problems can be identified as follows: Water Crisis •

Groundwater sources have been depleted through ‘Mekorot’ Israeli owned wells, which have been given a monopoly on the excavation, restoration, distribution and selling of water, whilst Palestinians have been forbidden from constructing new wells and/or restoring existing ones. In many cases, as is the case in Al 'Auja town, the local authority relies heavily on the purchase of water from Mekorot Israeli Company to provide the town with water. The Company, through the wells it owns, extracts large quantities of ground water, where it pumps the bulk of this water for the benefit of the illegal Israeli settlements, as settlers, mainly those in the Jordan Valley area, use huge quantities of water (ARIJ, 2011). Moreover, there is one well in Al 'Auja town belonging to the private Israeli owned Mekorot Company, which is; Jericho well no. 1 (ARIJ - WERU, 2012). • Israeli Occupation forces do not allow Palestinians to construct new agricultural wells or rehabilitate/change the location of the old ones. They also set a limit on the quantity of water permitted to be pumped from these wells. • The old and worn out condition of the water network currently in place need to be examined and plans made for its future development/rehabilitation. • The inability to use Al 'Auja spring water or invest in areas surround the spring, either for agricultural or touristic purposes, under the argument that its located within area C, in addition to being considered as closed military zone. Wastewater Management The absence of a public sewage network means most town residents use cesspits for the disposal of wastewater, and for the discharge of wastewater in the streets, especially in winter, as citizens cannot afford the high cost of sewage tankers at this time. All of this causes environmental damages, health problems, and the spread of epidemics and diseases in the town. The use of cesspits pollutes the groundwater and water collected in domestic cisterns (rainwater harvesting cisterns) as the wastewater mixes with water and contaminates it, thus making it inappropriate for human consumption. This is due to the fact that most cesspits are built without lining, which allows wastewater to enter into the ground and avoids, on a sporadic basis, the need to use sewage tankers. Moreover, the

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untreated wastewater collected from cesspits by sewage tankers is disposed of in open areas without taking into account the damage it causes to the environment as well as residents' health.

Impact of the Israeli Occupation According to the Oslo II Interim Agreement signed on 28th September 1995 between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel, Al ’Auja lands were divided into areas “A” and “C”. Approximately 16,519 dunums (15.5% of the total area) were assigned as area A, where the PNA has complete control over administrative and security matters. It is worth mentioning that most of the town’s population resides in area “A” which constitutes a small proportion of the total area of the town. The rest of the town area, constituting 89,879 dunums (84.5% of the total area), was classified as area “C”, where Israel retains full control over security and administration related to the territory. In area “C” Palestinian building and land management is prohibited unless through a consent or authorization by the Israeli Civil Administration. Most of the lands lying within the area “C” are agricultural areas and open spaces (table 11). Table 11: The geopolitical divisions of Al ’Auja according to the Oslo II Interim Agreement in 1995 Percent of Total town Area Area in dunums area Area A 16,519 15.5 Area B 0 0 Area C 89,879 84.5 Nature Reserve 0 0 Total 106,398 100 Source: Source: ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2011

Al ’Auja and Israeli Occupation Practices Thousands of dunums have been lost in Al ’Auja by Israeli confiscations in order to build settlements on the town’s lands, or to construct Israeli bypass roads to connect neighboring settlements to one another. Israel has confiscated 2,257 dunums (2.1% of the total town’s area) since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. Lands have been confiscated to build 4 Israeli settlements which are currently inhabited by more than 600 Israeli settlers (table 12).

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Table 12: Israeli Settlements constructed over Al ’Auja lands Year of Area confiscated Population of Settlement Name construction (dunums) settlers Gilgal 1970 268 172 Niran 1981 497 54 Nativ HaGdud 1975 993 175 Yitav 1970 499 227 Total 2,257 628 Source: ARIJ-GIS, 2011

Israeli confiscations have continued, resulting in the seizure of more lands of Al ’Auja, leading to the loss of many areas for Israeli purposes, including the establishment of an Israeli Military Base over an area of 2,152 dunums in order to protect the Israeli settlements existing over Al ’Auja lands and neighboring regions. Moreover, during the past two decades Israel has constructed 232 outposts within the West Bank. These outposts are considered the nucleus for the development of new settlements and are composed of mobile caravans on lands stolen by the settlers. Outposts are a contiguity of a mother settlement that is near. It is worth mentioning that the epidemic of Israeli outposts started with a “Sharonian” call for Jewish settlers to take control over Palestinian hilltops to prevent transferring them to Palestinians in negotiations. Although the successive Israeli governments haven’t legalized this phenomenon, they managed to find a security and logistic cover to justify the act and its continuity. After 2001 the then Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon unleashed the expansion of outposts which has led to a significant increase in the number of outposts within Palestinian areas. In addition, the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) helped the Israeli settlers to move and settle in those outposts, in addition to protecting and providing them with the necessary infrastructure to guarantee their continued existence. Al ’Auja is one of these Palestinian localities that had, during the past few years, their lands forcibly seized for the establishment of 3 outposts; “Omer Farm”, “West Niran” and “East Niran”. The Israeli Government also confiscated more lands in the town to open bypass roads 90 and 449 to connect established Israeli settlements with each other and with the nearby settlements. It is worth mentioning that the real threat of bypass roads lies in the buffer zone formed by the IOF along these roads, extending to approximately 75 m on both sides of the road (ARIJ-Urbanization Monitoring Unit, 2011).

Issued Military Orders in Al ’Auja The Israeli Occupation Army has issued numerous military orders to confiscate lands in Al ’Auja. The following are the issued military orders by phase: •

Israeli Military Order No. (142/05/T): it was issued on the 16th of August 2005 and confiscates an area of 10 dunums of the lands of Al ’Auja for establishing and Israeli military checkpoint.

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• •

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Israeli Military Order No. (205/05/T): it was issued on the 22nd of November 2005 and confiscates 3.2 dunums of the lands of Al ’Auja for the construction of an Israeli military tower. Order regarding state property 'Judea & Samaria' (No. 594) 5727-1967: it was on 29th of December 2005 and confiscates 1.194 dunums of Al ’Auja considering it as 'State Lands'.

Israeli violations in Al ’Auja Town during the last years On the 8th of May 2011, the IOF with the Israeli Civil Administration's inspection subcommittee raided Al ’Auja town and presented three Palestinian citizens notices obliging them to cease the construction of residential and industrial establishments with the pretext of unauthorized construction, as they lie in area “C”. The owners of these establishments were given a time limit (any time preceding 13th July 2011) to start the licensing procedures and submit them to the Court of Beit El, so the later would consider the status of these establishments. The followings are the names and type of establishments that have been presented notices (ARIJ-Urbanization Monitoring Unit, 2011): -

Jamal Abdul ar Rahman Freihat (a house under construction) Abdullah Youssef Ka’abneh (a blacksmithery under construction) Mus’if Khalil Abu Awwad (a peopled dwelling) Mahmoud Abdullah An Najaydeh (a house under construction).

Development Plans and Projects Implemented Projects Al 'Auja local council has implemented several development projects in Al 'Auja, during the last five years (See Table 13).

Military Order #59 (1967): establishes the Israeli Military-appointed position of 'Custodian of Government Property' to take over land owned by the Jordanian Government. Also, allows the 'Custodian of Government Property' to appropriate land from individuals or groups by declaring it 'Public Land' or 'State Land', the latter which it defines as land that was owned or managed by, or had a partner who was an enemy body or citizen of an enemy country during the 1967 war (amended by Military Order 1091).

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Table 13: Implemented development plans and projects in Al 'Auja during the last five years Name of the Project Construction of a new water network Construction of Al 'Auja boys school Construction of the women center Construction of a public hall and Al 'Auja library

Type

Year

Donor

Infrastructure

2011

USAID

Educational

2008

USAID

Public Services

2008

JICA

Public Services

2010

JICA

Source: Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011

Proposed Projects Al 'Auja Local Council, in cooperation with the civil society organizations in the town and the town residents, looks forward to the implementation of several projects in the coming years. The project ideas were developed during the PRA workshop that was conducted by ARIJ staff in the town. The projects are as follows, in order of priority, from the perspectivesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of the participants in the workshop: 1. Rehabilitating Al 'Auja spring, providing artesian wells for the irrigation of crops, and using agricultural lands more broadly. 2. Creating income-generating projects for existing civil institutions. 3. Developing the health centers in Al 'Auja and providing an ambulance. 4. Providing a bus for the town. 5. Employing university graduates in Al 'Auja town. 6. Providing a vocational training center to cover multiple fields. 7. Establishing factories to employ the growing number of unemployed workers. 8. Expanding the water and electricity networks. 9. Providing domestic cisterns for residents, mainly in summer. 10. Creating agricultural and development projects for farmers. 11. Establishing a sewage network in order to curb environmental pollution. 12. Using wastewater for the irrigation of palm trees and the cultivation of fodder for sheep. 13. Rehabilitating internal roads in the town. 14. Constructing agricultural roads to serve farmers in accessing to their lands. 15. Establishing a health center for people with special needs. 16. Expanding the structural plan for the town to cover larger areas of structure.

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Locality Development Priorities and Needs Al 'Auja suffers from a significant shortage of infrastructure and services. Table 14 shows the development priorities and needs in the town, according to the local councilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s feedback (Al 'Auja Local council, 2011). Table 14: Development Priorities and Needs in Al 'Auja No.

Strongly Needed

Sector

Needed

Not a Priority

Notes

Infrastructural Needs 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Opening and Pavement of Roads Rehabilitation of Old Water Networks Extending the Water Network to Cover New Built up Areas Construction of New Water Networks Rehabilitation/ Construction of New Wells or Springs Construction of Water Reservoirs Construction of a Sewage Disposal Network Construction of a New Electricity Network Providing Containers for Solid Waste Collection Providing Vehicles for Collecting Solid Waste Providing a Sanitary Landfill

27km8 *

10km * 5 underground wells and 1 spring 700 cubic meters 25km

* * * * *

50 containers 1 vehicle

* *

Health Needs 1 2 3

Building of New Clinics or Health Care Centres Rehabilitation of Old Clinics or Health Care Centres Purchasing of Medical Equipment and Tools

one health clinic 2 clinics

* *

Educational Needs 1 2

Building of New Schools

Rehabilitation of Old Schools

Purchasing of New Equipment for Schools

1 2 3 4 5

Rehabilitation of Agricultural Lands Building Rainwater Harvesting Cisterns Construction of Barracks for Livestock Veterinary Services

* * * *

Seeds and Hay for Animals

preparatory & elementary levels

Agriculture Needs

Construction of New Greenhouses * 6 Rehabilitation of Greenhouses * 7 Field Crops Seeds * 8 Plants and Agricultural Supplies * 9 810km are main roads, 5km are sub roads and 12km are agricultural roads.

1,000 dunums 20 cisterns 30 barracks 400,000 tons per year 100 greenhouses 80 greenhouses

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References • • • • • • • • • • • •

Al 'Auja Local Council, 2011. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2011. Geographic Information Systems and Remote Sensing Unit; Land Use Analysis (2010) – Half Meter High Accuracy. Bethlehem - Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2010. Geographic Information Systems and Remote Sensing unit Database. Bethlehem - Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2011. Israeli Violations & Environmental Degradation in Jericho & Al Aghwar Governorate, To Where!!!. Bethlehem, Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2011. Urbanization Monitoring & Geographic Information Systems and Remote Sensing Units Databases. Bethlehem Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ). 2012. Water & Environment Research Unit Database (WERU). Bethlehem - Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ) & Spanish Centre of New Water Technologies (CENTA), 2010. Proposed System for a Good Environmental Management of Wastewater in the West Bank, 2010. Bethlehem - Palestine. Group Christian Volunteers (GVC) & Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) (2011), retrieved January 2012 from: http://www.gvcfao-database.org/. Ministry of Education & Higher Education (MOHE) - Jericho, 2010/2011. Directorate of Education; A database of schools. Jericho – Palestine. Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. 2009. Jericho, Palestine: General Census of Population and Housing Censuses, 2007. Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture (MOA), 2010/2011. Directorate of Agriculture data. Jericho - Palestine. Palestinian Water Authority. 2007. Ramallah, Palestine: Quantities of Water Supply & Consumption in the West Bank.

Fasayil Village Profile

Prepared by

The Applied Research Institute â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Jerusalem Funded by

Spanish Cooperation 2012

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Acknowledgments ARIJ hereby expresses its deep gratitude to the Spanish agency for International Cooperation for Development (AECID) for their funding of this project. ARIJ is grateful to the Palestinian officials in the ministries, municipalities, joint services councils, village committees and councils, and the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) for their assistance and cooperation with the project team members during the data collection process. ARIJ also thanks all the staff who worked throughout the past couple of years towards the accomplishment of this work.

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Background This report is part of a series of booklets, which contain compiled information about each city, village, and town in the Jericho Governorate. These booklets came as a result of a comprehensive study of all villages in Jericho Governorate, which aims at depicting the overall living conditions in the governorate and presenting developmental plans to assist in developing the livelihood of the population in the area. It was accomplished through the "Village Profiles and Needs Assessment;" the project funded by the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation for Development (AECID). The "Village Profiles and Needs Assessment" was designed to study, investigate, analyze and document the socio-economic conditions and the needed programs and activities to mitigate the impact of the current unsecure political, economic and social conditions in the Jericho Governorate. The project's objectives are to survey, analyze, and document the available natural, human, socioeconomic and environmental resources, and the existing limitations and needs assessment for the development of the rural and marginalized areas in the Jericho Governorate. In addition, the project aims at preparing strategic developmental programs and activities to mitigate the impact of the current political, social, and economic instability with the focus on the agricultural sector. All village profiles in Arabic and English are available online at http://vprofile.arij.org.

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Table of Content Location and Physical Characteristics........................................................4 History ...................................................................................................................5 Religious and Archaeological Sites ..............................................................6 Population............................................................................................................6 Education..............................................................................................................7 Health Status .......................................................................................................8 Economic Activities...........................................................................................8 Agricultural Sector ......................................................................................... 10 Institutions and Services.............................................................................. 12 Infrastructure and Natural Resources .................................................... 12 Impact of the Israeli Occupation ............................................................... 16 Development Plans and Projects............................................................... 20 Village Development Priorities and Needs ............................................ 22 References......................................................................................................... 23

Palestinian Localities Study

Jericho Governorate

Fasayil Village Profile Location and Physical Characteristics Fasayil is a Palestinian village in Jericho Governorate located (horizontally) 18.5km north of Jericho City. It is bordered by the Jordan River to the east, Al Jiftlik village to the north, Al Mughayyir village in Ramallah Governorate to the west, and Al 'Auja town to the south (ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2010) (See map 1). Map 1: Fasayil location and borders

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011

Fasayil is located at an altitude of 281m below sea level with a mean annual rainfall of 239mm. The average annual temperature is 23 oC, and the average annual humidity is approximately 49% (ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2010). Since 1994, Fasayil has been governed by a village council, which is currently administrated by 7 members appointed by the Palestinian National Authority. Moreover, the Village Council owns a permanent headquarters but does not possess a vehicle for the collection of solid waste (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

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It is the responsibility of the village council to provide a number of services to the residents of Fasayil, including (Fasayil Village Council, 2011): • • • •

Managing and maintaining the drinking water network. Providing an electricity network. Collecting solid waste, rehabilitating and paving roads, cleaning streets and providing social development services. Implementing projects and case studies for the village.

History Fasayil’s name (literally meaning ‘factions’) comes from the many factions of authentic horses that were bred and kept in the area during historic times (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). The establishment of the village goes back to pre- 1948 displacement, and its residents were originally Palestinian refugees from inside the Green Line (Arabs of 1948) who set up a camp there. However, after the 1967 war, many refugees fled to Jordan. As for the current population, they are originally shepherds who resided in the camp (Fasayil Village Council, 2011) (See photo below for Fasayil village). Photo 1: Fasayil village

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Religious and Archaeological Sites In terms of religious establishments, there are two mosques in the village; Khalid Ben al Walid and Fasayil Mosques. As for the archaeological sites, there is an old water spring (â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Fasayil springâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;), which is not unfortunately not qualified for tourism due to Israeli control over it and subsequent restrictions placed on its tourism status (Fasayil Village Council, 2011) (See Map 2). Map 2: Main locations in Fasayil Village

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011.

Population According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), the total population of Fasayil in 2007 was 1,029; of whom 516 were male and 513, female. There were additionally registered 190 households living in 202 housing units.

Age Groups and Gender The General Census of Population and Housing carried out by PCBS in 2007 showed the distribution of age groups in Fasayil was as follows: 52.5% were less than 15 years, 46.1% between 15 - 64 years, whilst 1.5% fell in the 65 years and older category. Data 6

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additionally showed that the sex ratio of males to females in the village is 100.6:100, meaning that males and females constituted 50.1% and 49.9% of the population, respectively.

Families Fasayil residents are composed of several families, mainly: At Ta'amrah, As Sawar'ah, Ar Rashaydah, Ash Shalayfah and Al Ka'abnah families (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

Immigration According to Fasayil Village Council, approximately 20 families have left the village since the second Intifada in 2000 (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

Education According to the results of the PCBS Population, Housing and Establishment Census2007, the illiteracy rate among Fasayil population was approximately 21%, of whom 52.2% were females. Of the literate population, 34.3% could only read and write, with no formal education 27.1% had elementary education, 11.3% had preparatory education, 5.6% had secondary education, and 0.5% completed higher education. Table 1, shows the educational level in the village of Fasayil, by sex, and educational attainment in 2007. Table 1: Fasayil population (10 years and above) by sex and educational attainment, 2007 S E x

Illiterate

Can read & write

Elementary

Preparatory

Secondary

Associate Diploma

Bachelor

Higher Diploma

Master

PhD

Unknown

Total

114

330

105

309

639

T 134 219 173 72 36 2 1 Source: PCBS, 2009. Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, Final Results

With regards to the basic and secondary education institutions and schools in Fasayil in the academic year 2010/2011, there are two public schools in the village; both run by the Palestinian Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MoEHE) (see table 2), however, there are no kindergartens in the village (Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011). In the village there are 377 students, 31 teachers, and 19 classes (Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011). It should be noted here that the average number of students per teacher in the school is nearly 12, whilst the average number of students per class is approximately 20. 7

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Table 2: The Schools in Fasayil by name, stage, sex, and supervising authority School Name

Supervising Authority

Sex

Government

Mixed Mixed

Fasayil Co-educated High School Khalid Ben al Walid Elementary School Source: Directorate of Education in Jericho, 2011

Nevertheless, the educational sector in Fasayil village suffers some obstacles, mainly: 1. Israeli occupation's attacks and harassments on one of the village's schools; Khalid Ben al Walid. 2. The lack of secondary level of education in the village's schools.

Health Status There is only one health center available in Fasayil village; a governmental physician health clinic. However, in case of the absence of required health services and in emergency cases, residents of Fasayil head to Jericho Governmental Hospital or the Governmental Health Clinic in Jericho city; each of which is 20km in distance from the village (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Nevertheless, the health sector in the village suffers many obstacles and problems, including: 1. The lack of an ambulance in the village. 2. The lack of a medical laboratory. 3. The lack of a resident physician.

Economic Activities The economy in Fasayil is dependent on several economic sectors, mainly: the agriculture sector, which absorbs 80% of the camp workforce (See Figure1). The results of a field survey conducted by ARIJ in 2011 to realize this study showed that the distribution of labor by economic activity in Fasayil is as follows: â&#x20AC;˘ Agriculture sector (80%) â&#x20AC;˘ Government or private employees sector (20%)

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Figure 1: Economic activity in Fasayil village

Source: Fasayil Village Council, 2011

In term of commercial and industrial productions in Fasayil village, there are no facilities in the village; there are only 5 grocery stores (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Moreover, the unemployment rate in Fasayil has reached around 50%, and it was found that the social group most affected in the village as a result of the Israeli restrictions and procedures, is workers in the agriculture sector (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

Labor Force According to the PCBS Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, 30.7% of Fasayil's labor force was economically active, of whom 83.7% were employed, and 64.6% were not economically active; of whom 51.8% were students and 44.6% were housekeepers (See table 3). Table 3: Fasayil population (10 years and above) by sex and employment status2007 Economically Active S E X

Employed

Currently Unemployed

Unemployed (Never worked)

162

Not Economically Active Unknown

Total

Students

Housekeeping

Unable to work

Not working & Not looking for work

Other

Total

187

116

126

330

184

287

309

413

639

T 164 1 31 196 214 184 8 Source: PCBS, March 2009. Population, Housing and Establishment Census-2007, Final Results

Total

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Agricultural Sector Fasayil lies on a total area of around 46,826 dunums of which 26,429 are considered ‘arable’ land, and 322 dunums are registered as ‘residential’ (See table 4 and map 3). Table 4: Land use and land cover in Fasayil village in 2010 ( area in dunum) Total Area

Built up Area

Agricultural area (3,944) Permanent Crops

46,826 322 5,540 Source: ARIJ – GIS Unit, 2011.

Greenhouses

Rangelands

Arable lands

1,139

10,438

9,312

Inland water 29

Forests

Open Spaces

Area of Industrial, Commercial & Transport Unit

Area of Settlements and Military Bases

210

16,362

3,430

Map 3: Land use/land cover in Fasayil village

Source: ARIJ - GIS Unit, 2011.

Agricultural production in Fasayil depends mostly on springs and artesian wells, which are used so that the village residents are able to cultivate different kinds of vegetables; predominantly tomatoes and cucumbers (See table 5).

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Table 5: Total area of cultivated lands in Fasayil village (dunum) Vegetables

Citrus

Grapes

area 8

Palm No. of trees 522

Banana 0

Total area 53

Source: Jericho & Al Aghwar Directorate of Agriculture – Jericho, 2011

Cows* 18

Table 6: Livestock in Fasayil village Sheep Camels Poultry 7,498 13 0

Bee Hives 0

* Including cows, bull calves, heifer calves and bulls Source: Jericho & Al Aghwar Directorate of Agriculture – Jericho, 2011 There are also around 3 kilometers of agricultural roads in the village, divided as follows: Table 7: Agricultural roads in Fasayil village and their lengths Suitability of Agricultural Roads For vehicles For tractors and agricultural machinery only For animals only Unsuitable

Length (km) 1 2 0 0

Source: Fasayil Village Council, 2011

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Institutions and Services Fasayil village has no governmental institutions, but a number of local institutions and associations that provide services to various segments of society, including: children, youth, and women. The services are in the areas of culture, sports and others, including (Fasayil Village Council, 2011): • • •

Fasayil Village Council: Founded in 1994 by the Ministry of Local Government with the goal of taking care of all the issues in the village and providing various services to its population including infrastructure services. Fasayil Sports Youth Club: Founded in 2003 by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, with an interest in all sports, cultural and social activities for young persons. Fasayil Women Center: Founded in 2011 by Fasayil Village Council, in order to follow up with the women issues, provide them with different development services and provide job opportunities for them.

Infrastructure and Natural Resources Electricity and Telecommunication Services Fasayil has been connected to a public electricity network since 1992; served by Al Qatariya Electricity Company, which is the main source of electricity in the village. It is noted that approximately 90% of the housing units in the village being connected to this network. However, the village residents suffer some problems concerning electricity, mainly: the old and worn out condition of the network and the fact that the transformer does not cover all village areas (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). However, Fasayil suffers a number of communication difficulties given that it is not connected to a telecommunication network (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

Transportation Services There are 3 public taxis considered to be the main means of transportation in Fasayil village (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). As for the road network in the village; there are a total of 3.2km of designated ‘main’ roads and 6km of ‘secondary’ roads (See table 8) (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

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Table 8: Roads in Fasayil village Road Length (km) Status of Internal Roads Main Sub Paved & in good condition 3 3 Paved but in poor condition 1.5 Unpaved 0.2 1.5 Source: Fasayil Village Council, 2011

Water Resources Fasayil is provided with water by the privately owned Israeli â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mekerotâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Company, through the public water network established in 1992 and approximately 100% of the housing units are connected to this network (GVC & FAO, 2011). However, even though the whole village is provided with water from the same source, the water consumption per capita differs from one area to another. Based on the results of the project implemented by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Italian Group of Civil Volunteers (GVC)1, which aim to promote and support farmers who are suffering from difficult living conditions in the Jordan Valley, the average rate of water supply was recorded to depend on the geographical area. It is noted that Fasayil village lands are divided into several geographical areas: Fasayil al Foqa, Fasayil al Wusta and Fasayil at Tahta. The average rate of water supply per capita in Fasayil at Tahta is approximately 185 liters per day, where as the average rate of water supply per capita in each of Fasayil al Foqa and Fasayil al Wusta is 62 liters per day. The quantity of water supplied to Fasayil in 2011 was approximately 5,538 cubic meters/ month, however it should be noted that no Fasayil citizen in fact consumes this amount of water due to water losses, which are recorded at around 35%. These losses happen at the main source, major transport lines, distribution network, and at the household level (Fasayil Village Council, 2011), thus the rate of water consumption per capita in Fasayil at Tahta and more like 120 liters per day, and only 40 liters per day in Fasayil al Foqa and Fasayil al Wusta (GVC & FAO, 2011). The rate experienced by Fasayil al Foqa and Fasayil al Wusta residents is considered a low compared with the minimum quantity proposed by the World Health Organization; suggested to be 100 liters per capita per day. However, it is worth mentioning that each cubic meter of water costs 4 NIS (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Moreover, located in the village is one spring called Fasayil spring which is used for agricultural purposes. However, due to the lack of water in Fasayil village, residents of Fasayil al Foqa area sometimes use the spring water for domestic purposes.

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Sanitation Fasayil lacks a public sewerage network with most of the village residents using cesspits as their main means of waste-water disposal (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Based on the estimated daily per capita water consumption, the estimated amount of wastewater generated per day, is approximately 84 cubic meters, or 30,660 cubic meters annually. At the individual level in the village, it is estimated that the per capita wastewater generation is between 28 to 84 liters per day; depending on the consumption rate. The wastewater collected by cesspits, are discharged by wastewater tankers directly to open areas or nearby valleys without any regard for the environment. Here it should be noted that there is no wastewater treatment either at the source or at the disposal sites and this poses a serious threat to both environmental and public health (ARIJ-WERU, 2012).

Solid Waste Management The Joint Services Council for Development and Planning for the Management of Solid Waste in Jericho & Al Aghwar is considered the official body responsible for managing solid waste, i.e. solid waste collection and disposal, generated from the citizens and establishments in the village, which is currently represented by solid waste collection and disposal. Due to the fact that the process of solid waste management is costly, a monthly fee (around 18 NIS/month) has been charged on the population serviced by domestic solid waste collection and transportation services. However, the collected fees are not considered sufficient for a good management of solid waste; especially as only 50% of these fees are collected from the citizens (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Most of the population in Fasayil benefit from the solid waste services, whereby waste is collected from households, institutions, shops, and public squares in plastic bags and then transferred to 20 containers2, distributed throughout the village. The Council collects the solid waste on a bi-weekly basis, then transports it using a waste vehicle owned by the Joint Council to a random dumping site located 20km outside of the village. The common method for solid waste treatment in this dumping site is setting the waste on fire and subsequently burying it (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). The daily per capita rate of solid waste production in Fasayil is 0.7kg. Thus the estimated amount of solid waste produced per day from Fasayil residents is nearly 0.7 ton, or 263 tons per year (Fasayil Village Council, 2011).

Environmental Conditions Like other villages and camps in the Governorate, Fasayil experiences several environmental problems which must be addressed and solved. These problems can be identified as follows: 2

Each with a capacity of 0.5m3

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Water Crisis: •

• •

•

The depletion of the groundwater sources through Israel owned and managed ‘Mekorot’ which have been given a monopoly over the excavation, restoration, distribution and sale of water, whilst Palestinians have been forbidden from constructing new wells and/or restoring ones3. In many cases, as is the case in Fasayil village, the local authority relies heavily on the purchase of water from Mekorot Israeli Company to provide the village with water. The Company, through the wells it owns, extracts large quantities of ground water, where it pumps the bulk of this water for the benefit of the illegal Israeli settlements, as settlers, mainly those in the Jordan Valley area, use huge amounts of water (ARIJ, 2011). Moreover, located in the village are 6 wells owned by Mekorot Company, which are called; Fasayil well no. 9, no. 8, no. 2, no. 3, no. 4 and no. 6 (WERU - ARIJ, 2011). The occupation forces do not allow Palestinians to construct new agricultural wells or change the place of the old ones, they also limit the amount of water pumped from these wells. The village residents are being exposed to harassments and enormous pressure by the Israeli occupying forces in order to induce them to leave the village, the Israelis also denied them access to the spring water and transferring it through tanks, forcing them to purchase their needs of water from Mekorot Israeli Company. The declining amount of the spring water and the dryness of the channels which bear water to residential areas, due to the construction of artesian wells near the spring by the Israeli occupying forces for the favor of Mekorot Company.

Wastewater Management The absence of a public sewage network means that Fassayil residents are forced to use unhygienic cesspits for the disposal of wastewater, and/or discharge wastewater in the streets. This is particularly common in winter times, as citizens can not afford the high cost of sewage tankers during this period. All of these methods cause environmental damages, health problems, and the spread of epidemics and diseases in the village. The use of cesspits pollutes the groundwater and water collected in domestic cisterns (rainwater harvesting cisterns) as the wastewater mixes with water and contaminates it, thus making it inappropriate for human consumption. This is due to the fact that most cesspits are built without lining, which allows wastewater to enter into the ground and avoids, from time to time the need to use sewage tankers. Moreover, the untreated wastewater collected from cesspits by sewage tankers is disposed of in open areas without taking into account the damage it causes to both the environment and residents' health.

The greatest injustice is that this monopolisation over water resources (whilst illegal under ‘normal trading and marketing.

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Impact of the Israeli Occupation According to the Oslo II Interim Agreement signed on 28th September 1995 between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel, Fasayil village was divided into areas “B” and “C”. Approximately 233 dunums (0.5% of the total village area) were assigned as area “B”, where the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) has a complete control over civil matters but Israel continues to have overriding responsibility for security. Area “B” constitutes most of the inhabited Palestinian areas, including municipalities, villages and some camps. It is worth mentioning that most of the town’s population resides in area “B” which constitutes a very small area in comparison to the total area of the village. On the other hand, approximately 46,593 dunums (99.5% of the total village area) are classified as area “C”, where Israel retains full control over security and administration related to the territory. In area “C” Palestinian building and land management is prohibited unless through a permit given by the Israeli Civil Administration. It is noted that most of the lands lying within area “C” are agricultural and open spaces (table 9). Table 9: The geopolitical divisions of Fasayil village according to the Oslo II Interim Agreement in 1995 Area Area in dunums Percent of total town area Area A 0 0 Area B 233 0.5 Area C 46,593 99.5 Nature Reserve 0 0 Total 46,826 100 Source: Source: ARIJ-GIS Unit, 2011

Fasayil Village and the Israeli Occupation Practices Thousands of dunums have been lost in the village through Israeli land confiscations for different Israeli benefits, including the construction and expansion of Israeli settlements, followed by the implementation of Israeli bypass roads in order to connect settlements with their neighboring ones, and the establishment of Israeli military bases. The Israeli government confiscated 3,363 dunums of the village’s lands (7.2% of the total village area) for the construction of 4 Israeli settlements; Tomer, Gilgal, Peza’el and Nativ HaGdud. These settlements are currently inhabited by more than 500 Israeli settlers (Table 10).

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Table 10: Israeli Settlements constructed over Fasayil lands Year of Area confiscated Population of Settlement Name construction (dunums) settlers Tomer 1978 1,049 233 Gilgal 1970 858 172 Peza’el 1981 1,242 54 Nativ HaGdud 1979 215 102 Total 3,363 561 Source: ARIJ-GIS, 2011

Land confiscations in Fasayil extended to the seizure of more areas during the years of Israeli occupation for the establishment of an Israeli military base covering an area of 67 dunums. These seizures took place so as to protect Israeli settlements and their connecting roads. The Government of Israel additionally confiscated additional village lands in order to construct Israeli bypass road no. 90 and no. 505 for the purpose of connecting Israeli settlements. It is worth mentioning that the real threat of bypass roads lies in the buffer zone formed by the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) along these roads, extending to approximately 75 m on both sides of the road.

Israeli Demolition and Displacement Policies in Al Fasayil Village The Israeli government targets Palestinian houses and establishments in area “C” on the pretext of being completely under Israeli military and security control, in accordance with the provisions set out by the Oslo II Accord. Palestinians who wants to reconstruct or build in area “C” have to ask for a permit from the Israeli Civil Administration. However, the Israeli government puts bureaucratic barriers for Palestinians to get the construction permit; it imposes exhaustive details of administrative procedures and conditions which may take months and even years before permission by the Israeli authority. It is noted that all this is in addition to the high cost spent for obtaining the permit. In most cases those permits are rejected under the pretext that they don’t meet the required Israeli conditions. Consequently, Palestinians are forced to build with no permits in response to the population growth and the need for shelter (in accordance with the basic and universal human right to housing and shelter4). The followings show the Israel demolition and displacement military orders issued against people of the Al Fasayil village: In November 2009, the Israeli occupation authorities targeted Al Fasayil Village by presenting its people with military orders to halt the construction in many residential barracks and animal barns; under the pretext of illegal building in area “C” without an authorized Israeli permit. The military orders targeted 11 families in the village, most of them dependent on rearing livestock for their livings. The families are: Hasan Mahmud 4

The right to housing is the economic, social and cultural right to adequate housing and shelter. It is recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (art. 5) and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (art. 11(1)).

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Hussein Rashaida (a residential barracks and a barn), Suleiman Mohammad Hussein Rashaida (a residential barracks and a barn), Omar Ibrahim Suleiman Abu Karbish (a residential barracks and a barn), Mahmud Ibrahim Abu Karbish (a residential barracks and a barn), Mohammad Ibrahim Suleiman Abu Karbish (a residential barracks and a barn), Khalid Judah Jaddou’ (a residential barracks and a barn), Ahmed Judah Jaddou’ (two rooms and a barracks for livestock), As’ad Mohammad Judah Jaddou’ (two rooms and a barracks for livestock), Deifallah Mohammad Judah Jaddou’ (two rooms and a barracks for livestock), Jihad Nasser Mousa Judah (two rooms and a barracks for livestock), Nasser Mousa Judah Jaddou’ (two rooms and a barracks for livestock). On 8th March 2010, the Israeli authorities presented 7 residents in the village with orders to evacuate their premises within two weeks in order to pull down some of their livestock barns and residential barracks for the reason of being built in area C with no permits. It is emphasized that later, the areas on which such properties were demolished were later declared by the Israeli occupation to be a closed military area. On 9th June 2010 the Israeli authorities presented a number of Palestinians in the village with military orders to evacuate their houses, sheep barns, and barracks used for feed storage because they were built in area C but with no permits as issued by the Israel Civil Administration. The orders targeted 3 houses and a sheep barn owned by Ibrahim Salem Obeiyat, Issam Ibrahim Salem Obeiyat, As’ad Rashaida and Mohammad Judei’ Rashaida. The Israeli occupation authorities set a time by 1st July 2010 to execute the evacuation and demolition orders of these Palestinian properties in the village. On 9th May 2011 the Israeli sub-committee of planning and inspections of the Israeli civil administration entered Al Fasayil al Fauqa and presented 5 families with orders to halt construction in agricultural facilities made of tin and mud, because of being built in area C with no permit. The families were deadlined by 21st July 2011 to apply for a permit in Beit El court in Ramallah. The threatened properties are owned by Mohammad Judei’ Rashaida, Sa’id Mohammad Judei’ Rashaida, Mahmud Ibrahim Karbish, As’ad Mohammad Judei’ and Mahmud Judei’ Jaddou’ Rashaida. According to a survey carried out by the Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem (ARIJ) in the area, it was found that the affected people were 45 individuals, living in 4 barracks made of tin, and gain their living from 4 agricultural and livestock barracks. On 14th June 2011, with no previous warning, Israeli bulldozers accompanied by more than 30 military vehicles violated the village and demolished many dwelling facilities, livestock barns and other establishments, in addition to destroying and removing electric switches and cables that provide the village with electricity and stealing them. Approximately 15 families (79 individuals) were affected by the demolishing process, including 49 children. The damages resulted from the attack include 13 residential tents, 10 barracks, 4 bathrooms and 10 small kitchens. The demolished properties was owned by Hussein Yassin Mousa Rashaida, Kaiyed Attalla Salamah Rashaida, Abed Yassin Mousa Rashaida, Mohammad Abed Yassin Rashaida, Ismail Yassin Rashaida, Khader Yassin Rashaida, Nahar Abed Yassin Rashaida, Issa Abdullah Ali Ghazal, Khalid

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Abdullah Ghazal, Ahmed Abdulla Ghazal, Tamer Mousa Obeiyat, Imad Mousa Obeiyat, Sami Mousa Obeiyat, Talab Mousa Obeiyat, and Taleb Mousa Obeiyat. Also, on 20th December 2011, the Israeli Civil Administration, accompanied by the protection of ten military vehicles and two bulldozers violated Al Fasayil al Wousta, declared it a closed military area and for two hours resumed the demolitions of many establishments in the village. Although the demolition practices covered all parts of the village, they were mainly concentrated in Al Fasayil al Wousta under the pretext that they were built in an Israeli military closed area, without an Israeli permit given by the Israeli Civil Administration. It was further claimed by Israeli administration that they were built in an area classified as an “archaeological” site. The demolished establishments are owned by Omar Mohammad Ta’amra (2 residential barracks and a greenhouse), Sami Mousa Obeiyat (residential barracks), Imad Mousa Obeiyat (a residential barrack and sheep barn barrack), Amjad Abdullah Ghazal (residential barrack), Hussein Yassin Rashaida (residential barrack), Hussein Yassin Rashaida (a kitchen), Hussein Yassin Rashaida (residential tent), Khader Yassin Rashaida (a residential barrack and sheep barn barrack), and Abed Yassin Rashaida (a residential barrack, sheep barn barrack and a kitchen).

Suggested Israeli Master Plan for Al Fasayil Village Al Fasayil village was included within the Israeli Master Plans developed by the Israeli Civil Administration for 14 Palestinian communities situated in area C, and under complete Israeli control, according to Oslo agreements. Israel developed these plans under pressure imposed by the international Quartet Committee presented then by the UK Prime Minister Tony Blair. Analyzing the Master Plan of Al Fasayil village, and comparing it with the current situation of the village, it has been shown that the Israel’s plan was to increase the future urbanized area of the village; nevertheless an outsized urbanized area was excluded from the Plan, the thing that will subject Palestinian people and houses in this area to displacement and demolition. It is worth mentioning that also many of the houses threatened by evacuation and demolition are in area included in the suggested Master Plan. The suggested 14 master plans presented by the Israeli civil administration for the selected Palestinian communities located in area “C” might reduce the number of Palestinian houses under demolishing threat in area “C” where Israel enjoys absolute control. However, the new master plans schemes did not take into account the status on the ground with regards to Palestinian constructions within these communities as they did not meet the minimum needs and shortages of Palestinian citizens living there. In addition to these short-fallings, it has also been found that the Master Plan did not take into consideration the current status of the communities or their future needs. The Master Plan additionally includes the following (summarized) weaknesses/gaps: (1) With regards to the designated planning staff: Palestinians and the local councils of the targeted communities were excluded from the planning process; (2) The master plans covered only the built-up area of the targeted communities with undersized expansion or even contraction.

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(3) There were many standing constructions not included within the new boundary of the communities according to the new master plans raising the question of what will become of them? I.e. are they considered illegal and therefore be subject to demolishing? (4) The Israeli civil administration has included within the new proposed Master Plans new open space areas and excluded simultaneously hundreds of dunums of built-up areas in these Palestinian communities. There are many questions left unanswered with regards to this; i.e. will the Israeli civil administration allow Palestinian construction to take place in the new added open space areas? Who is the responsible body for issuing building permits in these newly added areas? Is it the PNA or the local councils of these communities? And, Will the Israeli civil administration continue to be the executive body of administration over these communities? (4) The plans are consciously in defiance of the current standing political classification of the West Bank (areas A, B, C) according to the Oslo II Accords, given that some of the proposed master plans encompass part of the land that falls directly within the jurisdiction areas of the Palestinian Authority (area “A” & “B”); and sometimes in both.

Development Plans and Projects Implemented Projects Fasayil village council has implemented several development projects in Fasayil, during the past five years (See Table 11). Table 11: Implemented development plans and projects in Fasayil during the last five years Name of the Project Construction of a headquarters for the youth club Construction of a headquarters for the women center Construction of 3 classrooms

Type

Year

Donor

Public Services

2007

The Catholic Germans

Public Services

2011

JICA

Educational

2011

Islamic Bank

Source: Fasayil Village Council, 2011

Proposed Projects Fasayil Village Council, in cooperation with the civil society organizations in the village and the village residents, looks forward to the implementation of several projects in the coming years. The project ideas were developed during the PRA workshop that was conducted by ARIJ staff in the village. The projects are as follows, in order of priority, from the perspectives’ of the participants in the workshop: 1. Establishing an integrated health center. 2. Constructing artesian wells and domestic harvesting cisterns.

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3. Paving internal and sub roads. 4. Providing public means of transportation. 5. Constructing a multi- purposes hall for recreational and community activities. 6. Rehabilitating the electricity network. 7. Rehabilitating the water network. 8. Establishing a main entrance for the village. 9. Providing a tractor and a bulldozer for the village council. 10. Supporting livestock breeders. 11. Rehabilitating Fasayil al Foqa school 12. Providing projects that support young people. 13. Constructing a school for girls. 14. Constructing a public water reservoir. 15. Establishing a wall around the sports club headquarters. 16. Providing job opportunities for the unemployed. 17. Providing small development projects. 18. Establishing a dairy factory. 19. Expanding the structural plan for the sake of urban expansion. 20. Providing projects through the establishment of home gardens. 21. Providing containers and a vehicle for the collection of solid waste. 22. Providing street lighting.

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Village Development Priorities and Needs Fasayil suffers from a significant shortage of infrastructure and services. Table 12 shows the development priorities and needs in the village, according to the village councilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s feedback (Fasayil Village Council, 2011). Table 12: Development priorities and needs in Fasayil Strongly Needed Infrastructural Needs Opening and Pavement of Roads 1 * Rehabilitation of Old Water Networks 2 * Extending the Water Network to Cover New Built up 3 * Areas Construction of New Water Networks 4 * Rehabilitation/ Construction of New Wells or Springs 5 * Construction of Water Reservoirs 6 * Construction of a Sewage Disposal Network 7 * Construction of a New Electricity Network 8 * Providing Containers for Solid Waste Collection 9 * 10 Providing Vehicles for Collecting Solid Waste * 11 Providing a Sanitary Landfill * Health Needs Building of New Clinics or Health Care Centres 1 * Rehabilitation of Old Clinics or Health Care Centres 2 * Purchasing of Medical Equipment and Tools 3 * Educational Needs Building of New Schools 1 * Rehabilitation of Old Schools 2 * Purchasing of New Equipment for Schools 3 * Agriculture Needs Rehabilitation of Agricultural Lands 1 * Building Rainwater Harvesting Cisterns 2 * Construction of Barracks for Livestock 3 * Veterinary Services 4 * Seeds and Hay for Animals 5 * Construction of New Greenhouses 6 * Rehabilitation of Greenhouses 7 * Field Crops Seeds 8 * Plants and Agricultural Supplies 9 * 80.2km is a main road and 1.5km is a sub road. No.

Sector

Needed

Not a Priority

Notes 1.7km8 3km 4km 4km Fasayil spring 10,000 cubic meters 5km 4km 50 containers 1 vehicle

health center 2 clinics medical laboratory elementary school elementary computer devices 300 dunums 10 cisterns 20 barracks 1500 tons per year 10 greenhouses 10 greenhouses

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References • • • • • • • • •

Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2010 - 2011. Geographic Information Systems and Remote Sensing Unit Database. Bethlehem - Palestine. Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ), 2011. Israeli Violations & Environmental Degradation in Jericho & Al Aghwar Governorate, To Where!!!. Bethlehem, Palestine Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem (ARIJ). 2012. Water & Environment Research Unit Database (WERU). Bethlehem - Palestine. Fasayil Village Council, 2011. Group Christian Volunteers (GVC) & Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) (2011), retrieved January 2012 from: http://www.gvcfao-database.org/ Ministry of Education & Higher Education (MOHE) - Jericho, 2010/2011. Directorate of Education; A database of schools. Jericho – Palestine. Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. 2009. Jericho, Palestine: General Census of Population and Housing Censuses, 2007. Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture (MOA), 2010/2011. Directorate of Agriculture data. Jericho - Palestine. The Joint Services Council for Development & Planning for the Management of Solid Waste in Jericho & Al Aghwar, 2012. The Council Database. Jericho – Palestine.

PLO NEGOTIATIONS AFFAIRS DEPARTMENT

The Jordan Valley: A Microcosm of the Israeli Occupation Factsheet December 2011

Introduction

The Jordan Valley, the area west of the Jordan River, extends from the Green Line in the north to the southern part of the Dead Sea covers 1,611,723 dunums, and makes up approximately 28.8 percent of the West Bank. There are approximately 70,000 1 Palestinians residing in the Jordan Valley, the majority of whom (71.5 percent), live in Jericho. Following the Oslo Accords, the Jordan Valley, except for the enclave around Jericho, was classified as Area C (89%), over which Israel maintains complete security and administrative control. A recent UN study on parts of the occupied Palestinian territory (“OPT”) designated as “Area C” concludes that Israel’s illegal settlement policies, home demolitions, and other measures are examples of “clear patterns of displacement” 2 and that Palestinian residents have to leave their homes and communities “to meet their basic needs.” 3 The Jordan Valley is strategically important for the Palestinian people, given its political, cultural, economic and geographic value. The Jordan Valley is important not only for tourism, but also for its fertile land, natural resources and a warm climate appropriate for a wide range of agriculturerelated industries. Since the occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip in 1967, Israel has sought to annex the Jordan Valley through a series of policies and actions. In fact, over the past 44 years of occupation, Israeli policies, including home demolition and confiscation of land, have reduced the Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley and shrunk the area accessible to Palestinians to a mere 6% of the Valley. The area’s abundant water and other resources are denied to Palestinians while Israeli settlers reap tens of millions of dollars annually from industries that illegally use Jordan Valley resources. Israel has also designated large areas of the Valley as firing range and military zones and nature reserves, banning Palestinians from much of the area. In fact, the majority of Israeli-declared closed military areas located in the Jordan Valley.

1 http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_pcbs/populati/jerich.htm

2 http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_area_c_report_august_2011_english.pdf 3 http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_area_c_report_august_2011_english.pdf

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Background “[T]he Jordan Valley is one of the most restricted areas on earth. Since 1967 Israel has devised and implemented systematic measures aimed at ensuring absolute control over the region and isolating it from the rest of the West Bank.”4 UN OCHA Report The Jordan Valley refers to the area of the West Bank bound by the 1967 border to the north and south, by the Jordan River and the Dead Sea to the east, and by the eastern slopes of the West Bank mountain ridge to the west. It constitutes more than a quarter of the total area of the West Bank. There are 44 Palestinian localities in the Jordan Valley with a built-up area of approximately 20 km2. Of these, 17 have a chiefly nomadic population, and the remaining 27 are primarily sedentary communities. The Palestinian population of the Jordan Valley stands at approximate 70,000 5. The majority of the population (about 76%) resides in the Jericho governorate, while the remainder lives mainly villages in the Jiftlik area and in the northern Jordan Valley. No permanent Palestinian communities exist in the Jordan Valley’s southern desert and Dead Sea areas. The Jordan Valley economy is based primarily on agriculture, animal grazing and tourism. The area remains dependent on urban centers in Jericho, Nablus, and Tubas for educational services, especially secondary and university education, and on the cities of Jericho, Jenin, Nablus, Jerusalem, and Bethlehem for health services. 6

Jordan Valley Vital to Palestine’s Viability The Jordan Valley is a unique area that offers opportunities in nearly all major economic sectors. The area is of immense political and economic importance to Palestine. It has great potential for agricultural and industrial development, and is important for tourism and transportation as well. The Valley is considered vital to Palestinian economic recovery and development; investment in the region remains a strategic priority.

Natural Resources – (Water & Agriculture)

Water: The Jordan Valley contains one of the richest water resources and the most fertile land in

the OPT. It grounds approximately one third7 of the water reserve in the West Bank and it contains water from the Jordan River Basin, underground water from the Eastern Aquifer and water flowing into the Jordan River from the West Bank. The Jordan River is the most important shared surface water resource for Israel and the West Bank. It supplies up to 650 MCM/Y 8 of water to Israel and none to the Palestinians. However, due to unequal access to water, Israel’s water consumption stands at some 2,000 to 2,200 MCM/Y for a population of 7 million (some 1,500 MCM is fresh 4 http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/opt_eco_paltrade_JV_challenges_potential_oct_2010.pdf 5 http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_pcbs/populati/jerich.htm 6 Ibid. 7 http://www.maan-ctr.org/pdfs/Eyeon%20theJVReportFinal.pdf 8 www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE15/.../mde150272009en.pdf

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water, with the remainder composed of desalinated seawater and treated wastewater). Most of Israel’s fresh water supplies are drawn from the shared groundwater and common surface water resources – more than 400 MCM/Y from the Mountain Aquifer and up to 650 MCM/Y from the diverted Jordan River the Valley’s Israel settlers in the Jordan Valley consume approximately 6.6 times more water per capita annually than the approximately 70,000 Palestinian residents. Israel controls Palestinian access to water in two main ways. First, Israel requires that permits be obtained for the digging of new wells and the upgrade of existing ones. However, such permits are rarely granted. As such, Palestinians must rely on the decreasing output from wells dug before 1967. Second, the Israeli military often restricts access to water sources, citing security reasons. For instance, in some Palestinian villages, because their access to water has been so severely restricted, farmers are unable to cultivate the land, or even to grow small amounts of food for their personal consumption or for animal fodder, and have thus been forced to reduce the size of their herds. “Water is a basic need and a right, but for many Palestinians obtaining even poor-quality subsistencelevel quantities of water has become a luxury that they can barely afford, “Donatella Rovera

Agriculture: The Jordan Valley is the breadbasket for the future Palestinian State. The extensive

water resources, combined with the large areas of land available in the Jordan Valley, offer Palestinians the means to grow and export a range of agricultural goods. Israeli restrictions and the illegal settlement enterprise have restricted Palestinians to the cultivation of a mere 4.7% of the Jordan Valley's total area. 9 Today, Palestinians can only cultivate 5,300 square meters in the Jordan Valley.

The Jordan Valley is a main source of export-oriented and high value agricultural products. The value of plants produced per km²in this region is the highest in the West Bank, nearly 4 -10 times more than that of other governorates. 10 Many of the illegal Israeli settlements and outposts rely on agriculture in the Jordan Valley.. By illegally cultivating large portions of the land in the Jordan Valley, settlers are increasing their control over the area and preventing Palestinian access and use. 11 The settler population may be small, but most settlers cultivate large areas of land, threatening the viability of the area for Palestinian communities and farmers. Indeed, most of the Jordan Valley falls under the jurisdiction of settlement councils. In recent years the Israeli government has profited millions of US dollars from their investments in the agriculture. According to Israeli Director General of the settlement department “Yaron BenEzra”, the volume of settler’s agricultural products in the Jordan Valley has reached 458 million shekels (about $114.5 million) in 2010. On 28/06/2011 Haaretz newspaper quoted Danny Kretschmann head of the Israeli Settlement division in the Histadrut, his intention to intensify settlement construction in the West Bank and to turn around 43,000 dunums in the Jordan Valley to agricultural land to the benefit of the Israeli settlers”. There are 21 Israeli agriculture settlements and employees nearly 6 thousand Palestinian workers. In addition for every settler there are 35 dunums 9 PBC Data 2008 10 PBC Data 2008 11 UNOCHA

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of agricultural land, but in recent years there was a demand to increase the amount of land to reach to 80 dunums to make it equal to the farmers in the Negev.

Killing the Jordan Valley’s Vitality and Palestine’s Viability Israeli Policies: The current Israeli government, headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has encouraged and defended the lucrative illegal Israeli settlement enterprise in the Jordan Valley.. But control of the Jordan Valley has been one of the cornerstones of successive Israeli governments. In 1967, Yigal Allon, Israel’s then Deputy Prime Minister, proposed a plan, later dubbed the “Allon Plan”. In it, Allon called for the creation of “defensible borders” for Israel by, amongst other things, imposing Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan Valley.. 12 Since then, numerous Israeli leaders, including Yitzhak Rabin, Ariel Sharon, Benjamin Netanyahu, Shaul Mofaz, and Ehud Olmert have insisted, albeit to varying degrees, on the importance of maintaining a presence in the Jordan Valley, allegedly to safeguard Israel’s security. The Jordan Valley is almost entirely under Israeli control, with an electronic fence running the length of the eastern border facing Jordan. In early negotiating rounds of Camp David, Israel sought to annex, lease or otherwise retain permanent control over the Jordan Valley. Meanwhile, successive Israeli governments have maintained a stranglehold on the Jordan Valley and encouraged continued illegal settlement expansion in the area. In the past two years, Israel has also stepped up its home-demolition policy in the Jordan Valley. Settlements: Among the first Israeli settlements to be built in the (OPT) were those in the Jordan Valley. In fact, in the decade following the 1967 war, 21Israeli settlements were built in the Jordan Valley. 13 Currently, there are 33 14 settlements in the Jordan Valley, constituting some 20% of all settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (OPT), with a built-up area of approximately 15 km2. In general, the settlements are isolated from one another, and are spread out over a vast area. These settlements depend mainly on agriculture, with the exception of Ma'ale Efrayim, which is an urban settlement. 15 The population of the Jordan Valley settlements is approximately 9,600 16. In addition to these 33 settlements, seven settlement outposts were established in the post-Oslo era. 17 In addition, a series of outposts have been established in recent years east of the illegal settlements of Shilo, Itamar and Elon Moreh to connect isolated mountain ridge settlements to the Jordan Valley. 18

12 Yigal Allon, “Israel: The Case for Defensible Borders” (1976-1977) 55 Foreign Aff. 38; and [Author unknown], “Allon Plan and Commentary” 13 PUNOCHA 14 Peace Now. 15 Yehezkel Lein, Land Grab: Israel’s Settlement Policy in the West Bank (Jerusalem: B’Tselem, May 2002) at 94 [Land Grab]. 16 Based on Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics 2009 population figures. 17 PMG, supra note X at 4. The outposts are: Givat Salit, Ma’ale Shlomo, Ma’ale Shlomo South, Mitzpe Kramim, Mul Nevo, Yitav East, and Mevo’ot Yericho. Peace Now counts 5 outposts (Supra note X). 18 Peace Now, ibid.

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The majority of these illegal settlements are located in the central Jordan Valley, with several in the north and a couple in the south. They are primarily concentrated along 2 major roads: 1) Road #90, which runs north-south along the Jordan River; 2) and what is referred to as the Allon Road, built in the 1970s along the eastern slopes of the West Bank mountain range. Israeli settlements are also located along the east-west, settler by-pass roads that connect Road #90 with the Allon Road. One of these east-west links connects the Jordan Valley to Tel Aviv (the so-called Trans-Samaria Highway or Road #505), and another connects it to occupied East Jerusalem and then to areas in Israel (Road #1). 19 In recent years, the Israeli government has announced various expansion initiatives in Jordan Valley settlements. Between 2003 and 2005, Israel approved more than NIS 500 million for projects in the Jordan Valley with the aim of doubling the Israeli population there by the year 2008. This money was spent on building new illegal housing units and tourist sites, providing agricultural subsidies and tax-cuts, as well as offering grants to couples who decide to move into one of the Jordan Valley’s settlements. In May 2006, Israeli authorities signed military orders ordering the expansion of the jurisdictional boundaries of several settlements, including Maskiyyot, following Israel’s unilateral exit from the Gaza Strip. Israeli authorities also approved the construction of 20 housing units in September 2009. Nearly all of the Jordan Valley, including its 33 settlements, is considered by Israel as “state” land. 20 Consequently, nearly all of the Jordan Valley has been officially sanctioned by Israel as a land reserve for future settlement expansion. Aside from their devastating effect on Palestinian lives and livelihoods, these illegal practices are in flagrant violation of Israel’s obligations, as an occupying power, under international law and international humanitarian law. International law considers all settlements illegal. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relevant to the Protection of Civilians in Times of War (1949) prohibits the transfer of the occupier’s population to the occupied territory. Over the years, the United Nations has adopted several resolutions reiterating the illegality of Israeli settlements in the OPT. The United Nations General Assembly confirms on a yearly basis the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 to the OPT. See annex 1 Movement Restrictions: Israel has severed the Jordan Valley from the rest of the West Bank through a series of severe movement restrictions. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), all routes leading into the Jordan Valley north of Jericho are tightly controlled by four permanently staffed checkpoints, which prohibit the access of private Palestinian vehicles to the area, unless they are Jordan Valley residents. 21 Additionally, Palestinian travel along Route 90, the main Jordan Valley road, is heavily restricted, and settlers are the primary users of the road. Such restrictions lead to delays and detours, which undermine the livelihoods of the farmers. Israel also utilizes a strict permit regime to control access to the Jordan Valley. Permit requirements have a significant negative impact on the livelihoods of farmers who live in cities outside of the 19 PMG 20 ARIJ says 703 km2 of the Jordan Valley has been declared “state” land (ARIJ, supra note X). 21 UNOCHA

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Jordan Valley, but who own and cultivate land in the area. These farmers cannot drive vehicles in or out of the Jordan Valley area, forcing them to send money on transportation, thus increasing their operation costs. Demolitions, Evictions, Fire Zones and Permits: Israel prohibits Palestinian construction on more than half of the Jordan Valley, which it has declared either “state land” or fire zones. Currently, the Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley is restricted to only six percent of the Valley. 22 UNOCHA reports, “In almost the entirety of the Jordan Valley, Palestinian construction is prohibited.” 23 Building on the Israeli-declared “state land” requires a permit issued by the Israeli Civil Administration (ICA), which are rarely granted. In fact, the Israeli Ministry of Defense admits that between January 2000 and September 2007, 94 percent of the applications to build in Area C were rejected.24

“According to a Save the Children UK research study, 31% of surveyed households in high risk areas in the West Bank, including the Jordan Valley, have been either temporarily or permanently displaced at least once since the year 2000 primarily as a result of Israeli military orders (31%) and house demolitions (23%). [Save the Children UK / NEC research]” 25 UNOCHA Factsheet Furthermore, Israeli fire zones and nature reserves prevent construction on an additional 44 percent of the Jordan Valley. Fire zones are closed military zones used to train Israeli troops. However, many of these fire zones have been strategically located to offer a physical separation between the Israeli settler population and Palestinians. Fire zones specifically target vulnerable herder communities who reside in such areas or use them for grazing land. Currently, there are five communities located in such firing zones: Al Farisiya, Al Malih, Al Ras Al Ahmar, Khirbet Humsa, and Al Hudidiya. Palestinians who live in these areas run the risk of having their animals confiscated, being arrested, and having their property demolished. Due to these severe restrictions on construction, Palestinians are often forced to build on their land without Israeli permission, which then leaves them in danger of forced eviction or property demolition. In fact, home demolitions are one of the most significant issues affecting Palestinians in the Jordan Valley today. For example, the village of Al Aqaba, located on the northwestern edge of the Jordan Valley, is now situated between two military bases. Due to the harsh movement restrictions and a large number of home demolitions carried out by the Israeli military, between 1967 and 2006, 85 percent of the villages population emigrated. In another example, in June 2009, collective eviction orders were issued to Palestinians living in the al Ras Al Ahmar area. Twenty-eight families were given 48 hours to vacate the area before their homes were to be demolished. On June 4, 2009, Israeli occupation forces demolished 63 structures in the area, making 128 people homeless, or one-third of the residents of the Ras Al Ahmar community. 26 22 Save the Children 23 UNOCHA 24 UNOCHA 25http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/opt_prot_savethechildren_Jordan_Valley_Fact_Sheet_oct_2009.pdf 26 The Land Research Center (LRC), “The Jordan Valley: Survival War and Steadfastness on the Land,” available at http://www.poica.org/editor/case_studies/view.php?recordID=2001, last accessed July 20, 2010.

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Military Zones: Under the pretext of “security”, Israel has declared more than 400 km2 of the Jordan Valley (18% of the occupied West Bank) as “closed military zones”. 27 These areas include open-fire zones, military training sites, and dozens of minefields located east of Road #90, behind a 20-meter-wide fence structure that Israel set up along the Jordan River after the 1967 war. All such areas are inaccessible to Palestinians. By declaring such a large amount of land closed, Israel has drastically reduced the amount of land available to Palestinians for agricultural and animal grazing activities, the major livelihood sources for Jordan Valley communities.

27 PMG.

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Israeli Settlements and Industries in the Jordan Valley 1 No .

Settlement Name

Population

Industries

Almog

170

2 3 4

Argaman Avenat Beqa'ot

n/a 175 102

5 6 7

n/a n/a 148

Brosh (Bitronot) Elisha En Hogla (Mehane Nevo) Gilgal

Almog Tradex: Markets and exports dried fruit and nuts, incl. dates grown in Jordan Valley settlements, including Hadiklaim dates. n/a n/a Mehadrin Tnuport Export: Exports produce from Beqa'ot sett to Israel and overseas. Yehezkel Morad: A building contractor for infrastructure and earth works. Works on the new checkpoint, Ofer, on Road 443. Chosen by Israeli MoD to build the Wall in the Masha area and near Beit Horon sett. Won an MoD contract to build a road around Beqa'ot sett in JV. n/a n/a n/a

9 10 11

Gittit Hemdat Kochav HaShahar

119 1,619 1,377

Ma'ale Efrayim

n/a

13 14

Maskiyyot Massu'a

136 357

214

Avniv: Has a large packing house in the agricultural area between Gilgal and Netiv Hagdud setts. Avniv sells grapes, figs, peppers, tomatoes, cherry tomatoes and herbs. Exports peppers to Europe and Russia. Spideshe: Ready to grow lawn. n/a n/a Mordechai Binyamin and Sons Earth Works: A construction firm. Operates Kochav Hashahar quarry (through Kochav Hashahar Operation company) near a sett of the same name. One of the selected contractors that won the Israeli MoD tender for infrastructure works for the Wall. Additionally, performed construction and maintenance of sett roads, incl. Road 90. Arieh Plast: Nylon bags in Ma'ale Efrayim industrial sett. Atid Packaging: A packing factory. The offices of the company are located in Oranit sett, and the factory is located in Ma'ale Efrayim sett. Aviah: Safety equipment in Ma'ale Efrayim sett. Feber Brothers: Metal works in Ma'ale Efrayim sett. Supergum Industries: Manufacture rubber, plastic and sealing products for automotive, industrial and military applications. A supplier of the Israeli army. The companyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s plastics factory is located in the Ma'ale Efrayim industrial sett, and the rubber factory is in the Barkan industrial settlement. Tohikon: Arts and crafts in Ma'ale Efrayim sett. n/a Agrexco Agricultural Export Company:

1 Sources: Corporate Watch, Gush Shalom, Karama, Who Profits WWW.NAD-PLO.ORG

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15 16

Bet Ha'Arava Hamra

Mechola Mechola)

(Kfar 112

18 19

Mechora Tomer

171 190

Netiv HaGedud

217

Peza'el (Fatsa'el)

274

Export fruits, vegetables and flowers from Israel/Palestine, some of which are grown in settlements. In a court case in Nov 2006, then Agrexco UK General Manager Amos Orr testified that Agrexco markets 60-70% of the agricultural produce grown in settlements. Common Brand names: Carmel, Carmel Bio Top (organic produce), Jaffa, Jordan Plains and Alesia. The company has a regional office in the JV. Organica: Spices in Hamra sett. Zorgenika: Organic dates in Hamra sett. Arava Export Growers: Exports fruits, vegetables and herbs under the "Arava" brand name, incl. some (peppers, grapes, tomatoes, herbs and organic products) grown in JV setts. incl. Jordan River Herbs grown in Mechola sett. Jordan River Herbs: Herb farm in Mechola sett in JV. N.R.S Consulting and Engineering: Provide consulting and supervising services for construction projects, Amir Marketing and Investment in Agriculture: Markets pesticides, fertilizers, blends and packing materials to farmers in Israel. Has 32 branches, at least one in JV sett, Tomer. Chen Eastern Industries: Packs and transports fruits and vegetables. Located in JV sett of Tomer. Eastern Lines: A logistics company specializing in the transporting of fruits and vegetables. Located in JV sett of Tomer. Transports agricultural products from JV into Israel. Edom UK: Exports agricultural goods from a packing house in Tomer sett. TBP Export: Have a packing house for produce in Tomer sett. Tomer Organic: Dates from Tomer sett. Avniv: Has a large packing house in the agricultural area between Gilgal and Netiv Hagdud setts. Avniv advertise grapes, figs, peppers, tomatoes, cherry tomatoes and herbs. Export peppers to Europe and Russia. Kerur Habikha: Constructs and maintains large cooling houses and industrial air conditioning, and manufactures desert cooling systems. Located in Netiv HaGedud sett in JV. n/a

Mitzpe Yericho

128

n/a

Mitzpe Shalem

1,701

Na'ama (No'omi)

Na'aran (Niran)

114

Ahava Dead Sea Laboratories: Manufactures cosmetic products using minerals from the Dead Sea. The company factory and visitors' center are located in Mitzpe Shalom settlement. Aroma Nama: Produces and distributes herbal seasoning. Located in Naâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ama sett in JV. Field Produce: Purchases, processes and markets nuts, seeds and dates from Israeli growers. Exports Medjoul dates. Its packing house for dates is located in Na'ama sett. Tnuva: The largest food distributor in Israel. Owns 25% of Agrexco Agricultural Export Company, which exports fruits, vegetables and flowers grown in setts. Also holds 42% of the shares of Field Produce, which is located in Na'ama sett in JV. AdaFresh: Exports products from JV setts, incl. products of Eitan and Inon Herbs from Na'ama sett.

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n/a 163

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26 27 28

Qalya Rimmonim Ro'i

619 126 n/a

29 30

Rotem Shadmot Mechola

542 290

Ein Feshka

32 33 34 35 36 37 38

Vered Yericho Yafit Yitav Hill 777 Hill 836 Giv’at ‘Olem Dead Sea

111 187 170 n/a n/a n/a n/a

Qumran

n/a

Other settlement businesses in Jordan Valley

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n/a n/a G.M. Advanced Fencing and Security Technologies: Manufacture electric fences and intrusion detection systems for fences. Provide electric fences to setts, incl. Ro'i in JV. n/a Meshek Zuriel Dairy: Manufactures dairy products. Owns a dairy farm in Shadmot Mechola sett in JV. Tara (Milco Industries): Manufactures and distributes dairy products. The company is a major shareholder (approx. 52%) of Meshek Zuriel Dairy, which owns a dairy farm in Shadmot Mechola sett in JV. (Einut Zukim): Nature reserve, water pools and streams, bathing beaches and excursions. n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Kalia Beach: Water park, swimming pools, beach. Siesta Beach Sea: Cafeteria, beach, amusement Park. Kalia Guest House: 3-stars hotel in the Qumran area, with 58 rooms. Qumran National Park: Archaeological site, restaurant, souvenir shop Veolia Environnement: A multinational French company operating in the fields of water, waste management, energy and transport services. Through its subsidiary Connex Israel, it is one of the companies in the CityPass cosortium, contracted to operate the light rail project in Jerusalem. Through its subsidiary Veolia Environmental Services Israel (which has bought T.M.M. Integrated Recycling Services), it owns and operates the Tovlan Landfill in the JV. The subsidiary Connex also operates regular bus services to setts, incl. Beit Horon and Givat Ze'ev. Afcon Industries Group: Engages in the design, manufacture, integration and marketing of electromechanical and control systems. Afcon Control and Automation has supplied CEIA metal detectors to Israeli military checkpoints, incl. the Bilal Mosque checkpoint, the Beit Iba checkpoint, and JV checkpoints. CEIA Costruzioni Elettroniche Industriali Automatismi: Manufacture metal detectors and electromagnetic generators. Their detectors are installed in Israeli checkpoints, incl. Bilal Mosque checkpoint (Hebron), Beit Iba checkpoint (Nablus), and Tayasir checkpoint (JV). The detectors were supplied by Afcon Control and Automation. Hadiklaim - Israel Date Growers’ Cooperative: Exports dates from Israel and setts, esp. in JV. Haosef Services: Provide waste disposal containers to checkpoints and army bases in JV. Hishatil: A plant-nurseries corporation with four plant nurseries inside Israel, four in international locations (Turkey, Italy, South Africa and Bosnia), and one in Susia sett. Additionally, some of the growers of company

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products are in JV setts. Jordan Plains Development Corporation: Provide delivery and packing services to agricultural growers in JV setts. Export dates from JV setts, in particular the Madjoul dates. Minrav Group: A construction company. Entered into a contract to build and operate a sewage treatment plant in the northern part of EJ for Hagihon Company (the water cooperation of Jerusalem) in Nebi Musa. This facility, on occupied land, will mainly serve Pisgat Ze'ev, Neve Ya'akov and French Hill setts. Water from the facility will be used for agricultural farms in JV setts. This project is planned to be completed by 2011, and the company signed a 25 year contract for operating it. Additionally, this company has built the Latrun railway bridge for the fast train between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. The bridge has been built in the WB and on privately owned Palestinian lands. NaanDan Jain Irrigation Provider of irrigation solutions for agriculture. Provides services to farms in setts in JV, Hebron and Golan.

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I SR A E L I A N N EXAT IO N

ISRAEL Khirbet Kharruba

O F T HE

Bardala

J O R D A N V AL L E Y

Ibziq

Mehola Shadmot Mehola

1967 Boundary (“Green Line”)

Al Farisiya Akkaba

Palestinian city, town, or village

Rotem Al Malih

Tubas

Palestinian cultivation

N.Maskiyot

Khirbet Yarza

Local Palestinian road Wall route (approved by Israel’s cabinet as of 30 April 2006) Israeli-declared state land and closed military area

Ro'i KhirbetHemdat Humsa

578

Elon Moreh

Israeli settlement cultivation

Furush Beit Dajan

Israeli settlement area west of Jordan Valley

Hamra

Israeli settler / bypass road

557

Israeli checkpoint

Israeli-declared natural reserve

Al Hadidiya

Beka'ot

508

Mekhora

Marj Na'ja

Argaman

Az Zubeidat

Itamar

Israeli settlement municipal area

Khirbet 'Atuf

Israeli settlement built-up area (area: ~ 0.43% - pop.: ~10,000 settlers)

'Ein el Beida

JORD

Ar Rajman Jafa an Nun 505

Tall al Khashaba

Migdalim

Al Jiftlik

Massua

Gittit Ma'ale Efrayim 505

Shvut Rahel

West

Israeli Settlements & Military Closure Israeli declared state land and closed military area Israeli declared natural reserve Settlement municipal and cultivation area

Areas remaining for Palestinian towns & cultivation

Netiv Hagdud Niran Yitav

Al 'Auja

449

N.Zori

Rimmonim Badu

15.5%

Al Muarrajat

8.5 %

No'omi An Nuwei'ma

Ma'ale Mikmas

'Ein as Sultan Camp

Alon

20 11

N.Elisha

Jericho

458

Million cubic meters (MCM)

Gilgal

22.0 %

Water Extraction in the Jordan Valley 32

Tomer

Kochav Hashahar

Exploitation of Palestinian Resources: 35

Fasayil

Bank

54.0 %

Yaﬁt

Peza'el

458

Palestinian Land Restricted by

JORDAN

Shilo

Mizpe Yeriho

Kefar 437 Adumim Mishor 1 Adumim Ma'ale Adumim

Aqbat Jaber Camp

Vered Yeriho

N.En Hogla Bet Ha'arava

Almog

5 0

Israeli Settlers (Pop. ~10,000)

Palestinians (Pop. ~70,000)

Qedar

5 Km

Qalya

DEAD SEA

5/3/2015

The Forcible Transfer of the Palestinian People from the Jordan Valley

The Forcible Transfer of the Palestinian People from the Jordan Valley Written by Mercedes Melon Print

Forcible transfer and deportation are terms that commonly evoke images of people being loaded onto trucks or trains or violently driven away.1 Forcible transfer, however, may also take the form of involuntary or induced movement of people resulting from the creation of insecurity, disorder, or other adverse conditions, for the purpose of, or resulting in such migration. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits all forcible transfers. Only the security of the population of the Demolishedin AlHadidya, Jordan Valley. 21 June 2011. (©Photo: Keren Manor/Activestills) occupied territory or imperative military reasons can exceptionally justify total or partial evacuation of an area under occupation. Those evacuated shall be transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area in question have ceased.

A key criterion to assess the forcible nature of the displacement is whether or not the transfer is the result of the individual’s own genuine choice to leave. 2 As developed in the case law of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), forcible transfer is understood as the forced displacement of persons from where they reside to a place that is not of their own choosing and “includes threat of force or coercion, such as that caused by fear of violence, duress, detention, psychological oppression or abuse of power against such person or persons or another person, or by taking advantage of a coercive environment.”3 The ongoing forcible transfer of the Palestinian people from or within the Jordan Valley in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) is a clear example of this kind of transfer (sometimes misleadingly called “indirect transfer”). The facts speak for themselves. Although there is uncertainty as to population levels in the past, it is estimated that between 250,000 and 300,000 Palestinians lived in the Jordan Valley on the eve of the 1967 Israeli military occupation. 4 After more than 40 years of occupation, the Palestinian population in the area has been dramatically reduced to 56,000. 5 However, the displacement of Palestinian people from their homeland is not a phenomenon relegated to the past, but an ongoing process, particularly in this resource rich and geopolitically strategic area. During 2011, more than one third of all Palestinians forcibly transferred in the West Bank were residents of the Jordan Valley, nearly 60 percent of whom were children. 6 If we consider that the area contains vast land reserves and abundant water resources, making it the most fertile region of the OPT, the estimates appear striking. How did this dramatic decrease in population occur? The 1967 “voluntary” exodus The circumstances surrounding the plight of the Palestinian people in the Jordan Valley during and after the 1967 War refute the widespread misperception that the 1967 exodus was largely “voluntary,” as compared to the forcible nature of the 1948 exodus. Israel’s military strategy during, and just after, the 1967 War aimed to drive out tens of thousands of Palestinians from their villages, towns and refugee camps in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. 7 This was particularly the case for the Jordan Valley where Israeli forces expelled 88 percent of the area’s population eastwards, across the river to Jordan. The village of Jiftlik, for example, was razed to the ground, rural communities were depopulated, and virtually all http://www.badil.org/en/almajdal/item/1766art6?tmpl=component&print=1

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residents of three 1948 large refugee camps surrounding Jericho fled or were expelled to Jordan. 8 Despite not being the site of any major military battles during the 1967 war, the Jordan Valley suffered the highest population loss in the entire West Bank in the war and its aftermath. 9 Israel’s purpose of removing the Palestinians from the area is confirmed by the measures it took to prevent the return of those who had fled during the war and the period that followed. These measures included the routine shooting of civilians trying to return, or “infiltrate,” to their lands across the Jordan River10 as well as the inclusion of Jordan Valley landowners on a secret “black list” in order to deny their entry into the West Bank. 11 At the same time, from 1967 to 1994, Israel undertook a mass withdrawal of residency rights from hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who travelled abroad during that period, effectively preventing them from returning to their homeland. 12 Then, after the eruption of the intifada of 2000, Israel barred almost all Palestinians from returning to, or visiting, the areas. 13 The Palestinians remaining in the Jordan Valley would be, from 1967 onwards, subject to Israel’s policies aimed at minimising the number of Palestinians in the area, 14 while maximising Israeli control over the land, water resources and transport routes. Deprivation of land and water resources The policy to take control over the land included legal and administrative changes, financial incentives to settlers and institutional coordination. 15 Israel began by declaring in 1967 nearly 60 percent of the Jordan Valley as closed military areas, effectively banning Palestinian access to, and development of, the land. 16 Through subsequent military orders, Israel seized control of the water resources of the OPT. 17 Israeli decisionmakers saw Jewish civilian presence as a necessary element to guarantee and maintain control over the occupied land, and so the Occupying Power immediately began to transfer its own civilian population into the area; an action expressly prohibited by Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention, regardless of its motive. 18 By the end of 1968, the Israeli military had established three military outposts in the Valley. 19 The eventual shift from military outpost to predominantly agricultural colonies from the early 1970s in the Jordan Valley adequately illustrates the colonizing nature of the settlement enterprise while refuting Israel’s alleged security needs to justify the occupation of the Jordan Valley. The built up area and the land cultivated by the existing 38 settlements take up a further 10 percent of the Valley. Although the actual settler population in the area is quite small, most of the approximately 9,400 settlers20 are farmers who cultivate large tracts of land and use most of the water resources. This has rendered the Jordan Valley the area of the OPT most relentlessly exploited by settlement agricultural production. The deliberately discriminatory nature of Israel’s policies results in a striking inequality of access to water between Israelis and Palestinians in the Jordan Valley. Indeed the water available to the Palestinians of the Valley falls far short of that recommended by the World Health Organisation. 21 The situation is even worse for the Palestinians living in the rural communities of the Jordan Valley who are not even connected to the water network system. Furthermore, the water extraction ratio in the Israeli settlements is the highest in the West Bank. 22 The deep wells serving the Israeli colonies have dried up the Palestinian wells and springs in the area. 23 The Israeli pumping stations, including those on or near the lands of Palestinian communities, are closed and fenced off. With no access to running http://www.badil.org/en/almajdal/item/1766art6?tmpl=component&print=1

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water, in some cases the rural Palestinian inhabitants survive on water supplies that the World Health Organization classifies as an indicator of an emergency response situation. 24 Palestinians have no choice but to buy their own water —water that they are entitled to extract for themselves under international lawfrom the Israeli water company Mekorot. They often have to buy water from mobile tanks that deliver water of dubious quality at much higher prices. 25 Meanwhile, in the same area, Israeli settlers enjoy intensiveirrigation farms, lush gardens and swimming pools. 26 It should thus come as no surprise that the 9,400 Israeli settlers living in the Jordan Valley consume more than six times the quantity of water consumed by the more than 56,000 Palestinians in the area. 27 And the Oslo Accords came to life Under the Oslo Accords, more than 90 percent of the Jordan Valley was classified as “Area C,”28 meaning full Israeli civil and military control extending to land registration, planning, building and designation of land use. The 1995 Interim Agreement called for the gradual transfer of power and responsibility in the sphere of planning and zoning in Area C from the Israeli military’s “Civil Administration” to the Palestinian Authority. 29 Yet, this transfer was never implemented and Israel’s continued control over planning and zoning in Area C has, according to the World Bank, “become an increasingly severe constraint to [Palestinian] economic activity.”30 Israel’s implementation of the Oslo Accords has consolidated its control over the Jordan Valley. It has used this control to effectively appropriate more Palestinian land and restrict Palestinian mobility and economic activity with disastrous effects upon the Palestinian civilian population. Approximately 40 percent of the Jordan Valley’s population is comprised of semi nomadic Bedouin and herder communities that have traditionally grazed their herds throughout the area. Today, the local population is restricted to enclaves, surrounded by Israeli settler infrastructure on the one hand, and nogo areas on the other. 31 Moreover, although Palestinians can, in theory, cultivate what remains of their land, as part of its policy of minimising Palestinian presence and growth in Area C the Occupying Power has imposed harsh restrictions on building and freedom of movement on the area; restrictions that apply only to Palestinians. Israel prevents Palestinians from constructing any infrastructure or implementing development projects such as water wells, reclaiming of agricultural land, opening agricultural roads or extending irrigation networks. Thus, despite its vast agricultural potential, the Israeli restrictions on access to the land and its water resources have turned the Jordan Valley into the leastcultivated Palestinian area. 32 The final push Palestinians cannot build or renovate homes or any other infrastructure in Area C without first obtaining permits from the Israeli military’s Civil Administration. These permits, however, are rarely issued. 33 The restrictions imposed on Palestinians force many of them to build without the required permits to meet their needs, despite the everpresent risk, and practice, of demolition. 34 The Palestinians’ inability to obtain permission for legal construction and Israel’s policy of demolishing their homes due to lack of building permits lead to the displacement of hundreds of Palestinians in Area C. 35 Systematic destruction of Palestinian infrastructure is particularly rampant in the Jordan Valley. Consider that in June 2009, the Jordan Valley registered a dramatic increase of demolitions in closed military zones36 and, in July 2010, the Israeli government instructed its military to increase demolitions of “illegal” Palestinian buildings in the Jordan Valley. 37 As a result, approximately 40 percent of the structures demolished during 2011 in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, were located in the Jordan Valley. 38 These demolitions affected at least 2,000 Palestinians in the Valley, and more than 4,100 in the entire occupied West Bank. 39 The inability to carry out legal construction inevitably impacts the provision of basic services to, as well as livelihoods of, Palestinians in the Jordan Valley. The PA is unable to undertake any infrastructure projects in Area C without the approval of the Israeli military’s Civil Administration. Therefore, while the Interim Agreement saw the transfer of responsibility for the provision of education and health services in Area C to the PA, the virtual impossibility of obtaining building permits from the Civil Administration for the construction or expansion of public buildings, such as schools and clinics, makes the provision of these services practically impossible. 40 As a result of the Occupying Power’s illegal practices, the communities living in the Jordan Valley—considered a “high risk” area41—represent some of the most vulnerable in the West Bank, and are regarded as priority groups for humanitarian assistance due to their lack of access to basic services (such as education and health) and infrastructure http://www.badil.org/en/almajdal/item/1766art6?tmpl=component&print=1

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(including water, sanitation and electricity). 42 In addition to severely limiting the amount of water available to Palestinians and denying them permits to restore old wells and build new ones, Israel has continuously destroyed water cisterns and the other basic rainwater collection systems that serve rural and herder communities. 43 Moreover, during the summer months, the Israeli army has stepped up pressure on Palestinian herder communities to force them out of the Jordan Valley. The army not only confiscates the villagers’ water tanks, it also deprives the villagers and their flocks of water by restricting their movement in the area. 44 Palestinians in the Jordan Valley face additional daily challenges, such as restricted access to land for grazing and agriculture, violence from Israeli settlers living nearby and regular harassment from Israeli soldiers. 45 Tightened restrictions on access in and out the Valley, which is surrounded by checkpoints and roadblocks, have separated the area from the rest of the occupied West Bank. 46 These restrictions have also exacerbated the hardship of the communities living there, contributing to the erosion of standards of living, increasing poverty and growing aid dependency. 47 Conclusion Not only did the Occupying Power expel the majority of the Jordan Valley’s population en masse during the 1967 war, it has also implemented measures effectively preventing displaced Palestinians from returning. Israel’s policies of extensive land appropriation, water deprivation and the establishment of colonies have crippled the agricultural and herding economy of the Palestinian residents of the area, virtually depriving them of their means of livelihood. Combined with movement restrictions and severe curtailment of the ability to build—thereby preventing Palestinian residents from having access to housing, health and education—the Occupying Power’s policies in the Jordan Valley perversely force the transfer of the protected population from or within the area. Given the unbearable living conditions created by Israel’s policies, it is evident that Palestinian residents of the Jordan Valley do not exercise anything resembling a genuine choice when leaving their place of residence. Article 49(1) of the Fourth Geneva Convention only exceptionally allows evacuation of an area if the security of the civilian population under occupation, or imperative military necessity, so demand. Imperative military necessity involves a very stringent test and Israel’s alleged general security concerns do not justify its discriminatory policies in the area. There is no evidence that the declaration of the closed military zones, their large areas, or their outlines respond to military necessity. 48 Home demolitions and eviction of persons on the grounds that they live in “closed military areas” are unjustifiable. Indeed, there does not seem to be any security grounds justifying the occupying authority’s de facto deportation or transfer of Palestinians from the Jordan Valley. Israel’s practices constitute internationally wrongful acts giving rise to state responsibility and individual criminal liability. The violation of the prohibition of forcible transfer amounts to a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention and, as such, it is encompassed by the war crimes provision of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). 49 The forcible displacement of the protected Palestinian population is closely linked to the Occupying Power’s unlawful transfer of its own civilian population into the Occupied Territory. Undoubtedly, the transfer of Israel’s own civilian population into the Jordan Valley entails severe consequences for the Palestinian protected population living there, threatening its separate existence. 50 Furthermore, such transfer makes the return of people displaced from the area and the restitution of their property more difficult. 51 Israel’s aim of changing the demographic composition of the area in order to create or consolidate territorial claims is particularly evident in the Jordan Valley and plainly contravenes the purpose of Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention. 52 Ultimately, the absolute prohibition of the transfer of the Israel’s nationals to the OPT strengthens the prohibition of using land belonging to the occupied territory or its inhabitants for the furtherance of Israel’s own interests. 53 The transfer of Israeli nationals to the Jordan Valley serves economic, social or strategic needs, primarily the colonisation and subsequent annexation of the area. Regardless of the motive, the transfer of Israel’s own civilian population into the OPT amounts to a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. 54 The State of Israel is responsible for the commission of unlawful acts in violation of its obligations under international law. 55 It must, therefore, bring these violations immediately to a halt. Israel is also legally obliged to restore the situation to the way it was before the unlawful acts were committed, which entails restoring the properties to their legitimate owners, facilitating the return of displaced individuals back to their homes, and making full reparation for the loss or injury caused. 56

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Furthermore, international law on state responsibility sets out the rules on the obligations of third parties. Individual states have an obligation not to recognise illegal situations created or actions taken by the violating state, an obligation not to render aid or assistance and to cooperate to bring to an end the serious breaches of international law, such as Israel’s extensive unlawful appropriation of Palestinian land, the forcible transfer of the Palestinian population and the transfer of its own population to the OPT. In this respect, the UN Security Council has expressly called upon all High Contracting parties to Fourth Geneva Convention to ensure respect by Israel of its obligations under the Convention. 57 Endnotes 1. Deportation denotes displacements that involve the crossing of an international border while forcible transfer relate only to displacements within a State. Stakić, IT9724A, Judgment of 22 March 2006. 2. Naletilić and Martinović, (ICTY) IT9834T, Judgment , 31 March 2003, para. 519. 3. Stakić, (ICTY) IT9724A, Judgment , 22 March 2006, para. 281. Krstic (ICTY) IT9833T, Judgment, 2 August 2001, para. 529530. 4. Ma’an Development Center and Jordan Valley Popular Committees, ‘Eye on the Jordan Valley’ (2010) 27. <http://www.maan ctr.org/pdfs/Eyeon%20theJVReportFinal.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 5. Data obtained from the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics. 6. At least 367 people were displaced in the Jordan Valley and 1,094 in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. According to these statistics, a person is considered to be displaced if she/he has been forced to leave a home or primary residence because of a demolition or forced eviction. Displacement Working Group oPt, Demolition Summary Table (29 December 2011) and Damaged Assessment Form (June 2011). The Displacement Working Group (DWG), established in 2007 and led by the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), has a broad membership, including UN agencies, international and local (Israeli and Palestinian) NGOs and donors. 7. Nur Masalha, ‘The 1967 Palestinian Exodus’ in The Palestinian Exodus 19481967 (Karmi et al. eds, Ithaca PressGarnet Publishing UK, 1999) 8081, 8990, 9495. 8. Ibid. 9. William Harris, Taking Root. Israeli Settlement in the West Bank, the Golan and GazaSinai 19671980 (New YorkToronto, Research Studies Press,1980) 16 and 21. 10. Masalha (n 9) 99; Tom Segev, 1967 Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East, 540542. 11. The blacklist began with 100 people, but swelled to over 2,000 by late 2004, when it was allegedly cancelled. Eldar, ‘Ministry admits “blacklist” of Palestinians who left the West Bank during SixDay war’, Haaretz (5 July 2006) <http://www.haaretz.com/printedition/news/ministryadmitsblacklistof palestinianswholeftwestbankduringsixdaywar1.192233> accessed 27 March 2012. 12. Eldar, ‘Israel admits it covertly cancelled residency status of 140,000 Palestinians’, Haaretz (11 May 2011) <http://www.haaretz.com/print edition/news/israeladmitsitcovertlycanceledresidencystatusof140000palestinians1.360935> accessed 27 March 2012. 13. Eldar (n 13) 14. Peace Now, Settlements in Focus (Vol. 4, Issue 4): "A New Jordan Valley Settlement Facts, Background, and Analysis" < http://peacenow.org/entries/archive5214 accessed 28 March 2012. 15. Harris (n 11) 42 16. Military Order No. 34 (1967) Regarding Closed Zones. In addition, Military Order No. 378 (1970) Concerning Security InstructionsAnnouncement of Closed Area prohibits Palestinian entry into the settlements unless they posses a special permit and authorises eviction of persons living therein without any judicial or administrative procedure. 17. Military Order 92 (1967) granted complete authority over all water related issues in the OPT to the Israeli army. Military Order 158 (1967) stipulated that Palestinians could not construct any new water installation without first obtaining a permit from the Israeli army and that any water installation or resource built without a permit would be confiscated. 18. Michael Cottier, ‘Article 8, War Crimes’ in Otto Triffterer (ed)., Commentary on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Observers' Notes, Article by Article, second edition, (Beck and Hart Publishers, Oxford 2008), marginal 92. 19. Peace Now (n 16) 20 According to the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics approximately 9,400 Israeli settlers reside in 27 settlements and 9 outposts in the Jordan Valley, in addition to the population of three of these settlements and the outposts, the population of which is not provided. Ibid. 21. Amnesty International, ‘Troubled Waters, Palestinians denied fair access to water’, Index: MDE 15/027/2009 (October 2009) 45. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE15/027/2009/en/e9892ce47fba469b96b9c1e1084c620c/mde150272009en.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 45. 22. Ibid 5, 17 and 41 23. World Bank, ‘West Bank and Gaza. Assessment of Restrictions on Palestinian Water Sector Development’, Sector Note (April 2009), vii, 12. <http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WaterRestrictionsReport18Apr2009.pdf> accessed 2 April 2012. 24. Ibid, 17. 25. Tanked water costs 12 NIS per cubic meter or more( NIS: New Israeli Shekel (1 USD= 3.74 NIS), which is four to five times the price of piped water purchased from Mekorot (2.6 NIS per cubic meter).Ibid 18. 26. Amnesty (n 23) 5. 27. Ma’an Development Center , ‘Draining Away, The Water and Sanitation Crisis in the Jordan Valley’, (2010) 2.<http://www.maan ctr.org/pdfs/WateReport.pdf> accessed 2 April 2012. 28. Approximately 61 per cent of the West Bank falls within Area C. The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self Government Arrangements (Oslo 1) was signed in 1993 between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization and was intended to be a ﬁrst step in a phased process to transfer power from the Israeli military and its civil administration to the Palestinian Authority. The two parties agreed to the division of the West Bank (with the exception of East Jerusalem) into three areas: A, B and C. In 1995 the second Oslo Accord, also known as the Interim Agreement was signed. 29. Article 27.2 of Interim Agreement, related to Planning and Zoning.

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The Forcible Transfer of the Palestinian People from the Jordan Valley World

Bank,

‘The

Economic

Effects

Restricted

Access

Land

the

West

Bank’

(October

2008)

iv.

<http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/EconomicEffectsofRestrictedAccesstoLandintheWestBankOct.21.08.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 31. At least five Palestinian communities (Al Farisiya, Al Malih, Khirbet alRas al Ahmar, Khirbet Humsa and Al Hadidiya) are located within Israelideclared closed military areas. Palestinian shepherds and farmers, including their herds, caught crossing through nature reserves under Israeli control are subject to fines

for

trespassing.

OCHA,

‘The

Humanitarian

Impact

Israeli

Infrastructure

the

West

Bank’

4244

and

105.

http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/TheHumanitarianImpactOfIsraeliInfrastructureTheWestBank_Intro.pdf> accessed 27 March 2012. 32. World Bank, ‘The Underpinnings of the Future Palestinian State: Sustainable Growth and Institutions’ (21 September 2010) 15 . <http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankSep2010AHLCReport.pdf> accessed 2 April 2012. 33. According to UN OCHA, based on data provided by the Israeli Ministry of Defense, between January 2000 and September 2007, over 94 per cent of applications for building permits in Area C submitted by Palestinians to Israeli authorities were denied. OCHA, ‘Lack of Permit. Demolitions and Resultant Displacement in Area C’ (May 2008) 1. <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/Demolitions_in_Area_C_May_2008_English.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 34. Between January 2000 and September 2007, 5,000 demolition orders were issued, and over 1,600 Palestinian buildings were demolished within Area C. Ibid, 1. 35. OCHA, ‘Displacement and Insecurity in Area C of the West Bank’ (July 2011) 1011. <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_area_c_report_august_2011_english.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 36. Seventy nine per cent of Palestinians displaced by demolitions recorded during June 2009 in Area C were residing in the Jordan Valley in populated areas declared closed military zones by the Israeli authorities. OCHA, Humanitarian Monitor (June 2009). <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_humaniatarian_monitor_june_english.pdf> 37. Levinson, ‘Civil Administration told to crack down on illegal Arab structures’, Haaretz (19 July 2010) < http://www.haaretz.com/printedition/news/civil administrationtoldtocrackdownonillegalarabstructures1.302692> accessed 2 April 2012.. 38. Displacement Working Group oPt, Demolition Summary Table (29 December 2011). 39. Displacement Working Group oPt, Demolition Summary Table (29 December 2011). A person is considered to be affected if she/he is not displaced, but the demolition has an impact on an uninhabited home, a part of the home, the work place, source of livelihood or income. DWG Damage Assessment Form (June 2011). 40. OCHA, ‘Restricting Space: The Planning Regime Applied by Israel in Area C of the West Bank’ (15 December 2009) <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/special_focus_area_c_demolitions_december_2009.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 41. Save the Children UK and Ma’an Development Center, ‘Life on the Edge: The struggle to survive and the impact of forced displacement in high risk areas of the occupied Palestinian territory’ (October 2009) <http://www.maanctr.org/pdfs/LIVE.pdf> accessed 27 March 2012. 42. OCHA, ‘West Bank Movement and Access Update. Special Focus’ (August 2011) 2226 <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_movement_and_access_report_august_2011_english.pdf> accessed 2 April 2012. 43. Statement by the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the OPT, Maxwell Gaylard, on Continuing Demolition of Water Cisterns in the West Bank, Office of the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, 1 February 2011. <http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_mg_statment_on_water_cir_2011_02_2_english.pdf> accessed 28 March 2012. 44. Amnesty (n 23) 45. 45. UN OCHA , The Humanitarian Monitor (May 2009) 5. 46. The Jordan Valley area is separated from the rest of the West Bank by dozens of physical obstacles, including almost 30 kilometers of trenches and earth walls. As a result, all traffic to and from the area has been limited to five routes, four of which are controlled by checkpoints. See OCHA, ‘West Bank Movement and Access Update’ 21 (n 44) for a detailed account of access restrictions to the Jordan Valley. 47. A UN OCHA survey completed in February 2010 among herder communities located in Area C found that food insecurity stood at 79 per cent, compared to 25 per cent among the wider Palestinian population in the West Bank. A year later, following a massive food assistance intervention by UNRWA and WFP, the food insecurity rate had been reduced to 55 per cent. Information collected by OCHA among Bedouin communities in alBqai’a area suggests a strong causal link between access restrictions and the high levels of food insecurity recorded. Ibid 26. 48. Human Rights Watch, ‘Separate and Unequal. Israel’s Discriminatory Treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories’ (19 December 2010) 67. <http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/19/separateandunequal0> accessed 2 April 2012. 49. Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and article 8 (2)(a)(vii) of the Rome Statute. 50. The Commentary of the Fourth Geneva Convention expressly establishes that the transfer of their own civilian population to occupied territory by certain Powers during World War II worsened the economic situation of the native population and endangered their separate existence as a race. Pictet, Commentary (n 7) 283. 51. Cottier (n 20) ‘Article 8, War Crimes’, marginal 87. 52. According to the interpretation of the provision provided for by the Commentary of the Fourth Geneva Convention . Pictet, Commentary (n 7) 283. 53. Antonio Cassese, ‘Powers and Duties of an Occupant in relation to Land and natural Resources’ in E Playfair (ed), International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories (Clarendon Press, Oxford 1992), 431432. 54. Article 8(2)(b)(viii). 55. The state responsibility for forced displacement of civilians has been recently highlighted by the Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission. See, for instance, Partial Award, Civilians Claims, Eritrea’s Claims 15, 16, 23 and 2732, 17 December 2004, paras 79106, 44 ILM 601; and Partial Award, Civilians Claims, Ethiopia’ Claim 5, 17 December 2004, paras 128131, 44 ILM 630. 56. Article 31 of the International Law Commission Draft Articles on State Responsibility. 57. SC Resolution 681 (1990), 20 December 1990.

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La vallée du Jourdain est vitale pour l’État palestinien Le futur de cette terre située le long du fleuve Jourdain mine les négociations israélo-palestiniennes. Grenier potentiel pour l’État palestinien en gestation, la zone subit aujourd’hui les plus sévères restrictions israéliennes.

Nidal Eshtayeh/Xinhua Press/Corbis Dans la vallée du Jourdain, l’armée israélienne est accusée de détruires les campements palestiniens.

L’aile droite du Likoud de Benyamin Netanyahou a proposé, fin décembre, une annexion pleine et entière du territoire conquis durant la guerre des Six jours.

Si Ghaled Younes avait un vœu à faire, ce serait de pouvoir creuser: « Le sous-sol est gorgé d’eau. Mais je ne peux pas y

toucher », se désole le paysan, en lisière de ses champs secs d’aubergines et de concombres. Avec les autres paysans de Jeflik, un petit village palestinien du nord de la vallée, il doit faire preuve chaque jour de trésors d’ingéniosité pour cultiver cette terre de conflit, devenue inhospitalière pour les 53 000 habitants palestiniens de la région.

Guerre de l’eau, guerre de la terre: la vallée biblique est l’unique territoire, situé bien au-delà des frontières de 1967, à se trouver quasi exclusivement en zone C, sous administration civile et militaire israélienne. D’où des restrictions très sévères, comme celle de ne pouvoir utiliser librement l’or bleu du riche sous-sol de la vallée.

Pas d’Etat viable sans cette vallée fertile Cette terre nourricière et stratégique est devenue le nouveau point de crispation des négociations israélo-palestiniennes. Au refus, par Ramallah, d’autoriser dans le futur État une présence militaire israélienne temporaire pour garantir des «

frontières défendables », l’aile droite du Likoud, parti de Benyamin Netanyahou, a renchéri, fin décembre, en proposant une annexion pleine et entière du territoire conquis durant la guerre des Six jours.

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Une démarche qui a peu de chances d’aboutir mais qui dévoile, encore une fois, l’extrême fragilité des négociations en cours. Pourtant, la question semblait être l’une des rares à avoir été réglée, du moins pour ce qui concernait sa future souveraineté, la vallée du Jourdain ayant vocation à intégrer le futur État palestinien. Un principe accepté par Israël, malgré la présence de 37 colonies, lors des précédents « rounds » de négociations; de Taba en 2001, à Annapolis en 2008.

En effet, pour les Palestiniens, un État viable ne peut se concevoir sans cette vallée fertile: « C’est comme le cou de notre

futur État, sans lequel l’ensemble du corps palestinien ne pourrait survivre », explique Fathy Khdirat, un habitant-activiste de Jeflik. Représentant 30 % de la Cisjordanie et 1 600 km², la vallée pourrait accueillir un futur aéroport et recevoir le flot des réfugiés palestiniens – dont une grande partie se trouve en Jordanie.

Une route vers Jérusalem-Est Sa position géographique est également cruciale: elle offrirait aux Palestiniens une frontière orientale, la seule qui échapperait directement à Israël. Pour Fathy Khdirat, la vallée du Jourdain pourrait, par ailleurs, assurer un autre corridor territorial décisif: une route vers Jérusalem-Est, la capitale du futur État: « Elle sera garante d’une certaine liberté de

mouvement, bien davantage que la route au nord entre Ramallah et Jérusalem, entrecoupée par des colonies et le Mur Israélien.” Sans parler de l’impact économique considérable que représenterait une souveraineté sur la « vallée-grenier », ses réserves hydrauliques et ses terres fertiles.

Un tableau prometteur, défendu par le gouvernement de Mahmoud Abbas, qui tranche avec la situation actuelle des Palestiniens de la vallée, en particulier celle des agriculteurs indépendants – les deux tiers des Palestiniens du Jourdain travaillent au sein des exploitations agricoles israéliennes.

Comme un symbole, le point le plus bas de la planète (422 mètres sous le niveau de la mer) offre également le tableau le plus saisissant des conséquences dramatiques d’un règlement de paix impossible. Le niveau de pauvreté y est deux fois supérieur au reste de la Cisjordanie. La zone géographique concentre, par ailleurs, les ordres de démolition de bâtiments établis par Israël (près de deux destructions sur trois).

Face au réveil de la tentation israélienne de l’annexion, l’Autorité palestinienne s’est, elle aussi, lancée dans la bataille, en promettant une enveloppe de 15 millions de dollars pour soutenir les « agriculteurs-résistants ». Une annonce qui laisse dubitatifs les premiers intéressés qui n’ont « jamais rien vu venir » de Ramallah: « La vallée du Jourdain, c’est notre cou, conclut Fathy Khdirat. Mais pour l’instant, on nous étrangle ».

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Les États-Unis vont demander un gel partiel de la colonisation israélienne

Les États-Unis vont demander au gouvernement israélien un gel partiel de la colonisation en Cisjordanie après la présentation prévue d’un « accord-cadre » du secrétaire d’État américain John Kerry, a indiqué le 19 février la radio militaire israélienne. Citant des membres de l’équipe de négociateurs américains, elle a précisé que les États-Unis souhaitaient obtenir un arrêt de la construction dans les colonies isolées. En revanche, la construction dans les grands blocs d’implantations, dont Israël veut garder le contrôle dans le cadre de tout accord avec les Palestiniens, pourrait se poursuivre.

Cet « accord-cadre » trace les grandes lignes d’un règlement définitif sur les questions de « statut final », à savoir les frontières, la sécurité, le statut de Jérusalem et les réfugiés palestiniens. Le premier ministre israélien Benyamin Netanyahou n’a pas réagi. « Mais du côté israélien, on est bien conscient que la présentation d’un accord-cadre ne

suffira pas à convaincre Mahmoud Abbas (le président palestinien) de rester à la table des négociations sans qu’Israël ne consente à faire un geste » , a estimé un commentateur de la radio. John Kerry était le 19 février à Paris pour rencontrer le président palestinien. 2/3

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Une famille palestinienne dans la vallée du Jourdain. Ils ne peuvent pas faire paître leurs animaux car la terre a été désignée comme une zone militaire israélienne fermée. © Simon Rawles

AU BORD DU GOUFFRE Les colonies israéliennes et leur impact sur les Palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain

La vallée du Jourdain dans le territoire palestinien occupé a le potentiel pour devenir le grenier d'un futur État palestinien. Pourtant, l'expansion permanente des colonies israéliennes, ainsi que d'autres restrictions freinant le développement de la Palestine, ont rendu la vie des communautés palestiniennes extrêmement difficile. De nouveaux projets visant à étendre l'accès aux terres et à l'eau et à développer les infrastructures au bénéfice des colonies israéliennes risquent d'aggraver cette situation déjà critique. À moins que la communauté internationale n'intervienne pour inverser les pratiques et les politiques de l'État israélien, la perspective de voir un État palestinien viable s'établir aux côtés d'Israël dans la paix et la sécurité s'éloigne dangereusement.

www.oxfam.org

RÉSUMÉ La vallée du Jourdain, située dans la partie orientale territoire palestinien occupé (TPO), représente 30 % de la Cisjordanie (voir Carte 1 page 9). Les réquisitions et expropriations des terres palestiniennes par les autorités israéliennes continuent de détruire les moyens de subsistance des communautés palestiniennes vivant dans cette région, et à moins que des mesures ne soient prises, tout semble indiquer que la situation va continuer à se détériorer. L'État israélien a récemment émis des propositions et annoncés des politiques d'extension des colonies (voir plus bas), qui, si elles sont mises en œuvre, vont menacer plus encore les conditions de vie et les droits de l'Homme des communautés palestiniennes de la vallée du Jourdain, compromettant les efforts déployés pour apporter paix et prospérité dans le TPO et en Israël.

UN ACCÈS INÉGAL Actuellement, seulement 6 % des terres de la vallée du Jourdain peuvent être exploités par les Palestiniens et utilisés pour le développement de ces derniers.1 Alors que les colonies israéliennes y ont développé des exploitations agricoles modernes produisant des cultures destinées à une exportation extrêmement rentable vers l'Union européenne (UE) et les marchés internationaux, les paysans palestiniens (des petits exploitants pour la plupart) sont confrontés à des restrictions qui entravent considérablement leur capacité à vendre leur production, que ce soit au niveau local, dans la région ou à l'international. Le développement est encore limité du fait que les familles et entreprises palestiniennes, tout comme les agences d'aide et les donateurs de l'Union européenne, ne parviennent presque jamais à obtenir les permis requis pour construire des maisons, des toilettes, des puits, des enclos pour animaux ou toute autre infrastructure vitale pour les communautés locales. L'administration civile israélienne a octroyé moins d'1 % de la « Zone C » au développement palestinien2 (60 % de la Cisjordanie est sous contrôle exclusif des autorités israéliennes, dont notamment la quasi-totalité de la vallée du Jourdain).3 Par ailleurs, 94 % des permis ont été rejetés ces dernières années.4 Des infrastructures vitales construites sans plan de développement ni permis difficilement accordés sont fréquemment démolies, en totale violation du droit international. Sans les restrictions de l'État israélien sur le développement palestinien, environ 5 000 hectares supplémentaires pourraient être cultivés dans la vallée du Jourdain, ajoutant chaque année jusqu'à 1 milliard de dollars à l'économie palestinienne, soit 9 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB).5

DES AVANTAGES INJUSTES Les gouvernements israéliens successifs considèrent la vallée du Jourdain une région essentielle à la sécurité de la nation6 et continuent d'encourager le développement de colonies civiles (agricole pour la plupart) illégales au regard du droit international.7 Actuellement, 37 colonies regroupant 9 500 Israéliens 2

sont établies dans la région. Les autorités en place (les « conseils régionaux ») contrôlent 86 % des terres.8 Les colonies sont soutenues par des subventions et des incitations conséquentes de l'État israélien (pour l'habitat, l'éducation, l'eau et les transports). Les colons sont également avantagés pour accéder aux liaisons de transport et aux marchés nationaux et internationaux. Selon un économiste israélien, l'État d'Israël dépense chaque année 24 650 dollars par colon sous la forme de subventions et d'attributions financières distribuées dans les colonies israéliennes dans le TPO.9 Entre 2000 et 2006, l'aide financière moyenne accordée à un colon israélien en Cisjordanie était environ 57 % supérieure aux dépenses moyennes par citoyen vivant en Israël.10 En revanche, les Palestiniens établis dans la vallée du Jourdain ne perçoivent aucune subvention de l’Autorité Palestinienne ou de l'État israélien. Au contraire, leurs petites exploitations et leur élevage doivent faire face à des coûts supplémentaires en raison des restrictions imposées par Israël sur les déplacements et le transport de marchandises depuis ou vers la vallée du Jourdain. Selon le Bureau de coordination des affaires humanitaires des Nations Unies (OCHA), ce surcoût lié au transport de produits agricoles palestiniens par des itinéraires qui évitent les checkpoints israéliens les plus coercitifs s'élève chaque année à 1,9 millions de dollars.11 Outre des coûts de transport plus élevés, les paysans palestiniens doivent payer leur approvisionnement en eau (qui arrive par citernes), rendant leur production plus coûteuse et donc moins compétitive comparée à celle des colons israéliens. Les Palestiniens établis en Cisjordanie (y compris à Jérusalem-Est) sont confrontés à des politiques discriminatoires et systématiques qui restreignent leur liberté de mouvement, leur accès aux terres, à l'eau et aux marchés, ainsi que leur capacité à construire des infrastructures soutenant leurs moyens de subsistance. Par ailleurs, de nombreux Palestiniens dont les opportunités d'emploi sont limitées n'ont d'autre choix que de travailler dans des exploitations de colons où le droit du travail n'est pas respecté. Les obstacles au développement et le déni des droits de l'Homme auxquels les paysans palestiniens doivent faire face ont été aggravés jusqu'à récemment par un manque d'investissements des donateurs dans la vallée du Jourdain et les autres régions de la Zone C de la Cisjordanie. Comme l'a déclaré l'Union européenne : « le projet d'édification de l'État palestinien est en réalité limité aux îlots fragmentés et isolés des zones A et B [où l’Autorité Palestinienne peut intervenir] dans l'océan de la Zone C voisine. »12 En raison de l'effet cumulé des restrictions de l'État israélien et du manque d'investissements par les donateurs et l’Autorité Palestinienne, le niveau de pauvreté des Palestiniens établis dans la vallée du Jourdain est quasiment deux fois supérieur au niveau de pauvreté dans le reste de la Cisjordanie.13 Cette pauvreté alliée à des violations continues des droits de l'Homme poussent de nombreux Palestiniens à quitter leur foyer pour rechercher un travail, la sécurité et les services fondamentaux.

DES PERSPECTIVES SOMBRES À moins que des mesures ne soient prises immédiatement, tout semble indiquer que la situation va continuer de se détériorer. Ces dernières années, les colonies israéliennes se sont fortement étendues, la violence des colons israéliens envers les civils palestiniens a augmenté et la démolition de bâtiments palestiniens et d'autres structures telles que des citernes, des panneaux solaires et des enclos pour animaux s'est intensifiée. Le Premier ministre israélien Benyamin Netanyahou a déclaré dans un discours en janvier 2012 que l'État d'Israël signerait « un accord permanent [avec les Palestiniens] à la seule condition que qu’Israël reste dans la vallée du Jourdain… ».14 Huit mois plus tard, ce même État a annoncé que la superficie de terres agricoles allouée aux colons israéliens dans la vallée du Jourdain allait plus que doubler.15 En mars 2012, le Parlement israélien (la Knesset) a voté un budget allouant 2 millions de dollars pour la construction de nouvelles colonies dans la vallée du Jourdain et le district de Binyamin.16 Ces décisions reflètent une tendance négative alarmante où les terres, les ressources et les moyens de subsistance dans la vallée du Jourdain sont systématiquement confisqués aux communautés palestiniennes afin d'étendre les colonies.17 Le nombre et la portée des restrictions pesant sur les Palestiniens établis dans la vallée du Jourdain et ailleurs en Cisjordanie suggèrent qu'elles font partie d'une politique systématique visant à déposséder les Palestiniens de leurs terres tout en renforçant l'emprise de l'État israélien. Faute d'action urgente pour inverser cette tendance et mettre un terme aux politiques discriminatoires existantes, le peu de terres et de ressources laissées aux Palestiniens vont encore s'amenuiser, entraînant le déplacement d'un nombre accru de Palestiniens en quête d'un avenir durable. Comme l'indique le rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE : « L'espoir de voir une solution à deux États s'assombrit rapidement... La Zone C comprend des ressources naturelles et des terres cruciales pour la future croissance démographique et économique d'un État palestinien viable. »18

PRINCIPALES RECOMMANDATIONS En tant que principal partenaire commercial d'Israël et plus important donateur aux Palestiniens, l'Union européenne doit : • Aller au-delà des déclarations et prendre des mesures immédiates pour presser l'État d'Israël à ne plus étendre ses colonies et à tenir ses engagements au regard du droit international, conformément à l'avis consultatif de la Cour internationale de Justice (2004) sur le mur dans le TPO et que l'UE a approuvé. • Prendre des mesures immédiates pour garantir la mise en application des conclusions du Conseil Affaires étrangères de l'UE (mai 2012)19 et des recommandations des récents rapports des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE concernant la zone C et Jérusalem-Est. Cela 4

implique d'inciter l'État d'Israël à transférer l’autorité de planification des villes et villages palestiniens de la Zone C aux Palestiniens et d'agir fermement et collectivement au plus haut niveau de la diplomatie pour mettre fin aux démolitions illégales des infrastructures civiles palestiniennes. • Insister pour obtenir des conditions propices à la mise en œuvre complète de l'accord d'association entre l'UE et l'Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP) qui offre de véritables opportunités pour les produits palestiniens d'accéder aux marchés européens, notamment en exerçant des pressions pour la levée immédiate des restrictions imposées par Israël sur les déplacements et le transport de marchandises.

La communauté internationale, les donateurs et les ONG palestiniennes et internationales doivent : • Soutenir la rédaction d'un programme de développement national exhaustif pour la Palestine incluant une stratégie forte pour la vallée du Jourdain et les autres régions de la Zone C, en consultation avec le peuple palestinien, et veiller à ce que l'ensemble des stratégies et des projets soit conforme aux programmes nationaux. • En l'absence d'un régime de planification israélien visant à lutter contre la pauvreté dans les communautés palestiniennes, lancer et soutenir des projets de développement dans la vallée du Jourdain et dans les autres régions de la Zone C, notamment la construction d'écoles, de centres communautaires, de cliniques, de bâtiments municipaux, de routes, de systèmes d'irrigation et d’autres projets d'infrastructure. Suivre étroitement la mise en application et, avec un soutien politique et diplomatique, faire avancer les projets même s'ils n'ont pas été approuvés par l'administration civile israélienne (sauf si le refus israélien découle de véritables problèmes de sécurité reconnus par le droit international), conformément aux projets de recommandations du rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE sur la Zone C.20

L’Autorité Palestinienne doit : • Élaborer et mettre en œuvre un programme de développement national plus complet et plus consultatif qui identifie les besoins les plus urgents dans l'ensemble du TPO, y compris la vallée du Jourdain et les autres régions de la Zone C. • Soutenir les paysans palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain pour préserver les moyens de subsistance et conserver leur terre en privilégiant l'approvisionnement en eau, le fourrage et un toit en cas de démolitions et en soutenant durablement les paysans et éleveurs palestiniens. • En l'absence d'un régime de planification israélien soutenant le développement de la Palestine, approuver et adopter une position ferme et commune concernant les permis israéliens afin de soutenir les projets de développement palestiniens dans la Zone C, même si ces projets ne sont pas approuvés par l'administration civile israélienne (sauf si le refus israélien découle de véritables problèmes de sécurité reconnus par le droit international).

L'État d'Israël doit : • Cesser immédiatement la construction de colonies en Cisjordanie (y compris à Jérusalem-Est) et se retirer de toutes les infrastructures coloniales existantes conformément aux recommandations de l'avis consultatif de la Cour internationale de justice (2004). • Changer l’orientation des politiques et des pratiques contraires au droit international qui menacent les moyens de subsistance des civils palestiniens. Il s'agira notamment de transférer le pouvoir de planification des villes et villages palestiniens de la Zone C aux Palestiniens, de cesser immédiatement toute confiscation des terres et des ressources palestiniennes, de mettre fin aux restrictions imposées aux Palestiniens en termes d'accès et de déplacement et d'arrêter la démolition des infrastructures civiles. • Garantir la protection du peuple palestinien, notamment en appliquant l'état de droit sans discrimination ni exception concernant les violences perpétrées par les colons israéliens contre les Palestiniens, leur propriété et leurs moyens de subsistance.

1. INTRODUCTION L'extension des colonies et la démolition des infrastructures civiles palestiniennes encouragées par l'État israélien, en violation du droit international, couplées à une multitude de lois et de politiques discriminatoires établies de longue date ont eu un impact désastreux sur les communautés palestiniennes de la vallée du Jourdain, emmurant ces dernières dans la pauvreté dans l'irrespect le plus total des droits de l'Homme. De nouveaux projets visant au minimum à doubler la superficie des colonies dans la vallée du Jourdain (voir section suivante) menacent de détruire les moyens de subsistance des palestiniens qui sont déjà au bord du gouffre. Les accords d'Oslo signés en 1993 et 1995 (ou « Oslo II » pour le dernier accord) avaient pour objectif de diviser provisoirement la Cisjordanie en trois zones administratives (A, B et C). La « zone A » est contrôlée par l’Autorité palestinienne sur les plans civil et sécuritaire. Elle englobe principalement les grandes villes, notamment Ramallah et Jéricho. Dans la « zone B », l'Autorité palestinienne contrôle les services civils tels que l'aménagement du territoire, mais peut seulement effectuer des contrôles de sécurité conjoint avec l'armée israélienne. Quant à la « zone C », la zone administrative la plus vaste de Cisjordanie, elle est gérée militairement et civilement par les Israéliens.22 Ce rapport est centré sur la vallée du Jourdain. Il fait également référence à la « Zone C », car plus de 90 % de la vallée du Jourdain est classé en Zone C. Par ailleurs, les problèmes décrits ci-dessous sont des exemples de pratiques et politiques plus larges de l'État israélien qui influent sur les vies et les moyens de subsistance de centaines de milliers de Palestiniens d'une grande partie de la Cisjordanie, y compris Jérusalem-Est. Les données ventilées ne sont pas toujours disponibles pour la vallée du Jourdain. Mais chaque fois que la situation le permet, des informations exactes sur la vallée du Jourdain sont fournies.

« Les développements sociaux et économiques dans la zone C sont indispensables pour garantir la viabilité d'un futur État palestinien, car la zone C représente sa principale réserve foncière. L'UE exhorte Israël à tenir ses engagements concernant les conditions de vie du peuple palestinien dans la zone C, notamment en accélérant l'approbation des plans directeurs, en mettant un terme au transfert forcé de population et à la démolition de maisons et d'infrastructures palestiniennes, en simplifiant les procédures administratives à suivre pour obtenir des permis de construire, en garantissant un accès à l'eau et en répondant aux besoins humanitaires. » Conclusions du Conseil des affaires étrangères de l’UE, 14 mai 201221

La deuxième section du présent rapport décrit le contrôle des autorités israéliennes sur deux ressources vitales pour les moyens de subsistance agricoles des Palestiniens : la terre et l'eau. Il décrit ensuite comment les politiques israéliennes ont abouti à la démolition de maisons et d'infrastructures palestiniennes, déplaçant de nombreuses familles vers d'autres régions de la Cisjordanie. La question des violences perpétrées par les colons israéliens est abordée. Le rapport décrit ensuite les conséquences des restrictions sur la libre circulation des biens et des personnes et poursuit en analysant les conditions de travail abusives dans les exploitations des colons. La dernière section rappelle les recommandations faites à l'État israélien, aux autorités palestiniennes et aux législateurs internationaux. Oxfam salue les récentes déclarations du Conseil Affaires étrangères de l'UE du 14 mai 2012 (« Conclusions du Conseil sur le processus de paix au Proche-Orient »), qui constituent une avancée sans précédent. Celles-ci doivent néanmoins se traduire au plus vite en actes fermes.

Oxfam travaille dans la vallée du Jourdain depuis plus de 20 ans et dans le territoire palestinien occupé depuis plus de 50 ans. L'organisation a pu constater l'impact quotidien de l'expansion des colonies, des restrictions imposées sur les permis de construire et des démolitions sur les communautés palestiniennes de la vallée du Jourdain et de la Zone C. Oxfam reconnaît la nécessité d'aboutir à une résolution juste et durable du conflit israélo-palestinien et condamne tout acte de violence des deux côtés. Le présent rapport s'appuie sur cette expérience. Il se base sur documents secondaires et des entretiens avec les organisations de la société civile intervenant en Israël et en Cisjordanie, des représentants officiels, des Palestiniens établis dans la vallée du Jourdain et des documents de l'État israélien. Oxfam a bien interrogé quelques colons, mais de nombreuses demandes d'entretien ont été refusées. En outre, des lettres datées du 1er mai 2012 ont été envoyées à quatre ministères israéliens pour demander des informations complémentaires et pour vérifier les chiffres avancés. Au 22 juin, Oxfam n'a toujours pas reçu de réponse.

Carte 1 : Terres disponibles aux Palestiniens pour leur utilisation et leur développement en Cisjordanie et dans la vallée du Jourdain

Source : Carte fournie par OCHA, Février 2012

2. LA LUTTE POUR LE CONTRÔLE DES RESSOURCES UN ACCÈS INÉGAL À LA TERRE Bien que les colonies israéliennes de la vallée du Jourdain représentent une population relativement faible, 86 %23 des terres tombent sous la juridiction des conseils régionaux des colonies.24 Les colonies s'étant étendues, les opportunités de développement économique des communautés palestiniennes se sont effondrées. Depuis 1967, les gouvernements israéliens successifs ont usé de diverses techniques pour exproprier les Palestiniens de leurs terres dans la vallée du Jourdain (et dans tous le TPO). Parmi les moyens de confiscation utilisés, on peut citer la réquisition ou la saisie de terres à des fins militaires, la mainmise sur les « biens des absents »,25 l'expropriation pour un usage publique (tel que des réserves naturelles), la confiscation des terres non cultivées pendant 3 ans, et l'enregistrement des terres en tant que « territoire public ».26 Couplées à la confiscation continue des équipements agricoles (entre autres), ces privations ont des conséquences désastreuses sur les moyens de subsistance des paysans palestiniens. Par exemple, les éleveurs bédouins ont vu la taille de leur troupeau se réduire à peau de chagrin au fur et à mesure de la confiscation des zones de pâturages (voir Encadré 1). Pourtant, selon le droit international et en tant que puissance occupante, l'État d'Israël n'a pas le droit d'utiliser les ressources d'un territoire occupé au bénéfice de ses propres citoyens et doit intervenir exclusivement en cas de nécessité militaire.27 Les deux tiers environ (64 %) des citoyens israéliens ne savent pas que la vallée du Jourdain fait partie des territoires occupés.28 Le fait que les citoyens israéliens pensent à tort que la vallée du Jourdain appartient à l'État d'Israël et est occupée principalement par des concitoyens permet d'expliquer leur acceptation sans faille des positions de l'État d'Israël dans la région.29 Les réquisitions, les mesures d'expropriation et les réallocations des terres se sont récemment accentuées dans la vallée du Jourdain. En mai 2011, l'État d'Israël a cherché à augmenter de 130 % l'allocation des terres arables et de 20 % l'approvisionnement en eau au profit des colons de la vallée.30 « L'approbation du programme [d'expansion] va changer à jamais l'aspect de la vallée du Jourdain et attirera les fils et les familles de retour au pays dans cette région. Même si un certain flou politique subsiste dans la région, c'est la seule façon d'attirer des résidents », affirme David Alhayani 31, président du conseil régional de la vallée du Jourdain en charge de l'administration de plusieurs colonies israéliennes dans la zone. Bien que ce programme implique l'expropriation de terres déjà rendues indisponibles aux Palestiniens pour leur utilisation et leur développement (car classées en réserve naturelle ou zone militaire), il accentuera la situation sur place en ancrant plus encore la privation des paysans palestiniens de ces terres arables.

« L'agriculture dans la vallée du Jourdain est florissante. 60 % de la production de dattes en Israël provient de la vallée du Jourdain, et 40 % des dattes exportées dans le monde sont cultivées dans la vallée. Il est de notre devoir de développer et de promouvoir la vallée du Jourdain et son agriculture. » David Alhayani, président du conseil régional de la vallée du Jourdain [colonies israéliennes], 4 mai 2012

Encadré 1 : Khan Al Ahmar : une communauté menacée

Le village de Khan Al Ahmar est une des 20 communautés bédouines qui font face à une menace imminente de déplacement. L’accès au village a été coupé de tous les côtés par les colonies alentours et une importante autoroute partant de Jérusalem et traversant la vallée du Jourdain, qui facilite les voyages et le tourisme entre Israël et la Mer Morte. © Simon Rawles/Oxfam

Khan Al Ahmar est un village bédouin palestinien situé à 10 km à l'est de Jérusalem, sur la route menant à Jéricho. Les 100 Bédouins Jahalin qui vivent ici dans des tentes ou de petites cabanes sont des réfugiés dont les familles ont été chassées du désert du Néguev en 1948 ou pendant les années 1950. En 1975, l'armée israélienne a confisqué les tracteurs des Bédouins, ainsi qu'une partie de leurs terres. La colonie de Kfar Adumim, qui accueille aujourd'hui quelque 2 500 Israéliens, a ensuite été construite sur ce territoire. L'établissement de cette colonie a également coupé la communauté de Khan Al Ahmar des zones de pâturage pour les troupeaux (d'une superficie de 1 800 ha et connue sous le nom Wadi Qelt), ne lui accordant l'accès qu'à 6 ares de terre. Eid Abu Hamis, membre de cette communauté palestinienne, explique comment la confiscation des terres par les autorités israéliennes a affecté les moyens de subsistance des villageois : le village ne cultive plus de blé, de pois chiches, d'orge ni de lentilles et les villageois n'ont eu d'autre choix que de vendre une partie de leur bétail. Actuellement, ils survivent avec seulement 40 moutons et chèvres, et un seul chameau. Ils ont fermé leur échoppe sur le marché de la vieille ville à Jérusalem-Est et ne vendent plus rien à Bethléem non plus, car ils ne peuvent plus payer les frais de transport.

UN ACCÈS INÉGAL À L’EAU La vallée du Jourdain renferme un tiers des ressources en eau souterraines de la Cisjordanie. Une répartition inéquitable de l'eau telle que définie dans l'accord intérimaire d'Oslo (ou « Oslo II ») fait que les Israéliens bénéficient d'une part des aquifères montagneux communs quatre fois plus importante que celle des Palestiniens.32 Cet accès inégal à l'eau permet aux paysans

« Je ne suis pas un homme politique, mais nous sommes ici parce que l'État d'Israël l'a décidé. » David Alhayani, président du conseil régional de la vallée du Jourdain [colonies israéliennes], 4 mai 2012

israéliens de disposer d'une bonne irrigation et d'une végétation luxuriante, tandis que les communautés et les paysans palestiniens dépendent en grande partie d'une eau en citerne payante. En raison notamment des coûts de transport, l'eau en citerne est jusqu'à cinq fois plus chère que l'eau du réseau.33 En outre, avec les restrictions imposées sur l'octroi de permis, les citernes d'eau utilisées par les paysans palestiniens pour collecter l'eau de pluie sont fréquemment démolies par les autorités israéliennes, ce qui limite encore leur capacité à cultiver la terre. Le coût élevé de l'eau en citerne érode les revenus des paysans et des éleveurs palestiniens et limite leur capacité à acheter des produits essentiels tels que l'alimentation, les soins de santé et l'éducation de leurs enfants. Le Jourdain a toujours été la source d'eau principale de la vallée du Jourdain, mais la rivière a été détournée par les autorités israéliennes, ainsi que par la Jordanie, le Liban et la Syrie. Ainsi, « depuis 1953 où les Nations Unies avait relevé le débit du Jourdain dans la vallée à 1 250 millions de m3, ce débit a été réduit à filet d'eau très saline et fortement contaminée par les eaux usées ».34 Les zones non irriguées sont donc sujettes à la désertification et à une dégradation de l'environnement (voir Encadré 2). Selon l'ONG israélienne B'Tselem, 69 % de l'eau extraite de Cisjordanie par la compagnie nationale des eaux Mekorot provient de puits israéliens construits dans la vallée du Jourdain. Ces puits profitent principalement aux colons israéliens et à leur production agricole très consommatrice en eau.35 En 1967, on comptait 209 puits palestiniens actifs dans la vallée du Jourdain, contre seulement 89 aujourd'hui.36 Cela est dû en grande partie aux restrictions israéliennes imposées sur le développement de ressources en eau et de puits palestiniens.37 Dans la vallée du Jourdain, les israéliens extraient trois fois plus d'eau des puits que les Palestiniens38 et les permis octroyés pour creuser de nouveaux puits sont refusés à ces derniers.39

Encadré 2 : Coupure des vannes pour Al Auja

Un fermier palestinien récolte de l’orge. Sans un accès adéquat à l’eau, les fermiers palestiniens plantent surtout des grains se nourrissant d’eau de pluie. © Simon Rawles/Oxfam

Al Auja est une communauté agricole palestinienne de la vallée du Jourdain. Selon Suleiman Romanieen, chef du conseil local d'Al Auja, « Al Auja est presque un désert désormais, alors que c'était l'une des zones les plus pourvues en eau. Il n'a pas plu ici au cours des cinq à six dernières années, et tous les puits sont asséchés. Auparavant, la saison sèche se limitait à l'été, mais aujourd'hui elle s'étend sur toute l'année. On ne peut même plus accéder à la source, car les Israéliens ont fermé la zone. » Il y a à peine 20 ans, Al Auja était une zone agricole florissante qui alimentait les marchés en légumes et en fruits frais au-delà de la Cisjordanie. Trois colonies israéliennes se sont ensuite installées autour des terres de la communauté. Les paysans palestiniens ont commencé à trouver que la principale source d'eau (la 3 source Al Auja dont le débit pouvait atteindre 9 millions de m d'eau par an) commençait à se tarir.

Outre des politiques discriminatoires qui limitent l'accès aux terres et à l'eau, les paysans palestiniens pâtissent également d'un accès restreint aux intrants tels que les engrais et les outils agricoles. Par exemple, les Palestiniens n'ont pas le droit d'utiliser du nitrate de potassium40 qui améliore la qualité des fruits. Par contre, les colons israéliens sont libres de transporter des engrais dans la vallée du Jourdain. Les autres engrais sont non seulement plus chers, mais ont aussi un impact négatif durable sur l'environnement et sur la fertilité des sols.41 Selon le ministère de l'Agriculture palestinien, les pertes de productivité globales découlant de ces mesures dans la vallée du Jourdain sont estimées à 30 %.42

DES AVANTAGES INJUSTES L'accès insuffisant aux terres, à l'eau et aux intrants agricoles signifie que l'on a empêché l'activité agricole palestinienne dans la vallée du Jourdain d'atteindre son plein potentiel. Au lieu de cela, elle est condamnée à rester modeste et très peu rentable.43 Cela a des répercussions néfastes sur le développement social et la lutte contre la pauvreté, car les moyens de subsistance palestiniens sont devenus progressivement non viables. Le rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE sur la Zone C indique que « le développement des terres et des ressources pour les Palestiniens de la Zone C a été reconnu par les membres du Comité de liaison ad hoc [groupe de donateurs] et le Quatuor [pour le Moyen-Orient] comme fondamental pour encourager une croissance économique durable et l'édification d'un État palestinien. »44 En raison de l'accès inégal aux ressources productives, la chaîne d'approvisionnement palestinienne n'est pas fiable, si bien que les paysans et éleveurs sont désormais dépendants de sociétés israéliennes pour se procurer de nombreux produits agricoles. L'absence d'alternatives confère à ces sociétés le monopole du marché, ce qui leur permet de fixer les prix et la qualité. Le prix des intrants disponibles est souvent élevé alors que le prix de vente des fruits et légumes a chuté. Les paysans palestiniens ne peuvent plus se mesurer à la concurrence des colons israéliens fortement subventionnés et recourant à des outils modernes. Suleiman Romanieen, chef du conseil local de la communauté palestinienne d'Al Auja, poursuit : « Pour ceux qui vivent de l'agriculture, tout est cher : l'eau, les semences, les engrais. Nous payons cher, mais sommes contraints de vendre notre production à bas prix. L'exploitation agricole n'est plus rentable. »45 Un investissement conséquent des donateurs dans la vallée du Jourdain et les autres régions de la Zone C est requis de toute urgence si l'objectif est d'atteindre un plein potentiel de développement et une croissance durable pour les Palestiniens dans le TPO. Mais cela ne sera pas possible sans revirement des politiques actuelles de l'État israélien et la création d'un programme de développement national fort établi en consultation avec les communautés locales. Il est possible de s'inspirer de plusieurs modèles pour développer la vallée du Jourdain. L'un de ces modèles est le développement agricole réalisé sur la rive Est du Jourdain, dans le Royaume hachémite de Jordanie, où les terres agricoles irriguées bénéficient à quelque 150 000 personnes.47

« Nos efforts sans relâche pour développer la zone dite "Zone C" et chaque parcelle de notre pays doivent surtout nous permettre de tirer parti de nos ressources, notamment de nos ressources en eau... Nous n'allons pas nous laisser décourager par des noms et des classifications injustes... C'est notre terre. C'est donc notre plus grand droit de développer cette zone et de servir les communautés qui y vivent. » Salaam Fayaad, Premier ministre palestinien, 2 avril 201246

3. DES MOYENS DE SUBSISTANCE EN DANGER Les pratiques et politiques israéliennes actuelles dans la vallée du Jourdain et dans toute la Zone C violent les droits de l'Homme et menacent la présence et le développement des communautés palestiniennes. Les démolitions, les déplacements forcés et la violence des colons sont le lot quotidien des communautés palestiniennes dans la vallée du Jourdain et ailleurs dans le TPO. Cela, couplé à la confiscation systématique des terres et des ressources (voir plus haut), a contraint de nombreux Palestiniens de la Zone C à choisir entre deux options : se déplacer vers d'autres lieux en Cisjordanie (avec ou sans leur famille) ou se faire embaucher dans les fermes des colons, où les conditions de travail sont souvent abusives.

DÉPLACEMENT DU À L'EXPANSION DES COLONIES Fin 2011, les média ont largement relaté le projet du gouvernement israélien de déplacer par la force quelque 2 300 Palestiniens vivant dans la Zone C vers un site à proximité d'une décharge municipale.49 Début 2012, des avis de démolitions, d’arrêt d’activité, et de confiscation ont été distribués dans 20 communautés palestiniennes. Ces démolitions imminentes sont liées à l'extension planifiée de la colonie israélienne de Ma'aleh Adumim50 (dont une partie de la commune se trouve dans la vallée du Jourdain).51 Il est prévu de construire quelque 4 000 habitations israéliennes sur les terres des communautés palestiniennes.52 L'impact de tels déplacements sur les communautés palestiniennes est désastreux et s'accompagne souvent d'un impact disproportionné sur les femmes et les enfants qui perdent la sécurité de leur foyer et l'accès à des services tels que l'école. Sans accès aux terres et aux ressources en eau dont de nombreuses familles dépendent pour assurer leurs moyens de subsistance, les communautés bédouines palestiniennes vivant dans la vallée du Jourdain et dans d'autres régions de la Zone C risquent d'être plongées dans la pauvreté et le chômage, et d'être contraintes à abandonner leur mode de vie traditionnel.

« L'UE continue de financer le développement palestinien dans la Zone C et espère sécuriser cet investissement pour un usage ultérieur. Elle va inciter l'État d'Israël à identifier des mécanismes plus performants de mise en œuvre des projets financés par les donateurs et bénéficiant à la population palestinienne de la Zone C. » Conclusions du Conseil Affaires étrangères de l’UE, 14 mai 201248

DÉPLACEMENT DÛ AUX DÉMOLITIONS Les restrictions imposées par les autorités israéliennes en matière d'aménagement du territoire, de planification et de construction afin de soutenir et de protéger les colonies empêchent les communautés palestiniennes de développer les infrastructures essentielles et d'accéder à des services de base comme l'eau, l'électricité, l'éducation et les centres de soin. L'administration civile israélienne a octroyé moins d'1 % de la « Zone C » 15

au développement palestinien. Par ailleurs, 94 % des permis de construire ont été rejetés ces dernières années.53 Cela a abouti à la démolition massive de bâtiments civils palestiniens construits sans permis, des citernes de récupération des eaux de pluie aux latrines.54 En 2011, plus de 200 bâtiments palestiniens ont été détruits dans la vallée du Jourdain, y compris des habitations (voir Encadré 3), entraînant le déplacement de 430 personnes.55 Entre janvier et juin 2012, 330 bâtiments palestiniens ont été démolis en Cisjordanie (Jérusalem-Est compris). Cela représente une augmentation de 60% du nombre de démolitions par rapport à la moyenne mensuelle de l’année 2010.56 Un rapport du Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies signale que plus de 60 % des structures détenues par les Palestiniens et démolies étaient situées à proximité ou au sein même de zones promises aux colonies.57 Encadré 3 : Construire sur les décombres

Une famille palestinienne se déplace sur les restes de sa maison, qui a été démolie quatre fois par le gouvernement israélien en un an. A chaque fois qu’elle a été démolie, elle a été ensuite reconstruite en utilisant des matériaux simples, en particulier du plastique et du métal. © Simon Rawles/Oxfam

Al Fariysiya, une communauté palestinienne d'éleveurs du nord de la vallée du Jourdain, est menacée. Le 19 juillet 2010, l'armée israélienne a démoli 26 tentes 58 d'habitation, laissant 107 personnes (dont 52 enfants) sans domicile. L'armée a également détruit 22 enclos pour animaux, sept fours, huit cuisines, dix salles d'eau et un abri utilisé pour stocker les outils agricoles. Quatre citernes d'eau et de grandes quantités de blé (pour les hommes) et de fourrage (pour les animaux) ont été anéanties. Ali Zohdi, éleveur d'Al Fariysiya, explique les difficultés rencontrées par les villageois alors que la colonie voisine de Rotem s'épanouit. « Chaque fois que l'armée vient et démolit nos maisons et nos enclos pour animaux, nous reconstruisons par dessus. Mais elle revient et détruit tout à nouveau. Nous vivons grâce à nos moutons et à nos chèvres, et sans cette source de revenus 59 nous disparaîtrons. » Le 13 mars 2012, l'armée israélienne a démoli 60 11 structures supplémentaires, dont cinq tentes d'habitation.

« Selon les autorités israéliennes, les démolitions ont lieu sur des structures pour lesquelles aucun permis de construire n'est disponible. Mais dans les faits, il est quasiment impossible pour un Palestinien d'obtenir un tel permis. Le régime d'aménagement et de planification du territoire déployé par Israël dans la zone C et à Jérusalem-Est freine la croissance et le développement de la Palestine et offre un traitement préférentiel aux colons israéliens illégitimes. » Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « Demolitions and Forced Displacement in the Occupied West Bank ».

De récents avis juridiques indiquent que le régime actuel d'octroi de permis par les Israéliens dans la Zone C est contraire au droit international.61 Il fait également sérieusement obstacle aux projets de développement et aux actions humanitaires financés par les donateurs internationaux qui visent à lutter contre la pauvreté parmi la population palestinienne. En 2011 et au cours du premier semestre 2012, au moins 62 structures financées par des donateurs européens ont été démolies dans la Zone C, notamment dans la vallée du Jourdain : citernes d'eau, abris pour animaux, habitations et bâtiments agricoles. Au moins 110 autres structures financées par les donateurs européens ont reçu des avis de démolition ou de cessation d'activité de la part des autorités israéliennes, et sont donc menacées de démolition.62 Au cours six premiers mois de l’année 2012, les démolitions ont contribué au déplacement d’au moins 536 personnes, dont la moitié d’entre elles sont des enfants. Cela représente une augmentation du nombre de déplacements de 87% par rapport à l’année 2010.63 D'après le récent rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE sur la Zone C, les gouvernements européens doivent urgemment inciter l'État d'Israël à transférer le pouvoir de planification des villes et villages palestiniens de la Zone C aux Palestiniens. Les gouvernements européens doivent également mener une action diplomatique ferme et collective au plus haut niveau pour mettre un terme aux démolitions des infrastructures civiles palestiniennes qui sont contraires au droit international humanitaire.

VIOLENCE DES COLONS La présence de colonies illégales dans le TPO est une source de tension extrême qui dégénère souvent dans la violence. Bien que le nombre d'incidents dans la vallée du Jourdain soit relativement faible, les Palestiniens vivant à proximité des colonies dans toute la Cisjordanie sont victimes d'un nombre croissant d'attaques violentes commises par les colons israéliens. En 2011, trois Palestiniens ont été tués et 183 blessés. Parallèlement, environ 10 000 arbres appartenant à des Palestiniens ont été coupés. B'Tselem et d'autres organisations israéliennes impliquées dans le respect des droits de l'Homme ont enregistré d'autres actes de violence perpétrés contre des civils palestiniens, avec notamment des jets de pierres, des routes bloquées, des champs incendiés et d'autres atteintes aux biens. D'après le Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies, 379 incidents ont été enregistrés en 2011, soit 32 % de plus qu'en 2010 et au moins 144 % de plus qu'en 2009.64 Ces incidents ne tiennent pas compte des actes de violence perpétrés par les soldats israéliens.65 Les colons sont également victimes d'actes graves de violence de la part des Palestiniens. Dans les rangs israéliens, huit décès et 37 blessés ont été enregistrés en 2011.66 Les actes de violence des colons sont perpétrés dans une impunité quasi totale. L'organisation israélienne Yesh Din a récemment signalé que 91 % des affaires de violence des colons enregistrés par les Palestiniens auprès de la police israélienne étaient closes sans inculpation, dont 84 % en raison d'enquêtes infructueuses.67

Oxfam est très préoccupé et condamne tout acte de violence à l'encontre des civils, quels que soient les acteurs de ces violences. Il est fondamental que l'UE effectue une surveillance des actes de violence menés par les colons et les Palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain et ailleurs dans le TPO en allant au-delà des mots exprimés par le Conseil Affaires étrangères en mai 2012, qui disait entre autres : « L'UE fait part de la vive préoccupation que lui inspirent l'extrémisme des colons et les incitations à la violence de la part des colons de Cisjordanie. L'UE condamne les violences et les provocations délibérées incessantes auxquelles se livrent les colons contre les civils palestiniens. Elle appelle le gouvernement israélien à traduire en justice les auteurs de ces actes et à respecter les obligations qui lui incombent en vertu du droit international. »68

RESTRICTIONS SUR LA LIBRE CIRCULATION DES BIENS ET DES PERSONNES Selon les Nations Unies, il existe actuellement plus de 500 checkpoints internes et autres obstacles physiques pour contrôler les déplacements des Palestiniens en Cisjordanie. Ces points de contrôle ont pour principale mission de protéger les colons israéliens et de faciliter leur déplacement.69 Au final, les Palestiniens vivant dans la vallée du Jourdain sont pour ainsi dire coupés du reste du TPO, ce qui met en péril leurs droits et leurs moyens de subsistance.

L'ACCÈS AUX MARCHÉS DANS LE TPO Les Palestiniens établis dans la vallée du Jourdain sont grandement dépendants des revenus qu'ils tirent de la vente de leur production sur les marchés locaux. Leur capacité à gagner suffisamment d'argent pour vivre est directement affectée par les restrictions imposées sur la circulation des biens et des personnes dans le TPO. La vallée du Jourdain est l'une des régions de la Cisjordanie où l'accès est le plus restreint. Elle est presque entièrement coupée de nombreuses villes palestiniennes par des checkpoints, des barrages routiers et des dizaines de kilomètres de tranchées et de murs de terre.70 En plus des zones militaires, de grandes réserves naturelles limitent également l'accès des Palestiniens à leurs terres cultivables. Tous ces obstacles entravent la libre circulation des paysans palestiniens. L'accès motorisé des Palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain se limite à cinq routes, dont quatre sont ponctuées de checkpoints militaires permanents. Sur ces checkpoints, trois (Tayasir, Yitav et Hamra) interdisent les Palestiniens d'entrer dans la vallée au volant de leur propre véhicule sans enregistrement spécial.71 Le quatrième checkpoint (Ma'aleh Efraim) a été établi pour les citoyens israéliens. Les Palestiniens n'ont pour la plupart pas le droit de le franchir et doivent le traverser à pieds ou emprunter un transport public agréé. Pour éviter ces checkpoints, les Palestiniens sont souvent contraints d'emprunter des chemins plus longs pour accéder aux marchés, acheter des marchandises ou rendre visite à leurs proches.72 Le Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies estime les coûts supplémentaires supportés par les paysans 18

transportant leur production sur des chemins de traverse qui évitent les checkpoints les plus stricts 73 à 1,9 millions de dollars chaque année.74 Encadré 4 : Vente de fromage à Al Maleh

Une femme palestinienne prépare du fromage dans la vallée du Jourdain. Sans la permission de construire des réseaux électrique ou des installations de stockage décentes, les producteurs de fromage doivent vendre leurs produits rapidement avant qu’ils ne se détériorent. © Simon Rawles/Oxfam

En raison des restrictions sur la circulation et l'accès à Al Maleh, une communauté palestinienne du nord de la vallée du Jourdain, les communautés bédouines ont de plus en plus de difficultés à vendre leur production sur les marchés. Comme le rapporte Abu Shukri, un éleveur bédouin, à Oxfam : « Nos animaux nous fournissent de la viande et des produits laitiers, mais nous ne pouvons pas les vendre à l'extérieur. Les marchands viennent des villages voisins et achètent au prix qu'ils fixent eux-mêmes en l'absence de concurrence. Nous vendons notre fromage moitié moins cher que les autres villages de Cisjordanie. Nous ne 75 réalisons aucun bénéfice. »

L'établissement de zones militaires et de routes réservées aux colons israéliens empêche de nombreux paysans palestiniens de la vallée du Jourdain d'accéder à leurs terres. Les tracteurs et autres équipements sont souvent confisqués et on interdit aux éleveurs de faire paître leur troupeau. Ce dernier est d'ailleurs souvent saisi pour errance dans une zone militaire. Les éleveurs palestiniens doivent également acheter du blé ou de l'orge pour nourrir leurs animaux, car ils ne peuvent plus se rendre sur leurs pâtures.76 Ces coûts supplémentaires et non négligeables dus aux restrictions d'accès et de mouvement étouffent la production et plongent de nombreux foyers palestiniens dans la pauvreté. Alors que les paysans palestiniens doivent surmonter des obstacles physiques majeurs (ou autres) pour vendre leur production sur les marchés locaux, les produits israéliens inondent le marché palestinien. Selon plusieurs sources palestiniennes, la valeur des marchandises produites dans les colonies de Cisjordanie et vendues sur le marché palestinien s'élève chaque année à environ 500 millions de dollars.77 19

L'ACCÈS AUX MARCHÉS EN DEHORS DU TPO L'État d'Israël impose d'autres restrictions sur les produits palestiniens transportés vers ou depuis le TPO. On compte six carrefours commerciaux entre la Cisjordanie et Israël où les biens doivent être déchargés du véhicule palestinien, vérifiés de fond en comble, puis rechargés sur un véhicule israélien de l'autre côté (on parle souvent de système « back-to-back »). D'après le Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies, les retards accumulés à cause des procédures d'inspection aux checkpoints en Cisjordanie coûteraient quelque 321 423 dollars chaque année.78 En revanche, l'accès des colons israéliens aux marchés national et international est facilité par des routes spéciales et un nombre conséquent de subventions octroyées par l'État d'Israël, notamment un accès gratuit aux ports et aux aéroports. Cela permet aux colons d'alimenter les marchés locaux et externes et leur confère un avantage concurrentiel certain par rapport aux paysans palestiniens. Pour desservir les marchés internationaux, les négociants palestiniens doivent expédier leurs produits par bateau depuis des ports israéliens ou par voie aérienne via l'aéroport international Ben Gurion de Tel Aviv (la meilleure option pour alimenter l'UE, l'Amérique du Nord et les marchés d'Asie de l'Est), ou transiter par la Jordanie (la meilleure option pour accéder aux marchés du Golfe). Ici encore, les retards abusifs, les coûts d'équipement, de main-d'œuvre et de transport exagérés, les contrôles de sécurité, l'accès insuffisant à des sites de stockage adaptés et les dommages infligés lors des opérations de chargement et de déchargement limitent la compétitivité des produits agricoles palestiniens. Cela implique au contraire un fort degré d'imprévisibilité en termes de qualité et de délais de livraison qui empêche les paysans palestiniens de bien répondre aux exigences des acheteurs, critère qui leur permettrait de pénétrer sur les marchés internationaux. 79 Pour surmonter ces difficultés, l'UE doit continuer de faire pression pour que les producteurs palestiniens bénéficient de réelles opportunités d'accès aux marchés européens, notamment en mettant fin sans tarder aux restrictions imposées par l'État d'Israël sur la circulation et le transport des marchandises. Comme l'a indiqué récemment John Gatt-Rutter, représentant de l'UE en Cisjordanie et dans la Bande de Gaza : « La réussite du projet dépend en grande partie d'Israël, qui doit autoriser les accès et les déplacements et faciliter les échanges palestiniens. »80

UNE MAIN-D'ŒUVRE EXPLOITÉE La multitude de pratiques et de restrictions législatives décrites plus haut, qui entravent le développement économique palestinien et nuisent à leurs moyens de subsistance, réduit également les opportunités d’emplois. Ainsi, de nombreux Palestiniens n'ont d'autre choix que de travailler dans des exploitations de colons israéliens, parfois sur les terres mêmes dont ils ont été expropriés. Certains paysans palestiniens ont en effet été embauchés pour exploiter ce qui étaient jadis leurs propres terres. En revanche, l'économie des colonies israéliennes bénéficie de la maind'œuvre palestinienne qu'elle exploite, y compris des enfants. 81 D'après le 20

Bureau central de statistique palestinien, quelque 9 500 Palestiniens sont embauchés dans des fermes de colons, dont 1 800 dans des exploitations implantées dans la vallée du Jourdain (à raison de 92 % d'hommes et de 8 % de femmes). Selon plusieurs sources israéliennes, ce chiffre serait nettement plus important.82 Comme l'a indiqué l'ONG israélienne Kav LaOved, ces ouvriers sont entre autres souvent victimes de discrimination et leurs droits ne sont pas respectés.83 Alors que le salaire horaire minimum en Israël est fixé à 6 dollars, les Palestiniens travaillant dans les colonies israéliennes dans la vallée du Jourdain sont payés en moyenne seulement 2 à 4,8 dollars de l'heure.84 Aucun des ouvriers interrogés par Oxfam ne perçoit les avantages dont les ouvriers israéliens bénéficient en vertu de la loi, notamment au niveau des congés, des heures supplémentaires, des coûts de transport, de l'assurance santé, des arrêts maladies ou des contributions à un fonds de prévoyance. L'Autorité palestinienne a récemment pris des mesures pour décourager les Palestiniens à travailler dans les colonies, car cela renforce l'économie israélienne au détriment de l'économie palestinienne. Elle n'a en revanche fourni que très peu d'autres options viables, car les restrictions imposées par Israël dans la vallée du Jourdain limitent les opportunités d'investissement et le développement. Il est donc indispensable que l'Autorité palestinienne joue un rôle fort pour le développement futur de la vallée du Jourdain en plaçant les opportunités d'emplois pour les Palestiniens au cœur de ses plans stratégiques nationaux.

Encadré 5 : Des ouvriers palestiniens dans des fermes de colons

Une ferme dans une colonie de la vallée du Jourdain. Bénéficiant de subventions pour la terre, l’eau et d’autres ressources, les fermes des colonies produisent de nombreux produits, dont du lait, de la volaille, des dattes et des produits frais. © Simon Rawles/Oxfam

Six jours par semaine, Mariam, une ouvrière palestinienne, se lève avant l'aube et se rend à pieds de son village vers un croisement sur la route principale où l'attend une camionnette qui la mène elle et d'autres ouvriers dans une exploitation israélienne. Là-bas, elle travaille huit heures par jour à cueillir du raisin, des dattes ou des tomates. Elle gagne entre 15 et 34 dollars par jour, selon la saison. Elle doit toutefois s'acquitter d'un forfait quotidien compris entre 4 et 12 dollars au soustraitant palestinien qui gère son permis de travail et organise le transport. Bien que Mariam travaille pour ses employeurs depuis 16 ans, elle n'a jamais bénéficié d'une assurance maladie ni d'un régime de retraite. « Je dois travailler, il me faut bien gagner ma vie », explique-t-elle. « Il n'y a que des femmes dans ma famille. Nous ne possédons pas de terres. J'ai à charge ma mère et mes jeunes sœurs. » Elle aussi pense que les colonies israéliennes représentent une menace pour son avenir et sa communauté, mais précise n'avoir d'autre choix de travail.

4. CONCLUSION : ENVISAGER UN AVENIR VIABLE Afin de laisser s'exprimer le potentiel de développement de la vallée du Jourdain et de permettre aux Palestiniens de sortir de la pauvreté, la communauté internationale doit inciter l'État d'Israël à mettre fin à ses politiques qui nuisent gravement aux moyens de subsistance des Palestiniens. Cela exige une action urgente et durable. Si les restrictions israéliennes étaient levées, on estime qu'il serait possible de cultiver 5 000 ha supplémentaires dans la vallée du Jourdain, et donc d'y faire pousser des produits à forte valeur ajoutée et exportables tels que des légumes, des fleurs et des aromates. Cela pourrait rapporter 1 milliard de dollars chaque année à l'économie palestinienne, soit 9 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB),86limitant ainsi considérablement la dépendance de la Palestine visà-vis de l'aide au développement international.87 Le développement palestinien requiert également un investissement international public et privé considérable dans l'industrie, ainsi que pour les moyens de subsistance en milieu rural et le secteur du tourisme. Si la vallée du Jourdain était à nouveau contrôlée par la Palestine, l'énorme potentiel offert par la mer Morte, qui constitue déjà une importante source de revenus pour l'économie israélienne, pourrait attirer des milliers de touristes et fournir les minéraux requis pour développer l'industrie palestinienne des cosmétiques. Le secteur agricole pourrait également être renforcé pour accroître la part de marché des paysans palestiniens au niveau local et à l'exportation. Tout en reconnaissant les obstacles à surmonter, il apparaît crucial de prendre immédiatement des mesures concrètes pour promouvoir le développement palestinien. À la lumière des politiques restrictives mises en place par les autorités israéliennes en matière d'aménagement et d'octroi de permis qui compliquent la lutte contre la pauvreté, les donateurs doivent aller de l'avant et soutenir des projets de développement dans la vallée du Jourdain et ailleurs dans la Zone C, même si ces projets n'ont pas été approuvés explicitement par l'administration civile israélienne (sauf si le refus israélien découle de véritables problèmes de sécurité reconnus par le droit international). Les donateurs doivent s'assurer que cela est soutenu par une action diplomatique ferme et collective au plus haut niveau pour protéger les communautés palestiniennes et empêcher les démolitions des infrastructures civiles palestiniennes, en totale violation du droit international humanitaire. L'Autorité Palestinienne peut également redoubler d'efforts, notamment en lançant une campagne financée par le gouvernement pour encourager les consommateurs à acheter des produits palestiniens. Toutefois, afin d'être plus compétitif sur le marché des exportations, il convient d'améliorer la qualité, de réduire les coûts, de diversifier et d'étendre la production afin de proposer aux acheteurs un flux régulier de produits. Des investissements sont requis sur le 23

plan marketing et pour l'image de marque, ainsi que dans l'établissement de contacts commerciaux, surtout sur les nouveaux marchés dans le monde arabe et en Europe, où les accords commerciaux sont un avantage. Alors que l'Autorité Palestinienne contrôle entièrement la zone A et partiellement la zone B, la création d'un nouveau programme de développement national incluant la Zone C (où se trouve la quasi-totalité de la vallée du Jourdain) et d'autres régions marginalisées du TPO permettra aux Palestiniens d'édifier un futur État palestinien aux côtés d'Israël. Le processus doit être inclusif et tenir compte des priorités des communautés locales dans la planification de leur avenir. Tous ces points devraient concourir à développer une vision commune du visage que les Palestiniens souhaitent donner à la vallée du Jourdain. Le nouveau programme de développement doit s'inspirer de la stratégie existante du ministère de l'Agriculture de l'Autorité palestinienne (2010Ŕ13) qui reconnaît la nécessité de promouvoir les moyens de subsistance des paysans afin qu'ils ne quittent pas leurs terres. Ce programme doit également veiller à préserver l'environnement et à le protéger contre toute dégradation, avec notamment une mise en valeur des terres et la réhabilitation ou la modernisation des réseaux d'approvisionnement en eau. Le présent rapport a décrit l'ampleur avec laquelle les restrictions imposées par les autorités israéliennes sur les Palestiniens vivant dans la vallée du Jourdain limitent les opportunités de croissance économique et plongent les Palestiniens dans une plus grande pauvreté. Le nombre et la portée des ces restrictions suggèrent qu'elles font partie d'une politique systématique visant à déposséder les Palestiniens de leurs terres tout en renforçant l'emprise de l'État israélien sur la vallée du Jourdain et les autres régions de la Zone C. Il est essentiel que l'État d'Israël et les autorités palestiniennes, avec le soutien de la communauté internationale, agissent au plus tôt pour s'assurer que la vision des deux États vivant côte à côte dans la paix, la sécurité et la prospérité puisse se matérialiser.

5. RECOMMANDATIONS L'UE doit : • Aller au-delà des déclarations et prendre des mesures immédiates pour presser l'État d'Israël à ne plus étendre ses colonies de manière illégale et à tenir ses engagements au regard du droit international, conformément à l'avis consultatif de la Cour internationale de Justice (2004) sur le mur dans le TPO et que l'UE a approuvé. • Prendre des mesures immédiates pour garantir la mise en application des conclusions du Conseil Affaires étrangères de l'UE (mai 2012)88 et des recommandations des récents rapports des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE concernant la Zone C et Jérusalem-Est, notamment : o

en incitant l'État d'Israël à transférer le pouvoir de planification des villes et villages palestiniens de la Zone C aux Palestiniens ;

en agissant de manière publique, collective et systématique pour faire entendre ses objections au plus haut niveau et en prenant des mesures destinées à prévenir les mouvements non volontaires des populations, les déplacements et les évictions, et la démolition des infrastructures civiles, ainsi qu'en soutenant la population palestinienne en ce sens ; en publiant un rapport annuel sur la situation dans la Zone C selon le même principe que le rapport annuel de l'UE sur Jérusalem-Est, y compris en mesurant les progrès réalisés par rapport aux directives de l'UE en matière de droit international humanitaire et en formulant des recommandations pour une action conjointe ;

en garantissant une présence de l'UE, y compris au sein des tribunaux israéliens, lorsqu'il y a un risque de démolition ou d'éviction de familles palestiniennes ; en veillant à l'intervention de l'UE lorsque des Palestiniens sont arrêtés ou intimidés par les autorités israéliennes pour des activités culturelles, sociales ou politiques pacifiques.

• Créer des conditions propices à la mise en œuvre complète de l'accord d'association entre l'UE et l'Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP) qui offre de véritables opportunités pour les produits palestiniens d'accéder aux marchés européens, notamment en appelant à la levée des restrictions imposées par Israël sur les déplacements et le transport de marchandises.

La communauté internationale, les donateurs et les ONG palestiniennes et internationales doivent : • Soutenir la ratification d'un programme de développement national exhaustif pour la Palestine incluant une stratégie forte pour la Zone C, en consultation avec le peuple palestinien, et veiller à ce que l'ensemble des stratégies et des projets soit conforme aux programmes nationaux ; • Systématiquement inclure une composante de protection des civils

dans leurs programmes (par exemple en garantissant une aide juridique et un soutien financier pour la planification et le découpage des zones) ; • Lancer et soutenir des projets de développement dans la Zone C, avec notamment la construction d'écoles, de centres communautaires, de cliniques, de bâtiments municipaux, de routes, de systèmes d'irrigation et autres projets d'infrastructure. Suivre étroitement la mise en application et, avec un soutien politique et diplomatique, faire avancer les projets même s'ils n'ont pas été approuvés par l'administration civile israélienne (sauf si le refus israélien découle de véritables problèmes de sécurité reconnus par le droit international), conformément aux projets de recommandations du rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE sur la Zone C ; • Soutenir les paysans palestiniens dans la Zone C afin qu'ils puissent conserver leur terre en privilégiant l'approvisionnement en eau, le fourrage et un toit en cas de démolitions et en soutenant durablement les paysans et éleveurs palestiniens (par exemple par le biais d'activités de microfinance, de récupération de terres et de réhabilitation/amélioration des systèmes d'approvisionnement en eau, etc.).

en aidant les paysans à rester sur leurs terres en privilégiant l'approvisionnement en eau, le fourrage et les abris en cas de démolitions, etc. ;

en révisant la législation imposant une lourde imposition sur les revenus agricoles (mise en œuvre planifiée en 2013) ;

en promouvant les produits palestiniens parmi les consommateurs afin d'accroître leur part de marché dans les marchés locaux, et en soutenant les producteurs locaux afin d'améliorer la qualité, l'image de marque et le marketing afin d'améliorer les ventes à l’exportation.

• Approuver et adopter une position ferme et commune (c'est-à-dire entre le bureau du Premier ministre, les ministères concernés et les autorités locales) concernant les permis israéliens afin d'œuvrer avec la communauté internationale au déploiement et au soutien des projets de développement dans la Zone C, même si ces projets ne sont pas approuvés par l'administration civile israélienne (sauf si le refus israélien découle de véritables problèmes de sécurité reconnus par le droit international), conformément aux projets de recommandations du rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE sur la zone C.

L'État d'Israël doit : • Arrêter immédiatement la construction de colonies illégales en Cisjordanie (y compris à Jérusalem-Est) conformément aux recommandations de l'avis consultatif de la Cour internationale de Justice (2004). Il doit : 26

Mettre fin aux mesures incitatives actuelles en faveur des colonies ;

Se retirer de toute infrastructure coloniale existante ;

Abroger les actes législatifs et réglementaires ayant trait aux colonies ;

Apporter réparation pour les dommages engendrés par les colonies ;

• Mettre un terme aux politiques et aux pratiques contraires au droit international et qui menacent les moyens de subsistance des civils palestiniens. Il doit : o

Cesser immédiatement la démolition des infrastructures palestiniennes, notamment les habitations, les infrastructures d'approvisionnement en eau et les ressources agricoles ;

Mettre un terme à la confiscation des ressources naturelles des Palestiniens, en particulier les terres, les ressources agricoles et l'eau, qui sont essentielles aux moyens de subsistance, et remédier aux confiscations passées, conformément à l'avis consultatif de la Cour internationale de Justice ;

Abroger l'ordre militaire 41889 et transférer la responsabilité de la planification et des permis aux Palestiniens ;

Mettre fin aux retards abusifs des transports de marchandises et améliorer l'accès des produits agricoles aux marchés extérieurs, conformément aux anciens accords avec les autorités palestiniennes, tels que les protocoles de Paris ;

• Garantir la protection du peuple palestinien, notamment en faisant respecter l'État de droit concernant les violences perpétrées par les colons israéliens contre les Palestiniens, leur propriété et leurs moyens de subsistance, sans discrimination ni exception.

NOTES 1

Save The Children UK (2009) « Fact Sheet: Jordan Valley », octobre 2009, p. 1. Voir également AIX Group, « Economic Development of the Jordan Valley » (mars 2009).

Bureau OCHA (2011) « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on Area C of the West Bank », Juillet 2011.

L'administration civile israélienne a été créée par l'État d'Israël en 1981 afin de remplir un rôle bureaucratique pratique au sein du territoire occupé depuis 1967. Cette administration civile fait partie d'une entité plus large appelée Coordonnateur des activités gouvernementales dans les territoires (COGAT), une unité du ministère de la Défense d'Israël.

Les chiffres des ordres de démolition et les démolitions dans les communautés palestiniennes sont des statistiques officielles fournies par le Ministère de la défense israélien à la Knesset israélienne, publiées plus tard par Peace Now, Area C: Palestinian Construction and Demolition Stats Ŕ February 2008, sur : http://www.peacenow.org.il. Voir également OCHA (2009) « RESTRICTING SPACE: THE PLANNING REGIME APPLIED BY ISRAEL IN AREA C OFTHE WEST BANK » http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/special_focus_area_c_demolitions_december_2009.pdf

I. Gal et al. (2010), cité dans Palestinian Ministry of National Economy et Applied Research Institute Ŕ Jerusalem (ARIJ) (2011), « The Economic Costs of the Israeli Occupation for the Occupied Palestinian Territory », septembre 2011 ; et Banque mondiale (2010), « The Underpinnings of the Future Palestinian State: Sustainable Growth and Institutions: Economic Monitoring Report to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee », septembre 2010.

En mai 2011 le Premier ministre israélien Benyamin Netanyahou a déclaré lors d'un discours devant le Congrès américain « qu'il préférait une occupation militaire à une présence civile dans la vallée du Jourdain ». Voir Washington Post (2011), « Transcript: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to Congress », 24 mai 2011. http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/israeli-prime-ministerbinyamin-netanyahus-address-to-congress/2011/05/24/AFWY5bAH_story.html

Voir également le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR), Convention de Genève relative à la protection des personnes civiles en temps de guerre (quatrième Convention de Genève), 12 août 1949, article 49 ; et Theodor Meron (1967), « Legal Opinion on Civilian Settlement in the Occupied Territories », Israeli State Archives, 153.8/7921/3A.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Area », février 2012.

S. Hever (2010), « The Political Economy of Israel's Occupation: Repression Beyond Exploitation », Londres : Pluto Press.

B'Tselem (2012), « Encouragement of Migration to Settlements », 1er janvier 2012.

7,2 millions de nouveaux shekels israéliens, soit environ 1,9 millions de dollars au moment de la rédaction de ce document. Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Special Focus: West Bank Movement and Access Update ».

Rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE (2011), « Zone C et édification de l'État palestinien », juillet 2011, p. 9.

Le Bureau central des statistiques palestinien a relevé que 26,4 % des Palestiniens de la vallée du Jourdain vivent en dessous du seuil de pauvreté, dont 16,4 % dans des conditions d'extrême pauvreté, contre respectivement 18,3 % et 8,8 % en moyenne en Cisjordanie. Bureau central palestinien des statistiques, annuaire statistique annuel des gouvernorats de Jéricho et d'Al Aghwar, octobre 2011.

Benyamin Netanyahou cité dans H. Keinon (2012), « PM: Israeli presence necessary in Jordan Valley », The Jerusalem Post, 30 janvier.

En mai 2011, le ministère israélien de l'Agriculture et du Développement rural a annoncé son projet d'accroître les terres cultivées des colons de la vallée du Jourdain de 130 % (80 dounams ; un douman = 10 ares) et l'approvisionnement en eau de 20 % (51 000 m3 par parcelle et par colon, contre 42 000 m3 précédemment). Bien que ce projet n'ait pas encore été adopté, il n'a pas été abrogé, si bien que les moyens de subsistance des Palestiniens sont toujours grandement menacés.

Haaretz (2012), « Knesset Finance Committee okays huge payout to West Bank settlements », 21 mars 2012.Le chiffre exact était de 7,6 millions de nouveaux shekels israéliens dans la vallée du Jourdain et le district de Binyamin, soit environ 2 millions de dollars au taux de conversion en vigueur en mai 2012.

Comme l'a déclaré le ministre israélien des Affaires étrangères Avigdor Lieberman le 29 février 2012 : « Il serait impossible de garantir la sécurité de l'État d'Israël sans présence israélienne dans la vallée du Jourdain... [Les communautés/colonies] vont rester en place et nous allons tout mettre en œuvre pour les renforcer. » Voir E. Benari (2012), « Lieberman: There’s no security without the Jordan Valley », site Web d'Israel National News, 1er mars 2012. http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/153309

Rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE (2011), « Zone C et édification de l'État palestinien », juillet 2011, p. 1.

Conseil de l'Union européenne (2012), « Conclusions du Conseil sur le processus de paix au ProcheOrient », 3166e session du Conseil des affaires étrangères, Bruxelles, 14 mai 2012. http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/130195.pdf

Cette recommandation n'a pas encore été formellement approuvée par les chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE.

Conseil de l'Union européenne (2012), « Conclusions du Conseil sur le processus de paix au ProcheOrient », op. cit.

Aussi, des responsabilités limitées ont été données à l’Autorité Palestinienne en matière d’éducation et pour d’autres secteurs civils.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Area », op cit.

Il s'agit des autorités israéliennes locales qui représentent les colonies dans la zone. Chaque Conseil régional est en charge de plusieurs colonies.

Le gouvernement israélien a compliqué l’enregistrement des droits de propriété pour les Palestiniens (et presque impossible pour les réfugiés), ce qui permet à l’Etat de devenir « le gardien des biens des absents ».

Norwegian Refugee Council (2011), « Housing, Land and Property in the West Bank, Area C, Training Manual ».

Règlement de La Haye (1907), article 55.

Association of Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) (2011), « Survey: Israeli Opinion: The Jordan Valley », juin 2011. http://www.acri.org.il/en/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/ACRI-Jordan-Valley-Survey-ENG.pdf, (dernière visite le 23 mai 2012).

En plus d'être une destination touristique prisée par les Israéliens (car elle inclut la mer Morte et Massada), la vallée du Jourdain correspond à l'axe principal entre le nord et le sud d'Israël. Les colonies s'étendent sur toute la longueur de la vallée. Visuellement, rien ne la distingue du reste d'Israël, avec ses boutiques, ses cafés et sa signalisation en hébreu. Cela donne au citoyen israélien moyen l'impression que la vallée du Jourdain fait partie intégrante d'Israël, au même titre que le Néguev.

D’un point de vue légal, les « réquisitions », « confiscation » et « allocations » de terres sont trois enjeux différents. Les « réquisitions » sont habituellement temporaires et ne change pas le droit de propriété de la terre. Les « confiscations » induisent un changement de propriétaire, et les « réallocations » font référence à un changement dans l’utilisation de la terre bien que l’exemple donné tient plus d’une « réallocation » que d’une « réquisition » légale ou d’une confiscation, la nature d’une « réallocation » de terre dans le long terme pour les colonies revient à confisquer la terre (changement de propriétaire). 31 32

Président du conseil régional de la vallée du Jourdain [colonies israéliennes], 4 mai 2012. Accord intérimaire sur la Cisjordanie et la Bande de Gaza (ou Oslo II), article 40, dont les négociations sur le statut définitif devaient aboutir dans les cinq ans. Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « How Dispossession Happens: The Humanitarian Impact of the Takeover of Palestinian Water Springs by Israeli Settlers », mars 2012.

Chas T. Main, Inc. (1953), « The Unified Development Of The Water Resources Of The Jordan Valley Region Prepared At The Request Of The United Nations Under Direction Of Tennessee Valley Authority. » Boston, Mass., Charlotte, N.C.

B'Tselem (2011), « Dispossession and Exploitation: Israel’s Policy in the Jordan Valley and Northern Dead Sea », mai 2011.

Ibid.

Aucun nouveau puits palestinien n'a été construit en Cisjordanie depuis 1967 : l'octroi a été systématiquement refusé par la Commission mixte (israélo-palestinienne) de l'eau en charge de l'approbation des projets de développement des infrastructures et des ressources d'eau en Cisjordanie, au sein de laquelle Israël bénéficie du droit de veto. Cette commission a récemment approuvé la réhabilitation de quelque 50 puits palestiniens dans la vallée du Jourdain qui étaient exploités avant 1967, en attente de soumission de plans détaillés par l'Autorité palestinienne de l'eau.

B'Tselem (2011), « Dispossession and Exploitation », op cit.

Bien que les puits d’eau relèvent de la Commission mixte pour l’eau (Joint Water Committee), qui est un organisme de coordination regroupant les autorités israéliennes et l’Autorité Palestinienne.

Un produit généralement utilisé pour produire des fruits, mais qui peut également être utilisé pour fabriquer des bombes.

Palestinian Ministry of National Economy and the Applied Research Institute Ŕ Jerusalem (ARIJ) (2011), op. cit.

Entretien d'Oxfam avec Abed El-Jafer, Directeur adjoint des autorités palestiniennes, ministère de l'Agriculture, vallée du Jourdain, Jéricho, 18 janvier 2012.

B'Tselem (2011), « Dispossession and Exploitation », op. cit.

Rapport des chefs de la mission diplomatique de l'UE (2011), « Zone C et édification de l'État palestinien », juillet 2011, p. 3.

Entretien d'Oxfam avec Suleiman Romanieen, chef du conseil local d'Al Auja, 14 décembre 2012.

Palestinian News and Info Agency (WAFA) (2012), « Fayyad inaugurates first water dam in Palestine », 16 avril 2012. Voir également : http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/154815

AIXGROUP (2009), « Economic Dimensions of A Two State Solution Between Israel and Palestine ».

Conseil de l'Union européenne (2012), « Conclusions du Conseil sur le processus de paix au ProcheOrient », op. cit.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Bedouin Relocation: Threat of Displacement in the Jerusalem Periphery », septembre 2011.

Au début des années 1990, 200 familles palestiniennes ont été déplacées de la périphérie de Jérusalem pour permettre la construction de la colonie de Ma'aleh Adumim ; 85 % de ces familles ont signalé avoir abandonné leurs moyens de subsistance traditionnels.

Ma'aleh Adumim revête une importance stratégique de taille dans la sécurisation des principaux axes de transport vers la vallée du Jourdain. Voir par exemple : http://www.jcpa.org/text/security/dayan.pdf ou http://jcpa.org/article/protecting-the-contiguity-of-israel-the-e-1-area-and-the-link-between-jerusalem-andmaale-adumim/

B'Tselem (2011), « Expulsion of Bedouin Communities from the Ma’ale Adumim Area to a Site near the Abu Dis Waste Disposal Site ».

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on Area C of the West Bank », op. cit. ; et les chiffres des ordres de démolition et les démolitions dans les communautés palestiniennes sont des statistiques officielles fournies par le Ministère de la défense israélien à la Knesset israélienne, publiées plus tard par Peace Now, Area C: Palestinian Construction and Demolition Stats Ŕ February 2008, sur : http://www.peacenow.org.il op. cit.

Sur la seule année 2011, 560 bâtiments palestiniens, dont 200 structures résidentielles et 46 bassins et citernes de récupération des eaux de pluie ont été démolis par les autorités palestiniennes dans la Zone C de Cisjordanie, la plupart se trouvant dans la vallée du Jourdain. Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies, « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on Area C of the West Bank », juillet 2011. 55 Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « Humanitarian Fact Sheet on the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea Area ». 56

Données fournies par les membres du Groupe de travail sur les déplacements (Displacement Working Group), un organisme inter-agences de coordination qui recueille des données relatives aux démolitions en Cisjordanie, Jérusalem-Est compris, pour aider à coordonner les réponses humanitaires.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies », janvier 2012.

Informations fournies par le Groupe de travail sur les déplacements, un organisme de coordination interagences qui collecte des données sur les démolitions et coordonne les interventions. Voir également : http://ecamnesty.blogspot.co.il/2010_07_01_archive.html

Entretien d'Oxfam avec Ali Zohdi, éleveur dans la communauté d'Al Fariysiya, 24 mai 2012.

Mise à jour des membres du Groupe de travail sur les déplacements, mars 2012.

T. Boutruche et M. Sassòli (2011), « Expert Opinion on International Humanitarian Law Requiring of the Occupying Power to Transfer Back Planning Authority to Protected Persons Regarding Area C of the West Bank », 1er février 2011. http://rhr.org.il/heb/wp-content/uploads/62394311-Expert-Opinion-FINAL-1February-2011.pdf

D'après les données fournies par les membres du Groupe de travail sur les déplacements, avril 2012.

D'après les données fournies par les membres du Groupe de travail sur les déplacements, juin 2012.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Israeli Settler Violence in the West Bank Fact Sheet », novembre 2011. Selon le Palestine Centre, les violences perpétrées par les colons israéliens ont augmenté de 39 % entre 2010 et 201, et de 315 % par rapport à 2005. http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/32678

Voir les rapports des groupes israéliens de défense des droits de l’Homme ou de Breaking the Silence pour plus d'informations sur les violences orchestrées par les soldats : http://www.breakingthesilence.org.il/testimonies/publications. Voir également la base de données dédiée à la protection des civils du bureau OCHA pour plus d'informations et des données chiffrées : http://www.ochaopt.org/poc.aspx?id=1010002

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Israeli Settler Violence in the West Bank Fact Sheet », op. cit. Voir également les rapports des organisations israéliennes impliquées dans le respect des droits de l'Homme telles que B'Tselem : http://www.btselem.org/settler_violence

Yesh Din (2012), « Law Enforcement upon Israeli Civilians in the West Bank », Yesh Din Monitoring 2005Ŕ 2011, 27 mars 2012.

Conseil de l'Union européenne (2012), « Conclusions du Conseil sur le processus de paix au ProcheOrient », op. cit. (conclusion n° 7).

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2012), « The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies », op. cit.

Cela inclut l'accès aux marchés à Jérusalem-Est et dans la Bande de Gaza.

Pour être autorisés à rouler sur les routes, les automobiles doivent être enregistrées par des résidents de la vallée du Jourdain. Les résidents qui essaient d'entrer au volant d'un véhicule enregistré dans la vallée du Jourdain, mais sous un nom différent se voient souvent interdire le passage. Les non-résidents sont uniquement autorisés à franchir ces checkpoints en tant que piétons ou en empruntant les transports publics agréés. Les autres véhicules peuvent bénéficier d'une autorisation exceptionnelle si leurs propriétaires ont auparavant suivi une procédure de coordination préalable auprès des autorités israéliennes. Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011) « Special Focus: West Bank Movement and Access Update ».

Depuis le sud de la ville de Jéricho, en empruntant les routes principales (la route 1, puis la route 90).

Par exemple, en empruntant la route 1.

Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Special Focus: West Bank Movement and Access Update ».

Entretien d'Oxfam avec Abu Shukri, Al Maleh, 12 mars 2012.

Oxfam (2011), « Household Economic Approach, Occupied Palestinian Territory: West Bank ‘Area C’ Herders' Livelihoods Baselines », octobre 2011.

Voir Reuters (2010), « Q&A Ŕ Palestinians boycott Israeli settler goods », 27 mai 2010 ; et Haaretz (2010), « Abbas backs Palestinian boycott campaign of Israeli goods made in settlements », 22 mai 2010. Ce montant inclut les marchandises produites dans les colonies industrielles.

Le chiffre fourni par le Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies indique un coût total d'1,2 million de nouveaux shekels israéliens ; l'agence évoque également le chiffre de 3 600 nouveaux shekels israéliens par jour. L'équivalent en dollars correspond à la valeur obtenue au taux de conversion en vigueur à ce moment là. Bureau OCHA des Nations Unies (2011), « Special Focus: West Bank Movement and Access Update ».

Par exemple, le pont du roi Hussein King/Allenby est le principal axe pour le transport des produits palestiniens vers la Jordanie. Aucun douanier palestinien n'est autorisé au niveau du pont. Les autorités recourent au système back-to-back : les conteneurs ne sont pas autorisés à traverser du côté jordanien et la hauteur de palette maximale des marchandises est fixée à 1,8 mètre. Le scanner de sécurité utilisé ne peut pas englober de grosses cargaisons, ce qui contraint les négociants à transiter par des ports israéliens, une solution plus coûteuse. L'absence de chambres froides ou de sites de stockage adaptés menace les marchandises à cause des longs retards qui limitent les types de produits pouvant être exportés.

EU Neighbourhood Info Centre (2012), « Un nouveau programme financé par l'UE pour optimiser les exportations palestiniennes », 27 février 2012. http://www.enpiinfo.eu/main.php?id=28170&id_type=1&lang_id=469

Voir les rapports de Kav LaOved (Worker's Hotline) ; par exemple : http://www.kavlaoved.org.il/mediaview_engadec.html?id=2327

Ma'an Development Center (2011), « Exploited Palestinian Labor in Israeli Agricultural Settlements in the Jordan Valley ». Pour justifier un chiffre bien plus élevé, l'ONG israélienne Kav LaOved s'appuie sur des données de l'administration civile israélienne de 2008 selon lesquelles il y aurait 20 000 détenteurs de permis palestiniens travaillant dans les colonies. D'après les syndicats palestiniens, 10 000 ouvriers supplémentaires seraient employés sans permis, principalement dans les fermes des colons de la vallée du Jourdain lors de la saison de la récolte. Kav LaOved (2010), « Palestinian Workers in Israeli West Bank Settlements 2009 » ; et entretien d'Oxfam avec Abed Al Halim Dari, responsable local de Kav LaOved en charge des ouvriers palestiniens, 21 janvier 2012. Pour plus d'informations, voir par exemple : http://www.similarsites.com/goto/kavlaoved.org.il

Voir : http://www.kavlaoved.org.il/publication_eng.html

Ma'an Development Center (2011), « Exploited Palestinian Labor in Israeli Agricultural Settlements in the Jordan Valley ». Le taux horaire moyen indiqué dans ce rapport est de 10 nouveaux shekels israéliens. Les conditions diffèrent d'une colonie à l'autre, si bien que les ouvriers peuvent gagner entre 50 et 100 nouveaux shekels israéliens par jour.

À sa demande, le nom de cette ouvrière a été changé.. Oxfam a également tenu secret le nom de son village et des colonies sur lesquelles elle travaille afin de ne pas dévoiler son identité, car son emploi est en jeu.

I. Gal et al. (2010), cité dans Palestinian Ministry of National Economy and The Applied Research Institute Ŕ Jerusalem (ARIJ) (2011), « The Economic Costs of the Israeli Occupation for the Occupied Palestinian Territory », septembre 2010 ; et la Banque mondiale (2010), « The Underpinnings of the Future Palestinian State: Sustainable Growth and Institutions: Economic Monitoring Report to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee », septembre 2010.

En 2011, l'aide budgétaire extérieure apportée en Palestine s'élevait à 789 millions de dollars : http://www.imf.org/external/country/WBG/RR/2012/052412.pdf

Pour obtenir les conclusions du Conseil des affaires étrangères de l'UE, voir : http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/130248.pdf

Le cadre de planification légal applicable dans la zone C (loi de planification jordanienne n° 79/1966) a été modifié en profondeur par l'ordre militaire israélien 418, qui exclut dans la pratique les Palestiniens du processus de planification (par exemple, avec l'abolition des comités de planification au niveau local et des districts). Voir les articles 14, 19 et 23 de la loi de planification jordanienne, qui définissent les exigences.

PONTIFICAL COUNCIL FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE

COMPENDIUM OF THE SOCIAL DOCTRINE OF THE CHURCH http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/justpeace/documents/rc_pc_justpeace_doc_20 060526_compendio-dott-soc_en.html#CHAPTER TEN

CHAPTER TEN SAFEGUARDING THE ENVIRONMENT I. BIBLICAL ASPECTS 451. The living experience of the divine presence in history is the foundation of the faith of the people of God: “We were Pharaoh's slaves in Egypt, and the Lord brought us out of Egypt with a mighty hand” (Deut 6:21). A look at history permits one to have an overview of the past and discover God at work from the very beginning: “A wandering Aramean was my father” (Deut 26:5); of his people God can say: “I took your father Abraham from beyond the river” (Josh 24:3). This reflection permits us to look to the future with hope, sustained by the promise and the covenant that God continually renews. The faith of Israel is lived out in the space and time of this world, perceived not as a hostile environment, nor as an evil from which one must be freed, but rather as the gift itself of God, as the place and plan that he entrusts to the responsible management and activity of man.Nature, the work of God's creative action, is not a dangerous adversary. It is God who made all things, and with regard to each created reality “God saw that it was good” (cf. Gen1:4,10,12,18,21,25). At the summit of this creation, which “was very good” (Gen 1:31), God placed man. Only man and woman, among all creatures, were made by God “in his own image” (Gen 1,27). The Lord entrusted all of creation to their responsibility, charging them to care for its harmony and development (cf. Gen 1:26-30). This special bond with God explains the privileged position of the first human couple in the order of creation. 452. The relationship of man with the world is a constitutive part of his human identity. This relationship is in turn the result of another still deeper relationship between man and God. The Lord has made the human person to be a partner with him in dialogue. Only in dialogue with God does the human being find his truth, from which he draws inspiration and norms to make plans for the future of the world, which is the garden that God has given him to keep and till (cf. Gen 2: 15). Not even sin could remove this duty, although it weighed down this exalted work with pain and suffering (cf. Gen 3:17-19).

Creation is always an object of praise in Israel's prayer: “O Lord, how manifold are your works! In wisdom have you made them all” (Ps 104:24). Salvation is perceived as a new creation that re-establishes that harmony and potential for growth that sin had compromised: “I create new heavens and a new earth” (Is 65:17) — says the Lord — in which “the wilderness becomes a fruitful field ... and righteousness [will] abide in the fruitful field ... My people will abide in a peaceful habitation” (Is 32:1518). 453. The definitive salvation that God offers to all humanity through his own Son does not come about outside of this world. While wounded by sin, the world is destined to undergo a radical purification (cf. 2 Pet 3:10) that will make it a renewed world (cf. Is 65:17, 66:22;Rev 21:1), finally becoming the place where “righteousness dwells” (2 Pet 3:13). In his public ministry, Jesus makes use of natural elements. Not only is he a knowledgeable interpreter of nature, speaking of it in images and parables, but he also dominates it (cf. the episode of the calming of the storm in Mt 14:2233; Mk 6:45-52; Lc 8:22-25; Jn 6:16-21). The Lord puts nature at the service of his plan of redemption. He asks his disciples to look at things, at the seasons and at people with the trust of children who know that they will never be abandoned by a provident Father (cf. Lk 11:11-13). Far from being enslaved by things, the disciple of Jesus must know how to use them in order to bring about sharing and brotherhood (cf. Lk 16:9-13). 454. The entrance of Jesus Christ into the history of the world reaches its culmination in the Paschal Mystery, where nature itself takes part in the drama of the rejection of the Son of God and in the victory of his Resurrection (cf. Mt 27:45,51, 28:2). Crossing through death and grafting onto it the new splendour of the Resurrection, Jesus inaugurates a new world in which everything is subjected to him (cf. 1 Cor 15:20-28) and he creates anew those relationships of order and harmony that sin had destroyed. Knowledge of the imbalances existing between man and nature should be accompanied by an awareness that in Jesus the reconciliation of man and the world with God — such that every human being, aware of divine love, can find anew the peace that was lost — has been brought about. “Therefore, if any one is in Christ, he is a new creation; the old has passed away, behold, the new has come” (2 Cor 5:17). Nature, which was created in the Word is, by the same Word made flesh, reconciled to God and given new peace (cf. Col 1:15-20). 455. Not only is the inner man made whole once more, but his entire nature as a corporeal being is touched by the redeeming power of Christ. The whole of creation participates in the renewal flowing from the Lord's Paschal Mystery, although it still awaits full liberation from corruption, groaning in travail (cf. Rom 8:19-23), in expectation of giving birth to “a new heaven and a new earth” (Rev 21:1) that are the gift of the end of time, the fulfilment of salvation. In the

meantime, nothing stands outside this salvation. Whatever his condition of life may be, the Christian is called to serve Christ, to live according to his Spirit, guided by love, the principle of a new life, that brings the world and man back to their original destiny: “whether ... the world or life or death or the present or the future, all are yours; and you are Christ's, and Christ is God's” (1 Cor 3:22-23). II. MAN AND THE UNIVERSE OF CREATED THINGS 456. The biblical vision inspires the behaviour of Christians in relation to their use of the earth, and also with regard to the advances of science and technology. The Second Vatican Council affirmed that man “judges rightly that by his intellect he surpasses the material universe, for he shares in the light of the divine mind”[946]. The Council Fathers recognized the progress made thanks to the tireless application of human genius down the centuries, whether in the empirical sciences, the technological disciplines or the liberal arts[947]. Today, “especially with the help of science and technology, man has extended his mastery over nearly the whole of nature and continues to do so”[948]. For man, “created in God's image, received a mandate to subject to himself the earth and all that it contains, and to govern the world with justice and holiness, a mandate to relate himself and the totality of things to him who was to be acknowledged as the Lord and Creator of all. Thus, by the subjection of all things to man, the name of God would be wonderful in all the earth. [The Council teaches that] throughout the course of the centuries, men have laboured to better the circumstances of their lives through a monumental amount of individual and collective effort. To believers, this point is settled: considered in itself, this human activity accords with God's will”[949]. 457. The results of science and technology are, in themselves, positive. “Far from thinking that works produced by man's own talent and energy are in opposition to God's power, and that the rational creature exists as a kind of rival to the Creator, Christians are convinced that the triumphs of the human race are a sign of God's grace and the flowering of His own mysterious design”[950]. The Council Fathers also emphasize the fact that “the greater man's power becomes, the farther his individual and community responsibility extends”[951], and that every human activity is to correspond, according to the design and will of God, to humanity's true good[952]. In this regard, the Magisterium has repeatedly emphasized that the Catholic Church is in no way opposed to progress[953], rather she considers “science and technology are a wonderful product of a God-given human creativity, since they have provided us with wonderful possibilities, and we all gratefully benefit from them”[954]. For this reason, “as people who believe in God, who saw that nature which he had created was ‘good', we rejoice in the technological and economic progress which people, using their intelligence, have managed to make”[955].

458. The Magisterium's considerations regarding science and technology in general can also be applied to the environment and agriculture. The Church appreciates “the advantages that result — and can still result — from the study and applications of molecular biology, supplemented by other disciplines such as genetics and its technological application in agriculture and industry”.[956] In fact, technology “could be a priceless tool in solving many serious problems, in the first place those of hunger and disease, through the production of more advanced and vigorous strains of plants, and through the production of valuable medicines”[957]. It is important, however, to repeat the concept of “proper application”, for “we know that this potential is not neutral: it can be used either for man's progress or for his degradation”[958]. For this reason, “it is necessary to maintain an attitude of prudence and attentively sift out the nature, end and means of the various forms of applied technology”.[959] Scientists, therefore, must “truly use their research and technical skill in the service of humanity”,[960] being able to subordinate them “to moral principles and values, which respect and realize in its fullness the dignity of man”[961]. 459. A central point of reference for every scientific and technological application is respect for men and women, which must also be accompanied by a necessary attitude of respect for other living creatures. Even when thought is given to making some change in them, “one must take into account the nature of each being and of its mutual connection in an ordered system”.[962] In this sense, the formidable possibilities of biological research raise grave concerns, in that “we are not yet in a position to assess the biological disturbance that could result from indiscriminate genetic manipulation and from the unscrupulous development of new forms of plant and animal life, to say nothing of unacceptable experimentation regarding the origins of human life itself”.[963] In fact, “it is now clear that the application of these discoveries in the fields of industry and agriculture have produced harmful long-term effects. This has led to the painful realization that we cannot interfere in one area of the ecosystem without paying due attention both to the consequences of such interference in other areas and to the well-being of future generations”.[964] 460. Man, then, must never forget that “his capacity to transform and in a certain sense create the world through his own work ... is always based on God's prior and original gift of the things that are”.[965] He must not “make arbitrary use of the earth, subjecting it without restraint to his will, as though it did not have its own requisites and a prior God-given purpose, which man can indeed develop but must not betray”.[966] When he acts in this way, “instead of carrying out his role as a co-operator with God in the work of creation, man sets himself up in place of God and thus ends up provoking a rebellion on the part of nature, which is more tyrannized than governed by him”.[967] If man intervenes in nature without abusing it or damaging it, we can say that he “intervenes not in order to modify nature but to foster its development in its own life, that of the creation that God intended. While working in this obviously delicate

area, the researcher adheres to the design of God. God willed that man be the king of creation”.[968] In the end, it is God himself who offers to men and women the honour of cooperating with the full force of their intelligence in the work of creation. III. THE CRISIS IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MAN AND THE ENVIRONMENT 461. The biblical message and the Church's Magisterium represent the essential reference points for evaluating the problems found in the relationship between man and the environment.[969] The underlying cause of these problems can be seen in man's pretension of exercising unconditional dominion over things, heedless of any moral considerations which, on the contrary, must distinguish all human activity. The tendency towards an “ill-considered” [970] exploitation of the resources of creation is the result of a long historical and cultural process. “The modern era has witnessed man's growing capacity for transformative intervention. The aspect of the conquest and exploitation of resources has become predominant and invasive, and today it has even reached the point of threatening the environment's hospitable aspect: the environment as ‘resource' risks threatening the environment as ‘home'. Because of the powerful means of transformation offered by technological civilization, it sometimes seems that the balance between man and the environment has reached a critical point”.[971] 462. Nature appears as an instrument in the hands of man, a reality that he must constantly manipulate, especially by means of technology. A reductionistic conception quickly spread, starting from the presupposition — which was seen to be erroneous — that an infinite quantity of energy and resources are available, that it is possible to renew them quickly, and that the negative effects of the exploitation of the natural order can be easily absorbed. This reductionistic conception views the natural world in mechanistic terms and sees development in terms of consumerism. Primacy is given to doing and having rather than to being, and this causes serious forms of human alienation.[972] Such attitudes do not arise from scientific and technological research but from scientism and technocratic ideologies that tend to condition such research. The advances of science and technology do not eliminate the need for transcendence and are not of themselves the cause of the exasperated secularization that leads to nihilism. With the progress of science and technology, questions as to their meaning increase and give rise to an ever greater need to respect the transcendent dimension of the human person and creation itself. 463. A correct understanding of the environment prevents the utilitarian reduction of nature to a mere object to be manipulated and exploited. At the same time, it must not absolutize nature and place it above the dignity of the human person

himself. In this latter case, one can go so far as to divinize nature or the earth, as can readily be seen in certain ecological movements that seek to gain an internationally guaranteed institutional status for their beliefs.[973] The Magisterium finds the motivation for its opposition to a concept of the environment based on ecocentrism and on biocentrism in the fact that “it is being proposed that the ontological and axiological difference between men and other living beings be eliminated, since the biosphere is considered a biotic unity of undifferentiated value. Thus man's superior responsibility can be eliminated in favour of an egalitarian consideration of the ‘dignity' of all living beings”.[974] 464. A vision of man and things that is sundered from any reference to the transcendent has led to the rejection of the concept of creation and to the attribution of a completely independent existence to man and nature. The bonds that unite the world to God have thus been broken. This rupture has also resulted in separating man from the world and, more radically, has impoverished man's very identity. Human beings find themselves thinking that they are foreign to the environmental context in which they live. The consequences resulting from this are all too clear: “it is the relationship man has with God that determines his relationship with his fellow men and with his environment. This is why Christian culture has always recognized the creatures that surround man as also gifts of God to be nurtured and safeguarded with a sense of gratitude to the Creator. Benedictine and Franciscan spirituality in particular has witnessed to this sort of kinship of man with his creaturely environment, fostering in him an attitude of respect for every reality of the surrounding world”.[975] There is a need to place ever greater emphasis on the intimate connection between environmental ecology and “human ecology”.[976] 465. The Magisterium underscores human responsibility for the preservation of a sound and healthy environment for all.[977] “If humanity today succeeds in combining the new scientific capacities with a strong ethical dimension, it will certainly be able to promote the environment as a home and a resource for man and for all men, and will be able to eliminate the causes of pollution and to guarantee adequate conditions of hygiene and health for small groups as well as for vast human settlements. Technology that pollutes can also cleanse, production that amasses can also distribute justly, on condition that the ethic of respect for life and human dignity, for the rights of today's generations and those to come, prevails”.[978] IV. A COMMON RESPONSIBILITY a. The environment, a collective good 466. Care for the environment represents a challenge for all of humanity. It is a matter of a common and universal duty, that of respecting a common good,[979]

destined for all, by preventing anyone from using “with impunity the different categories of beings, whether living or inanimate — animals, plants, the natural elements — simply as one wishes, according to one's own economic needs”.[980] It is a responsibility that must mature on the basis of the global dimension of the present ecological crisis and the consequent necessity to meet it on a worldwide level, since all beings are interdependent in the universal order established by the Creator. “One must take into account the nature of each being and of its mutual connection in an ordered system, which is precisely the ‘cosmos' ”.[981] This perspective takes on a particular importance when one considers, in the context of the close relationships that bind the various parts of the ecosystem, the environmental value of biodiversity, which must be handled with a sense of responsibility and adequately protected, because it constitutes an extraordinary richness for all of humanity. In this regard, each person can easily recognize, for example, the importance of the Amazon, “one of the world's most precious natural regions because of its biodiversity which makes it vital for the environmental balance of the entire planet”.[982] Forests help maintain the essential natural balance necessary for life.[983] Their destruction also through the inconsiderate and malicious setting of fires, accelerates the processes of desertification with risky consequences for water reserves and compromises the lives of many indigenous peoples and the well-being of future generations. All individuals as well as institutional subjects must feel the commitment to protect the heritage of forests and, where necessary, promote adequate programs of reforestation. 467. Responsibility for the environment, the common heritage of mankind, extends not only to present needs but also to those of the future. “We have inherited from past generations, and we have benefited from the work of our contemporaries: for this reason we have obligations towards all, and we cannot refuse to interest ourselves in those who will come after us, to enlarge the human family”.[984] This is a responsibility that present generations have towards those of the future,[985] a responsibility that also concerns individual States and the international community. 468. Responsibility for the environment should also find adequate expression on a juridical level. It is important that the international community draw up uniform rules that will allow States to exercise more effective control over the various activities that have negative effects on the environment and to protect ecosystems by preventing the risk of accidents. “The State should also actively endeavour within its own territory to prevent destruction of the atmosphere and biosphere, by carefully monitoring, among other things, the impact of new technological or scientific advances ... [and] ensuring that its citizens are not exposed to dangerous pollutants or toxic wastes”.[986] The juridical content of “the right to a safe and healthy natural environment” [987] is gradually taking form, stimulated by the concern shown by public opinion to disciplining the use of created goods according to the demands of the common

good and a common desire to punish those who pollute. But juridical measures by themselves are not sufficient.[988] They must be accompanied by a growing sense of responsibility as well as an effective change of mentality and lifestyle. 469. The authorities called to make decisions concerning health and environmental risks sometimes find themselves facing a situation in which available scientific data are contradictory or quantitatively scarce. It may then be appropriate to base evaluations on the “precautionary principle”, which does not mean applying rules but certain guidelines aimed at managing the situation of uncertainty. This shows the need for making temporary decisions that may be modified on the basis of new facts that eventually become known. Such decisions must be proportional with respect to provisions already taken for other risks. Prudent policies, based on the precautionary principle require that decisions be based on a comparison of the risks and benefits foreseen for the various possible alternatives, including the decision not to intervene. This precautionary approach is connected with the need to encourage every effort for acquiring more thorough knowledge, in the full awareness that science is not able to come to quick conclusions about the absence of risk. The circumstances of uncertainty and provisional solutions make it particularly important that the decision-making process be transparent. 470. Programs of economic development must carefully consider “the need to respect the integrity and the cycles of nature” [989] because natural resources are limited and some are not renewable. The present rhythm of exploitation is seriously compromising the availability of some natural resources for both the present and the future.[990] Solutions to the ecological problem require that economic activity respect the environment to a greater degree, reconciling the needs of economic development with those of environmental protection. Every economic activity making use of natural resources must also be concerned with safeguarding the environment and should foresee the costs involved, which are “an essential element of the actual cost of economic activity”.[991] In this context, one considers relations between human activity and climate change which, given their extreme complexity, must be opportunely and constantly monitored at the scientific, political and juridical, national and international levels. The climate is a good that must be protected and reminds consumers and those engaged in industrial activity to develop a greater sense of responsibility for their behaviour.[992] An economy respectful of the environment will not have the maximization of profits as its only objective, because environmental protection cannot be assured solely on the basis of financial calculations of costs and benefits. The environment is one of those goods that cannot be adequately safeguarded or promoted by market forces.[993] Every country, in particular developed countries, must be aware of the urgent obligation to reconsider the way that natural goods are being used. Seeking innovative ways to reduce the environmental impact of production and consumption of goods should be effectively encouraged.

Particular attention will have to be reserved for the complex issues surrounding energy resources.[994] Non-renewable resources, which highlyindustrialized and recently-industrialized countries draw from, must be put at the service of all humanity. From a moral perspective based on equity and intergenerational solidarity, it will also be necessary to continue, through the contribution of the scientific community, to identify new sources of energy, develop alternative sources and increase the security levels of nuclear energy.[995] The use of energy, in the context of its relationship to development and the environment, calls for the political responsibility of States, the international community and economic actors. Such responsibility must be illuminated and guided by continual reference to the universal common good. 471. The relationship of indigenous peoples to their lands and resources deserves particular attention, since it is a fundamental expression of their identity.[996] Due to powerful agro-industrial interests or the powerful processes of assimilation and urbanization, many of these peoples have already lost or risk losing the lands on which they live,[997] lands tied to the very meaning of their existence.[998] The rights of indigenous peoples must be appropriately protected.[999] These peoples offer an example of a life lived in harmony with the environment that they have come to know well and to preserve.[1000] Their extraordinary experience, which is an irreplaceable resource for all humanity, runs the risk of being lost together with the environment from which they originate. b. The use of biotechnology 472. In recent years pressing questions have been raised with regard to the use of new forms of biotechnology in the areas of agriculture, animal farming, medicine and environmental protection. The new possibilities offered by current biological and biogenetic techniques are a source of hope and enthusiasm on the one hand, and of alarm and hostility on the other. The application of various types of biotechnology, their acceptability from a moral point of view, their consequences for human health and their impact on the environment and the economy are the subject of thorough study and heated debate. These are controversial questions that involve scientists and researchers, politicians and legislators, economists and environmentalists, as well as producers and consumers. Christians are not indifferent to these problems, for they are aware of the importance of the values at stake.[1001] 473. The Christian vision of creation makes a positive judgment on the acceptability of human intervention in nature, which also includes other living beings, and at the same time makes a strong appeal for responsibility.[1002] In effect, nature is not a sacred or divine reality that man must leave alone. Rather, it is a gift offered by the Creator to the human community, entrusted to the intelligence and moral responsibility of men and women. For this reason the human person does not commit an illicit act when, out of respect for the order, beauty and

usefulness of individual living beings and their function in the ecosystem, he intervenes by modifying some of their characteristics or properties. Human interventions that damage living beings or the natural environment deserve condemnation, while those that improve them are praiseworthy. The acceptability of the use of biological and biogenetic techniques is only one part of the ethical problem: as with every human behaviour, it is also necessary to evaluate accurately the real benefits as well as the possible consequences in terms of risks. In the realm of technological-scientific interventions that have forceful and widespread impact on living organisms, with the possibility of significant long-term repercussions, it is unacceptable to act lightly or irresponsibly. 474. Modern biotechnologies have powerful social, economic and political impact locally, nationally and internationally. They need to be evaluated according to the ethical criteria that must always guide human activities and relations in the social, economic and political spheres.[1003] Above all the criteria of justice and solidarity must be taken into account.Individuals and groups who engage in research and the commercialization of the field of biotechnology must especially abide by these criteria. In any event, one must avoid falling into the error of believing that only the spreading of the benefits connected with the new techniques of biotechnology can solve the urgent problems of poverty and underdevelopment that still afflict so many countries on the planet. 475. In a spirit of international solidarity, various measures can be taken in relation to the use of new biotechnologies. In the first place, equitable commercial exchange, without the burden of unjust stipulations, is to be facilitated. Promoting the development of the most disadvantaged peoples, however, will not be authentic or effective if it is reduced to the simple exchange of products. It is indispensable to foster the development of a necessary scientific and technological autonomy on the part of these same peoples, promoting the exchange of scientific and technological knowledge and the transfer of technologies to developing countries. 476. Solidarity also means appealing to the responsibility of developing countries, and in particular of their political leaders, for promoting trade policies that are favourable to their peoples and the exchange of technology that can improve the conditions of their food supply and health. In such countries, there must be an increase in research investment, with special attention to the particular characteristics and needs of their territory and population, above all by bearing in mind that some research in the area of biotechnology, which may be potentially beneficial, requires relatively modest investments. To this end it would be useful to establish national agencies responsible for protecting the common good by means of careful risk management. 477. Scientists and technicians involved in the field of biotechnology are called to work intelligently and with perseverance in seeking the best solutions to the serious and urgent problems of food supply and health care. They must not forget that their

activity concerns material â&#x20AC;&#x201D; both living and inanimate â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that belongs to the patrimony of humanity and is destined also to future generations. For believers, it is a question of a gift received from the Creator and entrusted to human intelligence and freedom, which are themselves also gifts from heaven. It is hoped that scientists employ their energies and abilities in research characterized by enthusiasm and guided by a clear and honest conscience.[1004] 478. Entrepreneurs and directors of public agencies involved in the research, production and selling of products derived from new biotechnologies must take into account not only legitimate profit but also the common good. This principle, which holds true for every type of economic activity, becomes particularly important for activities that deal with the food supply, medicine, health care and the environment. By their decisions, entrepreneurs and public agency directors involved in this sector can guide developments in the area of biotechnologies towards very promising ends as far as concerns the fight against hunger, especially in poorer countries, the fight against disease and the fight to safeguard the ecosystem, the common patrimony of all. 479. Politicians, legislators and public administrators are responsible for evaluating the potentials benefits and possible risks connected with the use of biotechnologies. It is not desirable for their decisions, at the national or international level, to be dictated by pressure from special interest groups. Public authorities must also encourage a correctly informed public opinion and make decisions that are best-suited to the common good. 480. Leaders in the information sector also have an important task, which must be undertaken with prudence and objectivity. Society expects information that is complete and objective, which helps citizens to form a correct opinion concerning biotechnological products, above all because this is something that directly concerns them as possible consumers. The temptation to fall into superficial information, fuelled by over enthusiasm or unjustified alarmism, must be avoided. c. The environment and the sharing of goods 481. As regards the ecological question, the social doctrine of the Church reminds us that the goods of the earth were created by God to be used wisely by all. They must be shared equitably, in accordance with justice and charity. This is essentially a question of preventing the injustice of hoarding resources: greediness, be it individual or collective, is contrary to the order of creation.[1005] Modern ecological problems are of a planetary dimension and can be effectively resolved only through international cooperation capable of guaranteeing greater coordination in the use of the earth's resources. 482. The environmental crisis and poverty are connected by a complex and dramatic set of causes that can be resolved by the principle of the universal

destination of goods, which offers a fundamental moral and cultural orientation. The present environmental crisis affects those who are poorest in a particular way, whether they live in those lands subject to erosion and desertification, are involved in armed conflicts or subject to forced immigration, or because they do not have the economic and technological means to protect themselves from other calamities. Countless numbers of these poor people live in polluted suburbs of large cities, in make-shift residences or in huge complexes of crumbling and unsafe houses (slums, bidonvilles, barrios, favelas). In cases where it is necessary to relocate them, in order not to heap suffering upon suffering, adequate information needs to be given beforehand, with choices of decent housing offered, and the people directly involved must be part of the process. It is moreover necessary to keep in mind the situation of those countries that are penalized by unfair international trade regulations and countries with a scarcity of capital goods, often aggravated by the burden of the foreign debt. In such cases hunger and poverty make it virtually impossible to avoid an intense and excessive exploitation of the environment. 483. The close link that exists between the development of the poorest countries, demographic changes and a sustainable use of the environment must not become a pretext for political and economic choices that are at variance with the dignity of the human person.In developed countries there is a “drop in the birth-rates, with repercussions on the aging of the population, unable even to renew itself biologically”.[1006] The situation is different in the developing countries where demographic changes are increasing. Although it is true that an uneven distribution of the population and of available resources creates obstacles to development and a sustainable use of the environment, it must nonetheless be recognized that demographic growth is fully compatible with an integral and shared development.[1007] “There is widespread agreement that a population policy is only one part of an overall development strategy. Accordingly, it is important that any discussion of population policies should keep in mind the actual and projected development of nations and regions. At the same time, it is impossible to leave out of account the very nature of what is meant by the term ‘development'. All development worthy of the name must be integral, that is, it must be directed to the true good of every person and of the whole person”.[1008] 484. The principle of the universal destination of goods also applies naturally to water, considered in the Sacred Scriptures as a symbol of purification (cf. Ps 51:4; Jn 13:8) and of life (cf. Jn 3:5; Gal 3:27). “As a gift from God, water is a vital element essential to survival; thus, everyone has a right to it”.[1009] Satisfying the needs of all, especially of those who live in poverty, must guide the use of water and the services connected with it. Inadequate access to safe drinking water affects the well-being of a huge number of people and is often the cause of disease, suffering, conflicts, poverty and even death. For a suitable

solution to this problem, it “must be set in context in order to establish moral criteria based precisely on the value of life and the respect for the rights and dignity of all human beings”.[1010] 485. By its very nature water cannot be treated as just another commodity among many, and it must be used rationally and in solidarity with others. The distribution of water is traditionally among the responsibilities that fall to public agencies, since water is considered a public good. If water distribution is entrusted to the private sector it should still be considered a public good. The right to water,[1011] as all human rights, finds its basis in human dignity and not in any kind of merely quantitative assessment that considers water as a merely economic good. Without water, life is threatened. Therefore, the right to safe drinking water is a universal and inalienable right. d. New lifestyles 486. Serious ecological problems call for an effective change of mentality leading to the adoption of new lifestyles,[1012] “in which the quest for truth, beauty, goodness and communion with others for the sake of the common good are the factors that determine consumer choices, savings and investments”.[1013] These lifestyles should be inspired by sobriety, temperance, and self-discipline at both the individual and social levels. There is a need to break with the logic of mere consumption and promote forms of agricultural and industrial production that respect the order of creation and satisfy the basic human needs of all. These attitudes, sustained by a renewed awareness of the interdependence of all the inhabitants of the earth, will contribute to eliminating the numerous causes of ecological disasters as well as guaranteeing the ability to respond quickly when such disasters strike peoples and territories.[1014] The ecological question must not be faced solely because of the frightening prospects that environmental destruction represents; rather it must above all become a strong motivation for an authentic solidarity of worldwide dimensions. 487. The attitude that must characterize the way man acts in relation to creation is essentially one of gratitude and appreciation; the world, in fact, reveals the mystery of God who created and sustains it. If the relationship with God is placed aside, nature is stripped of its profound meaning and impoverished. If on the other hand, nature is rediscovered in its creaturely dimension, channels of communication with it can be established, its rich and symbolic meaning can be understood, allowing us to enter into its realm of mystery. This realm opens the path of man to God, Creator of heaven and earth. The world presents itself before man's eyes as evidence of God, the place where his creative, providential and redemptive power unfolds. NOTES

[946] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 15: AAS58 (1966), 1036. [947] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 15:AAS 58 (1966), 1036. [948] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 33: AAS58 (1966), 1052. [949] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 34: AAS58 (1966), 1052. [950] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 34: AAS58 (1966), 1053. [951] Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 34: AAS58 (1966), 1053. [952] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 35:AAS 58 (1966), 1053. [953] Cf. John Paul II, Address given at Mercy Maternity Hospital, Melbourne (28 November 1986): L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 9 December 1986, p. 13. [954] John Paul II, Meeting with scientists and representatives of the United Nations University, Hiroshima (25 February 1981), 3: AAS 73 (1981), 422. [955] John Paul II, Meeting with employees of the Olivetti workshops in Ivrea, Italy (19 March 1990), 5: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 26 March 1990, p. 7. [956] John Paul II, Address to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (3 October 1981), 3:L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 12 October 1981, p. 4. [957] John Paul II, Address to the participants in a convention sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences, for the bicentenary of its foundation (21 September 1982), 4:L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 4 October 1982, p. 3. [958] John Paul II, Meeting with scientists and representatives of the United Nations University, Hiroshima (25 February 1981), 3: AAS 73 (1981), 422. [959] John Paul II, Meeting with employees of the Olivetti workshops in Ivrea, Italy (19 March 1990), 4: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 26 March 1990, p. 7.

[960] John Paul II, Homily during Mass at the Victorian Racing Club, Melbourne (26 November 1986), 11: Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, IX, 2 (1986), 1730. [961] John Paul II, Address to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (23 October 1982), 6:Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, V, 3 (1982), 892-893. [962] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 34: AAS 80 (1988), 559. [963] John Paul II, Message for the 1990 World Day of Peace, 7: AAS 82 (1990), 151. [964] John Paul II, Message for the 1990 World Day of Peace, 6: AAS 82 (1990), 150. [965] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 37: AAS 83 (1991), 840. [966] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 37: AAS 83 (1991), 840. [967] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 37: AAS 83 (1991), 840. [968] John Paul II, Address to the 35th General Assembly of the World Medical Association (29 October 1983): L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 5 December 1986, p. 11. [969] Cf. Paul VI, Apostolic Letter Octogesima Adveniens, 21: AAS 63 (1971), 416-417. [970] Paul VI, Apostolic Letter Octogesimo Adveniens, 21: AAS 63 (1971), 417. [971] John Paul II, Address to participants in a convention on “The Environment and Health“ (24 March 1997), 2: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 9 April 1997, p. 2. [972] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 28: AAS 80 (1988), 548-550. [973] Cf., for example, Pontifical Council for Culture - Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, Jesus Christ the Bearer of the Water of Life. A Christian Reflection on the “New Age”, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Vatican City 2003, p. 33. [974] John Paul II, Address to participants in a convention on “The Environment and Health” (24 March 1997), 5: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 9 April 1997, p. 2.

[975] John Paul II, Address to participants in a convention on “The Environment and Health” (24 March 1997), 4: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 9 April 1997, p. 2. [976] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 38: AAS 83 (1991), 841. [977] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 34: AAS 80 (1988), 559-560. [978] John Paul II, Address to participants in a convention on “The Environment and Health” (24 March 1997), 5: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 9 April 1997, p. 2. [979] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 40: AAS 83 (1991), 843. [980] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 34: AAS 80 (1988), 559. [981] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 34: AAS 80 (1988), 559. [982] John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in America, 25: AAS 91 (1999), 760. [983] Cf. John Paul II, Homily in Val Visdende (Italy) for the votive feast of St. John Gualberto (12 July 1987): Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, X, 3 (1987), 67. [984] Paul II, Encyclical Letter Populorum Progressio, 17: AAS 59 (1967), 266. [985] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 37: AAS 83 (1991), 840. [986] John Paul II, Message for the 1990 World Day of Peace, 9: AAS 82 (1990), 152. [987] John Paul II, Address to the European Commission and Court of Human Rights, Strasbourg (8 October 1988), 5: AAS 81 (1989), 685; cf. John Paul II, Message for the 1999 World Day of Peace, 10: AAS 91 (1999), 384-385. [988] Cf. John Paul II, Message for the 1999 World Day of Peace, 10: AAS 91 (1999), 384-385. [989] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 26: AAS 80 (1988), 546.

[990] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis,34: AAS 80 (1988), 559-560. [991] John Paul II, Address to the Twenty-Fifth General Conference of FAO (16 November 1989), 8: AAS 82 (1990), 673. [992] Cf. John Paul II, Address to a study group of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (6 November 1987): Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, X, 3 (1987), 1018-1020. [993] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 40: AAS 83 (1991), 843. [994] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the participants at the Plenary Assembly of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (28 October 1994): Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, XVII, 2 (1994), 567-568. [995] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the participants at a Symposium on physics (18 December 1992): Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, V, 3 (1982), 1631-1634. [996] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon, Manaus (10 July 1980): AAS 72 (1980), 960-961. [997] Cf. John Paul II, Homily at the Liturgy of the Word with the Indigenous Peoples of the Peruvian Amazon Valley (5 February 1985), 4: AAS 77 (1985), 897898; cf. also Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Towards a Better Distribution of Land. The Challenge of Agrarian Reform (23 November 1997), 11, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Vatican City 1997, p. 17. [998] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Australia (29 November 1986), 4: AAS 79 (1987), 974-975. [999] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala (7 March 1983), 4:AAS 75 (1983), 742-743; John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Canada (18 September 1984), 7-8: AAS 77 (1988), 421-422; John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Ecuador (31 January 1985), II,1: AAS 77 (1985), 861; John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Australia (29 November 1986), 10: AAS 79 (1987), 976-977. [1000] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Indigenous Peoples of Australia (29 November 1986), 4: AAS 79 (1987), 974-975; John Paul II, Address to Native Americans (14 September 1987), 4: L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 21 September 1987, p. 21. [1001] Cf. Pontifical Academy for Life, Animal and Plant Biotechnology: New Frontiers and New Responsibilities, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Vatican City 1999.

[1002] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (23 October 1982), 6: Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, V, 3 (1982), 892-893. [1003] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (3 October 1981):AAS 73 (1981), 668-672. [1004] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences (23 October 1982):Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, V, 3 (1982), 889-893. John Paul II, Address to the participants in a convention sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences, for the bicentenary of its foundation (21 September 1982): Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paolo II, V, 3 (1982), 511-515. [1005] Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, 69:AAS 58 (1966), 1090-1092; Paul VI, Encyclical Letter Populorum Progressio, 22: AAS 59 (1967), 268. [1006] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 25: AAS 80 (1988), 543; cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium Vitae, 16: AAS 87 (1995), 418. [1007] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 25: AAS 80 (1988), 543-544. [1008] John Paul II, Message to Nafis Sadik, Secretary General of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (18 March 1994), 3: AAS 87 (1995), 191. [1009] John Paul II, Message to Cardinal Geraldo Majella Agnelo on the occasion of the 2004 Brotherhood Campaign of the Brazilian Bishops' Conference (19 January 2004):L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 17 March 2004, p. 3. [1010] John Paul II, Message to Cardinal Geraldo Majella Agnelo on the occasion of the 2004 Brotherhood Campaign of the Brazilian Bishops' Conference (19 January 2004):L'Osservatore Romano, English edition, 17 March 2004, p. 3. [1011] Cf. John Paul II, Message for the 2003 World Day of Peace, 5: AAS 95 (2003), 343; Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Water, an Essential Element for Life. A Contribution of the Delegation of the Holy See on the occasion of the 3rd World Water Forum, Kyoto, 16-23 March 2003. [1012] Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 36: AAS 83 (1991), 838-840. [1013] John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus, 36: AAS 83 (1991), 839. [1014] Cf. John Paul II, Address to the UN Center, Nairobi, Kenya (18 August 1985), 5: AAS78 (1986), 92.

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Journey for Peace with Justice Guidelines for Christians Contemplating a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land 2

Come & See

Come & See A Call from Palestinian Christians

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Introduction These guidelines were developed in 2010 at a consultative meeting in Geneva to promote justice tourism for pilgrims to PalestineIsrael. Representing 14 countries, a group of 27 theologians, Palestinian Christian activists and professionals in the tourism industry called on Christian pilgrims to live their faith as they visit the Holy Land, going beyond homage of ancient sites to show concern for the Palestinian people living there whose lives are severely constricted by the Israeli occupation of their lands.Â The meeting was organized by Alternative Tourism Group (ATG) in cooperation with the Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (ECOT), Kairos Palestine and the World Council of Churches (WCC) through its initiative the Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum (PIEF). ATG is a Palestinian NGO specializing in tours and pilgrimages that incorporate critical examinations of the Holy Landâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history, culture and politics.

Come & See

Affirming our Common Humanity: A Pilgrimage of Transformation The decision to visit the Holy Land is the first step in an amazing journey. Whether this will be your first pilgrimage to the Holy Land or you have visited many times before, we ask you to consider how Christians might best reflect the teachings of Jesus Christ when they are in the land where He walked. This journey will reveal —in contrast to daily headlines that make us feel helpless and inured to suffering and violence— that there is hope for bringing the fruits of peace to all. What is yet needed is the momentum and commitment of people of faith and courage. This pilgrimage of transformation will show us how each of us can be a peacemaker in our own small or large ways.

“If you want peace work for justice” Pope Paul VI

“If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality” Archbishop Desmond Tutu

These guidelines has been written for visionary pilgrims and visitors seeking an authentic, face-to-face human encounters in the Holy Land, who wish to connect with the Palestinian Christians -- the “Living Stones” who share their faith. It contains tools including Biblical reflection (page 10) and a Code of Conduct for Tourists in the Holy Land (page 16) to help plan and prepare—practically and spiritually-- a Pilgrimage of Transformation. Additional detailed planning and education resources are listed on pages 18-22. Today you are invited to a journey of truth and transformation that will reveal the love of God to you through the eyes of the Palestinian people who, despite having suffered decades of occupation and dispossession-- maintain their dignity, faith, and capacity for hope.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

The Kairos Call from Palestinian Christians: In a Land Holy to Three Faiths, Occupation is a Sin Kairos (

): an ancient Greek word meaning the right or opportune moment

In December 2009, Palestinian Christian leaders launched the Kairos document, a statement that shares their daily realities of life under occupation and calls on Christian sisters and brothers and churches worldwide to be witnesses to these realities, to be in solidarity, and to take action. The following are excerpts. Today we have reached a dead end in the tragedy of the Palestinian people. The decisionmakers content themselves with managing the crisis rather than committing themselves to the serious task of finding a way to resolve it…It is a policy in which human beings are destroyed, and this must be of concern to the Church… These days, everyone is speaking about peace in the Middle East and the peace process. So far, however, these are simply words; the reality is one of Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, deprivation of our freedom and all that results from this situation…

“They say: ‘Peace, peace’ when there is no peace” (Jer. 6:14).

We believe that our land has a universal mission. In this universality, the meaning of the promises, of the land, of the election, of the people of God open up to include all of humanity, starting from all the peoples of this land... It was the initiation of the fulfillment of the Kingdom of God on earth.

“The earth is the Lord’s and

God sent the patriarchs, the prophets and the all that is in it, the world, and apostles to this land so that they might carry forth a universal mission to the world. Today those who live in it we constitute three religions in this land, (Ps. 24:1). Judaism, Christianity and Islam…It is the duty of those of us who live here, to respect the will of God for this land. It is our duty to liberate it from the evil of injustice and war. It is God’s land and therefore it must be a land of reconciliation, peace and love...

”

Our appeal is to reach a common vision, built on equality and sharing, not on superiority, negation of the other or aggression, using the pretext of fear and security.

Come & See

We say that love is possible and mutual trust is possible. Thus, peace is possible and definitive reconciliation also. Thus, justice and security will be attained for all. In order to understand our reality, we say to the Churches: Come and see. We will fulfill our role to make known to you the truth of our reality, receiving you as pilgrims coming to us to pray, carrying a message of peace, love and reconciliation. You will know the facts and the people of this land, Palestinians and Israelis alike. At the same time we call on you to say a word of truth and to take a position of truth with regard to Israelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s occupation of Palestinian land. The entire document along with other resources can be found on the Kairos Palestine website: www.kairospalestine.ps

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Justice Tourism and the Palestinian Tourist Sector Transformational pilgrims to Palestine are also justice tourists, seeking to understand and make a positive difference in the lives of people whose lands they visit. Meeting Palestinians who are living under occupation is an act of solidarity that brings hope to the people and contributes to their economic development. Like the rest of the Palestinian economy, tourism faces unique difficulties caused by the Occupation. Israel controls all entrances into Palestine and, favoring its own tourist industry, Israel severely restricts business in Palestine. However, while more tourists still visit only Israel, the number of visitors to Palestine has been increasing annually. The Palestinian community has developed compelling and unique tour itineraries and programmes for visitors and pilgrims. The Code of Conduct for tourists to Palestine provides information, guidelines, and protocols for visitors while publications such as the excellent Palestine and Palestinians Guidebook are tremendously informative resources for trip planning. Justice tourism to Palestine has as its ultimate goal: “promoting peace with justice for the people in the Holy Land.” Engaging churches, social movements and faith-based organizations to promote Pilgrimages for Transformation, it is hoped that pilgrims will be inspired by and will work for justice-based peace and reconciliation for the Palestinians and Israelis.

Come & See

“Justice tourism, one of the most effective means of promoting understanding, mutual education, economic exchange and environmental protection, has a central role to play in these efforts…tourists with a commitment to social justice – justice tourists - have the opportunity, not only to make positive contributions to the communities they visit, but to become holders of the knowledge that will one day lead to equality, democracy, and

”

human rights for all. Rami Kassis Alternative Tourism Group

Affirming the Love of God for All

We know that certain theologians in the West try to attach a biblical and theological legitimacy to the infringement of our rights. Thus, the promises, according to their interpretation, have become a menace to our very existence. The “good news” in the Gospel itself has become “ a harbinger of death” for us. We call on these theologians to deepen their reflection of the Word of God and to rectify their interpretations so that they might see in the Word of God a source of life for all peoples. [2.3.3]

“My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge…” Hosea 4:6a (RSV)

“...It is a call to repentance, to revisit fundamentalist theological positions that support certain unjust political options with regard to the Palestinian people. It is a call to stand alongside the oppressed and preserve the word of God as good news for all...God is not the ally of one against the other, nor the opponent of one in the face of the other. God is the Lord of all and loves all,

Our connectedness to this land is a natural right. It is not an ideological or a theological question only. It is a matter of life and death. There are those who do not agree with us, even defining us as enemies only because we declare that we want to live as free people in our land. We suffer from the occupation of our land because we are Palestinians. And as Christian Palestinians we suffer from the wrong interpretation of some theologians. Faced with this, our task is to safeguard the demanding justice from all Word of God as a source of life and not of death, so that “the good news” remains what it is, “good news for us and for all. In face of those who use the Bible to threaten our existence as Christian and Muslim Palestinians, we renew our faith in God because we know that the word of God cannot be the source of our destruction. [2.3.4] from Kairos Palestine, an appeal from Palestinian Christians

...”

Beyond the rhetoric and the media spin is a reality of suffering that has been denied for decades. Churches have done a grave disservice to their flocks by ignoring the plight of millions of dispossessed Palestinians. As Christians living in the Holy Land, we have faith

A Call from Palestinian Christians

that when our fellow Christians from around the world gain access to a more comprehensive picture of our reality, they will no longer be able to ignore our cry for peace with justice. In many countries today, the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands and the oppression this brings to their daily lives is not well understood and is often obscured in the media and by powerful interests. While some are misled and disempowered to speak or act, many Christians and other people of conscience feel disturbed by a one-sided narrative that justifies the ongoing occupation and its gross human rights violations. With this background, some come to the Holy Land as spectators, touring holy sites as they would museums, not caring or realizing that for Palestinian Christians these are living places of worship. Reflecting the pious practices of the Pharisees, they search for a personal blessing, seeking to renew an egocentric, individualistic faith. What they choose to see and do only reinforces their prejudices, preconceived notions, and limited understanding of a complex situation. Yet true faith requires more from a Christian than purveying stereotypes and untruths and supporting injustice. The genuine Christian pilgrim seeks the living Christ in the now, in solidarity with the oppressed, the poor, and the imprisoned. They look for truth and seek justice, supporting and blessing both Palestinian and Israeli peacemakers.

Come & See

Spiritual Elements of an Authentic Pilgrimage A true Christian pilgrimage to Palestine is an invitation to “come and see”: a journey to find new and deeper truths about ourselves and the meaning of our Christian faith and be transformed so that we may test and approve what is the will of God – what is good and well-pleasing and perfect.” (Romans 12: 2).

“ Justice denied anywhere

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diminishes justice everywhere Martin Luther King Jr.

We embark on a purposeful and respectful journey with the Palestinian Christians through their land and history, taking sufficient time to listen, reflect, and pray with them. Hearing their stories may challenge us to unlearn much of what we “know” and “understand” about Palestine and to relearn through experiencing the realities of Palestinian life and their struggle for justice. Christian pilgrimage must comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable. Based on the relationships we build with Palestinian Christians on our pilgrimage, we can seek truth and paths to peace and reconciliation by: 1. Listening to the Biblical reflections of local Christians, the descendants of the first Christians, whose experiences have given them a deep and personal understanding of the Scriptures that forms the basis of Palestinian Christian theology. 2. Making connections between our lifestyles and the national policies of our countries and the injustices Palestinians live with each and every day. As these connections become clear, accept the responsibility to respond by working for a transformation in our own lives and home communities. 3. Experiencing the diverse environment of Palestine by accompanying Christian Palestinians on visits to their Muslim brothers and sisters to share and learn from each other. 4. Offering a voice of comfort to the Palestinian people as we hear about their daily humiliation, anger, frustrations, and struggles. 5. Committing to stand with Palestinians in their struggle for dignity and freedom.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Come & See

Biblical Insights for a Pilgrimage of Transformation Too often, we can be like the dead Lazarus, wrapped in cloth, unaware of the world around us, and the people in it. Jesus calls us to come out, to come back to life, to make the difference we are meant to make in the world. As St Paul says in 2. Cor, 5:17: “Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, he is a new creation; the old has gone, the new has come!” The story of Lazarus reminds us that for God nothing is impossible —even death is not an obstacle— and that we must not accept the premise that a just peace in Palestine-Israel is beyond reach. The Bible itself is an inspiration to see our entire lives as a pilgrimage and to live like a pilgrim every day. The whole Bible is about God’s determination to bring his creation back to a new relation with the divine, to “…a better country, that is, a heavenly one.” (Hebrews 11: 16) In Hebrews 13 we also learn about “...brotherly love and hospitality to strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.” What should be even more important to Christians than the holy sites are the communion of living saints at the pilgrimage places. Journeying to a place of divine blessing, presence, and power should be done in the context of human living. Because we are all members of Christ’s body, we cannot be witnesses to other Christians’ lives without caring about their expressions of faith, their traditions, their joys and struggles.

“Jesus looked up to heaven and prayed to his Father, closing with these words: “Lazarus, come out!” When Lazarus came out of the tomb, Jesus told the people to remove his

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grave clothes. John 11:43-44

“He has told you, O mortal, what is good and what does the Lord require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly

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with your God? Micah 6:8

“Rejoice with those who rejoice; mourn with those who

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mourn

Roman 12: 15

A Call from Palestinian Christians

God intervenes in human history whenever life is threatened, abused and destroyed– for the slain Abel, Uriah, Naboth, the slaves in Egypt, the poor and the widows. God revives the dry bones that “come to life, stand on their feet and become a great army” (Ezekiel 37:10). The reign of God is present wherever life is set free, the blind see, the lame walk and the good news of liberation is announced. God sends the prophets to liberate people from oppression and speak words of judgment. God is on an eternal pilgrimage into our here and now for the sake of justice and love. God’s incarnation in Christ is God’s way of entering into the moral struggles of the world and showing us how to live a truly human life. Jesus identifies himself with all those unjustly treated in order to expose injustice. (See the Parable of the Last Judgment, Matt.25: 25-35)

“The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable

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year of the Lord. Luke 4:18ff (RSV)

“If you love God, you would love the people of God, the people that God created. Many of us Christians love the church - our buildings, monuments, traditions, relics, liturgies, and symbols. In the name of God, we love what we have created but fail to love what God has created – the human being and the rest

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of creation.

Deenabandhu Manchala World Council of Churches

Come & See

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Connecting with Palestinian Christians For decades, millions of Christian have journeyed to the Holy Land and returned home without even realizing that their pilgrimage was missing something very important: face-to-face human encounters with those who share their faith. Palestinian Christians’ continuous presence for more than 2,000 years in the land of Christ’s life, death, and resurrection gives them a unique connection to Christianity and its traditions. They also share, along with the rest of the Arab world, a culture of hospitality renowned for its warmth and generosity. In addition, Palestinian Christians have vast experience welcoming pilgrims to their land, continuing a tradition their ancestors began centuries ago. As hosts, the Palestinian Christians are able to show visitors holy sites rarely seen by ordinary tourists and can illuminate these sites with a faith that is physically linked to these places. For Palestinian Christians, the holy sites are not mere tourist destinations —they are often their own local churches— places that have meaning in their every day worship. The people in these communities -- the “Living Stones” -- are the keepers of sacred tradition in the Holy Land and protectors of the places that mark events in the life of Christ and the prophets.

Come & See

“Come to him, a living stone, rejected by men but approved, nonetheless, and precious in God’s eyes. You too are living stones, build as an edifice of spirit, into a holy priesthood, offering spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through Jesus

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Christ.

1 Peter 2:4-5

“Palestinian hospitality is a long lasting tradition dating back to the times of Jesus Christ some

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2000 years ago. Father Richard Potts, editor of The Liguorian. www.TravelPalestine.ps

Who Are the Palestinian Christians ? No one knows exactly the numbers of Palestinian Christians since the great majority of them live in the Diaspora and there is no proper census to know their numbers. Their estimated number, living in Palestine, Israel and the Diaspora, is estimated between 800,000 to one million. They are an integral part of the indigenous Palestinian population and their mother tongue is Arabic. Their history is linked with the early church established in Jerusalem some 2000 years back and their presence never been disconnected in this land. At present, around 50,000 Christians live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip and make up about 1.2 percent of the total population. In Israel their number is estimated at around 160,000 people. Despite this small percentage, the Christians in Palestine lead a very dynamic community and very active in the field of social services and education. Approximately 45% from the NGOs in Palestine are run by churches or church-related organizations. The majority of Palestinian Christians living abroad are found in USA, South America, Australia, Canada and Europe. This situation is due to the expulsion of around 750,000 Palestinians, including 150,000 Christians, who became refugees in the year 1948, the year of Nakba (Arabic for â&#x20AC;&#x153;catastropheâ&#x20AC;?). The dispersal of Palestinians since 1948 has spared no one family or group including Palestinian Christians. Palestinian Christians in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip belong to the four Christian families: Oriental Orthodox Churches, Eastern Orthodox (Caledonian) Churches, Catholic Churches, and Evangelical Churches. In addition to 13 officially recognized denominations, there are some smaller ones, mainly evangelicals. Palestinian Christians live almost in every governorate in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, although the majority of them live around the holy sites in Bethlehem and Jerusalem. There are approximately ten town and village councils headed by Christian mayors in addition to a number of legislators and ministers in the Palestinian authority.

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Meeting the People of Palestine: Suggestions for meaningful face-to-face encounters with “the living stones.” 1. Visit Palestinian churches, attend their services, and worship with them. Stay and talk. More than a dozen denominations -- representing all four Christian families -exist in Palestine, so it will not be hard to find your church. 2. Choose to tour with a Palestinian tour group and/or guide (see Resources, page 19) for all or at least some of the time. Israeli tour companies are permitted to come into the West Bank, but tourists have found that Israeli tour guides have a very different interpretation of the Palestinian reality, and will discourage tourist from having contact with any “Arabs.” 3. While Israeli tour companies regularly bring their tourists to Bethlehem to visit the Church of Nativity, rarely do their busses spend more than an hour there and no money is circulated into the local economy. You can support the Palestinian economy by enjoying the town of Bethlehem and beyond -- eating in restaurants, visiting shops and staying in hotels. 4. Visit Palestinian social, cultural, educational or theological centers. 5. Make contact with one of the numerous Palestinian civil society groups and organizations who focus on women’s issues, children, human rights, or people with disabilities. Ask if you may visit their programs. 6. Arrange to stay with or visit a Palestinian family. Local tourist companies are happy to match you with a host family whether that is for just one meal or for several days as an overnight guest. 7. Obtain a Palestinian guidebook such as Palestine and Palestinians to give you more ideas and guide you through the country (see Resources, page 19). 8. Explore the country on foot. A journey on the “road less traveled” is an opportunity for encounters with nature, landscape, and culture that would otherwise be inaccessible by vehicle.

Come & See

A Code of Conduct for Travelers to the Holy Land This code was developed with input from Palestinian and international organizations in order to present a unified message about responsible tourism in the region. Below are excerpts that we belief are most important for Christians to incorporate into their pilgrimages.

Preparation

To prepare your trip to Palestine, we encourage you to consider including the following in your preparation: 1. Choose an inclusive and balanced itinerary that allows you to visit and stay in different places. 2. Educate yourself by reading guidebooks, travel accounts and articles about current news and events. [See Resources, page 19-23] 3. Establish contact with Palestinians to get up-to-date information about the current situation, safety, local history, culture and customs. 4. Approach travelling with a desire to learn rather than just observe. Leave prejudices behind.

Your trip

Adopting a considerate attitude towards the people you encounter, the environment, and host communities when travelling in Palestine helps to make sure that your trip is beneficial both for you as a tourist and for the hosts.

5. Your attitude

• Respect and learn about the local culture. Although taking pictures is in general welcome, be aware of people›s sensitivity about being photographed: always ask first for their approval. • Observe local customs. Respect local dress codes and dress modestly. • Interact and spend time with local people. Be aware that your cultural values may differ from theirs. They may, for example, have different concepts of time, personal space, communication and society. Other values are not wrong or inferior, just diffeent.

6. Your behaviour:

• Be aware of shortsighted emotional reactions, such as giving money out of compassion. This can be offensive. A Call from Palestinian Christians

• Make sure that you encounter and engage with the local communities who are struggling for the respect of their dignity. • Support communities in a responsible way, without encouraging them to change their customs in order to adopt yours. • When visiting holy sites, allow members of the respective religious community to guide you.

7. Your use of natural resources:

• Co-operate with locals in conserving precious natural resources. Commit yourself to a moderate use when possible • Be open to experience local standards rather than expecting to find the same conditions as in your home town and/or country.

8. Support the local economy:

• Appreciate local expertise by paying adequately. • Buy local products. • Contribute to ensuring that tourism has a beneficial outcome for the local community.Use local transportation, guides, accommodation, restaurants and markets to benefit the local economy. • Consider giving tips where customary. 9. Remember that the people you encounter have lived under military occupation for many years. Be sensitive when discussing related topics and listen to their points of view. 10. Be inspired by the pilgrim›s journey: take your time to live and experience the daily life of the local people.

Returning home

When you return from Palestine do not hesitate to share your experiences with friends and relations. Your Palestinian hosts will be very happy to know that you keep them in your mind and that you tell their and your stories. In this way, you can strengthen the human side of tourism and enhance its benefits to communities and individuals.

11. Share your experience

• Think of creating links between your community and the community you visited. • Tell the stories of the people you met. • Discuss and debrief with other members of your group (if you travelled together with others). • Share with your family; inform your community; write articles.

Come & See

12. Stick to the commitments you made during your trip: • Remember the promises you made to the local people you met and honour them. • Keep the people in your thoughts, pray for them and act when your actions are needed. 13. Allow yourself to be enriched by learning experiences: • Question your stereotypes/generalisations, both the ones you had before the trip and the ones emerging from your experience abroad. • Address prejudices and injustice where you meet them.

14. Take action

• Learn about the involvement and responsibilities of your home country in the Middle East. Expose and confront them when they have been unfair. Address statements you do not agree with, such as inaccurate tourism brochures, stereotyped views of Palestine in conversation and inaccurate or biased media portrayals.

Excerpted from: A Code of Conduct for Tourism in the Holy Land: A Palestinian Inititive, printed by the Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism (PIRT) in 2009. For the complete Code of Conduct or for more information about PIRT, please visit www.pirt.ps

A Call from Palestinian Christians

LEARNING ABOUT THE ISSUES SELECTED RESOURCES For additional resources, please visit

www.pirt.ps to view our expanding list.

PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Al Haq

Independent Palestinian non-governmental human rights organization www.alhaq.org

Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ)

Promoting sustainable development in the occupied Palestinian territory http://www.arij.org

Badil

Resource Center for Palestinian Residency& Refugee Rights www.badil.org

Defence for Children International â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Palestine Section

Promoting and protecting the rights of Palestinian children in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) www.dci-pal.org

International Center of Bethlehem

Lutheran-based, ecumenically-oriented institution empowering the local community www.annadwa.org/dar

International Middle East Media Center Independent media coverage of Israel-Palestine www.imemc.org

Joint Advocacy Initiative (JAI) of the East Jerusalem YMCA and YWCA of Palestine

Working for peace with justice in Palestine, based on humanitarian and Christian values. www.jai-pal.org

Come & See

Kairos Palestine

Christian Palestinians’ word to the world about what is happening in Palestine www.kairospalestine.ps

Palestine Center for Human Rights

NGO based in Gaza dedicated to protecting human rights www.pchrgaza.org

Palestinian Bible Society

Committed to making the Word of God available to Palestinians www.pbs-web.com

Sabeel

Palestinian Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center www.sabeel.org

ISRAELI HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS: Alternative Information Center

Promoting the human and national rights of the Palestinian people www.alternativenews.org

Breaking the Silence

Israeli soldiers document their time in the Occupied Palestinian Territories www.shovrimshtika.org/index_e.asp

B’tselem

The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories www.btselem.org

Gisha

Legal Center for Freedom of Movement www.gisha.org

Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

Non-violent, direct-action organization to resist Israeli demolition of Palestinian houses www.icahd.org

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Rabbis for Human Rights

Seeks to prevent human rights violations in Israel and in areas for which Israel has taken responsibility www.rhr.org.il

Who Profits?

Exposing the Israeli occupation industry www.whoprofits.org

Zochrot

Israeli citizens working to raise awareness of the Nakba www.nakbainhebrew.org/index.php?lang=english

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS: Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT)

Faith-based non-violent support in situations of lethal conflict www.cpt.org

The Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI)

Accompaniment and advocacy efforts to end the occupation (An initiative of the World Council of Churches) www.eappi.org

International Solidarity Movement

Non-violent resistance though international solidarity www.palsolidarity.org

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Reports on the Occupied Palestinian Territory http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/MENARegion/Pages/PSIndex.aspx

Come & See

BOOKS: Of the Middle East (2005) by Robert Fisk I am a Palestinian Christian (1995) by Mitri Raheb Palestine—Peace not Apartheid (2006) by Jimmy Carter Palestine in Pieces: Graphic perspectives on the Israeli Occupation (2009) by Kathleen & Bill Christison The Question of Palestine (1992) by Edward W. Said DOCUMENTARIES: Hope in a Slingshot (2008)

www.roninfilms.com.au/feature/1706.html

Occupation 101 (2006) www.occupation101.com

Slingshot Hip Hop (2008) www.slingshothiphop.com/dvd

With God on our Side (2010) www.withgodonourside.com

A Call from Palestinian Christians

PALESTINIAN PILGRIMAGE AND TOURIST RESOURCES: Alternative Tourism Group

Palestinian NGO specializing in justice tourism www.atg.ps

Travel Palestine

The Official Website for Tourism in Palestine www.travelpalestine.ps

Palestinian Initiative for Responsible Tourism

A network of organizations advocating responsible tourism in the Holy Land www.pirt.ps

Visit Palestine

«Your guide to Palestine» www.visitpalestine.ps

GUIDEBOOKS: Palestine and the Palestinians (Second edition 2008)

Published by and available from Alternative Tourism Group: www.atg.ps

Come & See

Issued by :

Alternative Tourism Group In cooperation with

Palestine-Israel Ecumenical Forum Ecumenical Coalition on Tourism (PIEF)

A Call from Palestinian Christians

Kairos Palestine