Future Frameworks: A Design Research Studio on Infrastructure, Equity and Ecology by Jeffrey Nesbit

A Design Research Studio on Infrastructure, Equity and Ecology

FUTURE FRAME WORKS /NYC

Faculty Advisor Jeffrey S. Nesbit Student Participants Joe Bondi Jose Herrera-Chavez Edwin Montoya Cruz Zach Duncan Erica Grant Mohammad Karkoutly Grace Shanks Hannah Soenksen Adrian Reyna Assistant Editors Mohammad Karkoutly Adrian Reyna Interim Dean Urs Peter “Upe: Flueckiger Reviewers & Advisors Amy Breedlove, NYC Civic Engagement Comission David Driskill, Texas Tech University Nate Imai, Texas Tech University Rosalea Monacella, Harvard Graduate School of Design Shawn Rickenbacker, Spitzer City College / J. Max Bond Center Samir Shah, Urban Quotient Antje Steinmuller, California College of the Arts Dr. Kirstine Stiphany, Texas Tech University Image Credits The editors have attempted to acknowledge all sources of images used and apologize for any error or omissions. Copyright 2021, Texas Tech University, College of Architecture All Rights Reserved No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without written permission from its authors and the Architecture Department in the College of Architecture at Texas Tech University The font utilized in the report is called Router and was developed with inspiration of New York City’s subway signage.

ARCH 5501 Design Research Studio College of Architecture Texas Tech University Fall 2021

Table of Contents Introduction

Imaginaries

Infrastructures

Index

124

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INTRODUCTION Jeffrey S. Nesbit

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Infrastructure is now a critical subject in urbanism. The potential utility and technological imaginary of infrastructural systems confront contingencies in culture, the environment, and politics. Perhaps the traditional discourse of “infrastructural urbanization” understood physical frameworks as existing in a space between skepticism and positivism. How do environmental and political challenges—and, more importantly—responses to those challenges, present themselves as a design formulation with infrastructure as its central figure? Cultural representation is the means for imagining alternative futures. In other words, the role of infrastructure and the material conditions from which infrastructures emerge are neither politically neutral nor culturally muted. This graduate design research studio, conducted in the fall of 2021 in the College of Architecture at Texas Tech University, focuses on defining relational infrastructure and urban modeling strategies by increasing public access, providing equitable alternatives, and elevating ecologies for better urban futures. “No longer simply what is hidden or beneath another urban structure, many infra-structures are the urban formula, the very parameters of global urbanism.” -

Keller Easterling, 2011

Infrastructure is political. President Biden’s Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework bill recently seeks to update and provide new forms of clean and sustainable transportation, water, and energy infrastructures. It becomes the social hegemony of power and is driven by consequential definitions of infrastructure and its supporting agendas. While landscape urbanist discourse engaged logistics, ecology, and impacts of decentralization fifteen years ago, infrastructure now arises as a critical subject. Infrastructure becomes the operational method for producing political and cultural imaginations. For this studio, we ask critical questions and interrogate the architect’s role, specifically from the lens of landscape urbanism. Such infrastructures can then be understood as political imaginaries for elevating forms of resiliency, ecology, and environmental equity. At the scale of a region, neighborhood, or block, how can design and design research provide alternatives in relational urban modeling, ecological planning, and revisiting redundant and obsolete urban infrastructures to increase public access and equality? This semester, working closely with a New York based developer and local architecture office, we use Inwood, the northmost neighborhood on Manhattan, to explore strategies across its diverse

context, including the Harlem River waterfront, MTA rail yard, and a culturally rich history of working and immigrant families. • Equity must be made fundamental to urban design and planning; • infrastructure and utility easements should become public space: active and accessible; • alternative models for housing must be built on innovative forms of infrastructure; • zoning should mitigate questions of density beyond FAR; • “green space” must become manicured parks: porous and productive.

than

This design research report is comprised of nine students’ inquiries into the pressing challenges of infrastructure and the built environment today. The report is organized into three primary segments. The first segment, Imaginaries, includes provocative drawings developed across the studio work. These imaginary drawings are purposefully meant to reinvent the urban fabric, not through architectural translations of form, but a series of impressions and overlays derived from the environment, zoning laws, and utility speculations. The second segment, Infrastructures, offers condensed versions of studio projects which seek to radicalize the future status of infrastructure, public space, and resources. The projects reveal geopolitical relationships from the planetary scale down to our northern Manhattan context. Each identifies specific critical questions tied to a regulatory framework: access (accessibility, food, public service), logistics (resource, energy, supply), or land (zoning, hydrology, ground). The third and final segment, Index, concludes the report with a brief series of historical and survey examples which inspired initial observations and research trajectories.

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Mohammad Karkoutly

Erica Grant

Hannah S

Adrian Reyna

Zach Duncan

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Soenksen

Jose Herrera Chavez

Joe Bondi

Grace Shanks

Edwin Montoya Cruz

IMAGINARIES

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

180 °

150 °

120 °

90 °

60 °

30 °

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

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Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

How can zoning be used to promote VISIBILITY and TRANSPARENCY of governance?

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Inwood, New York 40.6220° N, 73.7468° W

Oil Terminal

Standard Terminal

Oil Terminal

LOGISTICS = CITY?

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

The U.S. Virgin Islands contain one of the vital supplies of oil and petroleum products to the North Eastern United States. By having these oil rigs reconfigure into trellis for plants and life to allow for birds and fish to spawn and come back to re inhabit and re-wild the area.

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

ABTHASCA OIL SANDS

2.8 m

illion

barre ls pe r day

OF AMERICA D STATES UNITE

US SUPPLY TERRITORY

Charle Mobile New Orleans Houston

GULF OF MEXICO

CARIBBEAN SEA

Floating Dock

NEW YORK

Altered Port

0 0,0 50

eston

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Per les arr 0B

y Da

Drone Port

ATLANTIC OCEAN

Transit

ST. CROIX

High Density

INFRASTRUCTURES

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INDUSTRIAL ICONS Redefining Infrastructure and City Imagination Adrian Reyna

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 Across the globe major cities have infrastructural icons withing their urban networks that begin to give cities their identities. Historically the emergence of these icons is closely tied to economics. The shift into global economies resulted in infrastructural overhauls of cities to sustain the sudden bursts of growth and facilitate the flows within cities. For cities to thrive the existing systems had to adapt to new global economies that started to give cities influence beyond there regional boundaries. This global outreach begins to give cities power as a presence in a global economical network. As a result, this global presence starts to change the work backwards and begin to change the identity of cities. The icon creates an identity that is closely associated with economics and this in turn gives the cities power. When these existing infrastructural icons start to become obsolete in future frameworks how does the image of the city begin to transform? The transformation of the icons themselves can have an impact on the existing infrastructural networks to readapt them beyond an economical presence. The icons and the networks they exist in can become public stages to address social, ecological, and infrastructural concerns. The image of New York city is made up of infrastructural icons such as the Brooklyn Bridge, the Brooklyn Queens Expressway, the intricate subway system, and other intermixed conditions that exist within the networks of the city. These networks begin to establish a relationship between how they begin to shape the city and therefore create an infrastructural identity. If we think of these icons “as objects of a technical system, or infrastructure as a set of social behavioral patterns” there is a possibility to predict how that network is going to behave and begin to develop solutions for a plethora of scenarios. In this instance, the focus is on what occurs to these networks and icons when they become obsolete. The icons can be broken down into simpler orientations that occur within the city; there are elevated, surface level, and underground conditions that make up the various icons across the city. These conditions can be analyzed across the network and begin to be added to an index of ‘urban platforms’ that can be used as instruments that create agencies between the network and its immediate context. By thinking of the icons as ‘urban platforms’ it allows for the ability to start to think about how these surfaces can be reprogrammed to do more than they were originally intended for. How do these urban platforms begin to adapt to accommodate these new urban futures? The orientations that have been described can behave differently once they are adjusted for obsolescence. These orientations are already existing within the networks that make up the city and the icons exist within them. For example, the Brooklyn Bridge, the subway system, and the elevated highway conditions of New York all exist inside the overall infrastructural networks that give the city its identity. How can these urban platforms be reimagined to start to tackle social, ecological, and infrastructural concerns? If that urban platform is no longer being used, it can be repurposed to serve another function. To start this process, each icon is attached to a microclimate that has ecological systems associated with it. The ‘urban platform’ then becomes accessible both to humans and non-humans. The introduction of the microclimate starts to introduce systems within the infrastructural network that begin

to change its image and its association to its surroundings. As Charles Waldheim states “landscape as a medium of urbanism has often been invoked to absorb and in some ways mitigate various impacts associated with social, environmental, and economic crises.” This allows for adjacencies to be created along the network that begin to change how the networks associate with the surrounding context. These strategies are a reaction to the processes of urbanization that address how we deal with abandoned infrastructural systems and the constant transformation of industrial economies. The programming of these horizontal surfaces allows for the infusion of new systems in the existing networks. The introduction of ecology allows for these networks to start to become tools that address some of the issues associated with urban nodes. The ‘trench’ condition in cities can be transformed and used as an instrument to start to mitigate flooding and a way to navigate rising sea levels which is a factor in a city like New York but is quickly becoming an area of concern across the globe. The introduction of ‘urban platforms’ within the trench allows for the reclamation of the old infrastructural system and begins to provide access to water within the network of the city. The intervention creates a relationship between the existing infrastructural network and the ecological network that is introduced. The redefined trench allows for flora and fauna to coexist within the fabric of the city and develop a relationship between humans and nonhumans. The subterranean condition of the subway starts to behave in a different way but still deals with ecological systems along its network. The street condition of the subway is lifted to reveal the “hidden” network that exists within the city. Consequently, this allows for the subway network to be revealed to the surface as a result, ecological systems will move within it to transform its image. By elevating the street, a new urban platform is created that can be used as a tool to introduce ecological networks that start to reclaim the obsolete rail systems and tunnels. The two ground conditions serve different purposes and allow for social and ecological performances to occur simultaneously alongside each other. The top surface begins to connect with the surrounding context by introducing itself into the vicinity along the artery. These moments along the network develop adjacencies between the elevated plane and the ground-level. The urban surface can be programmed to contain pockets of ecology that are dispersed throughout the artery which begin to influence how the icon is interacted with. The act of attaching these ecological systems to old infrastructural icons gives them agency to start to have global outreach. Shifting from an ecological to social strategies the interventions along the Brooklyn Bridge can start to address the concerns of affordable housing in New York. The introduction of housing alongside the existing network of the bridge reimagines the image of the icon and transforms it. This transformation of the icon starts to alter the identity of the city and the networks within it. If the Brooklyn Bridge becomes an urban platform for social housing and the activities associated it with it the bridge itself starts to behave in a different way that originally intended. Since the icon has failed in this urban future as an infrastructural network the platform within the network can also be transformed to accommodate for the new housing that has moved in alongside the network. These urban interventions 41

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC become reclamations strategies of obsolete infrastructural icons that transform the images of our cities. The strategies that are being applied to the infrastructural icons in New York serve as case studies to understand how they interact with existing networks and how these interventions start to affect the image of these icons. These transformations begin to change the image of cities and can be used as a guideline to begin to introduce them into other cities across the globe. As the infrastructural icons within cities begin to become obsolete, the images of the cities start to change and alter to adapt to new urban futures. The introduction of ecological systems within these networks start to change the dialogue around cities for the human and nonhuman instead of capitalistic hubs that revolve around industry and economic gain. Historically the urban networks within cities have revolved around necessity but with the introduction of global economies cities have shifted their identities to adjust to the emergence of new global networks. A contrast can be made between the early sewer systems in Paris and the contemporary example of the High Line in New York. Both are infrastructural systems that exist within the city, one born out of necessity and one that has become obsolete and transformed into an economic platform that has had an unwelcoming effect on its surrounding context. This project anticipates the failure of such infrastructural icons and how they can provide alternatives for future transformations along unpredictable economic urban infrastructure, including housing, public space, and transportation. The introduction of ecological microclimates within these networks serves to critic the way that urban platforms are programmed and the influence that has on adjacent areas. The strategies discovered through these case studies can be applied to cities across the globe and start to influence how we think about structuring future cities in a world where the existing systems have become obsolete. Using the existing systems as sites for urban interventions allows for a conversation about the future frameworks of cities and the ability to use the existing networks as the initial step in reimagining the image and identity of cities.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

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Sputyen Duyvil Bridge

Inwood Hill Park

59th St - Columbus Station

Grand Central

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

240th st Train Yard

Marble Hill Station

MTA Railyard

Broadway Bridge

MTA Railyard

A Line Subway

University Heights Bridge

207th st Station

Dyckman st Station

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HOUSING AMALGAMATION The existing bridge structure is taken and used to develop a series of structure that overlaps the bridge. The amalgamation of structure is used for housing and creating new infrastructural corridors underground.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

HOUSING BRIDGE The insertion of housing into the bridge begins to reclaim it and changes its image as an infrastructural system.

TRENCH The towers sitting above the trench are cut through with a rail line which begins to create different ground conditions from the trench, surface level, and elevated railway. Opening a space for the residents in between the different layers of the ground conditions.

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Elevated Highway

Ecological 48

Social

Infrastructure

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Bridge Housing

Ecological

Social

Infrastructure 49

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Trench

Ecological 50

Social

Infrastructure

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Subway

Ecological

Social

Infrastructure 51

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Elevated Forest

Highlands

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Marshlands

Subterranean

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RECONFIGURING LOGISTICS From Extraction to the Urban Block Mohammad Karkoutly

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 To change perceptions of our logistical systems, global economies must take accountability, future infrastructures must regenerate urban ecologies, and urbanization must reconfigure logistics for planetary environments. Global commerce is dependent on a series of trade networks that connects various countries to generate capital. International countries and their economies must take responsibility for the extracted sites and the environmental damages they have sustained to fuel our current society. Lots of markets, products, and systems require the use of oil to produce capital and profits. Shifting away from oil economies to alternative forms of energy production for example can help create new markets and opportunities to emerge. Alternative forms of energy production may include an increase of photovoltaic cells that are attached to the roofs of buildings to increase electrical energy production within cities. A shift towards electrical vehicles and public transportation would also happen as the transition away from oil occurs. Logistical networks as described by Clare Lyster is when, “Geography is no longer a prerequisite for urbanism; the [logistical] network is.” To design for the future, we need to re-adapt our current infrastructures to allow for restorative and regenerative efforts to take place within our urban environments. To create regenerative infrastructure, we need to reconfigure our current infrastructures that facilitate the distribution of oil which will be used to create interventions that will spread throughout the city. Changing the urban landscape with the distribution of these interventions allow for the restoring of healthier surroundings to emerge within the city. Logistics will then be redefined through urbanization and will reimagine itself as a new methodology of interacting with planetary environments. To start internalizing the importance of logistics at the planetary scale an overview of the various participants is needed to see how far-reaching New York City is. “The growth of oil into the largest item in international trade in terms of both value and weight was only possible by the infrastructure that delivered it from its point of extraction to world markets.” The suppliers of fuel for New York come from various parts of the country domestically and internationally. Globally this includes St. Croix, Canada, west African countries, and various OPEC countries that transport fuels into the port of New Jersey and New York. Domestically various states such as North Dakota, Texas and the Gulf Coast provide lots of fuel to New York. The colonial pipeline links the Gulf Coast crossing thirteen states into New York city which allows the delivery of a multitude of fuel types such as ethanol, heating oil, jet fuel, and various other types of oil products. At the national level, the United States contains hundreds of miles of pipelines, thousands of refineries, and hundreds more oil rigs and oil extraction operations spread throughout the country. The Bayway Refinery is a refining facility located near the Port of New York and New Jersey and is owned by Philips 66. This refinery is the northernmost refinery for the whole of the East Coast of the United States. They convert crude oil supplied from tanker ships from the North Sea, North Dakota, West Africa, Canada, and the U.S. Virgin Islands into gasoline, diesel, jet fuel, propane, and heating oil. Most fuels and oil products produced here are sent to local markets in New Jersey and primarily New York, sending their finished fuel

products thru railcar, barge, trucks, or pipelines. It is currently the main supplier of petroleum products going into New York and the Northeast region of the United States which makes that part of the country heavily dependent on this single refinery. Another important and overlooked source of oil is hidden among the U.S. Virgin Islands in the small island of St. Croix. There a joint operation between the HOVENSA oil group and a Venezuela state government produce a majority of heating oil and gasoline. With most of its crude oil being imported from Venezuela to be converted into useable petroleum products. The refinery takes up lots of land and is an unseen, invisible operation that produces and ships all its products to the Eastern Coast of the United States. The refinery was considered one of the top ten largest oil refineries of the world because of its size and output of 500,000 barrels per day. Lastly, the Athabasca Oil Sands in Canada contains the largest deposits of crude oil on the planet. The Oil Sands consist of a mixture of sand, water, clay, and a type of oil called bitumen. By clearing forests and digging up dirt, they can extract oil from the soil and use it to create crude oil which eventually gets shipped to refineries such as Bayway. Puddles known as tailing ponds are formed and create toxic slurries of heavy metals and hydrocarbons that are left as a byproduct of the excavation of bitumen. The bitumen is shipped on railcars because of its volatility and because of its thickness that doesn’t allow it to be transported through pipelines. These are the notable sources of extraction that New York is dependent on to keep the city moving. New York City, more specifically Manhattan Island utilizes a series of delivery and transportation methods to move fuel from global markets, trucks, or pipelines down to their intended destinations for consumers to use. With the logistical infrastructure network being set up Lyster identifies that, “Logistics upends the city’s traditional reliance on geophysical qualities to facilitate new possibilities for where the city might be and what it might look like.” There are a plethora of uncontrollable variables that could impact the supply and distribution of resources coming into New York. Climate change is a big contributing factor that could impact the logistics and supply of fuel being delivered from global and domestic partners. Storm surges, flooding, and high winds can all impact the production and flow of goods as the planet gets warmer and various climatic weather events form. Due to these unpredictable climatic events, fluctuating prices of oil, and national security the United States create the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to protect it citizens. The SPR serves as the nation’s insurance policy against events that could have caused a disruption of the supply chain of fuels on a national level. Utilizing salt caverns in the Gulf Coast, the president can sign authorization of use and within 13 days deliver oil to all the United States with enough to supply 1.3 billion vehicles for 90 days. The various distribution strategies utilized to deliver resources to the numerous ports, gas stations, and airports are vast with layers of distribution allowing for an interconnected network of logistics to emerge. By analyzing the distribution strategies and networks utilized in Manhattan the creation of an urban topography of logistics was generated. Using the network of pipelines, rail lines, and ports as a method of analysis to inform new urban strategies which were then 55

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC adapted into Inwood. Various blocks located within New York City and Inwood facilitate the consumption and maintenance of oil logistics. A deeper understanding of how distribution and logistical networks are formed based on the relationships between the distribution strategies and the location of the blocks. Several blocks such as gas stations, multi-use housing, mechanic auto shops, and bus depots are the mundane urban spaces that litter the urban landscape. These ubiquitous urban spaces are where the supply chain comes to an end and where consumers interact and utilize the product that has arrived to them from various parts of the world. By reconfiguring the networks between environment, human development, and the sites of extraction as a method to reutilizing old and outdated infrastructures. We can see how new ecologies can form that allow for humans, non-humans, and the environment to coexist. Relationships between these three categories is necessary to produce an urban landscape that can restore damaged ecologies for the benefit of anyone and everything living within that area. To start improving our urban spaces for future frameworks, interventions along the network need to be created before focusing on a particular place since everything is interconnected. By reconfiguring existing infrastructures in St. Croix, Canada’s Oil Sands, and refineries in New Jersey improving ecologies at the planetary scale will help to restore connected ecological spaces. These global entities represent the past oil societies and represent the various methods of consumption done thru these infrastructural mediums. Examples include be the reclaiming and cleansing of bitumen extraction sites with the use of dredgers altered to protect birds from falling into tailing ponds. The reconfigured dredgers also clean up the tailing ponds by filtering out the heavy metals and toxins so that over years of filtration these ponds can create a safer, healthier environment. St. Croix’s issues can be reversed by the introduction of floating islands and reefs that would rehabilitate and bring back schools of fish into the area. Existing oil rigs could be reconfigured to have other programs such as farming or hydroponics which would generate fresh vegetables and foods that could be delivered to markets along the coast, using the same shipping lanes of oil. And in New Jersey, the large existing Bayway refinery could be reimagined as a fishery which would repopulate the dwindling supply of Bass and other species of fish. By transforming these infrastructures, the ability to create new altered ecologies would help rehabilitate impacted areas along the network. These interventions along the global network of logistics can be adapted and brought back into Inwood. Geographically, these interventions are strung along a global interconnected network that transform various parts of the world as we shift away from our use of oil. These planetary schemes were used as an influence to create new urban strategies that will start to emerge within the existing urban landscape. By utilizing old, outdated infrastructures that were part of the previous oil society and reimagining the potentials for new futures to occur within Inwood. In our post oil society resource extraction has halted or slow down due to advances in other energy production allowing for modification of those infrastructures for the betterment of society. This transitional period in the new society allows for, “[a] system [to] subsumed by another presumed to be more fit”. Examples of these 56

interventions are followed by reconfiguring urban blocks as an experimental process to see what possibilities could happen when focused on the logistical relationships of the city. The introduction of floating docks scattered around the Hudson River can allow reconfigured tanker ships to be able to transport other types of resources and create informal marketplaces. These docks and cargo ships would provide more water access to citizens of New York and the local communities, while also creating new forms distribution channels that would create a new local connected network. New ports along old shipping ways can be developed that allow for these ships to then carry their cargo into the mainland providing access to fresh foods or other resources citizens need. Old cranes and port infrastructures could then be reimagined and developed to create drone ports, where drones are able to take the cargo and disperse it to other ports located within the urban landscape. These ports would be available to the public and allow for even more logistical freedom and free up the space within the streets to allow for less congestion. Altering ecologies with reconfigured infrastructures impact everything along the supply chain and are needed to make a planetary wide change in the way we conduct our new post oil society. Focusing on the problems from the global scale to the urban and back to the planetary scale was the best method of creating solutions. Only by moving through these various scales and creating the various interventions would the solution for a global wide solution emerge. These interventions are needed as we shift away from our consumerist mentality and start focusing on the environment, society, and the communities that make up our cities.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

U.S. Virgin Islands Limetree Bay Refinery

Canada Tar Sands Extraction

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

New Jersey Bayway Refinery

Inwood, New York Gas Station

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Floating docks would be placed around Manhattan to increase access to the waterfronts while using decommissioned cargo ships to create floating market places to bring more availability of foods and services across the city.

New ports that connect the waterfront area to the rest of Inwood using large reconfigured crane buildings will help to deliver goods, resources, and products to other areas.

Old logistical infrastructur create new reconstructed support local ecologies an

re will be reconstructed to d infrastructures that will nd activities.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Old logistical infrastructures will be altered to create new infrastructures that will support local ecologies and activities.

Resource availability will be a thing of the past as the city is reassembled around flows of resources and density is increased as the city grows.

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Current Oil Society Linear distribution of supply chain routes

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Post Oil Society Multiplied reconfigured distribution routes

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

INVISIBLE TENSIONS Zoning Laws and Urban Form Grace Shanks

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 Governance is of power on an organized society through a social system. Such systems are backed by invisible land codifications that reinforce social constructions of race, class, and gender inequities, zoning was originally created as a set of laws to protect the public, but quickly became a way to enforce control over society because zoning effectively impacts everyone’s access to the city regardless of the intent. How can zoning be used to promote visibility and transparency of governance? Invisible Tensions began with this question with regards to promoting equity of people and environment. Current zoning practices are only for social primates and must become adapted to challenge the current social and political constructs while also promoting the existing ecologies to flourish. Zones of interruptions create moments of access within an inaccessible neighborhood where the center is publicly commoned and pedestrian walking paths cut through the blocks to create new opportunities of movement within the city. The ground has been shifted and become reclaimed for the pedestrian and existing urban ecologies. Sectional thinking of zoning allowed for new opportunities of how land could become infrastructure and gave opportunities for new types of zones to emerge that considered both people and ecology as one. Zone imaginaries came from imagining sectional thinking to reinvigorate the working water fronts with new types of waterfront properties that allows for public and private investment simultaneously, rethinking how the city accesses utilities, grounding the skyline, and commoning air rights for all. They are new frameworks of interruptions that can perform Special Economic Zones that are aimed at depoliticizing urban land and place commoning for the specific communities they are within. Imaginaries are places within the city to trial new forms of urbanism and see how they function for the people against the old zoning laws. Zoning was formally introduced into New York City’s narrative with the 1916 Zoning Resolution that was said to be created for the welfare and public health of the people. It restricted industries and residences, limited heights of buildings, and restricted towers to 25% of its lot size, this Resolution was precedent and impacted future Urban Development as urban sprawl grew. While opportunities for an elite few came, the Zoning Resolution brought degeneration for most citizens. Families like the Rockefellers and Vanderbilts were able to gain more power and money because they had advantageous opportunities to buy vast amounts of land that were zoned for the ideal demographic, and later purchasing air rights as the became available for new forms of economic interests. Zoning laws were created by people like the Rockefellers because they could afford the new rules to live by creating a strong relationship between power and land ownership. This concept however is not new, and came be accurately traced back to feudalism in the Middle Age as land ownership gave more protection and power to an elite few and used the common people as a method to reinforce the power gained. The city that never sleeps grew on the foundation of capitalism and grew into a spectacle to blind people from the true realities of the city. The skyscrapers and grand signages became an image of the American Dream, which was ultimately success through governance. The Great Gatsby, which is historically a book written as a critique on the American Dream, was just as

blinded by the spectacle of the city ultimately romanticizing the city. The book reveals this when the main character, Nick says, “Over the great bridge, with the sunlight through the girders making a constant flicker upon the moving cars, with the city rising up across the river in white heaps and sugar lumps all built with a wish out of nonolfactory money. The city seen from the Queensboro Bridge is always the city seen for the first time, in its first wild promise of all the mystery and the beauty of the world.” The culture of the American dream and the immense amount of industries that were grounded in New York City, fueled zoning to become a monster of profit that ate and spit out the lower and middle class while American culture romanticized and perpetuated it. In the book City and Ports, Meyer commentates, “the uniformity and continuity of the street network theoretically guaranteed that the government would treat public areas equally and that all parts of the city would be accessible to all citizens,” the reality of this uniformity is that no space is the same and/or equal even if they are initially designed that way. Some places are farther from others then creating the issue of access through space and time of commute, while others are about access to quality light and air. Ultimately, space no matter how it is ordered will always have an order of inequity. The oversimplification of space to a classification within a zone that is all encompassing devalues the community and history of that space, undermines the existing ecologies living there, creating tensions between the community, city, and environment. The overall framework that emerged from this analysis is that zoning laws must become more adaptable to a specific community and acknowledge the needs of that area with regard to environment to create a more equitable new form of land codification. The working water fronts of New York City were a continuation of the grid into water and were a large portion of the life and heartbeat of the city where it was originally zoned, but now they lay forgotten and abandoned while other areas and communities of the city are continuously made over. The surface of the city covers the abandoned in the hopes that it will lay forgotten while they invest in the new. Forgotten sites throughout the city mark a larger issue of the underlying intent of zoning and symbolizes a narrative and history that has a part with the city being obliterated. Places within the city that are supposed to be for the public and enjoyed by the public are also a direct result of these practices. Parks are a good example of polishing the cities surface with no regards to public space and commoning while burying the deeper truth of discrimination and gentrification that took place. Such is the case with Central Park in the heart of the city. This site was strategically chosen to remove a middle-class community of African Americans from within the city, and systematically place them into a specific out skirted region of the city, while using the location to build a park for the public that only a select few could truly access and use. Inwood itself is a neighborhood who covers the atrocities of the past. The land used to be a slave burial ground, but without a meaningful depth of investigation, these atrocities nor the people who endured them are not known. Forgotten sites are places of history that have been covered physically by zoning mirror the white washing of history within textbooks and positioning knowledge into power to instill propaganda 65

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC and a chosen narrative as the law. Zoning was a practice of this propaganda and used as a tool to physically hide the past and distant the present. This process of erasure has continuously occurred within the history of the city. “Certain occupants of housing blocks in the Lower East Side and the Bronx- their dwellings having been razed- moved into these new public housing projects. The majority of those who had lived in the blocks now demolished, however, were forced to relocate to mass housing complexes that Moses had situated on Coney Island and in Rockaway Beach, far from the city.” (Enduring Innocence) Which Moses than went even farther, forcing them to use his new parkways to enter the city for work and leisure and pay to use the roads, ultimately forcing them to move and then bankroll off them being forced to commute with his private roads. “Moses introduced a hierarchy into urban public space and its green elements, in which private interests were of minor importance. His interventions into the city ultimately robbed 250,000 people of their homes but countless landowners, along with city and town councils, also saw certainties that they had believed would go on forever disintegrate beneath the violence of Moses’ bulldozers.” The zones of the city are based on the past and the vast industries of New York that are no longer relevant within the same context of the urban fabric. The pre-determinance and assumptions of communities from the past have created zones of tension within the city and have allowed for those zones to become easily weaponized, as seen in the case of Robert Moses and Rockaway Beach. The identities of these abandoned places have been assumed and brought cultural emptiness because zoning doesn’t value culture and identity, just governance. Zoning today influences how everyone interacts with the city and even how tourist move through the city. Although the lines of Zoning are invisible, those lines have an immediate and direct effect on how the world is experienced, and how people respond to their urban context. Zones imaginaries are a new form of urbanism that aims to build unpredictability and give new way to new types of future societies. They interrupt the current city fabric and work to elevate the pedestrian and urban ecology. It cuts through the current and explores the potential beginnings of sectional zoning. The analysis begins to remediate the water fronts to be working once more and looks at how private and public interests can be negotiated to give more public space back to the people by positioning new zoning laws to reflect the movement needs of people and to give more land back to urban ecologies to thrive. The overall zoning framework that emerged is three different urban interruptions that can become trials for how zoning could evolve to stimulate future societies.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Inwood

Central Park

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Inwood Park

Air Rights 68

Coyote

Racoon

White Tail Deer

Virginia Oposum

Racoon

Opsrey

Smelt

Atlantic Sturgeon

Racoon

Pigeon

Monarch

(Invasive)

Norway Maple

Snowy Owl

Mixed Density H Commercial, and

Red Oak (Non-Invasive)

Riverside Drive

Bald Eagle

Med. Density Housing

Pigeon

Hudson River

Pigeon

Tropophere (0-10 km.)

Water Fronts

Proposed Zoning

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Housing, Heavy d Light Industrial

Mixed Density Housing and Med. Industrial

Heavy Industrial

Sept. (42 AQI)

Aug. (51 AQI)

Jul. (88 AQI)

Jun. (54 AQI)

May (51 AQI)

Annual Avg. 24 AQI

Mean Annual Temperature 54 Mean Annual Precipitation 47” O

Harlem River

>90% Fill with Construction Debris Snow Geese

Projected Practices of Current Zoning

Well drained: The seasonal high water table is rarely higher than 40 inches from the surface for any significant period during the growing season. Permeability: Moderately Rapid 2-<6 14-42 ums-1

Gravelly Sandy Loam (0- 15 mm.) Pigeon

Pigeon

in hr-1

Very Gravelly Sandy Loam Weak (15- 308 mm.)

Opsrey

Extremely Stony Sandy Loam Massive (152- 1651 mm.)

Smelt

Racoon

White Tail Deer

Racoon

Very Gravelly Sandy Loam Massive (308- 152 mm.)

Scenario 0

Guidelines to Zone Imaginaries 1. Public pedestrian corridors must cut through buildings 2. Centers of imaginaries must be kept as a public common for social and political community gatherings 3. Air rights must be given to ecological and pedestrian right of way 4. New working water fronts hold both public and private interest 5. Housing towers must utilize underground to maintain relative heights 6. Buildings at minimum must be setback from sidewalk 30’ 7. Commercial areas must give 10% of lot size in addition to sidewalk setback for public rest areas 69

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Ecological Rights

Urban Hinterland

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

ENERGY TOPOGRAPHIES Imagining Infrastructure as Urban Form Jose Herrera-Chavez

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 It is important to comprehend the most pressing infrastructural challenges in urban landscapes. Energy topographies reimagines these challenges using energy infrastructure as a base for strategy development. Context is not only the physical conditions of our site in Inwood, New York, but expands into the questions of planetary and environmental crisis that have contribute both questions of land, infrastructure, and society. Survey begins with gathering a series of research and resources to demonstrate the most critical issues in urban infrastructure today. New York City is Underground Infrastructure. Climate conditions forced New York City to bury their energy infrastructure system underground. In the 1800’s hundreds gas, water, telephone, sewage, transportation, and mail, were systems that operated underground. New York city has some of the nation’s highest prices for electricity. It has been over 130 years since the energy infrastructure system was introduced, why hasn’t NYC upgraded their energy infrastructure system? (1888-2021) New York City’s original natural gas pipeline infrastructure remains active, as of today, is the primary source of energy production. At least one gas pipeline breaks every day. New York City spends more than $400 million dollars each year repairing gas leaks and replacing pipelines. This construction photo demonstrates the failure and frustration of the current underground natural gas pipeline system in New York City. The issue begins with congestion of the city. It is extremely difficult to deliver a vast amount of energy to a small region. NYC demands more than 1,200 billion cubic feet of natural gas per year. Based on the current consumption of energy, New York City has approximately 52 years left of natural gas resources. Another failure of the current energy infrastructure system is the New York City loses approximately 40% of the natural gas in transportation. That’s the reason why states like Texas. Utah, Wyoming, Oklahoma, New Mexico, North Dakota and other regions across the Atlantic like Russia, Iran, and Qatar are not the most efficient sources of acquiring natural gas. How can underground infrastructure systems be used as strategies to resolve current issues about land, infrastructure, and society of today. How can we imaging places like power plants floating on the water as an opportunity to create social spaces? Scientists estimate the 80 percent of the oxygen produced on earth comes from the ocean. Are we willing to disrupt the major source of oxygen that we have? Less than one percent of renewable energy consumed in New York City comes from solar capture fields that are located outside of New York City. How can New York City utilize landscapes to produce energy? How can landscapes be used as a strategy to produce energy while serving as a public space and assist solving the current issues in urban infrastructure? New York City had predicted to have infrastructure underground as a strategy to solve rapid urbanization, but technologies were not capable of transmitting natural light to the underground. Innovated technologies are allowing us to imagine the underground as a strategy to solve issues about urban infrastructure and improve social equity. Projects around the globe are utilizing natural light transmission to the underground, the results are limitless. Is underground the solution to the urban infrastructure issues of today? Geography carries over the initial interests of energy infrastructure into a spatial mapping tactics that are specific

boundaries and surfaces, including any political and physical conditions of geography in three unique scales such as planetary, regional, and local. The series of maps illustrate the mechanism and correlation of the current infrastructure systems of the world in relationship to Inwood, in New York City. This map illustrates the global trading of natural gas around the globe in relation to the consumption and production between the top producers and consumers of natural gas resources. The pattern of production seems to be in correlation with consumption of each country. High natural gas producer countries tend to consume more natural instead of exporting somewhere else. In addition, high natural gas produce countries that export natural gas is distributed to neighboring countries. The second map illustrates where the does natural gas come from in each district of New York City. It also shows the total travel distance before it arrives to the designated power plant station outside of New York City in order to be converted it into electricity for the residents. It also illustrates the distance of extraction depending on where it was extracted from, for example Canada, Pennsylvania and Michigan and upstate New York. Natural gas is extracted from a large range of underground distances. This map illustrates the high energy consumption of each block in relationship to Inwood. Inwood’s energy consumption based on building block consumption is distributed unequally through the city. Topography emphasizes in the extraction of critical information learned from the analytical mapping and research highlighting the infrastructural inquiries. The lessons learned will be transformed into tactics and methods for topographical manipulations. Conditions of topography is a framework to reflect upon the networks, infrastructure systems and methods of ecology. Topography contains a great unique association to the forms of energy consumption in Inwood. The patterns of energy consumption have a relationship to the patterns of ground topography in the city. The flatter the land is, the more energy proves to be consumed. Landforms can begin to be created based on other patterns of urban infrastructure, in this case, based on energy consumption. The pattern of landforms and the pattern of urbanization can also be tied to the energy distribution of Inwood. High energy consumption blocks have a relation to the distribution of energy. The buildings the remain in the topographical map exceed the energy consumption based on square footage, therefore the distribution is greater in certain areas. The patterns of land and the pattern of urbanization can lead to new strategies for an equal amount of energy production, consumption, and distribution of Inwood. The patterns for energy infrastructure can be used and are tied to the relationship of energy infrastructure. Landforms are created by different types of energy production such as solar capture and wind; these frameworks create urban landscapes. Typology is an independent study that begins with analyzing existing building block types. The selection of these block types are selected based on energy performance data. Each block contributes to information related to energy consumption, distribution, and production. The range begins with the buildings block that consumes the most energy in Inwood and ending with a building block types that distributes and produces energy for Inwood. Each building block is also 75

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC formed in relation to a program verb to better understand the special arrangement. The variations of urban morphologies strategies blocks range from the block the consumes the most energy to the block the produces energy in relationship to building density. The configurations are based on types of energy productions such as wind, and solar, based on buildings density in order achieve public access through energy infrastructure. The menu of building blocks demonstrates the different types of energy production strategies for the different types of building densities how the program verbs contribute to defining the unlimited types of building block types of reconfigurations based on energy performances. Both landscape and ecology serve as useful strategic models for three primary reasons: 1) they accept the often messy and complex circumstances of the given site, replete with constraints, potentials, and realities, and they have developed techniques, mapping, diagramming, planning, imaging, arranging, and so on, for both representing and working with the seemingly unmanageable or inchoate complexities of the given . . .” by James Corner. These drawings demonstrate the deformed massing of buildings by different angles of sun exposure, based on solar capture and solar commons in relationship to the highest and lowest altitude of the sun during different months. The urban transect section illustrates the relationship between land and energy among the consumption and production of energy. The sections also illustrate the building density, being denser on the left and no building density towards the right. High consumption in relation to high density buildings. The deformation of mass in buildings can lead to the production of energy through solar harvesting by different angles of sun exposure ranging from different types of densities and landforms. These drawing represents the highest density building block with deformed massing that obtain 50% solar capture. These drawings represent less density of building block with deformed massing that obtain 70% solar capture. These drawings represent medium density building block with deformed massing that obtain 50% solar capture. These drawings represent the lowest density building block with land formed to facilitate wind and solar energy production. The examination of solar studies based on solar harvest performance and on four different types of building densities. Each building blocks demonstrates solar studies at a specific sun angle during the sunniest time of the year. This study helps illustrates the effect of solar performance of solar harvesting in site context with Inwood. How can solar ground lead to the production of energy through solar capture and increase solar commons? This is the assembly of density within the solar performance variations. The selected series of strategies proposed are to aid resolve the present issues in urban infrastructure by asking the right questions. These strategies are developed using all the information acquired and narrowing down the best possible strategies. The district energy diagram illustrates the adaptability that it will have in Inwood and how the energy consumption and distribution will begin to be distribute equally to the public using the existing energy infrastructure and applying new strategies to solve the current issues. The first energy infrastructure strategy is strategically place 76

“smart energy production” blocks on areas where energy is consumption is high. The second strategy is replacing the high consumption energy blocks with “smart energy production” that can produce energy in order to assist the consumption of energy. How can solar exposure lead to new infrastructure that will increase energy production through solar capture and increase solar commons for the public and have qual accessibility to solar ground spaces and energy. We could begin to visualize each building block as the main producer of the energy needed to satisfy each building block. These strategies will provide more than just a sustainable energy resource but expand the levels of markets and economy for renewable energy. These are just urban infrastructure explorations in developing the suitable route of producing sustainable energy and health ecologies for the public.

Central Park

Inwood

East Harlem

Central Harlem

West Harlem

Roosevelt Island

Upper West Side

Murray Hill

Times Square

Hudson Yards

East Village

Governors Island

SoHo + South Village

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

300

600

900

1200

1500

1800

2100

Depth (Ft) 300’

600’

900’

1200’

1500’

1800’

2100’

2400’

2700’

3000’

3300’

Australia

Papua New Guinea Indonesia

Malaysia China

Russia

Production

Consumption United Arab Emirates

Saudi Arabia

Finland Chile Peru

Norway

Venezuela

Algeria

United States

Nigeria

Senegal

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

High

Low

Energy Consumption

The pattern of land and the pattern of urbanization can be tied to energy consumption. Energy consumption in relationship to topography.

The flatter the land, the more energy is being consumed. Land forms based on energy consumption.

The pattern of land and the pattern of urbanization can be tied to energy consumption. Energy consumption in relationship to topography. The flatter the land, the more energy is being consumed. Land forms based on energy consumption.

Energy Distribution The pattern of land and the pattern of urbanization can be tied to energy distribution. Non shaded area have an equal energy distribution. The shaded areas consume the most energy. High energy consumption in relationship to an equal distribution of energy.

Energy Production The pattern of land and the pattern of urbanization can be tied to energy production. Land forms based on energy production. Urban landscape as energy production.

Energy Production - Wind - Solar - Hydro

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

80% Solar Capture

70% Solar Capture

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Urban Density Harvesting Solar Capture

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

FOOD EQUITY Agriculture in an Urban Landscape Hannah Soenksen

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 Inwood, Manhattan’s northern most neighborhood has a deep-rooted history. To have a better understanding of the neighborhood, it is important to understand Inwood originally consisted of an agricultural landscape. Manhattan in its entirety was home to the Lenape Indians who worked and tilled the land. The land was then discovered by Dutch settlers who took over these agricultural practices leaving the entirety of the Inwood neighborhood to be covered in family farms. The farms grew a variety of crops including wheat, sweet corn, orchards, as well as seasonal fruits and vegetables. Civil Engineer John Rangel put into place an orthogonal grid that makes up today’s modern street layout. The grid plan was described as a form of “Beauty, order, and convenience” by the engineer. Inwood, however, was not included in this grid, and at the time was considered the rural countryside, not to be urbanized. However, In the early 1900’s Inwood began to feel a push towards this encroaching urbanization. “The juxtaposition of farms just blocks away from subway stations emphasizes the extreme changes happening around the neighborhood.” (Thompson 24). Today, Inwood is the location of the last farm on the island, where it sits along Broadway Street, one of the neighborhood’s busiest arteries. New opportunities for transportation came to Manhattan’s urban dwellers with the onset of the train, making the rural Inwood countryside a destination for societies elite. Mansions were built on top of Inwood Hill that looked over the agrarian landscape, with grand entryways such as the Drake Estates arch entry at the bottom of the hill. Today, the only remanence of the arch survives because it has never “Got in the way of development.” (Thompson 34) The arch has served a variety of businesses and currently remains standing as the driveway to a body shop. Following the construction of Grand Central Station, the train receded east across the River to the Bronx. This left the wealthy inhabitants without access to their country homes, ultimately resulting in the selling of their properties and abandoning the area. After the wealthy left, the deserted mansions were repurposed as a destination for societies outcasts. Institutions such as the Magdalen Benevolent society opened in 1904 offered treatment to “chastity offenders” and “erring females” housing unwed mothers and sex workers that were being treated or fulfilling sentences. House of Mercy was instilled to treat drug addicted females and was dubbed, “The home for destitute and fallen women.” House of consumptives (1902-1926) was known to never turn anyone away accepted advanced tuberculosis patients, many of whom never checked out of the facility. Around the same time, Inwood begins to become a new home for immigrants that yearned for a better life. Starting in the early 1600’s a constant flow of immigration to Manhattan took place. The diversity of the island extensively developed from the Great Famine in the mid 1800’s, which brought a big Irish population to the island, to the beginning of the 20th century which brought over 5 million Germans because of a failed revolution. Additionally, the results of World War 2 left many European countries looking to rebuild, especially the Jewish who fled from totalitarian regime. Most recently, the 1961 assassination of the Dominican Republic dictator, Rafael Trujillo, Dominicans migrated to New York City, which continues to be the number one immigrant population within Inwood today. As Manhattan

continued to populate agriculture became less and less of a focus, and buildings began to take over the island’s landscape. Today, there is minimal agricultural farming on the island. As the population continues to rise, a food shortage is developing with 13% of the neighborhood population living with a food insecurity (A lack of access to food, let alone fresh fruits and vegetables daily.) In addition to this, one in four people live below the poverty level, further separating the ability to have access to nourishment. Different topographic models can be made when looking at the data provided. As immigrant populations settled, divisions were created among the streets relating to different immigration demographics. In Inwood, high levels of divisions can be found across Dyckman Street, Broadway, and 10th Avenue, all of which are main streets within the community. The first topographic model creates a series of bridges to physically connect the demographically divided portions of the neighborhood. The second topographic model analyzes Inwood’s agricultural heritage by looking at prior agricultural land within the neighborhood. The model is manipulated by providing a productive landscape that would reintroduce agricultural practices in Inwood. The current locations for the population’s food source offer limited supply and often highlight cigarettes, candy, snacks and alcohol as their main selling point to the local people. “These corner stores are less likely to carry healthy foods such as fresh fruits or vegetables, heavily advertise unhealthy products, and are laden with convenience items that are often high in calories. The presence of corner stores has been associated with increased risk of obesity, a finding which is particularly relevant in New York City’s most underserved neighborhoods, where corner stores, often termed bodegas, can make up more than 80% of retail food outlets.” (Dannefer 27) Therefore, the final topographic model analyzes Inwood’s current locations of food options available to the neighborhood. The model is manipulated by providing direct paths from the introduced agricultural areas and uses infrastructure to provide the grocery stores and bodegas with local produce for the neighborhood residents. Moving forward, the evaluation of five blocks takes place that help establish and serve as identifiers to the neighborhood. The blocks have been named to create an association to each of their physicality’s. The Interwoven Block contains the last farmhouse situated on it. With very little opportunity for open space, buildings take up much of this block. The Half-Block consists of half open space, half building footprint. The Corner Blockade has a lower corner building, with minimal open space throughout the rest of the block. The 3/4th Block has an open space along one side of the block, with building wrapping the remaining three sides. The final block, Elongated Path is long and slender, and contains a small pathway between the buildings with an opening on each end of the block. From the five original block types, nine reconfigurations have been made. The blocks are now porous from all four sides, allowing and promoting a greater ease of access to neighborhood residents. In addition, some of the buildings are to be elevated off the ground, allowing for more agricultural integration on street level. For the buildings that have been elevated, different connection pathways have been put in place to provide circulation and access above. The block 85

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC configurations are based on one-, two-, or four-acre plots and have an array of building footprint and agricultural footprint variations. Additionally, the blocks have an array of densities, from a block with pure agricultural usage, to more densely populated blocks. As the density of the footprint increases, the amount of agriculture that can be introduced is less. Different blocks also have different amenities such as grocery stores, farmhouses, residential housing, elevated pathways as well as greenhouses. Because the blocks are cut into even sizes, the blocks become very modular in the way in which they can be placed, arranged, and connected to one another. The blocks have been reconfigured to allow for a series of networks to take place, all of which support and promote the agricultural process. The circuit begins with composting, which is used to gather most of the neighborhood’s organic waste. When put into composting bins, waste will rotate and be ready to be distributed to the agricultural plots to be amended and then crops will be able to be planted. Watering will come from the cisterns on the blocks, as well as wastewater from surrounding buildings. The plants will then be weeded, where the waste can go back into the compost bin, and the crops can then be harvested and ready for distribution. The harvest will then be delivered to the remaining of the neighborhood’s market outlets, bodegas, and other produce locations. Physical labor can be distributed in a variety of work areas. These distributions are based on a single person apartment and fulfilled through a community land trust. Each person will be responsible for a 200 square foot garden plot that they are responsible for maintaining throughout the year. Everyone, including restaurants, grocery stores and bodegas, etc. is responsible for placing compostable food items into the compost bins. A single person is responsible for the weekly compost rotation which can account for less than two hours of work per week. Additional series of networks can be created on an ecological level. The introduction of agriculture promotes environments that encourage flora and fauna that are local to the region. For example, an urban fox may visit the fields. The underneath of buildings and elevated pathways provide a haven for bats which are essential for getting rid of pests that eat the growing vegetation but also promote pollination and spread seeds to different areas. Birds may use the fields as a stopping point through migration, and different insects will thrive underground, promoting soil rejuvenation and help stimulate plant growth while waiting for crop rotation. “…Vast swaths of monocrop plantations decrease animals’ capacity for seasonal migration. Without adequate food supplies along their migratory routes, birds, bees, butterflies, and other species can’t make their seasonal journeys, putting them and the food supply they pollinate at risk” (Lickwar 5) To prevent monocrop cultivation, the plants will be rotated on a seasonal or yearly basis, depending on the plant. As each block type individually is beneficial to the neighborhood, further analysis can be done when arranging the different block types in specific orders. For example, blocks can be arranged to create a gradient from least to high density, and vice versa. The blocks can also be arranged in a striation of densities, equal density throughout, have a center density, and then even that can be reversed to where the center can be less dense, and the urban edge surrounds it. To have the 86

blocks in different pattern variations will allow agriculture to be reintroduced in very thoughtful and calculated ways and can bring about the question of food access to society and agricultural inf rastructure to a wide array of urbanized areas. A series of these arrangements of blocks are placed back into the Inwood neighborhood is an example scenario of how agricultural blocks can be reintroduced into a city grid. For Inwood, the agricultural blocks have primarily been introduced into areas with less population density but are still close enough to have nearly direct access to agricultural land. Towards the main arteries of the neighborhood, more urban and densely populated blocks have been proposed to “fit in” with more urban activities. In this scenario, a total of 45.7 acres of food production has been brought back into the neighborhood that will feed a total of 9,933 people. The Inwood population for 2021 was 9,892. Looking at this scenario, introducing agriculture back into Inwood would help promote food security and equitable access for its residents. “The world’s population has doubled since the 1960’s, approaching 7.5 billion people and with a projected 9.5 billion by 2050. And while the world produces over 2,900 daily calories per capita, that food is unequally distributed, leaving 821 million people, over 10% of the world’s population, chronically undernourished.” (Lickwar 4). Although this design exercise was intended for the Inwood neighborhood in Manhattan, this exercise can be utilized in any urban setting where food inadequacies are apparent. “Regrouping of land is conceivable. This farming can change and can be more closely linked with the city...” (Desvigne 29) The end goal is to find the answer: Can agricultural infrastructure be integrated and applied to neighborhoods and cities, to bring forth equitable food access and prevent food insecurity?

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Connecting Immigrant Demographics. This topographic model analyzes Inwood’s immigrant heritage and is manipulated by applying raised bridges to connect the divided neighborhood demographics. The demographics have the biggest division between Dyckman Street, Broadway, and 10th Avenue.

Reintroduction of Ag

This topographic model analyzes Inwood’s agricultural land within the neighborhood. productive landscape that would reintroduc

gricultural Practices.

s Agricultural Heritage by looking at prior The model is manipulated by providing a ce agricultural practices in Inwood.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Healthy food for the public. This topographic model analyzes Inwood’s current locations of food options available to the neighborhood. The model is manipulated by providing direct paths from the introduced agricultural areas and uses the infrastructure to provide the grocery stores and bodegas with local produce for the neighborhood residents.

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Center

Distributed

The reconfiguration consists of keeping the most dense city blocks at the center with the less dense block types on the exterior.

Here all nine block types have been distributed throughout to create and integrate agricultural practices throughout the landscape.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Perimeter

Striated

The more dense reconfigurations surround the interior agricultural field block types.

The blocks have been reconfigured to each other to create a striated line. 93

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

COMMONING HYDROLOGIES Reversing Waste Along the Harlem River Zach Duncan

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 The Harlem River has played a major role in the history and culture of New York City and has been used as a source of resources and as a place of recreation and leisure since the 17th century. The river was a tidal estuary that was used by the Weckquaesgeek tribe (known as the Manhatta tribe to Dutch settlers) as their primary source of fishing, swimming, and boating until the island was sold to Dutch settlers in 1626 . Following the transition of ownership, the estuary served the same purpose for the settlers for nearly 270 years until 1895 when the estuary was dredged to connect the Hudson and East Rivers and allow for industry and infrastructural developments to claim ownership of the river. The process of dredging the river started in 1881 and took nearly 15 years to complete, however, the longawaited completion was viewed as an immense success and as the beginning of opportunities for the commerce and development of Manhattan. Additionally, the dredging of the estuary completely separated Manhattan from the mainland, making it officially the island that it is known today, and giving those who worked or witnessed this engineering marvel a sense of pride of being a part of the island of Manhattan. The access to new shipping opportunities invited industries such as Iron Foundries, Lumber Yards, Boating Facilities, along with others to move their businesses closer to the shoreline to take advantage and benefit from the newly created shipping opportunities. Though the introduction of business was good for commerce it directly had a negative impact on the water quality and wildlife of the Harlem River. The industries that had claimed the river used it as dumping grounds for their waste and byproducts. As a result, harmful chemicals such as lead, asbestos, phosphate, ammonia , and other waste products have claimed the river by poisoning and killing wildlife and making the water unsafe for both humans and animals. The results of this waste of waste dumping are still seen today over a hundred years later as the water is still seen as toxic according to EPA standards . Industries were not the only form of new development that moved to the river’s edge, the turn of the 20th century brought railroads, bridges, and major roadways to be constructed along the river. These infrastructural developments that were built provided needed access to clean water through aqueducts in the bridges and modes of transportation with the road and railways. However, they created a physical barrier between the river’s coast and the communities that had relied on the river for life and survival as well as recreation and leisure. Though the current systems have blocked the river and damaged it this has not stopped the public’s desire to access and reclaim the river. Along with the byproduct and chemical waste (primarily phosphate, ammonia & turbidity), that has been emptied into the Harlem River there has been a major issue when it comes to trash and raw sewage that has made its way into the river. The Harlem River currently has over 50 combined sewer overflows (CSOs) that empty sewer runoff into the river during rainstorms . These waste runoffs are not only bad for the environment, but the contaminated water can approach the land when the river floods causing toxic water and waste to take over the streets when heavy rainfall occurs. Though river flooding is not something out of the ordinary nor is it isolated from New York City, it is important to realize the significance and current situation of New York City’s waste. New York City

currently exports 3.2 million tons of trash annually to landfills across the East Coast. Having to export trash, let alone 3.2 million tons annually shows on the surface just how bad the current trash situation is within New York City. The current state of the Harlem River with waste, safety, and access has been an issue for over 100 years and deserves answers to reclaim the river that once served a purpose to the people of New York and not just as a means of discarding waste. By manipulating the eaxisting topography through engineering systems such as dredging or infilling land the current edge can be altered to create better conditions for the future. The process of dredging is the excavation or removal of sediment within water environments to alter the current form or path of the existing waterways. By doing so land and water can be manipulated to take on new forms and provide new opportunities for the waterways and their surrounding coastlines. There are three large scale typographical manipulations that can accomplished through dredging to change the current state of Inwood. The three plans for altering the topography of Inwood are, ACCESS- (River Recreation), FILTER (Canal Systems), & PROTECT (Infilled Storm Surge Parks). The plan for ACCESS is to carve new waterways throughout the mainland of Manhattan to create public access to water for recreation and leisure. These new waterway systems could implement filtration methods either with the introduction of plants that naturally filter or by creating engineered artificial filtration systems to prevent toxins from the current waterways to penetrate the new accessible water systems. This plan would provide safe and accessible waterways throughout the neighborhood of Inwood for both humans and plant and animal ecologies. The newly dredged waterways would contain plants that can grow in brackish water (a mixture of fresh water and salt water such as the Harlem River) conditions and can help clean the waterways through the process of bioremediation . Bioremediation according to Microbiology Society is, “ the use of micro-organisms to reduce pollution through the biological degradation of pollutants into non-toxic substances.” Through the introduction of new plant life to clean and provide habitable environments for animal species, this plan would give access to waterways that are accessible, safe, and clean, something that the existing rivers have not been since the 19th century. The second plan that could be introduced to Inwood is FILTER. This plan would require dredging along the existing coastline to create new canals, which can create new opportunities to clean the water and catch waste before it enters the river. Additionally, these new canals provide opportunities to introduce new plants and animal life to help further clean the water in a way that is both beneficial for the public and the environment. Along the edge of the canals, there are opportunities for public parks to be implemented to create spaces for people and animals to coexist and share the edge of new water. Another way in which the edge can be altered to create opportunities for parks that are beneficial for wildlife ecologies, as well as the human public, would be to create new terraced parks in high-risk flood zones. The third topographic plan is PROTECT. This plan calls for the creation of terraced parks along the coastal edges. These parks would serve multiple purposes for Inwood and the coastal conditions along the existing River’s edge. The first purpose of the park(s) is to serve as a storm surge barrier and 95

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC protect against flooding. These parks are strategically placed in low-lying areas where flooding during storms often occurs, by infilling these edges with land we can see an immediate solution to providing protection against the flooding and infiltration of water. Secondly, these parks can serve as a connection point for animals and reintroduced ecologies along the existing rivers as a place for gathering, recreation, and leisure. Overall, when it comes to large scale land manipulation there are many ways in which altering the edge conditions can create new opportunities to provide access to clean waterways, filter waste and prevent it from entering existing waterways, and protect the public from flooding. These ways when executed properly would create public access to safe waterways in a way that is both beneficial to themselves along with the reintroduced ecologies that call the rivers home. Along with the large-scale manipulations, there are other solutions that can be implemented in the current block scale. Paired with the system of implementing waterways throughout the mainland is to create elevated piers/walkways. This elevated plane would allow for circulation between different programs and spaces to take place above the street level and allow space below for ecologies to exist unbothered. Along the pier would be glass openings that would allow natural light to penetrate below to provide natural light for the plants to be able to grow and help the overall ecology of the newly created waterways. Additionally, to promote the implementation of new ecological systems and help filter out the toxins currently within the water there is a need to create new habitats such as floating wetlands and islands. These new habitats provide protection for the animal and plant species returning to the river while also providing a more environmentally conscious way of cleaning the water through bioremediation. The new floating wetlands would introduce plants that can grow in brackish waters. The newly created islands would provide opportunities for animals to have habitats away from the coastline that is protected from direct human interference. Alternatively, there is also the possibility of creating islands that could be used for human programs such as leisure, swimming, and observation of other animals on neighboring islands. Other solutions for providing habitats away from human interference could be the creation of artificial elevated bird habitats. While the wetlands and islands would sustain ground and water life there is a need to provide habitable spaces for birds as well. There should be multiple levels to these habitats to account for birds that fly or rest at different heights. For example, one system could occur at the same plane as 20-30’ range for low flying birds (Pigeons, Sparrows, Crows, etc.) while another system could exist around 60-80’ range for birds that fly at higher altitudes (Mallards, Geese, Swans, etc.). The lower-level habitat could exist on top of existing structures as added extensions on top of buildings since there are multiple buildings that currently exist at this height and would give the birds their own level of habitat and remove the need for them to scavenge on the current ground plane. The higher altitude habitat, however, could exist as new structures within and along the waterways to provide habitats for the high-altitude birds within proximity to their natural food sources in the water. These built systems could in turn provide necessary solutions to the issues faced both socially and ecologically when addressing the current state of the Harlem 96

River. The Harlem River once served as a valuable resource ecologically and socially. However, now the system is damaged due to misuse and poor planning. Since the introduction of industry and public infrastructure (roads, railways, etc.) the health and water quality of the river has been neglected. Since the turn of the 20th century, the river’s primary use has been a dumping ground for toxic byproducts along with the general public’s waste. The implementation of roads and railways have made accessing the river safely virtually impossible. Raising the question, who does the river belong to and whom does it serve? As of today, the river’s edge does not belong to the public nor to the wildlife that once called the river home. Though the current state of the Harlem River is not ideal there are multiple solutions and systems that can be implemented to provide access, filter out years of toxic waste, and reintroduce wildlife to help revive the river in a way that not only benefits the public but also the plant and animal life that depend on the river for habitats and resources. The proposed solutions attempt to change the narrative and the conditions of the river. By using these proposals, Inwood would have access to clean water, be protected from storm surge flooding, and become home to the introduced plant and animal ecologies and habitats, thus reversing the effects felt by the introduction of industry and previous infrastructures introduced over a hundred years ago. The story and the current state of the Harlem River is not an isolated case, there are multiple rivers that have experienced similar issues because of industrial misuse and poor public planning. The solutions listed are a clear step in the right direction to reclaim the waterways and provide equitable access to the rivers both socially and ecologically and can serve as a solid first step moving forward in a positive direction for the future.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

RENSSELAER, NY

FINGER LAKES, NY

NEW YORK CITY, NY

PHILADELPHIA, PA

CHARLES CITY, VA

BISHOPVILLE, SC

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Floating Wetlands

Permeable Pier

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Housing Habitat

Terraced Park

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Permealbe Pier

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Edge Gradation

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Housing Habitat

Combined Systems

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FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

Resilient Oceans

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Permeable Pier

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Elevated Islands

Marsh Filtration

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FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

INCLUSIVE INFRASTRUCTURES A Micro Urbanism for Humanity Erica Grant

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Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 Imagine having to constantly walk in a world that physically was not designed for your success—a mother with their child in a stroller, a man/woman in a wheelchair, persons who are blind or visually impaired. Imagine fighting your way through buildings, or obstacles on the sidewalks, unaware of where you are or how to maneuver throughout it. Today, struggling through infrastructure claimed to be “accessible” is everywhere. Architecture is designed to accommodate the 60% of humanity that are “able-bodied” with likely no kids or obstacles in front of them, and the 1% that are classified as white men. But what about infrastructure? Historically, architecture and infrastructure have stood as a symbol of a society echoing the values and successes of civilization over time. Architects seek to provide safe and comfortable spaces for everyone. However, the role of architecture and infrastructure do not include everyone, and instead, limit those persons with disabilities, struggling mothers, students with broken legs, etc. Stella Young, a disability activist, states, “My disability exists not because I use a wheelchair, but because the broader environments are not accessible .” For architecture and infrastructure to move towards an inclusive design, there must be an increase in diversity and understanding within the design field. Everyone must consider architecture as an algorithm–a process or set of rules to be followed in calculations or other problem-solving operations - that generates the data we put into it. For “only by having clear and vital images of the many alternatives, good and bad, of where one can go, will we have any control over the way we may actually get there, in reality, Tomorrow will bring all too quickly .” Too often in context of the built environment the term “accessible design” is used to describe the minimum requirements put forth by the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) . Some architects today approach ADA regulations as if they inconvenienced the design rather than provide an opportunity that establishes a cohesively impactful environment. Consider for a moment that the overall purpose of architecture and infrastructure is to provide functional solutions and opportunities to the public by incorporating cultures, safety, and freedom. Why has it only been accessible to those who are not within the 1%? The essential supporting structures built to provide supportive public services in the federal, state, and municipal budget refers to infrastructure. However, that function is only as vital as the number of people it serves. If everyone cannot access or use essential infrastructure and architecture itself, we risk disconnecting societies of people from the public recourses created. The 2020 AIA code of conducts states, “Environmental Equity and Justice Members should promote fairness and safety in providing professional services and make reasonable efforts to advise their clients and employers of their obligations to the environment and persons in it .” This quote further demonstrates that it is the architect’s responsibility to provide comfortable and accessible resources that are functional for everyone. To fully understand the ramifications of the overall project, we first need to understand the everyday lives of the persons within Inwood, NY, and the issues presented in their daily movements throughout the community. Let us examine four scenarios in which four lives are each affected by access or the lack thereof differently. The four lives in question are

Clayton McDonald, Jessica Newton, Aaron Wood, and Mya Blake. Each person represents a different social group within the city of Inwood and illustrates the difficulties presented daily by comparing time and access between them. Clayton McDonald: Clayton lives close to 204th street but works in Queens, NY. Most will agree that taking the train will be the quickest and easiest way for Clayton to get to his destination on time. However, those with that thought would be forgetting the most important thing. Clayton is disabled. In a fully accessible environment, this aspect would not be an issue, but in New York City, it is. Each morning, Clayton is faced with the issue of having to take the stairs down from his apartment to assist his kids in getting ready for school. It is found that it takes an average person between 45 minutes to an hour to get dressed, eat, and leave their homes during an average morning. For parents and single mothers and fathers, that time is multiplied by two. For persons with any form of disability, this time is also multiplied by two. However, in Clayton’s case, he resides within the realm of both a parent and a disabled person. Nevertheless, even if he provides the exact amount of time for everyone, including himself, to get ready, the problem of mannerization still arises. Out of the 472 subway stations located within New York, there are 118 accessible stations. On an average day, 60% of them are out of order. Having 60% of the elevators out of order on a given day increases the time it takes for someone who needs them to get downstairs to the trains. Some are fortunate enough to find help, but others are often left to make their way down the stairs by themselves. This in itself can add up to an extra 10-25 minutes onto a regular 5-minute activity. In the end, it takes Clayton approximately 5 hours to get to his final stop, which is 2x longer than the average person. Jessica Newton: Jessica lives the next street over from Clayton (206th street) and faces the same issues Clayton has while transporting her daughter to the doctor’s office in Queen, NY. Jessica is a single mother who wakes up every morning to get herself and her child ready for the day. Due to the recent constantly broken elevators in the subway station, she decided to take the bus to avoid descending from a large number of stairs with her child and a stroller. Although taking the bus would be a logical solution to a never-ending string of problems, Jessica first finds herself struggling to navigate the stroller over the scrub placed in front of her house to get to the bus stop. Nevertheless, once the bus arrives, she must hoist the stroller into the overcrowded bus with her child and then fold the Stoller to be seated. To put all these tasks into perspective, in total, it takes Jessica approximately 3 hours to arrive at her desired destination. This time frame considers the time it takes a single mother to dress and feed her child, push a stroller over uneven egress paths, prop the stroller into a high leveled, overcrowded bus and walk from the bus stop to destination. Aaron Wood: Aaron lives approximately 10 – 15 minutes from both Clayton and Jessica at 200th street. To get to his desired destination in a timely fashion, he travels by train. Most people would navigate train stations with way-finding techniques such as color schemes, signs, maps, etc., but Aaron is blind, so these techniques will not be of use to him. The lack of audio crosswalks and braille in and around the subway station makes Aaron’s travel 10xs more difficult for him to reach 105

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC his destination. Overall, it takes Aaron approximately 4 hours and 20 minutes to arrive at his desired stop. This time frame factors the time it takes for a person who is blind to movement throughout without braille, audio voices, and a lack of direction. Mya Blake: Mya lives in the middle of Jessica, Aaron, and Clayton on 205th street. Because she has no kids, disabilities, or financial struggles, she can Uber to her destination. Unlike the previous scenarios, Mya can take the easiest route without experiencing any issues besides the constant traffic in New York. In total, it takes Mya 1 hour and 32 minutes to reach her desired stop. Compared to Aaron, Clayton, and Jessica, Mya’s time is 2x less than everyone’s. This assessment begs the question of, are we really for the people if all people do not have the same access to public amenities? After understanding the tribulations each community experiences and the different aspects of access, figuring out the connections of access or the lack thereof for each of the maps presented was used to demonstrate the relationship between accessible and inaccessible aspects at different scales. First, of the World -where the comparison between access, transportation, and money is shown and the connection between the wealthiest countries in the world having the most accessible airports-. Second of Manhattan, NYC -where the comparison between the accessible and non-accessible communities and the lack of accessible subway and bus stations are in the area- and lastly of Inwood, NYC -which shows the publicly accessible places, and where their points of access are located-. The third modus is based on the information learned from the mapping diagrams; further investigation of the pedestrian’s right of way was needed. This was done by topographic mapping. Each of the topography maps was diagramed to understand three different aspects. The first is the bus stops which shows the inconsistencies created by the bus transportation system within Inwood, NY. Each black sphere represents the bus stops located in the area and demonstrates a 5-minute walking radius between each non-accessible stop. The second refers to the subway, which demonstrates the lack of access within the subway stations. Moreover, lastly, the pedestrian paths show the vertically accessible connections within the community, such as elevators, ramps, stairs, etc. Going into the community and understanding how the existing blocks were organized of already existing buildings in the community. Reconfiguring each block was done based on the observations learned from the existing communities. Each reconfigured block was reconstructed based on four rules. The first states, all accessible bus stops must be in close proximity to all public amenities or basic needs. The second addresses the lack of access throughout the entire block and must have connections at two sides of the block. The third opens all blocks to create access points through the block to other aspects outside of it. And lastly, all vertical circulation must be public. The information gathered resulted in 2 design developments, each related to the bus stop, subway stations, and its relation to ecology, movement, and access within society. The first space was designed to demonstrate the environment created when all vertical and rooftop circulations are publicly accessible because of the lack of public space within Inwood, NY (due to the dense design of the blocks). These spaces were created to 106

provide the public with interactive environments with ecology. This provides spaces for the public to eat while socializing and retrieving food using local food carts. In comparison to the first space, this one was designed to demonstrate a sensory playground environment for kids that will foster mental improvement and stability, free-flowing movements, hyper and hypo sensitivity rooms for persons diagnosed with autism, ADHD, and textured sensory grips for parents with arthritis, Parkinson’s, etc. Each activity space incorporates views of the ecological areas and the use of bright colors, lights, sounds, and touch behaviors. Incorporating these items helps to create a calming environment while consistently stimulating the brain. The second space created involved the subway station. Because one of the biggest problems facing subway stations today is the lack of moveability throughout due to stairs and the lack of comfortable spaces available while waiting for the train to arrive. This design demonstrates the increase of space underground and the increase of elevators and ramps in the area. Doing this created spaces that can be used as community engagement areas, rentable booths for eating and selling items while providing free-flowing movement throughout the subway station. Compared to the subway station shown, this station was designed to incorporate the promotion of local talent in the community. Because subway stations are usually used for musicians to gain money by singing and performing, a stage and seating area was placed for local artists to rent to display their performance. Other spaces such as art display areas and musical spaces were also created. Doing this creates spaces that can also be used as community engagement and public speaking areas that introduce free-thinking and music while providing open and moveable spaces accessible for all. In conclusion, the four methods that were used allowed for a deep understanding of the issues each group goes through daily. By fostering environments that increase mental stability by using colors and views to greenery will increase community engagement and create social impact spaces. Each newly designed form of the infrastructure placed into the community of Inwood helps to promote equity within the community but also helps to provide safe and comfortable spaces for those who lack them. Overall, using more elevators, ramps, and braille in the community helps increase the safety aspect for persons with disabilities and the older generation of the neighborhood.

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

Inwood, NY

Bronx, NY

Transportation Routes

Manhattan, NY

Water transportation Routes 10 minute walk radious

Queens, NY

Staten Island

Brooklyn, NY Rockway, NY

Columbia University Baker Athletics Complex Inwood Hill Park

Entrance

Isham Park

Inwood, NY

Entrance Harlem River

Dyckman Park

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FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

INFRASTRUCTUR & ECOLOGY

PUBLIC TRANSIT

URBAN EGRESS

VERTICAL CIRCULATION

PEDESTRIAN RIGHT-OF-WAY

BUS STOP

SUBWAY STATIO

IMPROVEMENTS

IMPROVEMENT

SIDEWALKS

ELEVATORS

RAMPS

STAIRS

SHELTER

COMFORT & CONVENIENCE

VISABILITY

C CO

CREATES

PUBLIC SP

FREE-FLOWING ENVIRORMENTS

SOCIAL IMPACT SPACES

ACCESS TO: BIOLOGICALLY DIVERSE ENVIRONMENT

HYPO/HYPER SENSITIVE ROOM

PUBLIC FOOD CARTS

BENCH

PUBLIC EATING SPACE

BALLON CART

SENSORY PUBLIC SPACE SENSORY BARS PUBLIC VERTICAL CIRCULATION

FOOD TRANSPORT DUMBWAITER

PUBLIC FOOD CARTS CONTINUOUS SIDEWALK THROUGH HABITAT

VERTICAL CIRCULATION

CIRCULATION MOVEMENTS

SIDE WALK

SIDEWALK

READING SPACE

BIRD HABITAT

Public Eating Lounge with Bird Habitat 108

Sensory and Hyper/Hypo Rooms with Reading Nooks

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021

ECOLOGY

PLANTS

INSECTS

BIRDS

MOST SEEN

USED FOR MENTAL AND PHYSICAL IMPROVEMENT

COMFORT & ONVENIENCE

RED MAPPLE

PACES

RED CLOVER

HERB ROBERT

BUTTERFLY

BEE

PURPLE MARTINS

FALL/SPRING `MIGRATION

LOCATED IN AND AROUND

PROPERTY EDGES

PARKS

HUDSON RIVER

SUBWAY ELEVATOR

LOCAL STORES / BOOTHS LOCAL PERFORMANCE STAGE

STAGE SEATING

WAITING AREA

FREE-FLOWING MOVEMENT SPACE LOCAL ART DISPLAY GALLERY

FOOD CART

EATING AREA MUISIC SEATING

LOCAL MUSIC CLUB

Subway Underground with Public Carts and Relief Spaces

Subway Underground with Music Stage and Food Courts 109

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC

EQUITABLE SOFT INFRASTRUCTURE Accessible infrastructure for underserved communities Edwin Montoya Cruz

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Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 When we hear the word infrastructure many things come to mind but the main categories that we immediately go to are railways, roads, electricity power lines, gas lines, waste, etc. All the above are infrastructure of course but would fall into the subcategory of Hard Infrastructure. While these networks of things are needed for an industrial society to function, one can argue that the soft infrastructure is much more important which can range from government owned institutions to more localized facilities. With the passing of President Joe Biden’s Infrastructure bill, it begs the question. Should hard infrastructure be the main priorities for the funding, or can soft infrastructure be also implemented as part of the plan? With population rapidly increasing the need for some of the emergency services are much needed, because as population rises so does crime rate, health, and shelter issues. Following the investigation into what soft infrastructure the critical ones being that relating to emergency is this diagram displays the range of institutions and their respected category. Varying from the non-human that being fallout shelters, pandemic relief, wildlife protection, etc. to the more human based facilities that include homeless shelters, addiction centers, and youth shelter. Many of these facilities are there to help those in need when an emergency arises that being homelessness, safe shelters for the abused or those in need of getting away from home but the question is are they available to everyone? In addition, deaths due to drug overdose in the U.S in the past 20 years has been rising steadily. Many argue that this is due to help for addiction recovery is too expensive for one who is dealing with this crisis, leaving them stuck in a situation that leads to harm. Youth homelessness is a serious issue that has been overlooked at times. In this chart it shows the youth homelessness issue per district in N.Y.C. The case being them running away from home or loss of their parents / guardians. Following the analyzing data of maps ranging from global to local we can begin to see the institutions at many different scales. In the global institutional map, we can see the information of doctors without boarders and we can conclude that most of their work is located in countries that lack institutional relief programs or lack funding for such projects. Overlayed is the W.H.O headquarters and information on institutional security for women across the countries with the darker meaning they are not supported by institutions when the help is needed this seems to occur in major countries in the world. Next, the U.S map shows the US territories split into their respected FEMA sections with overlayed information on unsheltered homeless around the country. We can see that the most places with unsheltered homeless are areas where there are known cities and along the coasts. The last map studies is showing NYC with the overlayed information on youth homelessness and the types of facilities that can be found in NYC. As one can see there in not many of these emergency services in Inwood, NY The next studies include a look into Northern Manhattan and the different crime that happens within the area, as well as homeless reported by residents. The First topographical map highlights the homelessness around northern Manhattan with the highest elevation being the areas where there is more homelessness reported, adjacent to the topography data is a model that highlights vacant lots and parking lots that could

be potential spots to place homeless shelters and addiction centers with a highlighted path for people to understand how to locate them. Following to the next topographical model this one shows the crime towards women and youth across the area, again highest elevation indicates more crime. On the right it is also highlighting areas of vacancy that could be potential sites for women or youth shelters to emerge with again a path highlighting them. Lastly the last topographical map shows violent crime data with highest elevation having more crime, and the other model showing possible locations for police stations or safe houses. Furthermore, locating existing facilities in northern Manhattan there are seven block types that house seven different facilities that could benefit from spreading across the area. They are arranged from organizational to government owned facilities with descriptions of spatial organization of the respected block. The first being a privately owned clinic that is an enclosed C-shape block with the facility located in the corner of the block under and it falls in the category of health. Next is a Homeless shelter located in a narrow-u shaped block with the building type being narrow and slim, category shelter. In continuation, a women’s shelter located in narrow-split block and the building type being a repurposed apartment building with an enclosed courtyard, category shelter. Next, a rehabilitation center for addiction which is located in an open sectioned block, and the building type is a shop that is used only at night for meetings, category recovery. Next, a youth shelter located in an open split block, building type corner condition and church use, category shelter. Next is a government owned hospital, located in an enclosed L- shape block, category health. Last, is a police station located in an open block building type central and rectangular, category protection. After identifying the different social infrastructure around the city, we can begin to reconfigure the organization of these block types into more efficient and accessible spaces, by altering the massing and the position of some of the facilities we can start to create a new set of strategies that can begin to take place. The reconfigurations range from small, medium, and large with three different situations happening at the different sizes. Small block One consists of a women’s shelter, residential building and a police station in the block, the women’s shelter is extruded along the Z-axis to serve as a beacon for women in need in a dense neighborhood. Furthermore, the corner is exposed to create easier access into the block and create small public spaces. Medium block One consists of three women’s shelter arranged to create a C-shape courtyard for semi-public use, right across is a commercial building to create surveillance for the women. Large block One contains three different types of facilities rehabilitation center, hospital, and a police station with residential buildings around for easy access to these services, while also making the hospital the central building. Small block Two consists of an addiction center adjacent to a privately owned clinic with residential buildings around the block is split to create easy circulation around the site. Medium block Two consists of a clinic and a police station with commercial and residential buildings arranged around the clinic. Large block Two contains three different types of facilities rehab center adjacent to a clinic with two homeless 111

FUTURE FRAMEWORKS / NYC shelters with varying heights to optimize views and create more public space. Small block Three contains a homeless shelter adjacent to a clinic for when the need arises. Medium block Three consists of women shelters adjacent to a youth shelter with a commercial building within the block, to create surveillance for the residents. Large block Three consists of a homeless shelter, women’s shelter, and a clinic with a police station adjacent, and a youth shelter. If we begin to introduce ecology into some of the blocks many statistics can decrease in this graph we can see how ecology can affect the mental health of an individual and with animals being introduced into the blocks the crime can also decrease due to them acting as passive surveillance. In addition, a sense of community can begin to increase as well, this would happen throughout the span of decades. Furthermore, by taking one reconfigured block type from each different size we can begin to create strategies for ecology to begin to thrive. In this small block, we can begin to use strategies to begin to occupy small microclimates for a women’s shelter and a police station. By introducing various plants and trees the spaces can generate a sense of comfort and relaxation for the distressed women while being assured that there is a police station nearby for rapid response. Next, in this medium Block the strategies we can apply are youth shelters elevated for a layer of protection while having activity spaces that are connected to the shelter by private pathways. A nearby public clinic for health assurance and change in elevations for intimate protected spaces to arise. Lastly in the Large block the facilities used can be much larger and have many. In this strategy There is a hospital that is raised and split into two por a free-flowing ground and to create views in between for the occupants of the facility. Nearby is an addiction center and Homeless shelter for easy access to medical need. The addiction center has a mushroom garden and herbal garden for natural remedies and therapeutic purposes. Furthermore, the homeless shelters have an opening in between the massing for birds to fly freely and begin to have shelter. In continuation, by spreading out these 3 block strategies there can be a greater area of access to these facilities. In this map we can see the purposed strategies and the existing Institutions, and the accessibility by foot to these. These are located along major areas of high crime. In this model we can begin to see the re placement of these strategies across northern Manhattan with a highlighted path for people to know where to go when the service is needed. We can push these strategies further by adding systems to the facades of the facilities to occupy programs specifically to its respective service. The youth shelters façade system includes extruded play spaces that are connected via mesh or slides. Next, the women’s shelter includes office spaces with break spaces and having activity spaces in between some floors. The rehabilitation façade includes a green façade that has scented herbs for the inhabitant’s aroma therapy with windows placed above seven feet high to create privacy for the people. The police station consists of spaces that educate the police on how to address people with mental health issues and mental disabilities with a pore system wall to allow transparency into the facility. The homeless shelter would include a small space 112

for plants to thrive and animals to inhabit, this is to increase mood and mental health for the homeless. Lastly for the hospital will have extrusions that begin to allow flowers and plants to emerge. In these perspective models we can begin to imagine a future where these blocks are filled with people and ecology. In conclusion if these strategies begin to occur whether it would be the introduction of new systems of the block type or the specific designs for the services new ecologies, communities, and atmospheres can be created. This would attract people from around the area to come and enjoy some of the public amenities at the ground floor or for those that require the need of the facilities, that way some of the nearby pedestrians can provide surveillance for the areas that require safety and crime can begin to decrease. The future frameworks of these types of strategies can begin to favor the aid that soft infrastructure need to help society thrive in the future to come. This then begs the question again should hard infrastructure be the main thing addressed in a future where hard infrastructure is becoming less important?

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COPENHAGEN

CAIRO

WASHINGTON DC

NEW DELHI INWOOD , NY

MANIUA

BRAZZAVILLE

WORLD HEALTH ORGANIATION OFFICE DOCTORS WITHOUT BOARDERS PHYSICAL SECURITY OF WOMEN NOT SECURE LOW LEVEL OF SECURITY MID LEVEL OF SECURITY HIGH LEVEL OF SECURITY NO DATA

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Youth S

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Reconfiguring Inwood

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MEGASTRUCTURES IN MANHATTAN New Public Ground Through Collective Elevation Joe Bondi

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Manhattan has had a long history of being a landscape for existing and proposed Megastructures. Japanese Metabolist architect Fumihiko Maki defined the Megastructure as a “large framework in which all functions of a city or part of a city are housed. Many diverse functions can be housed in one place” (Xi, 2013). One significant proposal was Paul Rudolph’s Lower Manhattan expressway project, which envisioned a megastructure that would stretch the entire length of Manhattan and would contain plazas, parking lots, apartments, and multiple modes of transportation. Although the proposal was radical and never built, the concept of the Megastructure can be applied to many of the infrastructural systems present in New York and provide commentary on their use and effects. These approaches to infrastructure and urban planning seem radical, but there are already existing Megastructures in New York at a variety of scales. Analysis of the megastructure concept can inform us of the functions of future frameworks. Existing Megastructures in Manhattan include Highways, Subways, Waterways, Airports, and Communication Networks. All these structures have a larger framework that is plugged into by individual nodes. They are utilized by the public but have become increasingly privatized by commercialization and private capital, raising the question if these structures are really for the public. Megastructures are their own entity that exist without regard to site or historical context. They sit on or top of the ground as a framework for the nodes. This is exemplified by Robert Moses’ arterial highway system for New York which split several neighborhoods in half, destroying historic buildings and cutting neighborhoods off from their surroundings. The urban fabric of these neighborhoods was replaced by highways, which speaks to the idea of critical conservation. By conserving certain buildings and neglecting others we choose the historical narrative that will be preserved. This often leads to the exclusion of marginalized groups in the historic context of the city. There have been attempts to use existing infrastructure to create elevated platforms for the public using existing and outdated infrastructure. The Highline in New York opened to the public in 2009 and as it gained popularity, real estate values increased. By 2011 when the second section of the highline was opened, property values were up to 48% higher than they were previously (StreetEasy, 2016). Another example is Seoul’s 7017 project, a highway that has been revitalized as a series of elevated pedestrian pathways. This project is more expansive than the highline, and there are several large park and public spaces that connect to the pathways. Several buildings redistributed entrances and commercial areas to the level of the highway. This project is set about Inwood in Northern Manhattan and proposes that the collective ground will be raised to allow for the rewilding of the ground plane and a human-centric infrastructure free of commercialization. This will consist of two scales of elevated surfaces; a larger framework elevates and modifies the existing street grid and intersect and overlap each other creating moments for commoning and laying the larger framework for the network of smaller elevated pedestrian pathways at the block scale. To remove connection to the ground plane and elevate the public surface, the bottom two floors of each building are cut, flipped vertically, and placed

Texas Tech University College of Architecture / Fall 2021 on the roof, and then reconnected creating a volumetrically vertical block. This has several effects, including increasing light to the interior and street side, creating a volumetrically vertical block, and elevating the public surface. The new building forms allow for the complete elevation of public space and connection. The public surface is now an elevated stage with connections to these new building forms. The modified buildings and networks are placed on pilotis to allow for the natural ecology to re-wild underneath. In some instances, the ground plane is pierced by elevators to maintain access to the subway system. Elevated pathways and surfaces provide for several opportunities, especially for the rewilding of the now untouched ground plane. As sea levels rise and floodplains increase in size, the collective elevation will prepare for future environmental changes and allow for the public ground to still be inhabitable. The elevated street grid becomes the larger framework for which the small-scale blocks can connect to. The larger framework can be modified and extended in the future while the block scale connects remain purely for public space and circulation. Articulated relationships between the modified buildings create the elevated surfaces at the block scale to maximize connectivity between buildings and the larger framework. Each building has access to public infrastructure, which connects it to its surroundings and ties into larger frameworks. Collective elevation of the public realm creates an equitable space for the public that is visible and accessible and can resist the influence of commercialization and privatization on infrastructure. The new proposed megastructure creates a collective infrastructural form based on existing infrastructures while learning from and critiquing the past failures of megastructures within Manhattan. This occurs through two scales of pathways for public space, one at the neighborhood scale and one at the block scale. The larger framework allows for all members of the public to have access to the new public ground and for future extension, allowing for social equity and the collectivity of the city. The modifications to the building forms create a volumetrically vertical block that can be used and zoned for housing, while existing buildings can remain commercialized. By keeping the commercial centers on the ground plane, the elevated structure can resist the influence of commercialization and private investment. The rewilding of the ground plane will allow for the natural revitalization of the environmental diversity and anticipate future changes of environment.

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Permeable Edge

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Axial Circulation

Central Comm

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Accessible Interiors

Surface Over Site

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Typology Section

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Ramped Stages

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Accessible Corridors

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REFERENCES Andrea Branzi, Weak and Diffuse Modernity: The World of Projects at the Beginning of the 21st century (Milano: Skira, 2006).

Stephen Graham, Simon Marvin, Splintering Urbanism: Networked Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition (London, New York: Routledge, 2001), Chapter 5, “The City as a Sociotechnical Process,” pp. 178-216.

Antoine Picon, “Urban Infrastructure, Imagination and Politics”, in International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, vol. 42, n°2, March 2018, pp. 263-275.

Susan Snyder and Alex Wall, “Emerging Landscapes of Movement and Logistics,” Architectural Design Profile, no. 134 (1998): 16-21.

M. Christine Boyer, CyberCities: Visual Perception in the Age of Electronic Communication (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996).

RESOURCES

Charles Waldheim, Landscape as Urbanism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).

2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statementsreleases/2021/06/24/fact-sheet-president-biden-announcessupport-for-the-bipartisan-infrastructure-framework/

Jean Gottmann, Megalopolis: The Urbanized Northeastern Seaboard of the United States (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1961).

2017 Inwood Action Plan https://edc.nyc/sites/default/files/filemanager/Projects/ Inwood_NYC/InwoodNYCActionPlan_english_digital.pdf

Keller Easterling, Extrastatecraft: The Power of Infrastructure Space (London: Verso, 2014).

NYCx Challenges http://www.nyc.gov/html/nycx/challenges.html

Maria Kaika, and Erik Swyngedouw, “Cities, Natures, and the Political Imaginary”, in AD: Architectural Design, 82 (3), 2012, 22-27.

NYC Rezoning Tracker https://morr.maps.arcgis.com /apps/MapSeries/index . html?appid=e53a9d13cad442829c5db6c7bc1b16d8

Matthew Gandy, Concrete and Clay: Reworking Nature in New York City (Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2002), Chapter 2, “Symbolic Order and the Urban Pastoral,” pp. 77-113.

History of Sherman Creek https://myinwood.net/inwoods-sherman-creek-powergenerating-station/

Michel Desvigne, Intermediate Natures (Basel: Birkhauser, 2009). Mostafavi, Mohsen and Gareth Dorehty, Ecological Urbanism (Cambridge and Baden: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Lars Müller, 2010). Neeraj Bhatia, New Investigations in Collective Form (Barcelona: Actar, 2019). Nina-Marie Lister and Chris Reed, “Introduction,” and “Parallel Genealogies,” Projective Ecologies (Barcelona: Actar, 2013), 1439. Niall Atkinson, Ann Lui, Mimi Zeiger, On Dimensions of Citizenship (Venice Biennale, Inventory Press, 2018). Pierre Bélanger, “Metabolic Landscape,” Landscape as Infrastructure (New York: Routldege, 2017), pp. 334-357. Rania Ghosn and El Hadi Jazairy / DESIGN EARTH, Geostories: Another Architecture for the Environment (Barcelona: Actar, 2018). Stan Allen, “Infrastructural Urbanism”, in Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City (Princeton: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999). 146

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