s&s proceedings-book-proof3 by Kamin Rider

Proceedings of Seethings and Seatings: The Asia-Pacific Conference on Women in Politics and Governance 01-02 June 2008 Bangkok, Thailand

Organised by: Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Participation in Political Process Task Force APWLD

Copyright ÂŠ 2008 Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) Reproduction of this publication for educational or other non-commercial purposes is authorised and encouraged, provided the source is fully acknowledged. ISBN: 978-616-90030-2-1 Cover concept: Virada Somswasdi (Painting: Sea of Politics) Documentation: Cristina Palabay and Saliha Hassan Programme Officer: Nalini Singh Editing: Nalini Singh and Mae-anne Llanza

Layout and printing: Maxx Printing, Chiang Mai / info@maxx.me Published by Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development 189/3 Changklan Road Amphoe Muang Chiang Mai 50101 Thailand Tel: (66) 53 284527, 284856 Fax: (66) 53 280847 www.apwld.org

Contents Acknowledgements ..................................................................................... 5 Foreword .................................................................................................... 6 An overview of the WPPP Task Force ........................................................... 9 Introduction ............................................................................................. 11 Conference programme ............................................................................. 14 Key note address: Women in their rightful place as decision makers and legislators - Hon. Dame Carol Kidu, Papua New Guinea ............................ 17 Session 1. Building a regional scenario: The situation of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s political participation in various countries of Asia Pacific ....................................... 25 The situation of Bangladesh Ms. Sandiza Khaman, Bandhan Society, Bangladesh ............................. 25 The situation in Kyrgyzstan: Way to victory! Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva, Kyrgyzstan ................................................... 28 Women's Political Participation in Nepal Hon. Sabitra Gurung Dura, Nepal ......................................................... 32 The art of the impossible? Towards a gender, race, class sensitive new democracy Prof. Yi-Chien Chen, Shih-Hsin University, Taiwan ................................ 35 Feminism, democratisation and militarisation in Thailand Prof. Virada Somswasdi, Chiang Mai University, Thailand ..................... 37 Session 2. Sharing of experiences in Asia Pacific: An assessment of the achievements, challenges, strategies and opportunities used to strengthen women's participation in political processes .............................................. 41 Session 3. The impacts of globalisation, fundamentalisms and militarisation on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Sharing strategies of women in politics/decision making - the impacts of national policies on ESCR and successful resistance strategies and alternatives to neoliberal policies ..................................................................................................... 45 Women's rights and women in politics in Fiji Priscilla Singh, Suva City Councillor, Fiji ............................................... 45 Women's rights and women in politics in India Duraivelu Shanthi, Councillor, India ..................................................... 50 Women's resistance against globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms: The Philippine experiences Rep. Luzviminda C. Ilagan, Philippines .................................................. 54 The current situation and Security Council Resolution 1325: The Sri Lankan experience - Marini de Livera,UNDP, Sri Lanka ........................ 59

Session 4. Recommendations on how women in politics and governance can more effectively address globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms at the UN, in the legislature and local government to ensure compliance to commitments to relevant human rights instruments ................................. 63 Concluding Comments ............................................................................. 66 List of Participants ....................................................................................69

Acknowledgements Seethings and Seatings: the Asia-Pacific Conference on Women in Politics and Governance was organised by the Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Participation in Political Processes (WPPP) Task Force of APWLD. Many organisations and individuals contributed in making the conference a success and in producing the proceedings. The Task Force thanks all the participants for their active sharing and contribution. The Task Force also acknowledges the following for their efforts: Presenters: Hon. Dame Carol Kidu (Member of Parliament, Papua New Guinea) Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva (Member of Parliament, Kyrgyzstan) Hon. Sabitra Gurung Dura (Member of Parliament, Nepal) Hon. Luzviminda Ilagan (Member of the House of Representatives, Philippines) Priscilla Singh (Fiji) Duraivelu Shanthi (India) Sandiza Khaman (Bangladesh) Virada Somswasdi (Thailand) Yi-Chien Chen (Taiwan) Marini de Livera (Sri Lanka) Resource persons: Virada Somswasdi Priscilla Naidu Tita Lubi Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti Documentation: Cristina Palabay Saliha Hassan

The WPPP Task Force wishes to also thank the Secretariat for its continued support to the programme. WPPP Task Force 2008

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Foreword Despite decades of women’s struggle in Asia Pacific along the political path, statistics continue to reflect the under-representation of women in decision-making positions at national and local levels. While there have been many initiatives by women to become more engaged in mainstream decisionmaking institutions, the few women who have been able to occupy positions were able to do so in the face immense obstacles or under male dominion in families and workplaces. Women in politics across the region have continued to confront escalated violence such as state violence, fundamentalisms, antiterrorism, militarisation and anti-democracy movements within the context of globalisation. It is in this context that since APWLD's inception in 1986, the promotion of processes to ensure women's equality in political participation and the full realisation of women and their position of equality within the family structure and society, have been identified as specific objectives. To this end, the Women’s Participation in Political Processes Task Force was formed which functioned to organise workshops on Women and Decision Making. This was the building block of the now Gender and Politics Training Project: Skills and Capacity-Building Training Workshop for Women Political Leaders. Apart from trainings and workshops, the Task Force has also undertaken research. A recent groundbreaking research was a compilation of strategies for increasing women’s successes in entering decision-making positions at the national level. As a result, the publication Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific was released in 2005 which featured six case studies of current and former parliamentarians in the region. The Seethings and Seatings: Asia-Pacific Conference on Women in Politics and Governance brought together 33 (31 women and 2 men) participants from 15 countries in the region: Bangladesh, Cambodia, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand and Timor Leste. Given the current and emerging challenges and opportunities that continue to face women in politics and governance in the region, the conference served as an outstanding opportunity for women from across the region to share experiences, network, and create new linkages to firm up the movement of women in politics. In her keynote address, Papua New Guinea’s Community Development Minister Dame Carol Kidu said that for women to use law as an instrument of social change for equality, justice and development, it can only truly be achieved when women take their rightful place in the institutions of power and decision making and become law-makers themselves. Other participants, notably the members of parliament from Nepal, the Philippines and Kyrgyzstan spoke of their struggles and how they have worked within their male-dominated parliaments to get the women’s agenda through. The local community level leaders from India and Sri Lanka spoke of the backlash they have faced. The conference resonated a call for women in politics to continue working with the women’s movement to strengthen efforts in ensuring that

the commitments that governments across Asia Pacific have made to eliminate discrimination against women through legal, policy and programmatic measures; to promote gender equality and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s empowerment; and equal participation and representation of women in all aspects of political, economic, social and cultural life are reaffirmed and achieved. All these can only be achieved by committing to work in solidarity with progressive womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s groups. This publication of the proceedings of the conference hopes to provide in-depth analysis of some of the significant issues highlighting accomplishments, strategies, good practices, major constraints/challenges and recommendations discussed at the conference. I hope that you will find this publication an informative resource for the realisation of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s equal political participation.

Virada Somswasdi Convenor WPPP Task Force

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<<Group Picture>>

An Overview of APWLD’s Women's Participation in Political Processes (WPPP) Task Force Since APWLD's inception in 1986, the promotion of processes which will ensure women's equality in political participation and the full realisation of women and their position of equality within the family structure and society have been identified as specific objectives of the organisation. The WPPP Task Force was initially formed as the Women and Democracy Task Force and focused on issues such as: women’s human rights and democracy; national ideologies; women's rights in the existing political frameworks; the impact of the nature of political institutions on women's participation; religion and democratic development; and women and the family. In 1997, the Task Force was renamed the Women’s Participation in Political Processes Task Force. While democracy continued to be a focus, other issues of political participation were further explored including: positive action, political education and advocacy, and grassroots mobilisation. In 1998 the Task Force organised a workshop on Women and decision-making in South Asia, followed by another workshop in 1999 on Women and Decision Making in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The outcomes of these workshops led the Task Force to develop a Gender and Politics Training module, which was completed in 2002. The Task Force has also undertaken researches in the form of developing the Collation of Laws on Women's Political Participation completed in 2003 and a compilation of strategies for increasing women’s successes in entering decision-making positions at the national level. The resulting publication of this research is Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific released in 2005. It features six case studies of current and former parliamentarians in the region. The WPPP Task Force has continued to confront emerging trends in the region such as increasing state violence, fundamentalisms, antiterrorism, militarisation and anti-democracy movements within the context of globalisation. Through their collective actions and discussions, Task Force members have considered how these forces constrain women’s participation in all political spaces, in and outside of election periods. The Task Force has focused on how to build solidarity across the region in overcoming these obstacles to equal participation and attempts to create an enabling environment for women’s empowerment. Task Force members 2008: Convenor Virada Somswasdi Women’s Studies Center, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University Thailand Co-convenor Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti The Indonesian Women’s Coalition for Justice and Democracy / Koalici Perempuan Indonesia (KPI) Indonesia

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Members Beissova Svetalana Kapsultanova Taraz Initiative Center Kazakhstan Nimalka Fernando Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Alliance for Peace and Democracy Sri Lanka Kabita Pandey Forum for Protection of Public Interest: Pro-Public Nepal Bermet Stakeeva Kyrgyzstan Ethel Sigimanu Vois Blong Mere Solomon Islands Dr. Zarina Rahman Khan Bangladesh Cristina Ellazar Palabay Gabriela Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Party Philippines Secretariat Nalini Singh

Programme Officer

Introduction Seethings and Seatings: The Asia Pacific Conference on Women in Politics and Governance was convened by APWLD's Women's Participation in Political Processes (WPPP) Task Force on 1- 2 June 2008 in Bangkok, Thailand, successfully bringing together a broad spectrum of women in Asia Pacific. The conference had members of the network, women representatives of organisations and individuals actively involved in the advocacy and action for women's participation in politics and governance, women from marginalised communities, current and former parliamentarians, local government officials, members of the judiciary and the foreign service, those who have run in national and city elections, activists, political parties, regional partners and APWLD Task Force members. Thirty-three participants from Bangladesh, Cambodia, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Samoa, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and Thailand took part in the conference. They shared and consolidated the accomplishments, strategies, good practices and recommendations in enhancing women's participation in politics and governance. Background of the conference Throughout Asia Pacific, statistics continue to reflect the underrepresentation of women in decision-making positions at all levels. The few women who are able to occupy positions often face many difficulties. The local and national level politicians who attended APWLD conferences in 1998 and 1999 recommended that a training project be developed that would increase the incidence and effectiveness of women’s political participation, and would develop transformative modes of politics in the region. As a result, APWLD’s WPPP Task Force began the Gender and Politics Training Project: Skills and Capacity-Building Training Workshop for Women Political Leaders. This programme places a special focus on enabling women in decision-making positions to incorporate women and women’s issues within mainstream decision-making processes and political institutions. The Gender and Politics Training has since developed Levels 1 and 2 training manuals, conducted a series of national and regional level training workshops, and started to develop a pool of resource trainers. Among the results of the trainings conducted nationally and regionally include three members of the 50 Women in Parliament Project winning parliamentary seats in the 2007 elections. The project was initiated by the Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan aimed at increasing the representation of women at the highest decision-making level in Kyrgyzstan. Pricilla Singh from Fiji has also successfully contested in local government elections in Fiji; and many women from Indonesia, Malaysia and Central Asia have been empowered to stand in local and national elections.

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Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific In December 2005, the WPPP Task Force launched the results of the groundbreaking research which documented strategies for increasing women’s successes in entering decision-making positions at the national level as a book Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific. The research is a critical resource for network members who are working to challenge existing electoral processes as it provides data on country-specific forces that prevent women from asserting their voices within respective political institutions. The book also highlights ways in which the feminist agenda can be pushed within various levels of governments. The book has been translated into Russian, Bahasa and Thai languages. The Forum of Women’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan has used the Russian version to facilitate the development of better strategies catering to local situations enabling aspiring women politicians to use the strategies documented. The book has been used in capacity building training workshops for the 50 Women in Parliament project. In Malaysia and Indonesia, the Bahasa version directly benefits women, NGOs and academia interested in standing in political elections. It is a good resource for those wanting to increase their knowledge on the issue of women’s participation in political processes in Asia Pacific. The Bahasa translation of the book has been used by Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia in their Intermediate Cadres Training in 2007. Our Theme: Seethings and Seatings There is still a glaring disparity in the number of women who hold decision-making positions at various levels worldwide, despite provisions for equality in national constitutions and legislation, enforced international commitments to gender equality, and lack of political will of governments. With this scenario, the Asia-Pacific Conference on Women in Politics and Government became an opportune time to address the challenges and opportunities that continue to face women in politics and governance in the region: stopped here x

Progressive trends in the number of women participating in politics have been reflected in a number of countries in Asia Pacific. Many of the successful candidates were from ruling parties not necessarily working with feminist perspectives for women in their countries particularly the marginalised and under-represented sectors of society. Women’s hesitancy towards involvement in political life is generated by pervasive patriarchal systems which stereotypically confine women’s roles in the private sphere in conjunction with male-dominated traditional political systems. Women have yet to overcome societal stereotyping and invisible barriers based on their gender, age, race, caste, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disability, class, religion and other factors. An incredible amount of social transformation continues to take place at an uneven pace, inequitably impacting women in all parts of Asia Pacific.

Drastic changes in political leadership and governance such as that witnessed after coups, corrupt and repressive systems also set back women’s participation in politics. Freedom of expression, media, opinion, peaceful assembly, association, and others are essential tools for women’s full political participation. In countries such as Thailand, Pakistan, Philippines and Fiji, where the freedom of association and movement is limited with growing militarisation and fundamentalisms, women find themselves under constant surveillance by and threats from their own governments. The fulfilment of basic survival and social needs, economic independence, and freedom from violence are crucial requirements in women’s realisation of their political potentials. The women’s movements in the different countries have reached a level that it can already field some of its leaders in politics and governance. However, electoral politics and work within parliaments are relatively new arenas in women’s struggle so much so that networking for mutual support and cooperation among those who are involved in it is essential. Barriers to women’s participation in politics and governance are still here. A number of women, backed by their organisations and movements, have overcome some of them so that there is already a wealth of good practices and valuable lessons to learn from one another. As we gather gains in putting women in positions of influence, it is opportune to level off in terms of substantive advocacy and enjoin them to work against globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms, which reinforce the patriarchal system and thereby bar women from truly achieving positive changes in their lives.

The conference had the following objectives: 1. To further strengthen and consolidate the networks of women in politics and governance and optimise them for cooperation and mutual support; 2. To define women’s perspectives and goals in politics and governance, exchange experiences, strategies and mechanisms, best practices and the challenges in participating in political processes; 3. To assess the achievements, strategies and opportunities used to strengthen women’s participation in the political processes; how women have advanced the women’s agenda in their elective positions and how effective Seethings and Seatings has been as a tool in enabling women to challenge existing political structures in their local situations; and 4. To harness growing women’s influence in politics and governance in addressing essential women’s issues such as globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms.

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Conference Programme 01 June 2008: Day 1 08.00- 09.00

Registration of Participants

09.00-10.15 1 .5 hour

Welcome and Introduction x Objectives of the Conference x Outcomes of the Conference x Round of introductions of participants

Welcome address

Keynote address

10.15-10.45 10.45-12.45 2 hours

Moderator- Virada Somswasdi

Lynnsay Francis Hon. Dame Carol Kidu TEA/ COFFEE BREAK

Session 1- Panel: Building a Regional Scenario- the situation of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s political participation in various countries of Asia Pacific

Moderator: Virada Somswasdi

Introduction to session Plenary presentations: 1. Bangladesh 2. Thailand 3. Kyrgyzstan 4. Taiwan

1. Sandiza Khaman 2. Virada Somswasdi 3. Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva 4. Yi-Chien Chen

General Sharing from the Participants Synthesis of session 13.00- 14.30 3 hours 14.30- 17.30

LUNCH Session 2- Workshop: Sharing of experiences in Asia Pacific: an assessment of the achievements, challenges, strategies and opportunities used to strengthen womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s participation in political processes.

Virada Somswasdi

Moderator: Priscilla Naidu

Introduction to session Four small workshop groups- discussion Group Report Preparation

Plenary reporting back from workshop groups Open forum Synthesis Priscilla Naidu 17.30

END OF DAY 1

02 June 2008: Day 2 09.00- 09.15 2.5 Hours 09.15- 12.00

Recap of Day 1 Session 3- Panel: Women Legislating for Women

Tita Lubi Moderator: Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti

The impacts of globalisation, fundamentalisms and militarisation on economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR): Sharing strategies of women in politics/decision making - the impacts of national policies on ESCR and successful resistance strategies and alternatives to neoliberal policies. Introduction to session Plenary presentations: India (Food Crisis) Sri Lanka (Conflict situation) Fiji (militarisation) Philippines (e.g. legislating against sex trafficking)

1. 2. 3. 4.

10.45- 11.15

1. 2. 3. 4.

Duraivelu Shanthi Marini De Livera Priscilla Singh Hon. Luzviminda Calolot Ilagan

TEA/ COFFEE BREAK (Session 1 continued) General Sharing from the Participants

Synthesis of session 12.00 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 13.30 3.5 hours 13.30- 17.00

Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti LUNCH

Session 4: Workshop Recommendations on how women in politics and governance can more effectively address globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms at the UN and in the legislature and local

Moderator: Tita Lubi

government to ensure governments comply and fulfil their commitments to human rights, gender equality and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s empowerment made under (UDHR, CEDAW and other relevant human rights instruments) Introduction to session Four small workshop groups- discussion Group report preparation Plenary reporting back from workshop groups

Open forum

17.00-17.30

Tita Lubi

Synthesis Closing remarks

Covenors of WPPP Task Force End of conference

Keynote Address

Insert picture of Dame Kidu

Women in Their Rightful Place as Decision Makers and Legislators By Hon. Dame Carol Kidu, Member of Parliament, Papua New Guinea

Hon. Dame Carol Kidu has been the Minister for Community Development in the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea since 2002. She is also the Chairperson of the Ministerial Committee on Urbanisation and a member of the Ministerial Appointments Committee. She first entered Parliament in 1997 serving as Shadow Minister for Social Development until 2000. In recognising her contribution to community development, she has been awarded Honorary Doctorates from Papua New Guinea’s Vudal University and Australia’s University of Queensland. She was awarded the Imperial Award of Dame of the British Empire in January 2005.

Hon. Dame Carol Kidu chose to contribute to the conference from a practical and personal perspective. She spoke of the recent elections in Papua New Guinea, the strategies used by women and women's groups in Papua New Guinea to stand in elections, successes, failures and lessons learnt, and what conferences such as this and organisations such as APWLD can do to assist women in political processes. During 40 years of her life as a village wife, a teacher and now a politician in Papua New Guinea, Dame Kidu has watched a proud dignified society become marginalised and dispossessed of their land and livelihood by the development process. That experience plus the sudden death of her husband were the basis for her entry into politics in 1997. Dame Kidu said that as APWLD is committed to enabling women to use law as an instrument of social change for equality, justice and development, this can only truly be achieved when women take their rightful place in the institutions of power and decision making and become law-makers themselves. She quoted the International Parliamentary Union’s Universal Declaration on Democracy (1997) which states, “The achievement of genuine democracy presupposes a genuine partnership between men and women in the conduct of the affairs of society in which they work in equality and complementarity, drawing mutual enrichment from their differences.”1 The Pacific: the current reality The Pacific is a generally democratic region with countries adopting parliamentary systems and liberal constitutions at independence. Many countries of the region have a substantial pool of educated women who hold high level positions of responsibility in business, government, and the community and education sectors. Increasingly in recent years, many capable women have put themselves forward as candidates for election but 1 http://www.ipu.org/cnl-e/161-dem.htm

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in spite of this, the Pacific region remains at the bottom of the list of women participating in politics. The Pacific Island States have the lowest level of women parliamentarians in the world. The regional average for the representation of women in parliaments is only 4.1 percent (excluding Australia and New Zealand). Out of the eight countries in the world which have no women members of parliament, five are Pacific Island nations: the Federated States of Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Solomon Islands and Tuvalu. Other Pacific countries such as Vanuatu have only two women representatives in parliament while Tonga, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and Papua New Guinea have only one each. Table 1: The Statistics: Women in Pacific Parliaments as of June 20062 Pacific Island State 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

New Caledonia (French Territory) French Polynesia Guam Wallis & Futuna (French Territory) Niue Fiji Samoa Cook Islands Kiribati Vanuatu Tonga Marshall Islands Papua New Guinea Nauru Palau Federated States of Micronesia Solomon Islands Tuvalu Average: Average excluding French Territories:

Size of legislature3 54

Number of female parliamentarians 24

Percentage of women in parliament 44.4

57 15 20

24 3 3

42.1 20.0 15.0

20 71 49 24 42 52 30 33 109 18 16 14

3 8 4 2 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 0

15.0 11.3 8.2 1.0 4.8 3.8 3.3 3.0 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0

50 15

0 0

0.0 0.0

682 559

74 23

10.9 4.1

2 From the database of the Pacific Institute of Advanced Studies in Development and Governance, University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. 3 Compared with Asian countries, most of the Pacific Parliaments are small in size with a range from 15 to 109 Members of Parliament.

Figure 1: World and regional averages of women in Parliaments 1995 - 2008

Source: http://www.ipu.org

This longitudinal comparison4 shows two glaring challenges for the indigenous Pacific region. The Pacific region has always had the lowest percentage of women in politics and of greater concern is the fact that the Pacific region is the ONLY region that has shown no improvement in spite of almost two decades of global activism (2.5 percent in both 1995 and 2008). Contemporary culture in the Pacific still tends to be conservative and patriarchal, reflecting a colonial and missionary heritage as well as a reluctance to change a status quo which favours men politically, socially, economically and administratively. Even in areas that were traditionally matrilineal societies, modern politics have tended to marginalise the women from their traditional power base as the custodians of the land. The imposition of traditional Western models and structures of power and resource ownership has been to the detriment of women in many areas. A Woman’s Place is in the House – the House of Parliament The following research findings on enabling factors and barriers that women face in politics documented in A Woman’s Place is in the House – the House of Parliament5 sound like a broken record stuck in a groove for the Pacific region. However, the outcome of the research had a significant strategic outcome with the inclusion of the issue of women’s political participation in the annual Pacific Islands Forum Leaders’ Communiqué in October 2007. 4 Data from the database of the International Parliamentary Union. 5 Huffer, E., etal (2006) A Woman’s Place is in the House- The House of Parliament, Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, Fiji.

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Enabling factors:

Barriers:

Existing gender commitments

Institutional factors

Constitutional provisions, legal measures and existing policies

Lack of political party support

NGO initiatives

Socio-economic factors – lack of finance for campaigns

Women in public leadership

Cultural factors and entrenched attitudes about leadership

Low level of women in parliament as role models and mentors

In the communiqué of the 38th Pacific Islands Leaders Forum in 2007 held in Tonga, the Pacific male leaders have said that it is time for change. For the first time ever, the Pacific leaders made a clear statement for affirmative action for women in the Forum Communiqué. On the issue of good governance, the Pacific Islands Forum leaders (Prime Ministerial level) agreed “to explore ways to enhance participation, particularly by women in decision-making processes and institutions, and in particular parliamentary processes”. This landmark statement for women cannot be ignored and it is clearly the responsibility of women’s groups to act upon this women’s rights statement from the male-dominated Pacific leaders. Women’s organisations and female politicians must use it as leverage for affirmative action in their own countries. The Papua New Guinea Experiences “Politics is not an easy road.” said a female candidate after the 2002 elections – the worst election in Papua New Guinea’s history. Although an increasing number of women are standing for politics, the results have not improved. Dame Kidu represents 0.92 percent of the Parliament of Papua New Guinea. This victory came after a very hard challenge including challenges in campaign finances during the 2007 election. After such experience she has decided not to stand again in the 2012 elections. It is therefore essential that Dame Kidu succeeds in affirmative action legislation for women before 2012. Unique Circumstances Dame Kidu has recently put forward an affirmative action submission to the Cabinet of Papua New Guinea. The Cabinet’s reaction was divided with an argument that other women must be strong like Dame Kidu to get the right to enter parliament. “In many ways I am a reluctant politician - by default and by unique circumstances – widow of a highly respected first indigenous Chief Justice of Papua New Guinea; received European Development Funds to leave a electorate ‘hand mark’ ready for 2002; had five years as a Minister to leave a national legislative and policy ‘hand mark’ ready for 2007,” said Dame Kidu.

For majority of women, it is too hard to even try to get there in the first place because of entrenched male attitudes and lack of financial and logistical support to run an effective campaign in a very difficult political culture. Barriers and Challenges to Bringing More Women to Parliament Cultural norms and societal values (traditional power structures are male dominated and even in matrilineal areas they have become male dominated); Societal stereotypes discriminating against women (gender stereotypes, public versus private space activities by sex, constant under-valuing of the work of women); and Legislative and institutional framework (e.g. the rhetoric of the Constitution is not a reality for women; the demand for increased numbers of electorates decreases space for women in politics). Affirmative Action Women have been fighting for their political rights as articulated in the constitution since independence. They have worked hard – successfully lobbying for various attempts at affirmative action.

Modification of Electoral laws: – Integrity of political parties and candidates (75 percent of PGK10,0006 reimbursement to the political party where the female candidate obtains 10 percent of votes cast in the electorate in that election) for incentive to political parties to nominate women. – Change from ‘first past post’ to ‘limited preferential voting’ system expected to benefit women.

Political parties: - Increased number of women endorsed by political parties but limited mentoring of potential female candidates. - Largely tokenism (partly because of financial constraints of most parties). - Preference for male candidates.

Campaigning: - Increased party endorsement of women but sufficient funding support and visible campaign back-up not provided. Electoral rolls and posters from the Papua New Guinea Electoral Commission arrived too late for majority of electorates. Many rural areas were not reached.

Specific women’s awareness activities through women’s organisations were funded by the Electoral Support Project. An attempt to cater to women at polling stations by having separate polling booths for men and women in some areas. The intention was to stop men’s intimidation of women.

6 One Papua New Guinea kina (local currency) is approximately equivalent to 0.37 US dollar.

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Increased party endorsement of women but this has been basically lip-service and tokenism.

Election Outcomes for Women From 109 electorates, a total of 2,759 candidates stood; 2,658 were men (96 percent) and 101 were women (4 percent). Of the 101 women, 42 were endorsed by various political parties and 59 were independent candidates. 60 electorates had one or more female candidates (49 electorates had none; only one province had none in total). Not possible to quantify proportion of women among voters at this stage. Other Positive Achievements for Women Positive changes as a result of affirmative action measures e.g. women are becoming more politically astute and the cadre of experienced women have increased. Even if women have not been elected, constituencies are used to having women candidates. However, Very minimal changes in attitudes of the population (people say that it is time for women to stand for elections but voting is family/clan driven). No significant changes in the political parties’ leadership attitudes, etc. What Worked and What Did Not Work? Legislative reform has led to political stability in Papua New Guinea. The Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLLIPPAC) as an incentive for women did not work. New Electoral Roll prepared however this was still corrupted. New Limited Preferential Voting system not fully understood; significance of 2nd and 3rd votes was underestimated; and the counting process was also not clear for many. However the Limited Preferential Voting system contributed to a reduction in threats of violence and intimidation. Limited Preferential Voting awareness programmes worked in urban areas, not in rural areas where the programmes arrived late and in limited numbers. Despite high levels of security many fraudulent practices occurred, e.g. double voting and obvious corruption of the Electoral Roll. Most political parties in Papua New Guinea are quite fluid and lack effective party machineries with research and lobbyist backup. No well developed women’s machinery in political parties. Women have not been genuinely given significant roles in party machineries except acting as back-up for male candidates and having only nominal deputy leadership positions. Party policies campaign does not win elections yet but understanding of policy is improving slowly. Incumbent members of Parliament have advantage with their access to European Development Fund. Party support in terms of finance, posters, party leaders’ visibility at campaigns. This happened for a few candidates but for most of them there had been no visible support.

Bribes worked, particularly the night before elections. Laws on bribery had been ineffective. Electoral Commissioner needs to have powers to reject nomination of candidates shown to be guilty of bribery or fraudulent behaviour. Fundraising has been insufficient and very difficult for most. Personal commitment & party support is vital as voters are increasingly fickle and opportunistic.

If no affirmative action legislation is passed, Papua New Guinea’s Parliament will remain the ‘men’s house’. Attitudes to leadership remain deeply entrenched with a confusing mixture of tradition and modernity. The Westminster style democracy sits precariously on centuries of traditional leadership in a nation of immense diversity-over 800 languages and indigenous tribal groups. The traditional giving of gifts and distribution of wealth according to relationships and respect remain important to the fabric of society. Reciprocal exchanges of wealth are the glue that keeps Melanesian society together. This has transferred into modern politics. Women Want Change Since independence, a growing number of women have been fighting for their constitutionally guaranteed rights. They want the rhetoric to become reality for all of Papua New Guinea. They want guaranteed seats for women at all levels of politics and in all regions. Dame Kidu reported on a breakthrough in regards to ulitilising a provision in the Papua New Guinean Constitution for Affirmative Action. The preamble to the constitution is very clear on issues of gender equality in Papua New Guinea’s National Goal No. 2 Equality and Participation and its Directive Principles. It declares for all citizens to have equal opportunity to participate in and benefit from the development of the country; and Goal 2 Directive Principle 5 specifically calls for equal participation by women citizens in all political, economic, social and religious activities. The constitutional Bill of Rights also includes political participation for all. Section 50 of the Qualified Rights states “Every citizen who is of full capacity and has reached voting age has the right to vote and stand for public office.” Section 55 expands more on the equality of all citizens in Subsection 1 which states “All citizens have the same rights, privileges, obligations and duties irrespective of sex.” Anticipating the barriers that would be faced by women, the forefathers also included Sub-section 2 which is a statement on affirmative action by stating: “Subsection 1 does not prevent the making of laws for the special benefit, welfare, protection or advancement of females.”

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The Papua New Guinea Cabinet has endorsed Dame Kidu’s submission to bring four women to Parliament by 2009 using an amended constitutional provision for nominated seats. This will be an interim intervention until an organic law on gender equity (to include a provision for reserved seats by elective process) is in place for the 2012 elections. The bureaucratic structural reform for an Office for the Development of Women to help move this forward already has had Cabinet endorsement. An immediate challenge will be to pass the constitutional amendments with an absolute majority in Parliament. If this succeeds then there will be four more women in Parliament in Papua New Guinea in 2009. The Challenge for the Pacific Dame Kidu summed up her speech by quoting Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, former Vice President of Fiji who said at the Pacific Roundtable on Progressing the Implementation of CEDAW in 2006 “There continues to be a need for women in leadership roles whether in government, the corporate sector, the church or the traditional sphere… One such field that requires affirmative intervention is in parliamentary seats…there is no level playing field. The odds are stacked against women from the beginning and it is nonsense to suggest that candidates be selected on merit”.

References Huffer, E., Fraenkel, J., Taomia, F., Saitala Kofe, S., Guttenbeil Likiliki, O. and Lauti, A. (2006) A Woman’s Place is in the House- The House of Parliament, Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, Fiji. International Parliamentary Union (2008), viewed 25 May 2008, http://www.ipu.org/cnl-e/161-dem.htm Pacific Institute of Advanced Studies in Development and Governance, University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Retrieved 25 May, 2008 from Pacific Institute of Advanced Studies in Development and Governance’s online database.

SESSION 1- BUILDING A REGIONAL SCENARIO: THE SITUATION OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES OF ASIA PACIFIC

The Situation of Bangladesh by Sandiza Khaman, Executive Director, Bandhan Society, Bangladesh

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Sandiza Khaman is a co-founder and currently the executive director of the Bandhan Society in Bangladesh which started its development activities in 1998, as a non governmental, non political and people oriented development organisation. She joined other diligent and experienced development activists to conceptualise and alleviate poverty, develop the human resources, keep the environment and society clean and pollution free. Sandiza has worked tirelessly in empowering women, especially in a community where there is a marked prevalence of religious fundamentalisms.ȱȱ

Overview of the Politics in Bangladesh Bangladesh is no exception when it comes to women’s participation in the various spheres of public life that has continued to remain minimal in comparison to their male counterparts across the countries in South Asia. Many women who have excellent leadership qualities are unwilling to participate in politics because of violence, corruption and manipulation. Ever since the First World Conference on Women in Mexico (1975), gender issues have increasingly become a predominant theme of the worldwide development discourse. Bangladesh was one of the first developing countries to establish a Ministry of Women's Affairs in 1978. In 1997 the government declared a National Policy for the Advancement of Women and made some noteworthy progress in implementing the National Action Plan, prepared in response to the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action. Unfortunately in 2004, this was completely changed without any consultation. After heavy struggles from women’s groups in Bangladesh, another very similar policy was proposed by the government. However, there was opposition to this policy from some religious fundamentalist groups. The government conceded to the groups and asked them for suggestions to be incorporated in the policy, much to the dismay of the women’s groups. The government of Bangladesh, as a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), has committed itself to ending violence against women and children. To deepen this commitment, new laws on the protection of women and children, such as the Suppression of

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Violence against Women and Children (Amendment) Act (2003) and the Acid Crimes Control Act (2002) have been passed. In addition, over the last few decades there have been numerous campaigns and advocacy initiatives attempting to raise awareness and prevent violence against women and children in the country. Despite these achievements, majority of the women in Bangladesh have yet to be empowered to participate actively in the social, cultural, economic, and political life of the country. Gender discrimination is widespread in all spheres and at all levels, as indicated by official statistics on health, nutrition, education, employment, and political participation. The constitution of Bangladesh guarantees equal rights to all citizens, but in family matters such as marriage, divorce, custody, maintenance, and inheritance, laws discriminate against women. The policies and programmes of the government, some NGOs, and other institutions do not sufficiently address the need for women's empowerment. The ‘welfarist’ approach is visible in some development interventions in which women are viewed as beneficiaries and handicapped but not as potential contributing partners. Less aptitude to accept new ideas, a non conducive environment, and inadequate resources are the major factors for the continuing ’welfarist’ approach. Women’s Participation in the Political Power Structure in Bangladesh: The Current Situation In Bangladesh gender discrimination is deeply imbedded in the social structure. Women are discriminated in family, society, workplace and the political arena. The 1972 constitution of Bangladesh reserves 15 seats for women in Parliament. In 1976 the quota was increased by 100 percent (30 seats). This provision lapsed in 1987 and was revised in 1990. In 1991, 36 women contested in the National Parliament and four were elected. In 2008 at the time of the conference, the Parliament has only two percent women. The role of religion in politics is also increasing, which works against women, as fundamentalist ideals further restrict their activities. It is important to ensure that religion is separate from politics. Therefore there is an urgent need to think about a new approach and also for strong networking at various levels. Women have been more politically stable in the last two decades. A quota has ensured women's presence in the local governments and the National Parliament. Among women politicians, the older group entered politics through social work, while some among them and the new generation have emerged from student politics. Despite many odds, statistics and analyses reveal a slow growing trend towards women's political participation. However, they face an ominous challenge. There has also been a growing influence of money in Bangladesh politics, particularly in electoral politics and in guarding/promoting spheres of influence. This acts as a further constraint on women’s political participation since fewer women have access to financial resources. It is very difficult for women to work effectively in this system unless such practices are eradicated.

The Situation of Local Government: Women were first elected to local bodies in 1973. The Union Parishad Election of 1997 is a milestone in the history of political empowerment of women in Bangladesh. The government enacted a law for direct elections to reserve seats for women in local level elections. In 1997 through an Act, the government reserved three seats for women in the union parishad where women members are elected from each of the three respective wards. Apart from the reserved seats women can also contest for any of the general seats. Previously, the process of selection of the women representatives was on the basis of nominations and/or indirect election. Around 12,828 women were elected as members in the 1997 local level elections. A total of 20 and 110 women were elected as chairpersons and members, respectively, for general seats. Although majority of women representatives regularly attended parishad meetings, only a few of them participated in the deliberations and decisions. The female representatives usually involved themselves with mass education, family planning, immunisation programmes, handicrafts making for income generation, relief activity, and shalish (mediation in the village court). The women representatives have the potential to become change agents for rural women and various NGOs. A few government institutions such as the National Institute of Local Government are training women on various development-related issues, legal aid, and organisational structure of local bodies and their roles and functions to enable them do their role effectively. Cabinet and Public Services: Although two women prime ministers have headed the government during the last six years and the leaders of the opposition in Parliament were also women, this does not reflect the gender composition of participation and decision making at the highest policy level. At the ministerial level, womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s representation has never risen above three percent. Before 1996, women were never given full responsibility over any important ministry. Apart from being prime minister, others were state or deputy ministers responsible for ministries such as culture, social welfare, and women. Currently one woman minister, who had become a Member of Parliament in 1991 and 1996 through direct elections, is responsible for the Ministry of Agriculture. Another woman minister is responsible for the Ministry of Forest and Environment.

The Situation in Kyrgyzstan: Way to victory! By Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva Member of Parliament, Kyrgyzstan

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Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva of the Ak Jol political party joined the Kyrgyz Parliament in December 2007. A teacher of the Russian language and literature by profession, she later became the executive director of the Public Fund, a non-governmental organisation in Kyrgyzstan. She is a part of the Forum of Women's NGOs of Kyrgyzstan programme titled Fifty Women, Fifty Days, Towards Fifty Percent of Women in Parliament also called 50 Women in Parliament which aims at having 50 women in the Kyrgyz Parliament. As a part of this programme, Gulnara participated in a series of trainings and led provincial campaigns on women's political empowerment. She has also participated in WPPP Task Force’s Gender and Politics Level 1 training in 2007.

Women’s Participation in Kyrgyz Politics Historically, women in Kyrgyzstan have actively participated in political and social processes. This has been one of the priority issues within the context of gender inequality and imbalance that was addressed at the state level since the 1920s. One measure was the introduction of quotas which existed till 1999. From 1980 to 1985 women comprised 36.2 percent of the Supreme Council.7 Kyrgyzstan’s transition from socialism to market economy has seen the devaluation of the political rights of people. This political heritage combined with social disappointment has its own impact. The Communist Party on behalf of the people made all major political decisions in the Soviet past. During the transition period all political processes have not so far improved the lives of the people. In the past few years after the country entered the period of transition, women have been facing a lot of challenges one of which is the disempowerment in the political processes. In 2000, six female deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the National Parliament were elected. The professional backgrounds of female members of Parliament were diverse. Among them there were teachers, physicians, a businesswoman, a banker, a journalist, an NGO representative and a representative of the trade unions. National laws on gender equality in decision-making do not include open gender discriminatory clauses. It fails to provide and realise political opportunities for women. The low level of women's participation in political processes has not become a concern to the government. The state has made efforts to advance women’s participation in political processes by adopting 7 Extracted from Ramli, R., etal. (2005) Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific, Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, Thailand.

several laws regarding women’s equality: Law of the Kyrgyz Republic on the Basics of the State Guarantees of Gender Equality (adopted by the National Parliament on 31 January 2003) and the Law on Public Administration of 2002. Although these efforts have not increased women's participation in the political process, both in number or in terms of meeting women’s needs, they gradually laid the foundation for public recognition of gender inequality. The foundation includes legal steps toward ensuring women’s participation in decision-making. A matrix of measures on the implementation of the National Action Plan for gender equality was developed and adopted. However, this matrix does not include positive measures like quotas or affirmative action for the state institutions or political parties. The Law of the Kyrgyz Republic on the Basics of the State Guarantees of Gender Equality is regarded as the first serious political step towards gender equality. As a single law it is weak; it does not have punitive mechanisms as part of its enforcement. However, Chapter II of the law is wholly devoted to guaranteeing gender equality in the state government and civil services. It has declaratory clauses and does not have a concrete measurable target or means of reaching it. Chapter V “Gender Equality Enforcement Mechanism” provides minimal means of enforcing the law. Only once does it mention quota (Article 23) – the National Parliament “shall appoint, on consideration of the representation, no more than 70 percent of persons of one and the same sex to offices of” judges of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, members of the Central Commission on Elections and Referendums, and auditors of the Auditing Chamber of the Kyrgyz Republic. There are no clauses regarding guarantees of women’s representation in such political institutions as national or local parliaments and governments, except a statement that adopts temporal special measures on gender discrimination (Article 6 “Prohibition of Gender Discrimination” of the gender equality law). As a result of very vague and obscure provisions in this law, important documents such as the National Election Code, last amended on 24 January 2004 (which was after the adoption of the gender equality law), does not include any special measure to guarantee gender equality in political life. This fact indicates the weakness of the gender equality law and its minimal impact on women’s political rights’ realisation. Thus, despite the declaration of international obligations and conventions in Kyrgyzstan, human rights approach is not realised. Numerous commitments of the State have not been fulfilled and no temporary measures, like quota or affirmative actions have been introduced. In other words, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA), conventions on political rights and other conventions have not been applied in practice. Local Initiatives to Increase Women’s Voice in the Kyrgyz Parliament: Hon. Gulnara Derbisheva’s Experiences In 2006, the Forum of Women's NGOs of Kyrgyzstan started with a programme on women's participation in political processes, with their 50 Women in Parliament Project. The goal was to train 50 women with good potential – intellect, work experience, public image, resources and desire to run for office in the Parliament of Kyrgyz Republic or local councils from all the provinces of Kyrgyzstan.

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In November 2006, Derbisheva received an invitation from the Forum of Women's NGOs to join their 50 Women in Parliament Project. In the beginning, Derbisheva did not believe in the programme, because the goals and targets that were formulated were very high. At that time, only male parliamentarians could reach that target. Eventually, she was convinced to join the programme and to become one of the 50 women. Derbisheva is a mother of six and a trained teacher from the south of Kyrgyzstan. While active in advancing rural community rights in public policy for years with an NGO, she has had no experience in politics. Derbisheva joined the programme knowing that rural Kyrgyz women face many challenges in the family and household duties alone. As part of the programme, Derbisheva participated in a comprehensive training programme and learned about the structure and work of the parliament, legislative processes, state budget, and the importance of building the capacity of women for network building. During this process, Derbisheva managed to get the support of 20 community NGOs and they served as her support group. Regular meetings were conducted with the locals to raise their awareness on the 2010 parliamentary elections, where Derbisheva openly declared her desire to run for office. No one had expected that the next parliamentary elections will be held in 2007. During this period, there were many barriers that discouraged her to run. Previous elections were held on a majority principle. During the last 15 years, all elections were run only by men in the province. Bribes were used by male candidates to buy votes, there was intimidation from then current deputies, and black propaganda techniques were used to diminish her. Derbishevaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s detractors said that she had abused her power and used public money when she attended APWLDâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s training in Bangkok, Thailand in 2007. These were lies as APWLD had supported her attendance in the training. Derbisheva received threats on her and her familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life. But the other 49 women and the women's movement convinced Derbisheva not to quit. The national women's movement, of which the Forum of Women's NGOs is part of, introduced special temporary measures in the Election Code in the Kyrgyz Republic such as the inclusion of a quota on women's participation. The women also prepared shadow reports on the implementation of CEDAW by the state. In November 2007, the National Parliament was dissolved, and, for the first time in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan, elections were held according to the party-list system. According to the Election Code, parties are obliged to have at least 30 percent women in their lists. Derbisheva got into the list of the Ak Jol Party, currently the dominant party of the president which has 71 seats in the Parliament. Out of the 11 registered parties, only three parties got seats. There are 24 women (26.6 percent) in the current Parliament, from zero in the last Parliament. Derbisheva was one of those who won. Upon her entry into the Parliament, Derbisheva saw the following problems of women in the political and legal spheres:

Declarative approach to realisation of gender policy; Imperfection of the legislation on gender equality, inconsistency with other laws; Insufficient usage of civil society resources; and Weak national institutional mechanism on gender equality.

Derbisheva believes that there are many challenges that women confront in politics, with the increased representation of women in the National Parliament as a result of quotas on gender. Opportunities should be taken to advance gender issues through the parliament. In reaffirming her commitment to the women's movement in Kyrgyzstan, Derbisheva is currently working on uniting women parliamentarians by setting up a women's caucus in the Parliament. She is working intensively with women's groups on legislative initiatives on guaranteeing equal rights and opportunities for men and women. Women should also ensure the participation of civil society sector in the realisation of gender expertise of legislation and in facilitating the formation of public opinion supportive of gender equality.

Reference Ramli, R., Lubi, T.L. and Djanaeva, N. (2005) Seethings and Seatings: Strategies for Women’s Political Participation in Asia Pacific, Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, Thailand.

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Women's Political Participation in Nepal By Hon. Sabitra Gurung Dura Member of Parliament, Nepal

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Hon. Sabitra Gurung Dura of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist is a member of the newly set up Nepali Constituent Assembly. She is a member of the Maoist Tamuwan State Committee and co-in-charge of Tanahun district. Associated with politics since 1989, she is the only representative of 13,000 Dura people in the constituent assembly. Sabitra was also a legislator in interim parliament (2006). Her husband, who was the leader of Akhil Revolutionary Army, is among those who disappeared during the time of government-Maoist conflict. Presently she is also a central member of the Young Communist League.

Recent Developments in Nepali Politics The Nepal Constituent Assembly elections held on 10 April 2008 after having been postponed from earlier dates in 2007, saw the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) placed first with 220 out of 575 elected seats, and it became the largest party in the Constituent Assembly. With a term of two years, assembly will draft a new constitution. Out of a total of 369 women candidates standing on various political party platforms, 197 women (35 percent) won seats in the 601 member constituent assembly.8 In Nepal, women constitute half of the population but their presence in politics is dismal. There are many factors which limit womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s participation in public life and decision-making, including economic dependency and lack of adequate financial resources, lack of same work opportunities as men, illiteracy and limited access to education, lack of access to information, discriminatory culture and social attitude and negative stereotypes perpetuated in the family and in public life, burden of responsibility in the home, intimidation, harassment and violence. Although Nepalese women have been involved in the political movement since the 1950s, only 34 women have been able to reach the government level till now. However as in the others countries, political parties in Nepal widely manipulate women at the time of elections and mass movements, but they are discarded as soon as the events are over. In the general elections held in 1991, only seven women were elected out of 80 women candidates (total seats were 205). Similarly in the 1994 elections only seven women were elected out of 86 women candidates (total seats were 205). In the general elections held in 1999, altogether 2,238 candidates contested for the 205 seats in the House of Representatives. Out of that only 6.39 percent of them were women. In the interim Parliament of 2006 there were 17.58 percent women out of 330 seats in total. Despite the high political commitments Excerpted from Pandey, K. and Singh, N. (2008) Nepal: Constitutional Assembly Elections and Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Participation in Political Processes in Forum News Vol. 21 No 2. 8

made in the political parties’ election manifestos and declarations to enhance leadership of women in major political parties, all the political parties simply tried to fulfil the minimum requirements. In Nepal’s 240 years of history, no woman has ever become the Prime Minister of the country. Male dominant ideologies, lack of awareness, male prejudice, and domination of men in all political parties have hindered women to actively participate in local and national politics. Therefore now is the right time for women to ensure and realise their rights in the new constitution. It is also historically important to note that 2008 has seen 369 women from different parties participate in the constituent assembly elections vying for a total of 601 seats. 197 women (35 percent) candidates standing on various political party platforms won seats in the constituent assembly. Invaluable Women’s Contribution in Post Conflict Situations: Experiences from Nepal Women's presence is especially important in post conflict situations when new constitutions are often being created. Hon. Sabitra Gurung Dura relays the struggle that began in 1996 and how women have surpassed caste, class and gender barriers to move the country forward. Dura began as a commander of the revolutionary army. During the war women were attacked, tortured, raped and killed by other rebel forces just because they were women in the armies. These were painful experiences. Almost 2,500 women lost their lives and many women leaders disappeared. Dura feels that Nepal’s revolution and movement seems to be different from other countries. She is very proud of the achievements of the movement and sighted that now more women than ever are in Parliament. This has been through the efforts of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, which has more than 40 percent women candidates. Other parties are also trying to integrate women in politics. Under this new leadership five percent of the government armed forces and police are women. There is a ministry for women and children. A record number of women stood for the constituent assembly elections and out of the 197 women who won, a majority of them are from the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. For the process of drafting the new constitution, Dura explained that her party is advocating for a 50 percent quota for women's representation through the proportional representation system for every level/branch including the army and the police. In Nepal many women still do not have a full understanding of their rights and knowledge on how to participate in complex political processes and they also lack the knowledge on how to hold their leaders accountable. There is an urgent need for women’s leadership and participation if we are to meet the challenges of the 21st century of the new Nepal. It is imperative to have quotas of at least 50 percent women in the new constitution. For this, women should be alert and have to create a strong network with the educated and the uneducated, the urban and the rural, the rich and the poor women from diverse groups and ethnicities. Dura believes that with the right policies and right people, the new government will be able to achieve its goal.

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Reference Pandey, K. and Singh, N. (2008) Nepal: Constitutional Assembly Elections and Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Participation in Political Processes in Forum News Vol. 21 No 2.

The Art of the Impossible? Towards a Gender, Race, Class Sensitive New Democracy By Prof. Yi-Chien Chen Gender Graduate School, Shih-Hsin University, Taiwan

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Prof. Yi-Chien Chen teaches at the Shih Hsin University in Taiwan in the Graduate Institute for Gender Studies, as well as the National Taiwan University of Science and Technology as an Adjunct Assistant Professor, Department of General Education. She received her doctorate in law from Cornell University in 2001. Apart from her role as a university professor, Yi-Chien is an active member of the Judicial Reform Foundation, Legal Aid Foundation, Feminist Scholars Association and Awakening Foundation.

Present Realities of Women in Politics in Taiwan At present, Taiwan has not ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), is not a member of the United Nations (UN) and the World Health Organisation (WHO). Being excluded from the international community since the 1970s, the status of women in Taiwan is not monitored by the UN and its agencies; therefore there is lack of institutional support to which women of most UN member nations are entitled. The number of women in public official elections is relatively and seemingly not bad though. First woman vice president from 2000-2008 First woman mayor elected in Kaohsiung City in 2006 Women winning seats were highest in Taipei City Council (37 percent) Kaohsiung City Council (36 percent) County and city councils (26 percent) Legislators (22 percent) Women in the Cabinet this year (26 percent) Taiwan has indeed come a long way. Li Yuan-Chen, a pivotal visionary and movement organisers in the 1980s started the Awakening Foundation, an NGO in Taiwan which set up the Awakening Magazine in 1982. In 1984, the NGO raised the need for the sexual harassment law. When Martial Law was lifted in 1987, Awakening was registered as a foundation. They assisted women in applying constitutional law interpretation, revising civil law and in drafting a law on equal employment, which was eventually passed in 2001. It was also in 1987 when the Awakening Foundation launched a signature campaign against trafficking of young girls and organised the Women's Court Watch where they helped two mothers to apply for constitutional law and in the process revised the civil law. The feminist NGOs used many venues for their advocacy–legislation, courts, administration, civil society, the administration and academia. The first University Women Studies Center was established in 1990. In 1992, after the second Legislative Yuan elections were held, the Legislative Yuan

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was asked to realise gender equality in the constitution. In 1994, an appeal to the Judicial Yuan for constitutional law interpretation was made. After successfully securing the gender quota of 25 percent in the Democratic Progressive Party in 1996, a feminist activist was killed, which sparked a series of mass protests by women. In the succeeding years, the year for Resisting Violence against Women was commemorated. The women's movement also took on various cases of sexual harassment in the workplace. One such case was in 1998 where a doctor sexually harassed a nurse. With the help of the Awakening Foundation the nurse eventually won the court case. This and other similar cases spurred the calls for the enactment of the Equal Education Law, which was eventually passed in 2004. Gay pride marches by the lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgender (LGBT) movements were held to raise awareness on issues such as discrimination and homophobia. In summary, the early 1980s was a period of groundwork for the women's movement. The late 1980s is characterised by increased women's assertion for structural changes with regard to women in politics and the law. The early 1990s was a period when the issues of women's bodies, sexuality and issues of LGBT were tackled. These can be considered positive steps in the highly restricted environment of Taiwan. Despite the gains, the women of Taiwan still face challenges. International isolation is one challenge since Taiwan is not a signatory to international treaties and instruments on human rights and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights. Governments cannot be forced to sign these. It is likewise difficult to face the challenges inside the country such as that of the economy and culture. Sometimes there are also struggles within the feminist movement. One breakthrough though is when the Democratic Progressive Party elected its first female leader. This is significant since the prevailing mindset is that women cannot lead political parties. Women in Taiwan still face many issues such as discrimination based on sex and sexual orientation, sex as work, gay or same sex marriage, and sex education in schools and in the academe.

Feminism, Democratisation and Militarisation in Thailand By Prof. Virada Somswasdi Chiang Mai University, Thailand Convenor, WPPP Task Force, APWLD

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Prof. Virada Somswasdi, a founding member of APWLD, is also the founder and current President of the Foundation for Women, Law and Rural Development (FORWARD) in Thailand. She was instrumental in establishing the Women’s Studies Center at the Chiang Mai University in 1993. The Center now offers a master’s degree in Women’s Studies, the first such programme in Thailand. Virada is currently the convenor of APWLD’s WPPP Task Force, a member of APWLD’s Regional Council and the editor of “Stance: the Thai feminist review,” a publication of the Women's Studies Center of Chiang Mai University.

Historical Context of Thai Politics The Kingdom of Thailand has been ruled by kings for at least seven centuries. Despite an overthrow of the absolute monarchy in 1932, purportedly on a democratic cause, throughout the following seven decades, the modern Thailand has been under military rule from time to time through coup d’états. The influence of the military has, nonetheless, been strongly felt even during the times of civilian governments coming to seating, either by election or appointments of the military-connected bodies. The absolute monarchy had been replaced by the constitutional monarchy; yet the institution personified by the present monarch is revered strongly and adequately as inviolable, with clear protection from the constitution and tradition. The constitutional recognition is on the King himself being inviolable. However tradition and practice expanded the protection to all members of the royal family. Over the past seven decades, the hard work towards democratisation initiated by the students and social movements emerged strongly during 1970s and 1990s. The outcome included the two best constitutions so far providing gender equality, community rights and public participation in many critical areas. However, there were not many supporting legislations or measures to actualise the constitutional principles and the short lived democracy was overpowered by the military. Many people thought that Thailand was at a transition towards democracy after the promulgation of the two constitutions, yet such transition was stumbled. There have been 18 constitutions and charters (almost all were either promulgated or guided by military groups who staged coup d’états during the past decades). The latest coup d’état took place in September 2006, and the military appointed legislative assembly promulgated the 2007 constitution, which is currently in a fragile state, under threat of being amended by the elected Parliament or abrogated by the military forces.

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Whichever method that is taken up, it is meant to save the previous prime minister and his cronies who have been charged with corruption and election fraud and disqualified from politics for a five-year period. Words about another coup d’état is currently spreading over Thailand and beyond on a daily basis. It is again a reflection of the strong presence of the military in the country’s politics. Thai Feminism and Politics under Military Domination There is a need to understand the context of gender in the process of democratisation as the concepts of democracy, politics, and participation are bound to be manipulated by patriarchy. Perhaps it is necessary to pay more attention to the re-emergence of the social movements and see if there is an understanding of women's roles in the democratisation processes. Although women were part of the 1970s and 1990s political movements, some big parties, associations and social movements both before ‘changing the guards’ from the undemocratic regimes and also at the dawn of democratic movements, are rarely accounted for in scholarly or political analyses. Their presence in the official political realm tended to be personal through family connections and less institutionalised. Women's participation in parliamentary politics were part of the discourse and debate that went on during democratisation which has rendered negatively on individual women politicians rather than positively for women’s political participation as that of a sex class. In contemporary Thailand, whilst some feminists oppose militarisation, a good number of women’s rights activists (categorisation of feminists and women’s rights activists still needs debate) were swayed by their hatred of the former corruptible civilian prime minister and impatience in the judicial and democratic process to prosecute him and his cronies, thus gave support to the 2006 military coup d’état, and indeed militarisation and patriarchy. Also, a good number of women’s rights activists might be anxiously waiting for a re-emergence of another coup d’etat to quash the nominee government. The new political ‘development’ is seemingly making ways for another era of democratisation in Thailand with the general election held in December 2007. A civilian government has been brought back and the constitutional parliament is in function. These ‘developments’ can present a false image of the real situation. It can be a misleading analysis of the so-called democracy and positive scenario of gender equality and women’s human rights. Enabling Factors of a Powerful Women’s Movement In short, despite the fact that women’s movements have brought about some positive legal changes for women’s human rights, e.g. prefix to women’s name, married women’s last name, revision of the family law to allow women to sue their husbands for divorce on the grounds of adultery, broader definition of rape in the criminal law, sanction on marital rape, and domestic violence law protecting not only family members but also those living with the family, etc; there are still many loopholes and gender biases left untouched in most of these legislations. Moreover, the political, economic and social patriarchal contexts especially through militarisation obstruct the ideal legislation and

enforcement to cover all areas which have been identified in the international instruments especially the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, and Beijing Platform for Action. Evidently, there are diverse strategies and approaches that feminists have taken up in fighting for their inherent human rights, yet the goal is common - eliminating all gender inequalities. It is however, for feminists to perceive that without the enabling elements including the existence of a solidified women's movement capable of making political presence and voices, the change in gendered power relations to provide women's access to arenas of political influence and power, the change of gender ideologies to allow women to pursue their own interests, a political transition from military to genuine civilian rule to provide feminists with access to political arenas of influence, and a powerful women's movement, democratisation cannot be fulfilled. Consequently womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s human rights will not be effectively defended for and gender inequalities will still be prevalent in every sphere and all aspects of our lives.

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Synthesis of the Panel Discussion By Virada Somswasdi In summing up the plenary presentations made to build the regional scenario for women's political participation, Virada Somswasdi presented the following commonalities in the five presentations for the session: There have been positive legal changes at the national and international levels focusing on the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women and other international instruments. The strong personalities of our members and partners in the region have support from the women's movements and academicians in Asia Pacific. Across the region there has been higher participation of women at decision-making levels. But despite these gains, the following challenges remain: The lack of political will of the state Class and caste discrimination Socio-economic and cultural barriers Patriarchal domination Gender discriminatory laws Money politics Increasing incidences of militarisation Gender stereotyping.

SESSION 2: WORKSHOP SHARING OF EXPERIENCES IN ASIA PACIFIC: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS, CHALLENGES, STRATEGIES AND OPPORTUNITIES USED TO STRENGTHEN WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL PROCESSES Moderator: Priscilla Singh (Fiji) Following from the first session which built the frame of discussions for the conference, for Session 2 the conference participants were divided into four groups who reflected on the following questions:

What challenges are there in advancing women’s participation in politics and governance? What methods and strategies have been utilised to strengthen women’s participation in politics and governance? In using these strategies, what have been some of the achievements? What are some of the opportunities available for advancing women’s participation in politics and governance?

A summary of the outcome of discussions is noted below: 1. Obstacles and Challenges: i. Existing economic and political context intensified by patriarchy, imperialist globalisation, fundamentalisms, militarisation (military dictatorships and undeclared martial rule). ii. None or low minimum quota for women in elective and appointive positions. iii. Non-recognition of women’s capabilities from male-dominated political parties; conflicts on stand on issues between the women and the political party they are in. iv. Traditional view that the women’s place is in the home; other patriarchal structures and mindsets, cultural norms and societal values that discriminate against women; and welfare approach to helping women that does not empower them. v. While women have been very active in fighting for democracy and social change, their presence is rarely accounted for in scholarly or political analysis. vi. Character assassination, personal attacks and threats to family security. vii. Anomalies in the electoral system and practices: - vote buying, money influence and unlimited use of cash to get elected; - voting based on relations and patronage politics; - violence, corruption and manipulation (‘guns, goons and gold’); - ineffective Commission on Elections; - personality-oriented campaigning instead of dealing with candidates’ platform and stand on issues; and

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viii. ix. x.

xi. xii. xiii. xiv.

women subjected to patriarchal and elitist standards (meritbased selection). Militarisation expressed in state violence and repression including abduction, rape, killings, disappearances, harassment and intimidation. Rising fundamentalisms and the caste system. Restrictive legislations and policies; lack of gender perspective in policy-making; non-implementation of positive provisions of the constitution, laws and international instruments like the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Temporary lack of women for elective and appointive positions. Women are interested in politics but results have not improved so they are discouraged. Women are not supporting women. In some cases, those in the women’s movement do not speak in one voice. Lack of funds and resources. Insufficient machinery for women in political parties. Women have not really been given significant roles in the political party machinery. In some cases even when women are elected as members of parliament, they have no back-up staff to assist with their work.

2. Methods and Strategies Used: i. Propaganda and the use of media for advocacy and projecting women’s agenda; informing voters of women candidates’ platforms and profiles; pushing for electoral reforms; and social justice. ii. Strong alliance and liaison with media people. iii. Addressing everyday issues of women and men, especially the poor and marginalised. iv. Awareness-raising of women and men on: - need to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women; - other women’s issues and concerns; - raising awareness of the people on specific constitutional guarantees; and - public debate on women’s issues. v. Organising women and building women’s groups, calling on them to support women candidates, harnessing creativity of feminist NGOs and women studies centres, and getting support from unorganised women. vi. Capability building and training of women: feminist/women’s orientation, advocacy for issues of women and other marginalised sectors, running electoral campaigns, leadership, etc. vii. Sharing of experiences to overcome obstacles. viii. Door-to-door or house-to-house electoral campaigning. ix. Forming a women’s political party like Gabriela Women's Party of the Philippines. x. Sectoral representation in the party-list system. xi. Campaigning for a 50 percent quota on women's representation in appointive and elective positions. xii. Maximising family networks. xiii. Engaging political parties through their leaders, women’s wing and women members of parliament; monthly reviews with cabinet ministers; and forming women’s caucuses in national parliaments or congress and in the International Parliamentarians’ Union (IPU).

xiv. Election of and alliance with progressive and strong women in government and other decision-making positions. xv. Gender mainstreaming through monthly review with cabinet ministers. xvi. Raising funds and other resources to support women candidates: - reduce campaign cost through volunteerism and making the production of campaign materials a mass movement; - donations from members, friends and allies; - various types of income-generating projects; - long-term arrangement (shareholder concept: You invest, We reform!); and - arrangement with opposition candidates to get free campaign materials and inclusion in their TV/radio plugs. 3. Gains and Achievements: i. Election in parliament and various other levels of government of more women’s and people’s rights activists and advocates. Examples are: Women in the new Nepali Parliament with the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist as the ruling party have the presence which ensures women’s participation and influence. Women garnered 35 percent of the seats with 30 percent supported by Maoists and only 4 percent supported by the other political parties. Before the electoral victory of the Maoists, there were many women capable of being members of Parliament but they were marginalised by the political parties. The situation of women in politics in a government dominated by the Maoists deserves watching for positive lessons. After all, wasn’t it Chairman Mao who said that women hold up half of the sky? In Kyrgyzstan, the Forum of Women NGOs, which is closely linked with APWLD, ran the 50 Women in Parliament Campaign. As a result 17 women were invited to vie for elections, of whom three won. Before the last election there was no woman in Parliament. Now there are 24 women or 26.6 percent out of a total of 94 seats. Also, the new Election Code requires at least 30 percent seats for women. In the Philippines, one of the very few women’s political parties in the world, Gabriela Women’s Party, won two seats in Congress despite the propaganda and physical attacks it was subjected to by the Arroyo government. In India, improvement in infrastructures and services for women and the people were accomplished with progressive councillors like Duraivelu Shanthi. ii. More women are showing leadership capabilities and being seen as role models. Women are becoming more politically astute. Increased cadre of experienced women. iii. More gender sensitive women and men members of parliament. iv. Legal reforms through new legislations and policies favouring women and addressing women’s issues, e.g. setting or increasing the minimum quota for women to elective and appointive positions; equal employment; gender equality education; divorce; poverty alleviation; infrastructure; and social protection against child abuse, rape and domestic violence.

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4. Opportunities i. There are still millions of women to be organised and various women’s issues to be addressed. ii. There are a lot more qualified women than before. Women want change. They want to change rhetoric to reality. In the past women entered politics through social work. The new generation of women do so through student politics. iii. There are still a lot of elective and appointive positions at different levels to be filled up by women. ‘Women in politics’ is not only a numbers game – they should truly represent women and those marginalised in society. iv. Changes in the electoral system such as: - the shift from 1st past post (those who got the most votes win) to limited preferential voting (voting for 1, 2 and 3 priority seats instead of just one); and - shift from majoritarian to party-list system. v. A lot of women have the ‘gift of gab’ which they can use in advocacy, organising, campaigning and winning elections. vi. Recruiting and developing new women organisers and organising think tanks for women candidates and those who have been elected or appointed. vii. There is need for many more legislations that advance the interest of women and other marginalised sectors. There is a need to resist charter change that will take away democratic and other positive provisions in the constitution. viii. More support can be demanded from government to get and sustain women in politics and governance. ix. Establishing women’s courts and gender equality commissions. x. Local, national and international (at global and regional levels) networking of women. xi. Better use of technology to improve networking and information sharing.

SESSION 3: PLENARY THE IMPACTS OF GLOBALISATION, FUNDAMENTALISMS AND MILITARISATION ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS: SHARING STRATEGIES OF WOMEN IN POLITICS/DECISION MAKING- THE IMPACTS OF NATIONAL POLICIES ON ESCR AND SUCCESSFUL RESISTANCE STRATEGIES AND ALTERNATIVES TO NEOLIBERAL POLICIES

Women's Rights and Women in Politics in Fiji By Priscilla Singh Suva City Councillor, Fiji

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Priscilla Singh, a member of the National Federation Party, is her constituency's representative in Suva City Municipal Council in Fiji, which she won in a landslide victory in the 2005 municipal elections. She also stood alongside her husband in the 2006 general elections but was unsuccessful. She is a long-serving member of Fiji Women’s Rights Movement and a former member of APWLD’s WPPP Task Force. Through her association with women’s groups and as a politician and party member, she has been instrumental in working on increasing women’s participation in politics in Fiji.

Coup d’état Culture in Fiji Fiji has had four coup d’états within the last 19 years. The first two coup d’états occurred in a short span of time in 1987. Fiji was declared a Republic and an interim administration enacted the racist 1990 Constitution, under which two parliamentary general elections were held in 1992 and 1994. In 1999, the country went to the polls under the 1997 Constitution that resulted in a landslide victory of the Fiji Labour Party-led coalition government. This government was overthrown in a coup d’état led by a civilian on 19 May 2000 and backed by the soldiers of the Counter Revolutionary Unit of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces that stormed Parliament. Members of the government were held as hostages in Fiji’s parliamentary complex. The military abrogated the 1997 Constitution, removed the then President from office, and appointed an interim government. The military secured the release of members of the deposed government after 56 days in captivity. The perpetrators of this coup d’état were arrested and in 2002 jailed for life for treason.

The military together with the interim government embarked on formulating a new constitution. This process was stopped after the courts in Fiji upheld the 1997 Constitution and ruled that its abrogation and the removal of the government were unlawful. The Fiji Court of Appeal also ruled that the Fiji Labour Party-led people’s coalition government was the legal government of Fiji. With this ruling and somewhat calm, another round of elections were held in August 2001 with new political parties contesting along racial lines. A multiparty government was to be set up. This was welcome news for political parties, NGOs, trade unions, and the business community. Even the military welcomed the formation of a genuinely multi-racial multiparty Cabinet, describing it as the way forward for Fiji. This stability was also short-lived. The military was agitated by the governments actions in relation to serving justice for the perpetrators of the 2000 coup d’état and other matters, as Parliament was dissolved in March 2006 and election dates were announced. The military embarked on what it termed as its “Truth and Justice Campaign”. At that time the military defended this campaign saying it wasn’t indulging in politics but educating the indigenous Fijian community about the detrimental and illegal provisions of the Reconciliation, Tolerance & Unity Bill (Amnesty Bill)9, that the government had introduced in June 2005. The military led by its Commodore openly backed two political parties in the lead up to elections. The elections, needless to say resulted in campaigns full of racial overtones. The win of the military’s least favoured party signalled another coup d’état with the potential to take Fiji to the abyss of total political chaos, economic ruin, absolute compromise of the independence of the judiciary and resulting in a serious breakdown of law and order. The fourth coup d’état was executed in December 2006 and it remains till date. The Human Rights Situation in Fiji It is abundantly clear that there have been gross violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms and liberties in Fiji since December 2006. Apart from unlawful termination, the military has severely clamped down on voices opposing the coup d’état and the current regime. The military has proceeded to terminate the employment or services of any person it deemed as an opponent. They were replaced with pro-regime sympathisers and supporters including military officers. The first group of people to be harassed, intimidated and tortured, were a group of pro-democracy supporters and youth activists. Others who were detained, harassed and assaulted include NGO representatives, lawyers, former cabinet ministers, and those arrested or accused of petty crimes. The media too, has had to resort to self-censorship after its personnel were 9 This Bill was widely opposed in Fiji by all sections of the society. It received public condemnation and ridicule and was subjected to intense scrutiny during public consultative sessions carried out by the parliamentary sector committee on law & order. In December 2005, when this committee tabled its report, it recommended 75 amendments including withdrawal of the amnesty clause and other provisions that interfered with the judiciary, the police and office of the Director of Public Prosecutions. The Bill was never brought to the floor of parliament throughout 2006.

harassed and questioned. Three civilians have died at the hands of the military and police. The Impact of coup d’états in Fiji Coup d’états in Fiji have had a devastating impact on the lives of all citizens. There has been mass migration, loss of thousands of jobs, stagnation and rapid decline of the economy, human rights abuses and racial polarisation. Poverty has escalated, crime has escalated, unemployment is on the rise and many workers especially in the tourism industry are on reduced hours. The 2006 coup d’état embarked on a ‘clean-up’ campaign as the military and the interim government claimed it to be. Just like the previous coup d’états, it was about political power, even if it meant achieving it through the barrel of the gun. The fact that the key players in the current administration are those who either badly lost in the last general elections or came out second best is testimony to this fact. The statutory organisations have been militarised and politicised with control being vested in senior army officers and supporters of opposition parties. Since the uplifting of the Public Emergency Regulations in May 2007 there have been significant developments in Fiji. The regime has so far failed to fulfil commitments made to the European Union and the Pacific Forum Islands Leaders & Foreign Ministers in regards to democratic elections and other commitments leading to elections. And in this climate of doom and gloom when the ordinary people of Fiji are suffering immensely, the regime changed focus from the original reason of the coup d’état executed under the pretext of ‘clean-up’ to formulating a People’s Charter with a view to building a better Fiji. It has now resolved to dismantle the electoral provisions in the 1997 Constitution and introduce common roll, proportional voting and re-configure electoral boundaries. While the regime’s supporters have joined the Charter, the vast majority of the civil society, NGOs, women’s activists, the deposed government, and religious and cultural organisations have opposed the Charter process and have declined to participate in the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF). And now it seems that if the People’s Charter is not accepted then there would be no elections. The credibility of the regime was further tarnished in February 2008 by revelations firstly by Fiji daily newspapers that a prominent member of the interim regime was evading millions of dollars in taxes. The minister in question has been cleared of any wrong-doing via a secret inquiry. However in the process, there was unprecedented number of forceful deportations of media personnel. Legislation Promulgated by the Regime The emphasis on the 2006 coup d’état was to get rid of a corrupt government, the interim regime quickly promulgated by decree an anticorruption legislation which saw the establishment of the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) modelled on similar legislation in Hong Kong.

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FICAC has unlimited powers and impinges on human rights. While some have challenged the legality of FICAC, the courts have yet to rule on this matter. The delay is a deliberate tactic by the regime and regime-friendly judiciary. Similarly, the case against the regime and the military by the deposed prime minister and his government has undergone a slow and delayed hearing process. The regime has also by decree promulgated the Employment Relations legislation. The Employment Relations Bill was only passed by the House of Representatives and not by the Senate10; therefore it could not be enacted. However, the regime has gone ahead and enacted the legislation. While it is good for women employees in terms of providing them paid maternity leaves for the first three births and has provisions whereby nonunionised workers can take up their grievances through Employment Courts, the legislation is regressive in many ways. It has the potential to give rise to the multiplicity of unions at any workplace and is a catalyst for poaching of members by rival unions. Employers in the private sector have seemingly taken the cue from the regime’s heavy-handed tactics against public sector unions and have also adopted a confrontational approach. This legislation’s legitimacy was challenged by the major trade union umbrella body, the Fiji Islands Council of Trade Unions in the Fiji High Courts. An Australian judge, appointed to the bench by the regime, granted the state a stay and ruled the case will not be heard and dealt with until after the High Court rules on the deposed prime minister’s case challenging the legality and legitimacy of the interim regime. As a result, civil society is powerless in its efforts to seek redress to human rights violations, challenge the legality of legislation promulgated by the regime or seek compensation from the regime for violating their freedoms. Even court orders given by a few judges who have so far upheld the rule of law, to ordinary citizens preventing the regime from removing them from their jobs are being ignored. To add salt to injury, the Fiji Human Rights Commission, led by its former director, is openly and blatantly supporting the actions of the regime. The former director, who was appointed the Commission’s Chairperson and Ombudsman, openly castigates citizens of repute for speaking in support of the rule of law. Conclusion There have been efforts made to have independent dialogues to discuss the future of Fiji. The President of Fiji has sought assistance from the Commonwealth Secretary-General and the United Nations to convene a political forum to discuss the way forward for Fiji.

10 Fiji has a bicameral parliamentary system consisting of a House of Representatives and a Senate.

While political parties opposed to the charter process have met informally amongst themselves and agreed that a political forum independent of the charter process was the only way forward, it has since emerged that the regime desires the political forum to discuss the charter, which is formulating changes to the electoral system. This is un-constitutional because the electoral system of the Alternative System of Voting is entrenched in the constitution and only Parliament is empowered to make constitutional changes. While it is felt that electoral reforms are necessary, especially changes to the voting system to allow for fairer parliamentary representation of all Fiji’s people in terms of rapidly changing population trends, such changes must only come about after the elections with an elected parliament. As far as women are concerned, women’s participation in Fiji’s Parliament has been insignificant. In the 2001 elections, six women were elected to the 71-member House of Representatives while out of 30 that contested in 2006, only eight women were elected. At least two of these were elected through the preferential vote system by one of the main political parties (National Federation Party), which as a matter of policy, supported women candidates in major urban constituencies. The ongoing political disturbances and human rights violations have obviously instilled greater fear and uncertainty in the minds of women who are now concerned about the safety and security of their families. But the climate of fear and uncertainty can be removed from Fiji’s national landscape and confidence and trust restored in Fiji’s institutions if the military retreat to the barracks and a genuine political dialogue is initiated with a view to mapping a firm roadmap for free and fair elections.

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Women's Rights and Women in Politics in India By Duraivelu Shanthi Councillor, India

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Duraivelu Shanthi is an elected councillor for five panchayats in the state of Tamil Nadu. She stood as an independent candidate in the elections held in October 2007 and defeated candidates from the ruling and opposition state parties. An active member of the Rural Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Liberation Movement for the past 10 years, Duraivelu is also supported by the Tamil Nadu Dalit Women's Movement. Educated up to 7th Standard, she was married at the age of 13 and worked as an agricultural labourer. As a mother of two children, Duraivelu carries out regular household work in addition to the activities of the movement and her being a councillor.

Politics of India The politics of India takes place in a framework of a federal parliamentary multiparty representative democratic republic modelled after the British Westminster system. India is a union of 28 states and seven centrally administered union territories. The country attained independence on 15 August 1947. The Constitution of the Republic came into effect on 26 January 1950. The constitution provides for single and uniform citizenship for the whole nation and confers the right to vote on every person who is a citizen of India and is 18 years of age or older. With regards to the legislature, India has a parliamentary form of government based on universal adult franchise. The executive authority is responsible to the elected representatives of the people in parliament for all its decisions and actions. Sovereignty rests ultimately with the people. The Prime Minister of India is the head of government, while the President of India is the formal head of state and holds substantial reserve powers. The central government exercises its broad administrative powers in the name of the president, whose duties may seem largely ceremonial. The president appoints the prime minister, who is designated by legislators of the political party or coalition commanding a parliamentary majority. The Panchayat System: the Local Village Councils On April 24, 1993, the Constitutional (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 came into force to provide constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions. This act was extended to panchayats (elected village councils) in the tribal areas of eight states, namely Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan from 24 December 1996. The act aims to provide a three-tier system of Panchayati Raj for all states having a population of over two million, to hold Panchayat elections every

five years, to provide reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women, to appoint State Finance Commissions to make recommendations in regards to the financial powers of the panchayats and to constitute the District Planning Committees to prepare the draft development plans for the district. The Panchayat Raj system has a three-tier structure: x The Village Panchayat or Gram Panchayat: functions at the village level. x Panchayat Samiti (committee): is the main executive body which operates at the block level. x Zila Parishad (local government): functions at the districts level and is responsible for executing and coordinating the programmes of rural development for entire districts. Powers and responsibilities of local bodies: x To carry out duties with regard to public usage systems, such as road, water electricity, sanitary facilities and housing; x To manage schools providing free education up to Standard 5; x Anganvadi (day cares centres) and basic health units (Village Health Committees); x Administering and monitoring the state and central government projects; x Members of local bodies are elected depending on the population of the area; x Members are paid honorary benefits but there is no salary as such; and x All work done by the panchayat is done on contract and subcontract basis. It depends on the members of the panchayat to carry out duties and responsibilities allotted by the block development office. Local bodies are yet to get 33 percent reservation for women. Duraivelu Shanthi’s Experience Duraivelu Shanthi was elected as councillor in October 2007 when she ran as an independent candidate and won by 1250 votes beating the ruling and opposition state parties. Throughout Tamil Nadu 820 Dalit women contested this election and 265 were elected for various posts. These women were supported by the Tamil Nadu Dalit Women’s Movement (TNDWM). The objective of the Dalit women’s movement remains focused on ensuring Dalit women’s political participation and political action. Shanthi was supported strongly by TNDWM and also by the people of the village. She is also an active member of the Revolutionary Women's Liberation Movement (RWLM) for the past 10 years. Educated up to Standard 7 and married at the age of 13, Shanthi works as an agricultural labourer earning up to Rs.30 per day (which is less than US$1.00). Shanthi’s husband continues to work as a bonded agricultural labourer in a caste Hindu’s field and earns Rs.1,500 per month (approximately US$37.50). As a mother of two children, she carries out regular household work in addition to the activities of the movement and also as a councillor.

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As an active councillor, Shanthi was able to liaise with the government authorities, and obtain loans and other benefits for the Dalit women in her village. Further, she was able to get welfare measures for Dalit women such as milk cows for income generation projects, old age pension, monthly financial assistance for widows and deserted women. Shanthi has also worked to provide the villages roads, bus stops, and housing for women. This work has not been easy for Shanthi as the men of the upper castes have threatened her and her children. The government allocates two acres of free land to men who are entitled to that free land. Dalit women are not allowed to have the allocated land in their name. Shanthi, in recognising this injustice, was able to mobilise 60 Dalit women to have titles of some 120 acres of land in their name. Recently, the government of India introduced the Rural Employment Act, mandating 100 days work for rural people. However within this system, the village men get higher wages then women. Shanthi and her group are now mobilising women to fight for right to equal pay for equal work. Shanthi and members of the TNDWM were once arrested for protesting against a village school which was not allowing children of all castes to study there. Only children of upper castes were allowed to attend this school and other children had to attend other schools. Shanthi expresses her opinions on matters relating to the Panchayat strongly. As a member of the Dalit community, and also as a woman, she continues her struggle to maintain her identity and also the welfare of her community. Globalisation and Food Crisis Affecting the Dalit People The food and globalisation crisis is currently besetting the people of India. Rice is a very important staple food for the Dalit people. Rice is used in traditions and customs in all aspects of life. There is limited land for agriculture because a lot of the land has been taken away by multinational companies. Agricultural labourers have been evicted from the farms and many Dalit and tribal men who are unable to earn a living have migrated to the cities for work in multinational companies. Women who did not have work for everyday livelihood became sex workers. In Tamil Nadu, in the three districts occupied by the special economic zones, TNDWM has been protesting against the companies in these zones. In the surrounding areas, TNDWM is conducting awareness raising campaign so people will not sell their land to these companies. The practice in the past had been for farmers to preserve seeds for the next cycle of cultivation. This has changed now as the block development offices are giving out seeds that do not generate viable seeds. The price of food has increased drastically. Basic food items such as potatoes, onions and food grain prices have risen by almost 88 percent. While the TNDWM has been calling on the government for the reduction of prices, nothing has been done.

Duraivelu Shanthiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Challenges Challenges and hurdles remain in the pursuit for women's increased participation in politics and governance and to create political awareness among Dalit women. Shanthi has had to overcome numerous hurdles such as male chauvinism and caste barriers. She needs the support of her family members to continue every time. The upper caste Hindus continue with their domination in displaying their politics in local bodies as indirect bosses. Mostly, women who are elected do not know their capacity and are merely puppets in the hands of their husbands. But Shanthi refuses to give up and continues to strive to achieve gender justice and social equality.

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Women's Resistance against Globalisation, Militarisation and Fundamentalisms: The Philippine Experiences By Rep. Luzviminda C. Ilagan Gabriela Women's Party, Philippines

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Hon. Luzviminda Ilagan is the chairperson of the Gabriela Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Party, one of the very few womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s parties in the world and the only one with seats in the Philippine Congress. She is on her first term as a member of the House of Representatives, where she also serves as a member of the House Committees on Women, Overseas Filipino Welfare Affairs, Cultural Minorities and Human Rights, among others. As an elected councillor in Davao City in 1998, she was instrumental in the passage of the city's Women's Development Code as chairperson of the Committee on Women and Family Relations.

Globalisation: Intensified Poverty and Hunger of Filipinas Never has there been so widespread poverty in the Philippines and the world as it is today. Globalisation has inflicted the intensified oppression of the Filipino people. The rapid globalisation of economies worldwide continues to open wide the markets of debt-fuelled economies. Through its instruments, the World Trade Agreements as well as the conditional loans from the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and corruption-laden bilateral economic agreements and development assistance, the poor and debt-ridden economies have become even more indebted and subservient. In the Philippines, the policies of liberalisation of the economy, deregulation and privatisation of social services and utilities have goaded and legitimised the act of the Philippine government to renege on its duty and responsibility of ensuring the needs of its citizens towards the realisation of their full rights, civil liberties and freedoms. While the present president is a woman, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, her policies and programmes have been largely anti-people, anti-women and anti-poor. With these policies, Philippine industries such as oil, communications, water, transport, banking and shipping, airlines and retail trade were and are continuously being opened up 100 percent to foreign investors and privatised. This has resulted to massive unemployment and large-scale retrenchment of workers and economic displacements. The IBON Foundation11 estimates that 4.1 million Filipinos were jobless in 2007. The rate of participation of women in work increased in 2007, 11 IBON Foundation is an independent think tank based in the Philippines. IBON is a research-education-information development institution.

where over two-thirds were in unpaid family work and in domestic house help. Workers, including women workers receive wages which are way below the daily cost of living. Recruitment of labour forces in contractual jobs without security of tenure has increasingly become the practice, with the export processing zones (EPZs) being promoted by the Arroyo government. Women workers, who comprise 80 percent of the workers in the EPZs, face massive lay-offs and lack of job security, low wages, lack of social security and other benefits, poor working conditions, and different forms of abuses like sexual harassment. Business process outsourcing companies or call centres proliferate with women comprising 60 percent of the industry's employees. While the government expects US$5.21 billion in revenues by 2010, women, 80 percent of whom work the graveyard shift, face threats of violence such as rape, sexual harassment, theft, kidnapping and even death. They are also prone to occupational health problems due to lack of sleep and sleeping disorders, decreased body resistance to diseases, among others. Within the framework of profits for multinational and transnational corporations and large plantation owners, agricultural liberalisation has further driven peasants, including rural women, out of their lands while big landlords and corporations grab them. As a result, of the 11.2 million total labour force in agriculture, 8.5 million are landless. Of those who have land, 67 percent own three hectares or less, accounting for only 20 percent of the total land. The large part of cultivable land is concentrated to a few landed elites (0.5 percent). The transformation of lands also affects the indigenous peoples who are mostly land cultivators as well. The liberalisation of the mining industry, the so-called development programmes and economic activities such as largescale logging, open-pit mining, construction of multi-purpose dams, and agribusiness plantations among others, which are often carried out without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous communities, has facilitated development aggression in the indigenous peoples' ancestral territories. With mineral lands and resources being handed over to big foreign corporations fully, traditional economies, community structures, and the environment are destroyed. Instead of providing basic social services for the people, the Philippine government continues to allocate the largest portion, 25 to 40 percent, of its national budget for debt payments, including interests earned from previous debts. Meanwhile, the already meagre budgets for health, education and housing continue to decrease. Deregulation and privatisation of these services have also by all means rendered them inaccessible to the people. The rise in the prices of basic food commodities can be attributed to the economic liberalisation and industry deregulation which are loan and trade conditionalities of international financial institutions such as World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The deregulation of the oil industry is greatly affecting women and their families as every increase spurs a chain reaction of increase in the prices of almost all other products, utilities and services.

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It is no surprise therefore that hunger is more prevalent in these past few years. According to IBON Foundation, an estimated 15 million Filipinos live on US$112 a day, while 40 million Filipinos live on US$2 a day. Malnutrition remains. Of the poorest 30 percent families, for every 100 families, 35 have no access to water, 58 have no electricity, 60 live in make-shift houses or shanties, 30 have no clean toilets, 10 bread winners are jobless, 40 are not able to send their children to school and 20 families have child labourers. Increasingly, because of intense poverty, large numbers of Filipinas have been attracted and forced to migrate across borders and countries, making them more vulnerable to various forms of exploitation, oppression, and violence. Instead of creating local jobs with decent pay, the Arroyo government, with its Labour Export Policy, encourages Filipinos to find work outside the country. This is because Overseas Filipino Workers’ (OFW) remittances keep the economy afloat. In 2007, OFW remittances reached around 12-13 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product. An average of 4,000 Filipinos leave the country everyday, 72 percent of them women. Most will work as domestic workers, entertainers, restaurant and hotel helpers, and assembly line workers in labour intensive manufacturing - which are at the bottom of occupational hierarchy and offer low wages, have inferior working conditions and have limited prospects of security. There are also cases of trafficking for labour or the sex industry, where most of the time, women are recruited as underpaid factory workers, but end up being sold as brides or sex workers. The War on Terror: The Terrorist War What makes life more difficult for women is the global war of the US and its allied governments, the Philippines included, against what they perceive as terrorists including collective actions and resistance of peoples against state policies that favour the elite. After 9/11, under the pretext of destroying international terrorist groups, the US government, with the willing acceptance of the Arroyo government, resumed the sizable deployment of US troops in the country for military aid and support. After the Filipino people struggled successfully to abrogate the Philippines-US Military Bases Agreement in 1991, the re-entry of US troops was carried under the Philippines-US Visiting Forces Agreement. Their re-entry however signalled the continuation of many cases of human rights violations in Mindanao where most of the US troops were deployed. Many families were displaced and the number of civilian deaths in the region increased. Women were exploited. The presence of American soldiers and abetted by poverty further create women’s vulnerability to prostitution and sexual abuse and violence. The US hopes to liquidate alleged Muslim rebel hysteria was unleashed through various staged liquidation of alleged ASG bombers and terrorists, children neglected. Muslims and their supporters suspected, without any basis at all, of being terrorists.

groups. Anti-Muslim police arrests and leaving women and were portrayed and

12 At the time of this conference US$1 equaled Filipino Peso 45.

Emboldened by this and in its desperate attempt to counter the people's resistance, the Arroyo government unleashed state terrorism and militarisation, via the counter-insurgency programme called Oplan Bantay Laya (Operation Plan Freedom Watch launched in 2001). It spurred the massive deployment of the military in all regions of the country. It considered women's groups like Gabriela, trade and employees' unions, human rights organisations, religious groups and journalists as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;enemies of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. The numbers say it all: Extrajudicial killings 1 2 3 4 5

Total: 886 of which 96 were women and 59 children Total: 179 of which 29 were women and 4 children Total 204 of which 29 were women

Enforced disappearances Illegal and arbitrary arrest and detention Hamletting 3,600 villagers Forced evacuation or 7,542 individuals displacement (2001 to July 2007, as documented by Karapatan)

All of these killings are alleged to have been committed by elements of the military and police. None of them have been tried and convicted. Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Resistance: Our Struggles Within and Outside Congress The wanton disregard for the rights of women and families brought about by destructive forces such as globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms have tremendous impact on the quality of life and exercise of civil and political rights. The Filipinas have only one choice that is to tread the path of struggle through various venues and forms. Gabriela was formed in 1984, at a time when the fascist Marcos dictatorship inflicted terrible crimes of violence and forced the Filipino people deeper into poverty. Gabriela was confronted with the issue of sex trafficking in the Philippines when it exposed in 1985 the scheme of a Norway-based marriage bureau which was engaged in the trade of Asian women. It sparked a series of protests against sex tourism in the Philippines which resulted in the banning of marriage bureau advertisements in the Philippines. Gabriela worked with women who needed justice after their escape from situations of slavery and even after death. To further highlight the issue, Gabriela successfully launched in 1998 the Purple Rose Campaign, an international campaign against sex trafficking of women. This was adopted and supported by women in many countries in Asia Pacific, Europe, US, and Canada. This campaign has become instrumental in pushing for the legislation of the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act in 2003. Gabriela also led and participated in various other campaigns against the impacts of globalisation; the killings, abductions and imprisonment of women human rights defenders; the entry of US and foreign troops and facilities in the country; corruption; and the various forms of violence and injustices against women.

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In 1995, the Party-list System Act was passed into law, giving representation in the Lower House of Philippine Congress for â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;marginalised and underrepresented constituenciesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; including women. Parties, organisations and coalitions participating in the system that obtains at least two percent of the total votes cast for the party-list system shall be entitled to one seat. Those who garner more than two percent shall have additional seats corresponding to a maximum of three seats. The first party-list elections were held in 1998, coinciding with the full term elections. To advance its advocacies in the arena of congress, Gabriela jumpstarted the formation of the Gabriela Women's Party (GWP) on 28 October 2000. It however deferred joining the 2001 elections and instead fielded then Gabriela Secretary General Liza Maza to run as representative under the progressive Bayan Muna (People First) Party. While recognising the patronage and elitist politics dominant in congress, the formation of progressive party-lists such as Bayan Muna, GWP and later Anakpawis (Party of the Toiling Masses) and other party-lists sought to challenge this kind of politics with the alternative politics of change. For GWP, it is the kind of politics that advances the interests of the majority of women, the poor and marginalised, in Philippine society. It is politics from the ground, where the genuine sentiments of the poor and marginalised women and sectors should emanate, where it should be heard and resonated, and should be acted upon. It is the kind of politics that supports the women's and people's movement for fundamental and genuine reforms. GWP first joined the party-list elections in 2004, placing 7th among 68 parties, with Rep. Maza serving as its first representative. In 2007, the Gabriela Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Party rose to 4th place in the party-list elections, despite widespread systematic fraud and violence orchestrated by the government, proof of its exemplary and distinct performance in the Parliament and electoral arena. It reaped enough votes for a second representative in the 14th Congress in the person of Rep. Ilagan. The party, through its representatives in Congress, articulates the interests of women, workers, peasants, urban poor, migrants, indigenous peoples, the education sector and children, by supporting their campaigns and struggles and by engaging the Congress and the government to act on these agenda. GWP continues to pursue bills and resolutions for gender equality and women's rights, as next will be the filing of a bill placing a 50 percent quota of women in various levels of governance. GWP has organised women in the Philippines, as well as Filipinas in various parts of the world, to develop, enhance and train women leaders. GWP supports and contributes to the campaign against human rights violations in the local and international levels. GWP stands together with the broad people's movement calling for the resignation of President Arroyo, due to the corrupt practices and bankrupt politics and governance pervading in the Philippines.

The Current Situation and Security Council Resolution 1325: The Sri Lankan Experience By Marini de Livera UNDP, Sri Lanka

Insert marini’s picture

Marini de Livera, a lawyer and women advocate from Sri Lanka, is currently the national project coordinator for the Women’s Empowerment Project of the United Nation Development Programme in Sri Lanka. After completing her law degrees, Ms. de Livera has practiced and lectured in law in Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom. She has worked with the Sri Lankan parliament in coordinating the Parliament Modernisation Project in Sri Lanka and the Women’s Ministry in Sri Lanka. Marini is working actively in the pursuit of gender empowerment for women in Sri Lanka.

Women’s Political Participation in Sri Lanka With regards to women's participation in political processes, Sri Lanka has very dismal records. A male politician once said that in Sri Lanka, giving votes to Sri Lankan women is like giving votes to a swine. In 1931, Sri Lankan women over 21 years old received the right to vote and the right to stand for elections ahead of other South Asian countries. The State Council of the period 1931-1936 had two women members forming four percent of the total. The early women members of the legislature came from privileged families. Women face many problems if they choose to stand for elections. There have been few women in public service. There are 17.1 percent women in the administrative service, 20.1 percent in the scientific service, 29.7 percent in the planning service and 2.4 percent women ambassadors. In Parliament, there are 13 women out of 225. In the Cabinet, there are only three women out of thirty. The three Cabinet ministers hold the posts of Minister of Housing, Minister of Youth, and Minister of Women Affairs. In the judiciary, there are two women justices out of 18. It seems that women have the lowest ranks and most are excluded in decision making levels. In terms of affirmative action, draft proposals for constitutional reform presented in 1997 indicated that women should comprise 25 percent of those elected at the local government level. In August 2000, a constitutional proposal removed the 25 percent requirement. When the parliamentary women's caucus presented recommendations to the electoral reforms committee, they were asked what their husbands do, instead of addressing their concerns for women. Affirmative Actions and Forward Planning While trainings for women leaders are being conducted, there is still no list of the women who have already been trained. The Women's Bureau, National Democratic Institute, Agro mart, and the Women's Education and Research Center have conducted trainings for women. However, it is not clear if the trainees have contested in the elections and if they have been

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successful. The Ministry of Women Affairs has many plans including leadership trainings, negotiations, networking, planning, sharing of knowledge, sensitisation and proposals for a multi-year plan. Interviews with women in politics reveal the problems they have encountered including the striking out of their names in the nominations, no representation when counting the ballots, vote rigging, violence in various forms, no complaints mechanisms, and no access to justice. The need for training, image building sessions and capacity building skills in the English language remain. Sri Lanka has ratified CEDAW in 1981, without any reservations, but there have been no domestic legislations in compliance with CEDAW. Domestic law has to be enacted by the Sri Lankan Parliament for the rights stated in CEDAW to be part of local law. The National Commission on Women's Bill has drafted a bill for an independent national commission in keeping with international standards. However, the present national committee does not have independence to carry out its activities. The Commission has the following general powers: x Take all steps to promote women's rights x Undertake research in this regard x Inquire and investigate into violations x Monitor legislation and policies x Monitor state compliance with international instruments Its specific powers are as follows: x Conduct investigations into infringements x Conduct public inquiries in relation to women's rights x Take action where matters are referred by the Court to the Commission x Establish provincial and regional offices x Forward a report of activities to the Parliament The bill has been long delayed in passage, and the Attorney General does nothing with it, because the assistant Attorney General who is a woman does not believe in women's rights. The parliamentary women's caucus is to be made a permanent feature by bringing an amendment to the standing orders to this effect. Women and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s groups working on this have to revive the caucus, draw up a national election plan and have monthly plans. Twenty women's organisations wrote to the Speaker of the House calling for the appointment of a gender focal point in parliament to facilitate mainstreaming gender concerns in parliament. Conflict and Security Resolution 1325 There is a need to raise the awareness of politicians, policymakers, and non-government organisations on Security Council Resolution 1325. Follow up with parliamentarians is necessary for adequate resource allocation for data collection, peace education, development of booklets in all three languages (to counter the misrepresentations and distortions of concepts such as gender representation in the peace process, race, ethnicity,

federalism, secularism explained at these programmes), and data and skills training of female-headed households. As a result of the ongoing war, there has been an increase in female-headed households. Race, ethnicity and federalism are the issues that women have to deal with, with the 2006 enactment of the Domestic Violence Act and the non-presence of any sex disaggregated data. The Sri Lanka Army launched an international humanitarian law and human rights instructor training of trainers course for the officer instructors (majors and captains). In the training, problems faced by women in conflict situations are highlighted and the Security Council Resolution 1325 and human rights related issues are discussed. Search and arrest activities and a Supreme Court order to put up checkpoints sparked the No to War campaign led by women's organisations. Peace-building measures were initiated by the members of Parliament in the context of the protection of right to life and peace. These campaigns included slogans in Tamil, Sinhala and English for peace against war and street dramas on the importance of the right to life. The women's movement also urged the police and the armed forces to adhere to the directives issued by the President of Sri Lanka in 1997. They also put forward the guidelines set out in D.K. Basu v. State, where the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka upheld in 2007 that in terms of Article 126(4) that the operation of permanent check points with unlawful obstructions and the stoppage of traffic is an infringement of fundamental right to the freedom of movement. A Child Task Force in the Ministry was also established to monitor the violation of child rights in liaison with the women and children's desks in police stations and to set up the 24-hour helpline for children victims of violence. In setting up the parliamentary women's caucus, a study visit to South Africa was made to look at the experiences of South African women parliamentarians. The visit included a tour to the Apartheid Museum, a visit to the Freedom Park, a dialogue with parliamentarians and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In peace-building among parliamentarians, there have been suggestions to map out programmes to create awareness of the need for peaceful coexistence for the two groups separately and at one point to bring them together for negotiations. In building grassroots peace initiatives, island-wide programmes have been conducted to increase interaction between the two ethnic communities and to promote respect for diverse races, religions and cultures. The Sri Lankan women's movement has a long way to go. The women's organisations have to work together with the Women's Ministry to bring more women to leadership positions and to alleviate the problems of the women who are caught in the conflict. To conclude her presentation Marini de Livera quoted Dale Carnegie: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The most important things in the world have been accomplished by people who have kept on trying when there seemed to be no hope at all.â&#x20AC;?

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Synthesis of the panel discussion By Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti Co-Convenor WPPP Task Force In summing up Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti presented a summary of four presentations. The plenary presentations looked at the impacts of globalisation, fundamentalisms and militarisation on economic, social and cultural rights and sharing strategies of women in politics/decision-making, the impacts of national policies on ESCR and successful resistance strategies and alternatives to neoliberal policies around the region. x

The session has been successful in explaining and understanding discrimination and violence against women in the region in the context of globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms at present and in the future. The different cases presented women's struggles from the ground level to the national level in the effort to transform the community, and towards the fulfilment of economic, social, and cultural rights. Even if there are risks, women have overcome them. Women need to recognise the learnings of the anatomy of political systems and explore avenues for women's participation in political processes. Women have identified policies with respect to the economic, social, and cultural rights and those that conform to the policies of globalisation, militarisation, and fundamentalisms. Women have applied strategies in promoting economic, social and cultural rights and in bringing the feminist agenda in policies and laws. It focused predominantly on women from the grassroots, consistently using international laws and instruments to strengthen our advocacy.

SESSION 4: WORKSHOP RECOMMENDATIONS ON HOW WOMEN IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE CAN MORE EFFECTIVELY ADDRESS GLOBALISATION, MILITARISATION AND FUNDAMENTALISMS AT THE UN, IN THE LEGISLATURE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT TO ENSURE GOVERNMENTS COMPLY AND FULFIL THEIR COMMITMENTS TO HUMAN RIGHTS, GENDER EQUALITY AND WOMENâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S EMPOWERMENT MADE UNDER THE UDHR, CEDAW, AND OTHER RELEVANT HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS

Moderator: Tita Lubi, Philippines Building on Session 3 which looked at strategies of women in politics/decision-making in terms of negating the impacts of globalisation, fundamentalisms and militarisation on the national policies on ESCR and successful resistance strategies and alternatives to neoliberal policies, Session 4 provides specific recommendations on what women can do to address this. The conference participants were divided into four groups who reflected on the question: To effectively address globalisation, fundamentalisms and militarisation, what should be done at the following levels: 1. United Nations (UN) and other international venues (Keeping in mind UDHR, CEDAW, ICCPR, ICESCR) 2. National parliament/legislature 3. Local government A summary of the outcome of discussions is noted below: x

United Nations and other international venues i. While conventions have been ratified by countries, the UN should institute sanctions for violating countries and screening for peacekeeping forces should be implemented. ii. Mobilise and activate UN mechanisms such as the Special Rapporteurs, Special Representatives, CEDAW and other such mechanisms. iii. Build international solidarity of movements, especially women's movements. iv. Maximise and network with the Inter Parliamentary Union, especially with women parliamentarians. v. Set up parliamentary control over implementation of international instruments. vi. Women members of parliament should be equipped with knowledge on human rights laws and instruments. vii. Building networks of and dialogues with women's

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viii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv.

organisations and representatives at the international and national levels. Monitor the participation of civil society organisations in the implementation of UNSCR 1325. Holding of caucuses of members of parliament at the Asia Pacific level with APWLD. Lobby for amendments in gaps of international instruments. Linking of strategies to the CEDAW. Civil society organisations should be provided a venue or opportunity for alternative reporting, aside from the shadow reports, at the UN. Advocacy for UN's recognition of the existence of the caste system and formulate international mechanisms for minority people. Set up a mailing list for continuous linking and networking of women who attended this conference. Publicise APWLD's efforts in addressing the issues such as the caste system.

National Parliaments/Legislature i. Enact laws that are pro-women, such as laws on sex trafficking, equal opportunities, among others. ii. Repeal laws or treaties/agreements signed which are favouring interests of the transnational corporations. iii. Bringing these issues to fore in the parliaments. iv. Establishing strategic and issue-based partnerships between members of parliament and NGOs. v. Pressure parliaments to reject trade impositions and aid conditionalities. vi. Expose, criticise and block laws in accordance to World Bank/International Monetary Fund/globalisation policies. vii. Uphold democratic constitutional mandates to restrict military intervention. viii. Network with members of parliament in advocating these issues. ix. Formulate and file laws supported by the people. x. Push for more proportional representation of women for propeople policies with regard to globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms. xi. Reduction of defence budget and putting public funds into generation of jobs and livelihood for women to provide a conducive environment for women's political participation. xii. Adoption of the rights-based approach of parliaments to address the issues. xiii. Passage of a bill or amend current laws to ensure state financing of women's issues from state budget. xiv. Development of gendered laws and strengthen women's institutions and mechanisms. xv. Amend, draft or lobby for quotas on women's participation in the constitutions and election codes. xvi. Advocacy at the national level for the separation of the state and religion.

xvii.

xviii. xix. xx. xxi. xxii.

Criminalisation of all forms of violence against women Note: The rights-based approach and strategy is effective in mobilising and educating women, but it should be implemented along with other strategies. Some rights in the UDHR are not there, but are products of struggles of the peoples. APWLD thinks it is one of the most effective approaches to continue. It is not only about applying existing legislation, we also fight to bring forth new legislation for women, and criticise laws. Strengthening of labour laws to eliminate exploitation of workers. Introduce incentives for small-scale entrepreneurs. Advocating for the increase of women in the judiciary. Linking up with women members of parliament. Enact legislation for quotas and push for 30 percent quota for women in political parties.

Local Government i. Education and awareness raising at the local levels. ii. Incorporation of values and education on CEDAW and other international instruments. iii. Encourage local governments to support local products and not allow multinational corporations. iv. Pass ordinances penalising abusive police. v. Create public opinion against religious fundamentalist activities. vi. Pressure local governments to reject globalisation. vii. Empower local people for advocacy and lobbying. viii. Work towards strengthening democratic institutions and practices at local levels. ix. Monitor, study and report the negative impacts of globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms on the women and the people. x. Awareness-raising among local authorities about state commitments. xi. Support local women's groups. xii. Use of rights-based approach by local authorities. xiii. Create mass awareness on the effects of globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms. xiv. Monitor cases of violence against women parliamentarians. xv. Strengthen support for women's groups/NGOs/network for women in politics. xvi. Campaign for one million signatures for a law enacting quotas. xvii. Use of popular culture to raise awareness. xviii. Monitoring of local courts. xix. Organising movements and networking among them. Awareness-raising and mobilising of people on globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms. xx. Conduct trainings for elected women. xxi. Support paralegals and lawyers who handle cases on violence against women.

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Concluding Comments By Tita Lubi Philippines APWLD Regional Council In the quest for fundamental change in societies, foremost importance is given to the mass or social movement. In efforts to liberate women, the foremost significance is given to the women’s movement. These movements are the bases of the work that women do in advancing the participation of women in politics and governance. Without awareness-raising, organising, education and mobilisation of thousands and millions of women and men nothing much can be achieved in the work that women do within parliament and the other branches of government. Women might not even win elections. In the Philippines, the bills presented by progressive women’s groups in Congress get a better chance of being passed if the lobby inside is strengthened by women’s action outside – in what we call the ‘parliament of the streets’. Our colleagues in the legislature are more willing to support a bill if they see strong popular or voters’ support. It is welcome news that more and more women are elected in the village, district, city and provincial levels of the local government. They are also the base of the women at the national level. But remember, them and those who we put in parliament, the cabinet, judiciary, foreign service and other national positions of power should be women who are true representatives of women and others who are marginalised, under-represented and impoverished. They cannot be women who embrace globalisation, militarisation and fundamentalisms and therefore, patriarchy. A lot of work has to be done among women in parliaments or congress and senates because some of them come from the clans and parties of traditional politicians. One venue is through a women’s caucus or a formal or informal grouping of women parliamentarians. Other women legislators can be convinced to support pro-women bills. Their women’s orientation and social consciousness can be raised by discussing and having some cooperative efforts with them. Another venue which should not be ignored is the awareness raising and mobilising of the wives of parliamentarians. In the Philippines, there is the Congressional Spouses Foundation. Women parliamentarians and the wives of the progressive male parliamentarians link up with the wives since the latter can influence their husbands. They also have welfare programmes which can be geared towards women’s and children’s needs such as crisis centres, feeding programmes, medical missions and similar civic projects. There are several levels open to women in the lobby work in the United Nations: 1.

The UN Special Rapporteurs (UNSR) and the Special Representatives of the Human Rights Council High Commissioner or the UN Secretary General. Women can dialogue with and submit cases to them.

As examples, there are the UNSRs for: extrajudicial, arbitrary and summary executions; torture; enforced disappearance; arbitrary detention; migration; violence against women; rights of indigenous peoples; housing; freedom of lawyers and judges; situation of human rights defenders and a score of others. There are also the UN Special Representatives for children affected by armed conflict, etc. A few of them are APWLD members. If our governments refuse to invite any of them, APWLD can be requested to organise a regional or sub-regional forum where some of them can be invited for fact-finding and dialogue, even if on an unofficial basis. 2.

The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) holds its sessions every year, some of which we can attend to give a three-minute oral intervention and lobby friendly government missions. We can also time our visit to Geneva to lobby the UNSRs and international NGOs, submit and/or follow-up cases and organise side events to project our issues and demands. Of importance is the UNHRC Universal Periodic Review or UPR when its members are subjected to a review of their human rights performance. There is a session where NGOs are allowed oral intervention to comment on or contest the government’s report. The special rapporteurs and representatives also make their reports and NGOs are allowed three-minute oral intervention each to support and/or add to the reports.

Aside from the UNHRC, there are also the Commission on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the Working Group on Enforced or Arbitrary Disappearance, Commission on the Rights of the Child and others like them which focus on specific issues. Cases can be submitted to them and victims/survivors can be invited to testify in some of their meetings.

Again at the international level, we have the International Parliamentarians’ Union or IPU. Governments choose their official representatives to the IPU which meets twice a year. A parliamentarian can also attend as an observer if she is not the official delegate. Our women parliamentarians can lobby with the office of the Prime Minister or Speaker of the House to be part of the official delegation. If not chosen she can still attend as an observer but at her own or her party’s expense. An observer can network with women and like-minded parliamentarians. She can request to speak in the meeting and present her country’s and women’s issues. She can request an IPU member to sponsor a resolution. We should be active in the IPU Women’s Caucus. In fact, when an IPU meeting is held in the Asia Pacific region, the WPPP Task Force of APWLD can organise an activity with the IPU Women’s Caucus where other women parliamentarians and women working on women in politics and governance can also be invited.

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We can congratulate ourselves and all our sisters for having achieved much since Seethings and Seatings was published. But please keep in mind that our gains cannot be sustained and multiplied unless we do our homework in raising the awareness, organising, educating and mobilising women and other marginalised sectors in our countries â&#x20AC;&#x201C; unless we strive to expand and strengthen our womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; movements.

List of Participants Country

Name

Organisation

Contact details

Bangladesh

Zarina Rahman Khan

Department of Public Administration, Dhaka University

House No 13, Road 112, Apt B-4 Gulshan – 2, Dhaka 1212 Bangladesh rkzarina@yahoo.com

Bangladesh

Sandiza Khaman

Bandhan Society

Muksepun, Kishopeganj Phone: +880941-61519 bandhansociety@yahoo.com

Cambodia

Saing_Pheng (Mr)

Gender and Development for Cambodia

gad@online.com.kh pheng.gad@online.com.kh

Fiji

Priscilla Singh

Fiji Women’s Rights Movement

prisnaidu@connnet.com.fj

India

Duraivelu Shanthi

Society for Rural Education & Development

Kallaru Perumuchi Post Arakonam Vellore District Tamil Nadu, India 631002 burnad@md3.vsnl.net.in

India

Agan E.V. A. S. Arasi

Society for Rural Education & Development

No 76/37 G I, ‘Z’ Block 9th Street, Annanagar Chennai, 600 040, Tamil Nadu India Phone: +91 44 42170702/3 tnwforum@gmail.com

Indonesia

Titiek Kartika Hendrastiti

Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia- The Indonesian Women’s Coalition for Justice and Democracy

Ji. Siaba I No 28 RT 003/05 Pejaten Jakarta Selatan Indonesia Phone: +62 811735752 (home) titiek_kartika@yahoo.com koalisipi@yahoo.com

Country

Name

Organisation

Contact details

Indonesia

Zohra Andi Baso

Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia- The Indonesian Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Coalition for Justice and Democracy

Ji. Siaba I No 28 RT 003/05 Pejaten Jakarta Selatan Indonesia zohrabaso@hotmail.com

Kazakhstan

Beissova Svetlana

Taraz Initiative Center

Apt.90, Kazibek bi Street 114, Taraz Town, 484039 Kazakhstan sbeisova@mail.ru sbeisova@tarazinfo.kz

Kyrgyzstan

Nurgul Djanaeva

Forum of Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan

dhurgul@yahoo.com

Kyrgyzstan

Gulnara Derbisheva

Kyrgyz National Parliament

Phone: 0555 007271 +996 312 671814 +996 312 271613 derbisheva@rambler.ru

Member of Parliament 12

Malaysia

Saliha Hassan

Association of Malaysian Social Science (PSSM)

Program Sains Politik, PPSPS, FFSK Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia 43600 Bangi, Malaysia saliha105@yahoo.com

Nepal

Kabita Pandey

Forum for the Protection of Public Interest (Pro Public)

P.O. Box 14307, Aramnagar, Kathmandu, Nepal kabita.pandey@propublic.org.np

Nepal

Sabitra Gurung Dura

Communist Party of Nepal- Maoist

CPN (Maoist) Office, Budha Nagar or Singha Durbar, Kathmandu, Nepal jyotigrg_19@yahoo.com

Member of Parliament

Country

Organisation

Contact details

Dr. Rohit Nepali (Mr)

South Asia Partnership International (SAPI)

Sanahail, Sanepa, Lalitpur Nepal P.O. Box 23025 sapied@sapi.org.np

Papua New Guinea

Dame Carol Kidu

Papua New Guinea National Parliament

c/o Post Office, Parliament House Waisani, NCD, Papua New Guinea Phone: (675) 3250120, (675) 3250120 Fax: (675) 3250118 cakidu@online.net.pg

Philippines

Tita Lubi

APWLD

1 Maaralin St. Corner Matatag St. Central District, Quezon City 1101, Philippines Tex/Fax: 63-2-5262201 titapl@gmail.com

Philippines

Cristina Palabay

Gabriela Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Party

118 Scout Rallos, Quezon City Philippines noztalzia@gmail.com

Luzviminda Calolot Ilagan

Gabriela Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Party

repluzilagan@gmail.com

Nepal

Name

Philippines

Member of Parliament

Member of Parliament 20

Philippines

Connie Regalado

Migrante International

Phone: (63-2) 421-0768 migrante2007@yahoo.com.ph conniebragas@gmail.com

Samoa

Roina Vavatau

Samoa Umbrella for NGOs

P.O. Box 1858 Apia, Samoa Phone: 22804 (685) Fax: 20654 (685)

sungomanagement@lesamoa.net

Country

Name

Organisation

Contact details

Sri Lanka

Shanthini Kongahage

Shramashakthi Organization

No. 2 Obaheus Road Mediwala Kaltu, Sri Lanka Phone: 94112779570, 9411777588892 lankashakthi@yahoo.com

Sri Lanka

Marini De Livera

UNDP and Ministry of Women’s Empowerment

Phone: 9411277286, 94112776410 12, Wickramasinghepura Battarumulla, Sri Lanka marini_25@hotmail.com

Taiwan

Prof. Yi-Chien Chen

Judicial Reform Foundation

Phone: 886-926369846 yichien@cc.shu.edu.tw

Taiwan

Jane Chen

Awakening Foundation & National Alliance of Taiwan Women’s Associations

No. 5 4F, 11 Lane, 322 Alley Shingmin St Taisui, Taipei County, Taiwan (ROC) Telefax: 886-2-2625-2315 chijanec@ms37.hinet.net

Taiwan

Yang Kai Ju (Kelly)

Shih Chien University

Phone: 886-099-997-873 kelly6879@hotmail.com

Taiwan

Ashley Wu

Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association

daucter@hotline.org.tw

Thailand

Virada Somswasdi

Women’s Studies Center, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University APWLD

Thailand

Kanyanattha Ittinitiwut

Faculty of Political Science, Chiang Mai University

Women’s Studies Center Fac. of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand Tel: +66 53 943 572, 943 592-3 Fax: +66 53 219 245 virada@chiangmai.ac.th, viradas2004@yahoo.com Faculty of Political Science, Chiang Mai University Chiang Mai 50200 s_kanyanattha@yahoo.com

Country

Thailand

Name

Dr. Rachada Thanadirek Member of Parliament

Organisation

House of Representatives National Parliament

Contact details

245 Chuan Chuin Park Ville Tawewattana, Bangkok 10170 Thailand Phone: 6681 8235622 karn_rachada@hotmail.com

Thailand

Wanee B. Thitiprasert

APWLD

Phone: 089-7945823 Tex/Fax: 02-8832071 (office) 02-9852127 (home)

Thailand

Prapaphan Udomchanya

APWLD

Phone: 081-8284296 02-1630097 (home) 02-5412612 (office) Fax: 02-541-2628

Timor Leste

Milena Pires

Justice Facility

milena.pires@justice.facility.ti milena.pires@yahoo.com

Thailand/ Cook Islands

Lynnsay Francis

APWLD

regcoordinator@apwld.org

Thailand

Punika Shinawatra

APWLD

punika@apwld.org

APWLD

nalini@apwld.org

APWLD

shabnum@apwld.org

Regional Coordinator

Finance Officer 36

Thailand/ Fiji Islands

Nalini Singh

Thailand/ Canada

Shabnum Durrani

Programme Officer

Intern