The Socialist Oct 2017

PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY

FORmERLY

: it H it ed Cr l sa er iv n U & x Ta m o As Bedro

ISSUE 105

INSIDE

Tory Crisis Deepens: Unions Must Take Action

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Organise Against Stormont / Tory Welfare Cuts!

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hanks To the DUP and sinn Féin handing the Tories the power to implement their draconian ‘welfare reform’ programme here, Universal Credit has begun to be rolled out in northern Ireland, expected to be fully implemented by september next year.

Universal Credit is to replace six in-work and out-of-work benefits, including Job seeker’s allowance and Child Tax Credits. They tell us the purpose is to ‘incentivise work’, as if people enjoy living in poverty on benefits. Meanwhile, the capitalist parasites at the top of society are hoarding more wealth than ever.

New claimants will have to wait at least six weeks before receiving their first payment, a punitive rule aimed simply at discouraging people from claiming which will force vulnerable people into desperate situations. All payments will be made to the ‘head of the household’, raising concerns that women in particular could be robbed of any financial independence and potentially trapped in abusive relationships.

It’s estimated the change will make 2.1 million families across the UK worse off, with single parents and families with three or more children losing out most. At the time of the Fresh Start Agreement, much was

socialistpartyni

made by Sinn Féin and the DUP about the ‘mitigations’ package they had secured to offset the worst excesses of Tory welfare cuts. However, it is becoming clear just how limited this is – partial, temporary and applying only to existing claimants.

Bedroom tax beginning to bite Despite the Stormont parties’ spin, the hated ‘bedroom tax’ is already in place in Northern Ireland. Thirty-five families who have moved to new Housing Executive homes has been hit by the charge, which penalises those deemed to have more bedrooms than they need. This callous policy hits the disabled and poor families hardest. By

2020, the full weight of Tory welfare cuts will be felt by working class communities unless we force a change of course.

The Tory government is weak and already coming under pressure over Universal Credit, with Jeremy Corbyn demolishing Theresa May on the issues during Prime Minister’s Questions.

Community campaigning forced the abolition of the bedroom tax in Scotland. If working class communities across Northern Ireland and Britain stand up and fight back together, we can consign ‘welfare reform’ to the dustbin and fight for a social security system which guarantees every dignity and a decent standard of living.

50 Years Behind: Abortion Rights in the North

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October 1917: When Workers Took Power

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THE SOCIALIST

Tory crisis deepens –

news

Union action can force May out!

By Daniel Waldron

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heResa May’s train wreck speech at the Tory conference symbolised the deepening crisis in the government and her party. Despite formally emerging as the winner, the general election was a humiliating blow for May and left her, as George osborne put it, a “dead woman walking”. she remains in place only because there is no viable alternative leader who could unite the party as a strong voice for British capitalism.

The fact that bumbling buffoon Boris Johnson and Jacob ReesMogg – dubbed the MP for the nineteenth century due to his backward views on women’s and LGBT rights – are serious contenders says everything about the turmoil within the Conservative Party.

May is regularly criticised by members of her own Cabinet and the Conservatives are riven with division over Brexit. May – who, along the vast majority of the capitalist establishment, supported the

Remain campaign – is haplessly caught between the hardline pro and anti-EU wings of the party.

With polls showing Labour now well in the lead and rumblings of serious industrial action, she has been forced to give minor concessions on public sector pay, tuition fees and housing. Unfortunately for her, these crumbs – while demonstrating weakness – will not satiate the growing demands among workers and young people for an end to austerity and a better future.

May handed a P45 during her conference speech

corbyn strengthened – but divisions not gone In contrast, Corbyn has been massively strengthened by the general election, having achieved the greatest electoral turnaround in British post-war history on the basis of a bold, left-wing manifesto and smashed the Thatcherite consensus. Erstwhile critics, such as Deputy Leader Tom Watson, were forced to cheer and applaud him.

However, the divisions have not disappeared and the pro-capitalist right which dominates the

Parliamentary party and apparatus remain committed to watering down Corbyn’s policies and removing him whenever possible. To ensure they are unable to do this, the party must be democratised from top to bottom to allow the fresh, young activist layer to shift it to the left.

The need for real pay rises in the public sector was a key theme at the conference of the Trade Union Congress. Several unions – including the Royal College of Nursing, civil service union PCS and Unite -

Hospitality workers getting organised

By Neil Moore, Irish Youth Committee Chair Unite the Union The hisToric McDonald’s strike in september not only saw the first industrial action in Britain against the notoriously anti-union company but provided inspiration for the four million hospitality workers across the UK that better conditions can be won. The Bakers’, Food and Allied Workers’ Union (who organised the strike) and Unite’s new initiative ‘Unite hospitality Ni’ are making tracks in beginning to empower thousands of mostly young workers and organise the unorganised to reject zerohour contracts, low pay and bullying managers.

The Socialist spoke to a bar worker in Belfast who has recently come into contact with Unite’s new hospitality campaign, launching this month across the North: What are the main issues in your workplace? What is it like to have to work on a zero-hour contract?

“If I am sick or need a day off, I don’t get paid. I end up missing rent and other important bills. I frequently find myself just scraping by with little money to be able to enjoy myself. I get irritated that I can’t plan my week as I only get my rota a couple of days in advance.

Work is frequently

have given commitment to fight for an end to the longest squeeze on wages since the nineteenth century. This must now be concretely translated into action, with coordinated strikes and mass demonstrations. Such a movement could force the weak Tory government from power and herald a Corbynled government, which would be a decisive victory for working class people.

Workers in Northern Ireland can play a vital role, despite the political limbo in which we find our-

Postal workers back strike action

Royal Mail injunction must by challenged

By Paddy Meehan

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McDonald's strike was an inspiration to low-paid workers

unaccommodating for even simple requests like time off for doctor’s appointments.”

Are people afraid of organising against the conditions?

What do you feel could be done to make working in the industry better?

“I feel that management could target me and reduce my hours if they heard I joined a union. I’d like to see us win things like rotas well in advance or even a rotation that would be fair for all the staff. Nobody should be paid according to their age, I am 24 and a senior bartender. I frequently have to supervise staff paid more than me and managers do nothing but shrug their shoulders at this blatant age discrimination. I feel there should be a certain rate for a job - not based on your age and not who can do the job cheapest.”

“I’ve only just recently heard of the union, but McDonald's workers actually going on strike and beating zero-hour contracts has shown me we can win better treatment and pay. If I knew sooner what a union was and that management can’t do anything to us if we join, I would have joined sooner.” how would being paid £10/hour and having union rights affect your daily life?

“If I got £10 an hour, I would be much less stressed about money – simple things like making rent or affording bills.

We would have an actual say in work and not always be forced to accept unfair practices.”

You can find out more about Unite’s hospitality campaign on Facebook @UniteHospitalityNI

selves. The DUP have already been pressured to vote against the government on tuition fees and public sector pay.

A cross-community campaign, led by the trade union movement and criticising the austerity policies of all the main parties here, could kick the DUP prop out from under Theresa May and lead to her downfall. This will require bold leadership and a sensitive approach to ensure the movement cannot be divided along sectarian lines.

oyal MaIl workers are fighting against management attempts to undercut their job through the union’s Four Pillars campaign. This is a campaign against an attempt to introduce new and regressive working practices, for a decent pay rise, protection of the pension fund and opposing the creation of a two-tier workforce.

The depth of feeling on these issues was reflected in the stunning 89% vote for strike action on a 74% turnout, smashing the Tories’ draconian requirements for action to be deemed legal.

Royal Mail resorted to a legal injunction to block what was an incredible result in the ballot conducted by the Communication Workers’ Union, claiming the action would have broken a national nostrike agreement, despite the fact the deal had already been broken by management. The company have succeeded in getting the courts to agree to further mediation, despite the fact that senior management representatives have at best paid lip service to mediation and at worst not even shown up. campaigning approach delivered result The union’s campaign for a ‘Yes’ vote brought together a campaign of gate/workplace meetings, a strong social media message and a very quick-witted response to the management campaign.

Management tried to not only

encourage a ‘No’ vote but actively tried to cut across workers’ participation by delaying their vote. In the end, nearly 70,000 workers voted for strike action.

It’s obvious Royal Mail management have no plan other than to smash workers’ terms, conditions and pension. They refused to treat the workers’ demands seriously in 18 months of negotiations and then lost the argument during the ballot campaign. Resorting to a legal injunction, although a delaying tactic, shows management can be beaten. The injunction must be opposed as workers are being stopped from defending themselves against attack even when they’ve jumped through the hoops of the anti-trade union laws. injunction must not be allowed to stand in the way The TUC must call a day of action in defence of the postal workers, supporting their Four Pillars campaign, supporting Corbyn’s call for the renationalisation of Royal Mail, but also opposing the use of the courts to block workers’ right to strike. This day of action could emulate the engaging methods and approach the CWU used during their campaign and bring behind it a big section of workers for decent working conditions, pay and pensions. However, the CWU must also seek ways to circumvent the injunction – for example, through regional ballots and strike action.

The clear determination of postal workers to fight back must be given direction as soon as possible.

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By Donal O’Cofaigh, Campaigns & Communications Officer, Unite the Union (personal capacity) WorKers AT capita in Belfast and swissport staff at the city Airport are set to take strike action as this edition of The socialist goes to print. Both sets of workers are represented by Unite the Union.

In the case of Capita, the strike is part of a UK-wide action taken in response to management attempts to downgrade pension provisions. Capita – which provides many services previously conducted by the public sector – is attempting to shift workers from a defined-benefit to a defined-contribution pension. This will mean that workers only receive a payment related to what they have put into a pension pot as opposed to a payment related to their rate of pay upon retirement. The strike is set to take place from 28th October to 5th November. swissport – Defend trade union rights In Belfast City Airport, the strike is in solidarity with the workers’ shop-steward who was dismissed by Swissport bosses following a longstanding campaign to target him for his union activities.

The strike is being taken by baggage handlers and ground staff employed by the company.

Initially, management boasted that they could ride out any likely strike with minimal impact on the airport – no doubt reliant on scab labour – but when Unite indicated that they would be taking two-hour actions on each shift, dramatically increasing the cost of the dispute, bosses reacted by threatening to lock out workers from their shifts entirely if they took strike action.

Many groups of workers have expressed their solidarity with the striking Swissport staff for what is a clean-cut fight to defend the right to be active in a trade union.

There is a strong possibility that the action could be escalated to a UK-wide level.

Given the likely impact an effective strike among baggage-handlers and ground staff can have on Belfast City Airport, this is an action sure to be the focus of much publicity in the next period. Both these disputes have the potential to be important battles which will be closely watched by many workers.

Health cuts forced back by campaigners –

Step up the fight to defend the NHS

By Pat Lawlor, NIPSA Belfast Health branch (personal capacity)

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he ReCenT plans to cut £70 million from our health budget – justified on the basis of the collapse of the stormont executive – took many people by surprise. The health Board rode roughshod over the legally binding twelve week consultation period, driving it through in six weeks.

With a health service already on its knees, the proposals were dire – massive cuts to agency staff, resulting in hundreds of bed closures; elective procedures brought to a standstill as waiting lists increase by six months; only one in three people to get a home or residential care package, forcing longer hospitalisation or pushing huge responsibility onto family members. A particularly cruel proposal was to cut to all IVF treatments for couples desperate to start a family. ‘High cost’ drug treatments were to be cut, which would see people with conditions like MS refused medications that would limit their symptoms and improve quality of life.

Large turnout forced cancellation of Enniskillen 'consultation' meeting

communities fight back Over six weeks, a campaign of opposition was organised among health workers and local communities. Across Northern Ireland, thousands of people responded enthusiastically by signing petitions and supporting local anti-

cuts campaigns. In Belfast alone, there were almost 13,000 responses to the consultation!

The Fermanagh Save Our Services campaign mobilised hundreds to attend protest rallies. In Enniskillen, over 300 people attended the first consultation

meeting, which had to be reconvened as the room was too small.

At the second meeting over 600 local people showed up to voice opposition!

This illustrates the latent power that can be exerted when people stand together. This flexing of collective ‘people power’ was the main reason that senior civil servants were forced to deliver an extra £40 million for the health service. However, £30 million remains to be taken out of our health service, while the Health Board warns of further major cuts in the coming years.

It is essential now we do not let this mobilisation of people power dissipate. If we can force them to reduce the cuts by half, we can force them to stop completely.

Local campaigns and trade union branches must not scale back and demobilise. We must now build on this success, escalate and link up these campaigns and demand that the full weight of the trade union movement is brought to bear to defend our health service and fight for investment to meet people’s needs.

Bombardier jobs threat – Nationalisation must be on the table

By Daniel Waldron BRewInG international a trade dispute is threatening thousands of jobs in northern

Ireland. one thousand workers at Canadian aerospace company Bombardier’s Belfast plant are engaged in building wings for its new C-series passenger jet. last year, Bombardier secured a major order for the planes from Us airline Delta but that has now been put at jeopardy by a complaint from american aerospace giant Boeing to the Us Department of Commerce.

Boeing alleges that Bombardier received 'unfair' subsidies and financial assistance in developing the C-series from both the regional government in Quebec and Invest Northern Ireland, who supplied £130 million to back the project. In reality, this is standard practise in the aerospace industry and Boeing itself has been the recipient of huge handouts and favourable loans from the US government. In many hi-tech industries, research and development is heavily reliant upon public sector support. The massive profits, of course, remain private.

In its initial ruling, the US Department of Commerce has found in Boeing’s favour and proposed tariffs on the import of the Bombardier C-series which would triple the plane’s cost.

This is reflective of the more aggressively protectionist ‘America

First’ policy of the Trump administration, aiming to defend the interests of US capitalists from foreign competition while still attacking the living standards of American workers. If these tariffs are ratified in February, it could scupper the Delta deal and threaten the future of the C-series and the thousands of workers employed in building it.

In an attempt to circumvent the tariffs, Bombardier has agreed to sell a majority stake in the C-series to Airbus, which has the capacity to assemble the plans within the US. However, this does not remove the threat of job losses, as the deal could take up to a year to be finalised and Boeing have the ability to challenge it based on antitrust legislation.

Thousands of jobs under threat Bombardier is the largest manufacturer in Northern Ireland, employing over 4,000 workers and with many thousands more jobs directly reliant upon it. In the context of a weak, low-wage economy with mounting poverty and high youth unemployment, significant losses of skilled and relatively well-paid jobs at the plant would be a major blow, not just to the workers and their families, but to future generations.

This cannot be allowed to happen.

Unite and the GMB – the unions which represent Bombardier staff – have called on politicians locally and at Westminster to put pressure on Boeing to withdraw its complaint, a call echoed by Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party.

Perhaps reflecting its reliance on

Bombardier workers taking their campaign to Westminster

the DUP, the Tory government has indicated that Boeing’s contracts with the British military could be reviewed in response to its complaint and the threatened tariffs.

Public ownership – a viable solution The role of the trade union and labour movement isn’t to take a side in a spat between two sets of profit-hungry capitalists but to fight to ensure that jobs and pay are defended no matter what. We cannot continue to accept the diktats of the so-called free market, which means an endless race to the bottom and unending erosion of jobs and conditions in manufacturing. Where neither bosses nor politicians have the ability or will

to safeguard jobs, the labour movement must demand that manufacturing firms which threaten to throw workers on the dole queue are brought into public ownership, with investment in retooling and retraining where necessary.

The mass support for Corbyn’s plans to renationalise Royal Mail, public transport and other industries shows that working class people increasingly see public ownership is a viable alternative which can serve the interests of the 99%.

This demand is especially pertinent given the significant public investment in developing the technology behind the C-series and supporting jobs and skills at Bombardier. This cannot be allowed to come to nothing.

news

City Airport & Capita: Workers Fighting Back

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THE SOC

Fifty years behind

feature

The Fight for Abortion Rights in NI

By Ann Orr

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he 1967 abortion act was passed by westminster half a century ago, yet has never been extended to northern Ireland (nI). It was passed in the context of an upswing of movements for rights and equality on an international scale. In the Usa, the movements for Black liberation, women’s rights and the sexual revolution were gaining momentum. In France, the student movement linked with the organised working class, leading to a political crisis that came close to revolutionary change in 1968. This was a continuation of social shifts which began in the early 1900s across europe. a significant factor was the entry of women into the workforce during both world wars, but also on a more long-term basis after wwII. This not only deepened the basis for solidarity between women and ways to share information on ending unwanted pregnancies but also raised the expectations of women.

In Britain, debates on birth control grew in the 1920s and 1930s, although it was 1967 before restrictions based on age and marital status were lifted, allowing information on birth control to be given to anyone. Contraceptives, however, were expensive and thus inaccessible to working-class women, highlighting the class nature of the abortion issue.

Britain was affected by the international trends and advances in women’s and gay rights were won in the 1960s. In Northern Ireland (NI), the civil rights movement was also inspired by international events. In its initial phase, it had the potential to unite working class people across the sectarian divide in a struggle for jobs, homes and decent living standards. Unfortunately, while globally movements were continuing to grow, the onset of the Troubles led to politics in NI becoming entrenched in sectarianism, pushing other issues to the sidelines. Women here did not gain from reforms won in Britain and abortion, although hidden at times, remained a key issue, especially for working class women who lack the financial means to easily travel elsewhere for abortions.

“This Act does not extend to Northern ireland.”

When the Abortion Act was passed, it did not extend to NI. At the time, the NI Parliament was in place and continued to operate until direct rule was implemented in 1972 in response to the Troubles. None of the NI Parliament parties wanted to extend the 1967 Act. The 1861 Offences Against the Person Act and Criminal Justice (NI) Act 1945 outlaw abortions except in very

Rally for choice in Belfast in October showed demand for abortion rights growing in NI

limited circumstances and continue to form the basis of abortion law here. In 2008, Labour’s Dianne Abbott attempted to extend the 1967 Act to NI. Her amendment was never discussed. The Society for the Protection of Unborn Children claimed that the leaders of all four major political parties in NI (DUP, Sinn Féin, UUP and SDLP) had written to all MPs “calling on them to allow the issue of abortion law to be decided by the Province's devolved government”.

To this day, none of the main parties here support the extension of the 1967 Abortion Act. The DUP, SDLP and most UUP representatives also oppose even limited reforms.

Parties v public opinion In addition to voting records, comments by various politicians demonstrate their backward attitudes. The DUP’s Emma LittlePengelly, speaking in the Assembly in February 2016, reiterated that “The DUP opposes the extension of the 1967 Act to Northern Ireland.”

Caitríona Ruane then stated the same position on behalf of Sinn Féin. This was followed by the SDLP’s Dolores Kelly, who described her party as “pro-life” (read anti-choice). None of the main parties support a woman’s right to choose, including Sinn Féin who, since 2015, think abortion should be permitted only in cases of fatal foetal abnormality, when the life of the woman is in danger or if the pregnancy is as a result of sexual crime. These positions, or allowing members free votes based on ‘personal conscience’ as the UUP and Alliance do, are not good enough.

The 2017 NI General Election study found that 41% agree with the statement that “Abortion should be made legal in NI” with only 29% opposed. The Millward Brown poll conducted in 2016 found 58% supported the decriminalisation of abortion by “removing the penalty for women who

60's saw movements for women's rights grow

have abortions in NI”, while 59% agree with decriminalisation by removing penalties for medical staff. This disconnect between politicians and public opinion is not new. In 1994, the Independent on Sunday reported a poll which found that 79% of respondents favoured abortion “to maintain the mental or physical health of the woman”. In the same poll, over a third supported legalisation of abortion in cases were the woman did not want another child or because of extreme poverty. To understand how this disconnect can continue while the same parties receive electoral support requires acknowledgement of the fact that voting in NI is generally not based on party policies. It is more aptly described as a sectarian headcount, as people feel they must ‘vote for our side to keep the other side out’.

What next?

The 1967 Act is far from perfect; it does not decriminalise abortion but only permits it in certain circumstances under medical supervision and with the consent of two doctors, although in practise it has made abortion widely available in Britain. However, socialists should support and call for the immediate extension of this Act to NI. This would not mark the end of campaigning; the battle would likely shift to the issues of access.

However, the 1967 Act would be an important step towards achieving free and legal abortion, easily accessible on the NHS in NI. It would also provide an immediate and significant reduction of the financial, emotional and physical burden faced by pregnant people here.

In March 2017, a motion to bring a bill to revoke parts of the 1861 Act, which continue to criminalise

abortion across the UK, was brought to Westminster by Labour’s Diana Johnson. It passed the first stage although all NI MPs present voted against the motion (8 DUP; 2 SDLP; 1 UUP). The bill’s second reading was due in May 2017 but it fell when the general election was called. There are growing demands for such a bill to be brought again. Socialists in NI should work together with activists across England, Scotland and Wales to support such a move and to ensure such a change is extended to NI. The possibility of a future Corbyn-led government also offers opportunities. Campaigning should aim to put pressure on Corbyn through the trade union movement and Labour branches to extend the 1967 Act to NI. Theresa May already had to give concessions by scrapping fees for women travelling from NI to have an abortion in England and Wales.

This was done to avoid a vote which she would likely have lost and illustrates the weakness of this Tory government. The DUP would find it difficult to continue their support for the government if moves were made to change abortions laws here. Pressure must simultaneously be applied to the DUP but also all other main parties here.

Should the Assembly be restored, primary power to extend 1967 or make any changes to the 1861 Act will lie with parties in Stormont. The majority vote for marriage equality, won following mass demonstrations, shows that people power can force politicians to change their positions on these questions. Even the DUP are not impervious to pressure, reflected in the sacking of Jim Wells following uproar against his homophobic comments. The majority of DUP voters do not support their reactionary social agenda. While they will not likely change their position on marriage equality or abortion, they can be forced to stop abusing the petition of concern to block progress.

In the past, increased sectarian tensions led to social issues being pushed to the sidelines as was the case with the outbreak of the Troubles. The current political crisis illustrates the continuing and sharpening sectarian divisions in society today. We cannot allow questions of equality or the right to bodily autonomy to be pushed to the margins again or to be sectarianised. For the movement to be successful, pressure must be exerted on politicians on both sides of the sectarian divide. To achieve this, the movement must gain support and be able to mobilise women, trans people, young people and workers from Catholic and Protestant backgrounds. Careful consideration of the issues involved, how political parties and politicians are taken on and the language we use are therefore vital.

October / November 2017

CIALIST

Government could do nothing.

This was then followed by the famous taking of the Winter Palace and power was firmly in the hand of the soviets. This was done with barely a shot being fired and was endorsed by the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which accepted the power presented to it and proceeded to elect the first ever workers’ government.

1920 Russian painting 'The Bolshevik' by Boris Kustodiev

By Kevin Henry The rUssiAN revolution has been distorted by an army of historians and commentators.

For socialists, however, it remains one of the greatest events in human history, when working-class people took power into their own hands and abolished capitalism and landlordism.

In 1917, against the backdrop of the First World War, which saw 2.5 million Russian soldiers killed and massive food shortages develop, the regime headed by Tsar Nicholas II faced mass strikes and soldiers’ mutinies.

This upheaval was sparked by the action of women textile workers in Petrograd in February of that year, whose strike for bread snowballed into a movement which demanded the end of tsarism. Within a matter of days, Nicholas was forced to abdicate. soviets formed The Russian workers – having learned from the experience of the 1905 revolution, which had been brutally repressed – reestablished workers’ councils known as soviets. The capitalist parties formed an unelected Provisional Government in order to head off the revolution. Lenin described this situation as “dual power”, as both the soviets and Provisional Government had control over various parts of society. At the time, many socialists, including some in Lenin’s Bolsheviks, argued that it was necessary to support the Provisional Government rather than for the workers to take power. In his ‘April Theses,’ Lenin argued that to end the war, to provide food for workers and give land to the peasants, it necessary to fight for “All power to the soviets.”

By May, there were 300 soviets in Russia and by October there was 1,200. These were forums where delegations elect-

ed by workers in factories or districts would come together to discuss how to defend and take the revolution forward. The Petrograd soviet, for example, had 1,200 delegates which met fortnightly and elected a 110 person executive. In one form or another, this has been seen in other revolutionary movements.

In Chile in 1972, they were called cordones. In the Portuguese revolution of 1974, soldiers’ councils played a key role. Similar bodies were thrown up during the Arab Spring. In 1917, most workers and women – not just in Russia, but in the so-called ‘democratic countries’ – were denied the right to vote, yet in Russia, workers had engaged in an incredible level of self-organisation and began to pose the question of taking power.

July Days & Kornilov coup By July, the Provisional Government had failed to end the war or meet any of the people’s key demands and many workers and soldiers in Petrograd felt strong enough to take power themselves. The view of the Bolsheviks was that this was premature, there was not enough support in the rest of the country or among the mass of soldiers. The Bolsheviks, therefore, intervened to counsel caution on the part of the Petrograd workers.

The Bolshevik Party was successful in stopping a premature uprising but was subjected to fierce repression after July: its papers banned, its leaders jailed or in hiding, all subjected to slander.

But while the Bolsheviks were suffering repression, the revolutionary process continued.

The ruling class believed they had to repress this movement and turned to an old tsarist general, Kornilov, to lead a military coup against the Provisional Government, then headed by Kerensky, a member of the Mensheviks and considered a ‘moderate socialist’.

The

Bolsheviks warned of this danger and Bolshevik workers mobilised to defend the revolution, working in a united front with the reformist Mensheviks. Kornilov’s troops refused to take action against Petrograd when delegates of the soviets appealed to them. The Bolsheviks’ crucial role in defending the city led to increased support. One soldier in the Moscow garrison said: "After the attempt of Kornilov, all the troops acquired a Bolshevik colour… All were struck by the way in which the statement (of the Bolsheviks) came true… that General Kornilov would soon be at the gates of Petrograd." october – the seizure of power The Bolsheviks grew massively in August and September. A tiny minority in February, the majority of the workers’ and soldiers’ soviets were won over to the Bolsheviks in this period. In Petrograd, the soviet had elected a new executive with Leon Trotsky as its president. A few days later, it also elected the Military Revolutionary Committee.

The Provisional Government responded in October by demanding the Military Revolutionary Committee be closed down, and the Bolshevik press be suppressed. The battleship Aurora, whose crew – like the navy in general – was overwhelmingly Bolshevik, was ordered to sail from Petrograd and, for good measure, Kerensky ordered “reliable” units to move to the capital. In reply, the Military Revolutionary Committee organised the defence of the Bolshevik press by detachments of soldiers, ordered the Aurora to stay put and defend itself if necessary, and called on all railway workers and troops to hold up any forces advancing towards Petrograd.

The Provisional

A revolutionary government That government formed by the soviets immediately declared peace, formalised workers’ control of industry and decreed that peasants should take over the landed estates. Education was massively expanded and a huge programme launched against illiteracy in a country where 80% of the population could not read.

Divorce was made legal upon request and homosexuality was decriminalised. Russian became the first country to legalise abortion. Communal canteens and nurseries were created almost overnight in order to free women from what the Bolsheviks called “domestic slavery.” On the second anniversary of the revolution, the Bolsheviks were able to boast that they had done more in their time in power than the so-called “enlightened bourgeois democracies” had done in 130 years. One hundred years later, as people in Northern Ireland well know, many of these rights have yet be won, even in the developed world.

The Bolsheviks separated church and state and stood firmly against Islamophobia and antiSemitism. They gave the oppressed nations imprisoned within the Russian empire the right to self-determination, including to separate, while at the same time arguing for the maximum unity of working class people.

Lenin's pamphlet 'The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It’, published on the eve of the revolution, put forward the need to take bold, anti-capitalist measures and, crucially, that the working class was the only force capable of implementing this programme.

As Trotsky explained, there were thousands of Lenins arguing for this programme in the factories and, in the course of the revolution, the Bolsheviks grew quickly. They numbered 8,000 members in February 1917 but, by October, had developed into a force of 240,000. The Bolsheviks were a crucial factor in the revolution. As Trotsky put it, “without a guiding organisation, the energy of the masses would dissipate like steam not enclosed in a piston box. But nevertheless, what moves things is not the piston or the box, but the steam.”

international impact The Bolsheviks knew that socialism could never be achieved in one country, particularly one as economically poor and backward as Russia. In the wake of the revolution, there were mass upheavals in Germany in 1918, Hungary in 1919 and in many other countries. In Britain and Ireland, there was huge support for the Bolsheviks, with mass demonstrations, action to stop military goods being sent to attack the new government and workers forming their own soviets. What was missing was a leadership like the Bolsheviks that could fight for power.

Instead, the young workers' state was left isolated and facing civil war, as the dispossessed capitalists and landlords collaborated with 21 armies of imperialism to try and crush the revolution. They failed to do so because of the determination of the Russian workers and the huge international solidarity with revolutionary party key the fledgling Soviet Union. But, The Russian revolution was not in this context, counter-revoluthe only time workers fought to tion did take hold in the form of take power. The 20th century is Stalinism, where a privileged littered with examples but the bureaucracy began to strangle 1917 was the only time where the workers’ democracy, leading they were successful. A key rea- to the development of a son was the presence of a politi- grotesque, totalitarian regime cally strong, revolutionary party resting on top of the key gain of with roots in the workthe October revolution – the ing class. Lenin’s abolition of capitalism and the mantra was “to creation of a planned econopatiently explain” my. to workers the need Today, we live in a turbulent for revoworld where a new generation lution. are being won to socialist ideas.

The lessons of the Russian revolution retain huge relevance.

Most important among those is that the working class has enormous capacity to transform the world and create a society which abolishes poverty, exploitation and oppression – but only if it has an organisation that is prepared to build Lenin was the genius behind the party fight for it. that led the revolution

feature

October 1917: When workers took power

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October / November 2017

international

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THE SOCIALIST

Catalonia: Workers unite against repression

By Oisín McKeown

o

n 21st october, the latest anti-democratic attack against the Catalan independence movement was announced, with the spanish government declaring its intention to invoke article 155 of the constitution and temporary dissolve the Catalan government.

This follows a long list of attacks by the spanish state against the Catalan people, who overwhelming backed independence in the 1st october referendum, despite the sabotage and assault on people voting by the spanish police.

On the day of the referendum, ballot boxes were seized, rubber bullets were fired and batons were swung at protesters and voters.

However, due to the sheer size of the movement’s mobilisation and the people’s determination to vote, the referendum took place.

Charges of “sedition” have seen two members of the Catalan

assembly jailed for participating in protests against state repression.

The Spanish and sections of the Catalonian capitalist classes have joined the state’s offensive against the independence movement, with around 1,200 companies moving their legal headquarters out of Catalonia.

Working class must take independent action Many workers and young people internationally look on at events in Catalonia with disgust at the methods of the Spanish state, reminiscent of the Franco dictatorship, but also with admiration for the determined fight of the Catalonian people. The crisis unfolding in Catalonia, which has revolutionary elements, is primarily driven by a desire to break from austerity imposed by Madrid and implemented by the rightwing nationalist Catalan government. The working class have played a leading role in this move-

Grime: A voice for working class youth

Catalan firefighters protect voters from Spanish state police attack

ment. Fire fighters defended voters from the police on referendum day, factory workers organised to protest the Catalan parliament and nearly one million were on Barcelona’s streets during the 3rd

October general strike against state repression.

The pro-capitalist Catalan politicians are nervous about the power of the working class in the movement.

This is why

Puigdemont, head of the Catalan government, sought to demobilise the movement by declaring independence and then suspending it in favour of negotiations with Madrid. He fears that workers will not be satisfied with a capitalist Catalan republic which attacks their rights and living standards just as the Spanish state did, and that demands for socialist change could come to the fore.

Workers in Catalonia and across the Spanish state must organise independently of right-wing figures like Puigdemont, who fear the masses more than the Spanish ruling class. Student strikes have been organised in Catalonia for the 25th and 26th October. This is a welcome move but, for this movement to win, the strikes must spread to the workplaces and workers must be mobilised and organised to defeat both the Spanish state and challenge the economic system oppressing Catalan and Spanish workers as well.

US: ‘Take a Knee’ protests highlight racist brutality

Stormzy was one of many artists to back Corbyn

By Joe McAtamney over The last ten years, the UK has witnessed the expansion of British hip-hop and garage, through a genre now known as grime. From its birth, there has always been a conflict for artists, between remaining independent or signing for a record label. however, over the last few years, the trend has been to move away from corporate control, with artists like stormzy, skepta and JMe creating their own independent labels.

This progression through grime has given artists new platforms both inside and outside of music, expanding the genre from its stereotypical ‘road rap’.

This is evidenced through an increase in ‘conscious rap’, with outwardly political rappers such as Akala and Lowkey sharing the limelight with the rest of the grime scene, being able to sell out the same venues as the most mainstream artists. This political confidence has grown into the genre’s mainstream, resulting in an overall trend for artists making music which reflects the struggles of their own communities.

Outside of music, this can be seen through local community support or in response to major political events, with many rappers joining the grime4corbyn

campaign during the general election in June. Another example would be in response to the Grenfell fire, with several artists, such as AJ Tracey in the Guardian, Stormzy at Glastonbury or Akala on Channel 4 all exposing the real reasons for the tragedy and the lack of response of the Conservative government. This attitude was best highlighted with Lowkey’s track ‘Ghosts of Grenfell’, where he used those affected by the fire in the song, as a political statement and a mark of respect to those who perished.

The impact of the political expansion of grime comes hand in hand with the general growth of the genre, and is best evidenced with the affect the grime4corbyn campaign had on the youth in Britain, during the June General Election.

However, grime and hip-hop as a whole, still has some internal problems. For example, despite the advances in diversity, it still remains that 97% of rappers are male, with most of the content being misogynistic and ‘road rap’. Thus, the future of the genre must be to challenge these internal issues and to maintain a politically conscious platform which remains true to its roots. For only in its independent nature can it truly be used as a tool to express the struggles of the working-class communities they represent.

Colin Kaepernick pioneered the protests

By Emer Lavery

w

hen nFl player Colin kaepernick began kneeling during the national anthem at american football games in protest against racial injustice, it’s unlikely he realised the impact it would have. kaepernick explained that he was trying to bring attention to the problem of extrajudicial killings of young black men and women by the police.

This protest has spread massively through athletics and launched a new wave of discussion around the issue of police brutality against black people in a sports world that often tells athletes to simply “shut up and play.” The players have strengthened the Black Lives Matter movement which threatens the racist US state in an increasingly unstable social and economic situation, so they should be commended for their bold stand.

The right has taken notice of this growing consciousness, with recent polls showing growth in support for Black Lives Matter among young, white Americans. Their response has been one of more brutality, such as handing Kaepernick death threats. He responded to this by stating, “If something like that were to happen, you’ve proved my point.

It’ll be loud and clear why it happened.”

The right is failing to make headway on this issue as their ‘attacks’ seem to prove the points of and win support for the protests – again reflected in Trump’s comments on the events, choosing to ignore the real issue, saying “Get that son of a bitch off the field right now. Out. He’s fired. He’s fired!” He provoked even more protests, including entire teams kneeling and some refusing to leave the locker room for the national anthem, reflecting the broad shift to the left that has taken place in

society over the past period.

While this movement has already succeeded in advancing the discussion about race in America, it’s still searching for the means to make any fundamental and lasting change. It’s mass mobilisations that change society. The Black Lives Matter movement must continue to grow.

While Kaepernick and others can use their platform to draw attention to injustice, they can’t as he says, “kneel forever.”

For true emancipation, it is a socialist approach that must be adopted as US capitalism has racism and exploitation build into its DNA. The questions facing the movement today can perhaps find an answer in the words of Black Panther leader Bobby Seale when he said, “We do not fight racism with racism… We do not fight exploitative capitalism with Black capitalism. We fight capitalism with basic socialism.”

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October / November 2017

THE SOCIALIST

T

he CURRenT political impasse in the north continues in the wake of a general election described as the “mother of all sectarian head counts”. Both sinn Féin and the DUP have consolidated their positions as the largest political forces in the respective communities. The current stalemate in the talks is a reflection of increased sectarian polarisation in society, including around the Irish language. 68.6% of nationalist voters believing there should be no executive restored without a stand-alone Irish language act while 65.6% of DUP voters want the party to maintain its opposition.

There can be no doubt that the DUP has acted in a provocative manner which has enraged Irish speakers. The decision to cut the Líofa bursary scheme, which provides financial assistance for young people to attend Irish language courses in Gaeltacht areas, was blatantly sectarian, as were the comments by Gregory Campbell in the Assembly ridiculing the language.

Sinn Fein claim that they are pursuing a ‘rights-based agenda’ when it comes to these negotiations. They may talk about Irish speakers’ rights and LGBT rights but they are silent when it comes to a woman’s right to choose. As Coretta Scott-King once said, “freedom and justice cannot be parcelled out in pieces to suit political convenience. I don’t believe you can stand for freedom for one

group of people and deny it to others.” For Sinn Féin, this ‘rightsbased agenda” is based precisely on such “political convenience” In reality they, like the DUP, are playing the sectarian game of posturing as defenders of ‘their’ community.

There are ways for these establishment parties to fudge a deal on this issue, such as the Alliance proposal that there should be three acts – an Irish language act, an Ulster Scots act and a minority languages act. The DUP, in particular, have been forced to cool some of the rhetoric that has enraged Irish languages speakers and be seen to be open to dialogue.

All language rights should be guaranteed The Socialist Party supports legal protection for the Irish language, Ulster Scots and other minority languages. State funding should be provided to facilitate those who wish to learn and use these languages, as well as funding for the development of the cultural aspects of these traditions, such as literature, music, dance and so on.

It is counter-productive, and indeed sectarian in nature, to allow languages to be pitted against each other and it is necessary to oppose the degrading of any language, which happens with both Irish and Ulster Scots.

To genuinely protect the Irish language, Ulster Scots and other minority languages words must be backed up by deeds – education and community facilities must be

Demands for an Irish language act have been growing

protected. The cut to the Líofa scheme was not a one off, nor is it only unionist politicians that have been prepared to wield the axe against these services. Just two years prior to the Líofa cut, the then Sinn Féin Culture, Arts and Leisure minister, Carál Ní Chuilín, oversaw massive cuts to a number of Irish language service providers, some of

Sectarian attacks: Workers’ movement must respond

By Séamas McLaughlin Foyle Socialist Youth

I

n The last few months, sectarianism has reared its ugly head once again across northern Ireland. This stems, in part, from the heightened tensions between nationalism and unionism, following what was the most sectarian elections in decades, with politics here polarised between the two main parties. There have been sectarian attacks in Derry, Ballymena and Belfast, with victims in both communities. This is the consequence of the sectarian parties’ brinkmanship and sectarian tub-thumping in the last elections.

These attacks have no support in any community. Those who have committed these attacks have been condemned by their communities, and quite rightly. In one such attack in Derry, a 21year-old Protestant man was attacked on Browning Drive by two men as he was on his way home from the city centre. In another atrocious example of sectarianism, Catholic families were ordered to leave their homes in an estate in Belfast developed under the Shared Communities Strategy, allegedly by loyalist paramilitaries. Vile racism, like the spraying of slurs on a wall

which were forced to close.

It also degrading for language to be used as weapon in a sectarian slugging match. Neither Irish nor Ulster Scots are not the exclusive property of one tradition in Northern Ireland. As the work of people like Linda Ervine – who organises Irish language classes in East Belfast – has shown, there is a

much richer history to the Irish language. Left in the hands of sectarian politicians, languages will not be protected. To genuinely defend and extend people’s cultural rights means to build a new movement that can unite workingclass people and allow people to develop their culture in a spirt of mutual respect and solidarity.

BOOklAUNCH: Common History, Common Struggle Lessons from the 1960s – When Workers’ Unity & Socialism Challenged Unionism & Nationalism

By Peter Hadden More info: www.socialistpartyni.org info@socialistpartyni.org

Families have been forced to leave their homes

in Banbridge, must also be challenged.

And so, the question must be posed; how do we tackle sectarianism? Not just a temporary solution, but with a permanent, viable solution. Thus far, the solution has eluded the representatives of capitalism, unable to fix the problems their system has caused. Indeed, the Orange and Green politicians rely upon sectarian division for their support.

It is up to the left and the workers’ movement to solve sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The trade

unions have played a key role in challenging sectarian forces historically and can do again. If we organise in our communities, challenge bigotry no matter its origins; if we expose the rotten role of the right-wing, sectarian politicians and highlight the common interests of ordinary people; if we argue for socialism and working-class solidarity, we can mend the bleeding divide in Northern Ireland. Change comes from the grass-root – if we act as one class, we can deliver hope amidst the misery.

“iT WAs the sectarian forces which came out on top after 1969 and it is their version of events which predominates today. There was nothing inevitable about the rise of sectarianism after 1968. Quite the reverse.” – Peter hadden In Common History, Common Struggle Peter Hadden demonstrates that the Troubles were not inevitable. Fifty years of bloodshed and sectarian conflict could have been avoided.

Internationally the sixties was a decade of revolution and struggle for social and economic change. In Northern Ireland the conditions existed for a united movement of Protestant and Catholic working class people to challenge capitalism and sectarianism. A socialist future free from sectarian division and poverty was within reach.

Peter Hadden wrote this book for the new generation of young people who are preparing to challenge today’s Orange and Green sectarian politicians and to struggle for socialism.

Herald Books is publishing Common History, Common Struggle as the fiftieth anniversary of the historic events of 1968 approaches to make his unique ideas available to as wide an audience as possible.

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Language rights should not become sectarian football

PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY

ISSUE 105

JOin the fight for…Reproduction rights, against Oppression, Sexism & Austerity

Join ROSA

By Eleanor Crossey-Malone iN NorTherN ireland, a woman who has an abortion illegally can be imprisoned for life. The 1967 Act, which in practice permits abortion in most circumstances, was implemented in Britain but never here.

But even draconian nineteenth century laws do not mitigate women's fundamental need to have control over their own bodies and reproductive fates: every day, approximately 3 women here take safe but illegal abortion pills obtained online, risking criminalisa-

tion. A smaller number of women travel to England for the procedure at significant cost. This legal route for accessing a basic health service is closed off to the poorest.

Cuts affect working class women disproportionately, as they are more likely to be in lower paid jobs and to rely more heavily on the social security system. The horrendous two-child cap on tax credits and the “rape clause” introduced by the Tories and the DUP means that, in order to claim tax credits for a third child, a woman must prove that the child was conceived as a result of rape. This means reliving a

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trauma and, in Northern Ireland, risking prosecution for not having reported the crime when it occurred. This is just one more example of how moralising and stigmatising women is an ideological tool by which the ruling class helps to transfer wealth from workers to itself.

We need a socialist-feminist voice Women everywhere are increasingly unwilling to tolerate being treated as incubators by the state and having their rights rolled back.

ROSA (for Reproductive rights, against Oppression, Sexism and

Austerity, named after civil rights activist Rosa Parks and socialist revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg) was initiated by Socialist Party activists in the South in 2014.

ROSA has played an important role in the growing movement to repeal the 8th Amendment, which outlaws abortion and robs women of autonomy. ROSA organised the Abortion Pill Bus which travelled all over Ireland distributing abortion pills, and collaborated with Women on Web and other pro-choice groups in the cross-border Abortion Pill Drone action.

Women are mobilising in

Text ‘Join’ to 07821058319

America, where Trump's misogyny and anti-choice bills have been met with huge resistance, in Poland to prevent a total abortion ban, in Latin America to put an end to femicide, and in many countries all over the world. ROSA believes that sexism and oppression of women is rooted in the patriarchal, divisive and exploitative nature of capitalism. We must be a part of this global movement to fight for our rights and challenge this rotten system.

Women in Northern Ireland must not be left behind in this struggle – if you agree, join ROSA today!

Text ‘Join’ to 07523289324

www.socialistpartyni.org