The Socialist (northern edition) july/august 2016

PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY

ISSUE 98

KICK OUT THE

TORIES &

BLAIRITES! N Y B R O C P E E K # & Build a Cross-Community Left

By Oisín McKeown

T

he voTe to leave the eU on 23 June has resulted in an explosion of political turmoil and a huge crisis for the British ruling class.

The result immediately claimed David Cameron as its first victim, forcing his resignation as Prime Minister. It has once again opened up deep divisions within the Tory party between its pro-eU and eurosceptic wings. The government is severely weakened by this new civil war, struggling to agree on how best to proceed with its neo-liberal project. A new leader will not be able to heal these divisions and could likely deepen them even further.

The ‘leave’ vote which sparked the civil war in British capitalism’s traditional ruling party was the result of a huge wave of anger from the British working class. The poorest sections of society used this opportunity to give the British establishment a kicking for its decades of austerity, deindustrialisation and its program to drive working class people into the ground. With the establishment badly

socialistpartyni

bruised, it is time for largescale industrial action to be called by the unions to turn the tide against austerity and bring down this vicious government. The junior doctors look set to once again take to the picket lines after rejecting the crumbs offered to them by the government.

Other workers should follow their lead and help deliver the fatal blow to the Tories.

Rather than rally to take on the Tories, the right-wing of the Labour Party has used the referendum result as an excuse to attempt a coup against Jeremy Corbyn. It is now clear this was a pre-planned attack to oust Corbyn and the Left from the Labour Party once and for all. It is time for Corbyn and the Left to take on the Blairites, to democratise the Labour party, to deselect the class traitors from the Parliamentary Labour Party and to mobilise on a mass scale to carry this through. As well as this, we must demand a fresh general election and Corbyn must put forward a bold, anti-austerity program that will deliver a real standard of living for working class people. Only this will allow the Left to defeat the Tories and cut across the racism of UKIP and the far-right

In Northern Ireland, we must mobilise against both the Tories at Westminster and the Green and Orange Tories at Stormont.

Following George Osborne’s announcement of plans to cut corporation tax across the UK, Sinn Féin’s wealthy Finance Minister Mairtín Ó Muilleoir has said it may be dropped below 12.5% here, transferring even more money from public services directly to the profits of big business. Attempts to out Tory the Tories will not deliver for working class communities. Rather than propping up the Stormont Executive, the union movement must mobilise against these reverse Robin Hood policies We also need to build a cross-community political voice to unite working class people to fight for our common interests. Labour Alternative was launched to contest the recent Assembly elections and campaigned in both Protestant and Catholic working class areas, winning the highest left or labour movement votes seen in those constituencies in decades. If you want to get involved, email:

INSIDE

Abortion Pill Drone exposes state hypocrisy

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Brexit: Crisis for the establishment

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Chilcot Inquiry: Bloody legacy of the Iraq war

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July / August 2016

THE SOCIALIST

Abortion pill drone action exposes state hypocrisy

By Courtney Robinson

S

TorMonT Are notorious for never reaching an agreement on anything (except, perhaps, austerity). In the midst of the sectarian bickering, there is an issue where the main parties share common ground. The issue in question is abortion rights. not one of the five main parties supports free, safe and legal access to abortion for all who want to avail of it. They have collectively blocked the extension of the 1967 Abortion Act to northern Ireland.

With 69% of the population now supporting a liberalisation of our abortion laws, women aren’t letting this issue be swept back under the carpet. Under the draconian Offences Against the Person Act 1861, a young woman was handed a three month suspended sentence for taking the drugs Mifepristone and Misoprostol, which are on the World Health Organisation’s Essential Medicines list, to induce a safe abortion. This shameful action from the state was met with hundreds taking to the streets across the UK and Ireland. Their message was clear – we demand the charges are dropped and the right to make our own decisions over our own bodies.

It’s in this context that the ‘abor-

A drone carrying abortion pills was flown from the South to the North in defiance of backward laws

tion pill drone’ protest – organised

by Women on Web, ROSA and Labour Alternative – came about.

The medicines were transported across the border by drone and taken in open defiance of the law.

Activists from across Ireland and the globe came together in a bold action that would expose and shame our backward politicians on a huge, international scale. It was an act of defiance to politicians like

Deputy First Minister Martin McGuiness, who blasted online access to the medical abortion pill at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis. It symbolised a show of solidarity between women North and South, both of whom are forced to travel to access reproductive healthcare.

It gave awareness that the medical abortion pills available and accessible, you don’t always have to travel. From BBC World Service to

Al Jazeera, our draconian law and those who uphold them were exposed.

In a landmark case, Belfast High Court ruled that Northern Ireland’s archaic abortion laws contravene human rights and that terminations should be permitted in cases of fatal foetal abnormality and where pregnancy is the result of sexual crime. The drone action was followed by a protest outside of the

High Court, where an appeal against this ruling was being head.

Activists – including myself – took the pills in front of police officers.

As with the abortion pills train in 2014, there was no attempt to intervene. Similarly in 2015, over 200 pro-choice activists signed an open letter to the PSNI, declaring that we had either taken the abortion pill or procured one from the internet for someone else. The letter received wide coverage, yet the state chose to ignore it.

It is clear that the state does not feel confident about enforcing the law broadly and taking on the prochoice movement. Instead, they are picking on relatively isolated individuals. We should organise to make medical abortion pills widely available and make the law irrelevant and unworkable, while vociferously defending those who are criminalised. We should look towards the South, where the campaign to repeal the anti-choice eighth amendment to the Constitution and for broader abortion rights has taken shape and is putting pressure on politicians. We need to see more acts of defiance and protest. Keep up the pressure and momentum and get the church and state out of our bodies.

If you or anyone you know needs access to medical abortion pills, visit womenonweb.org.

Victory for Woodburn “Stop the Drill” Anti-begging campaign demonises most vulnerable protesters

By Donal O’Cofaigh xPlorATIon CoMPAny e Infrastrata have called off drilling in Woodburn forest near

An Anti-begging campaign launched on the 20th June under the moniker of ‘Begging for Change’ has been met with outrage. the campaign – supported by several charities and state agencies – aims to discourage people from engaging in one of the most basic acts of compassion.

Billboards and posters emerged across Belfast urging people not to give to people begging on the street, but to ‘responsibly’ donate to charities instead. It states that giving to people on the street can feed addiction. Of course, services to provide support for those with addiction problems – such as the now defunct FASA on the Shankill Road – are being cut to the bone thanks to Stormont austerity. This campaign – perhaps unwittingly – feeds into the demonization of beggars

and homeless people and into the Victorian narrative of the ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor.

It is disgraceful that this campaign is being supported by the Housing Executive, the very body which is meant to be helping people get off the streets and into permanent housing. Decades of sell-off and underinvestment have created a housing crisis, with over 40,000 families on the housing waiting list.

Rather than attacking some of the most vulnerable people in our society, state agencies should be investing in social housing, as well as treatment and support services for those with mental health issues and those struggling with addiction.

Unfortunately, this flies in the face of the neo-liberal austerity agenda of the Stormont Executive.

Carrickfergys, saying that they found only water where they had hoped to find oil. After spending weeks onsite, paying for aggressive security teams and obtaining injunctions against protesters, they pulled out as quickly as they went on site.

But it wasn’t simply a case of not finding oil. Infrastrata’s press release indicated that they drilled to a depth of two thousand feet – but they fell short of their deeper targets. Some investors decided to pull the plug on the drill. Baron Oil admitted Infrastrata encountered “difficult circumstances” in Woodburn forest. No doubt those difficult circumstances included significant organised opposition from the local community and solidarity from environmental activists across Ireland and farther afield. This was a victory for campaigners.

While Infrastrata are gone, politicians and statutory bodies have serious questions to answer.

The drill only took place due to the Department of the Environment’s failure to demand a full Enviromental Impact Assessment.

Mid & East Antrim Council approved the Waste Management

Plan without receiving independent advice. NI Water became the first public water agency anywhere in the world to lease land within a water catchment area for oil and gas exploration. Meanwhile, the police acted as an extension of Infrastrata’s security, using heavy handed tactics against protesters while ignoring the company’s many breaches of protocol.

The first wave of oil and gas projects in Northern Ireland – from Woodburn to Belcoo - now appear to have been successfully countered, not thanks to politicians or statutory bodies, but thanks to locally-organised community campaigns. However, similar challenges are posed to other

communities by other exploration industries.

In Tyrone’s Sperrin mountains, community opposition to gold mining activities by exploration company Dalriadan has mounted after plans were revealed to use industrial quantities of cyanide to extract the gold at a plant just outside the village of Greencastle. This project was given £500,000 in grant-aid by the NI Executive but offers little more than a few lowpaid and dangerous jobs, while the threatening to despoil the local environment for generations to come. Again, it will be down to the local community to organise to prevent their areas being trampled upon by poisoning profiteers.

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THE SOCIALIST

Union takes bold stand n

IPSA is northern Ireland’s largest trade union, representing public sector workers. Socialist Party members in the union take part in nIPSA Broad left, which has held a majority on the General Council in recent years and ensured that nIPSA has been to the forefront in resisting austerity.

NIPSA played a pivotal role in making the public sector strike against Stormont austerity on March 13th last year a success.

Unfortunately, it was one of the only unions which argued that it should not just be a one-off, but the start on a serious and ongoing campaign of action. NIC-ICTU – the umbrella body for trade unions here – has essentially resigned itself to the job losses, privatisation and corporation tax cut included in the Fresh Start Agreement, arguing that to stand up for members’ interests would jeopardise the ‘peace process’.

Given this sell-out, many workers understandably feel downbeat about the prospect of resisting attacks through action. In this context, the conservative NIPSA Unity group have won a majority on the General Council for the coming

year. Members will judge them on the effectiveness of their partnership approach with management and politicians. We believe, unfortunately, it will be found wanting.

This does not mean, however, that the membership has swung to the right. At its Delegate Conference in June, NIPSA members voted to take a bold stand on a number of issues. By an overwhelming majority, the union reaffirmed its pro-choice position, calling for the 1967 Abortion Act to be extended to Northern Ireland.

NIPSA backed the campaign against drilling in Woodburn forest near Carrickfergus.

Delegates voted to maintain NIPSA’s status as an explicitly public sector union. Unfortunately, this has since been ignored by the Unity-dominated General Council, who have re-admitted private sector trade union officials to membership.

The Conference saw NIPSA become one of the few trade unions to call for a ‘Leave’ vote in the EU referendum, pointing out the undemocratic, neo-liberal, militaristic and unreformable nature of this capitalist institution. This had an impact on the debate within Northern Ireland, breaking the

NIPSA was one of the few unions to take a stand against the bosses EU calling for a “Leave” vote

populist right’s domination of opposition to the bosses’ EU. If this principled stand had been replicated by the wider labour movement, racist and xenophobic forces could have been challenged by a progressive, anti-establishment voice.

There was a majority vote for a union-wide debate and referendum on establishing a political fund, although it fell short of the

Overwhelming victory for Save Our Day Centres campaign!

two-thirds required to pass. Trade unionism is, by its nature, political but the lack of such a fund legally hamstrings NIPSA. For example, it prevents the union from calling on its members and the wider community not to vote for politicians who support or implement austerity. This vote was an important moral victory, which can be built on for the future.

NIPSA Broad Left won a clean sweep of the union’s lay officer positions. Socialist Party member Carmel Gates was re-elected as President with an increased majority. NIPSA Broad Left will use these positions to defend union democracy, ensure members’ wishes are respected and push for a bold approach to defending public services over the coming year.

Hands Off Our Libraries!

By Pat Lawlor, NIPSA Belfast Health Branch (per. capacity) n 21 June, over 200 service o users, carers and supporters crammed into a hall at

Knockbracken healthcare Park. After nine months of campaigning, the recommendations on the future of mental health and learning disability day centres were to be revealed by the Belfast Trust executive.

It became evident the Trust had completely backed away on their initial proposals to close four day centres, outsourcing the services to the independent sector. This news was met with overwhelming joy by service users and carers, who clapped and cheering throughout the hall. But, while thrilled they had won, there was also anger and disgust from those who were forced to go through nine months of torment and uncertainty.

The recommendations will see the centres at Fallswater, Ravenhill, Whiterock and Everton remain open. A Day Services Planning and Implementation Forum, which will include representation from service users, carers and trade unions, will shape care going forward.

A Day Opportunities Investment Fund will be established to extend the range of services.

The impact of the campaign and the humiliating turnaround by the Belfast Trust has not been lost on the campaigners. They recognised from the start the success of the campaign was dependent on

building as wide as possible a united front of service users, carers, staff and supporters. A democratic and accountable steering group was set up to determine the principles and strategy of the campaign. This was supported by Unison, Unite and NIPSA, with an active membership in the centres.

A key principle of the campaign was no acceptance of any cuts, closures or privatisation. This approach threw the Trust plans into disarray from the start.

The campaign was uncompromising and engaged local communities for wider support. Over nine months, the campaign held over 35 protests and gathered 16,000 signatures on a petition on regular stalls in Belfast city centre and local areas. Around 7,000 leaflets and 400 posters were distributed. More than 1,500 responses to the consultation were submitted, with over 95% in opposition to the plans. Every political party was challenged for support in the run up to the Assembly election in May. Under

this pressure, Sinn Féin Health Minister Michelle O’Neill was forced to accept the campaign’s demands.

This campaign has been an overwhelming success. It is a living example of what can be achieved when a united, democratic, principled and uncompromising stance is taken by workers, communities and trade unions. If we are to face down the coming austerity of the Fresh Start Agreement, we must learn the rich lessons of this victory.

Fourteen libraries across NI are facing having their opening hours cut to 45 hours per week, losing between 5 and 9 hours from their normal schedule. Many libraries already had their hours cut in 2015. A sham consultation is being carried out by Libraries NI. Chief Executive Irene Knox said they had little option but to reduce opening hours for libraries, despite figures showing the number of people using libraries is increasing.

By Naomi Reading the Hands Off Our Libraries campaign – initiated by Labour Alternative and backed by Unite’s Regional Secretary Jimmy Kelly, local trades councils and other left activists – is organising against these cuts. A Day of Action was called on Saturday June 25th, with protests and campaigning at 12 of the branches against the vicious attacks on access to culture and knowledge. Activists organised a protest outside the Lagan Valley constituency office of the Minister responsible for our libraries – the DUP’s Paul Givan - demanding that he and the ni Executive make adequate funding available to reverse the effect of these cuts.

Hands Off Our Libraries will be delivering the petitions collected, showing public concern, to the Department of Communities in Belfast. Paul Givan and other Stormont representatives state that there is no money to fund public services like libraries that act as a vital hub for communities around Northern Ireland; yet are still planning to give huge tax breaks to big business. The reality is that these harsh Stormont cuts will be ripping away a vital resources for students, the elderly, families on benefits and immigrant communities.

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NIPSA Conference:

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July / August 2016

THE SOC

T

Brexit: estaBlis

he 52% vote to leave the european Union in the recent referendum was a political earthquake, the shockwaves of which will be widespread and long-lasting, writes Daniel WalDron.

I

T rePreSenTS a blow to the interests of the ruling class in Britain, europe and the United States, who have invested decades of political capital into the eU project. It has brought into sharp focus all the contradictions and faultlines running through the continent, particularly in Britain. All is now in flux. While nothing is guaranteed, opportunities are posed for the working class to organise and assert its interests.

All the major institutions of British capitalism supported a ‘Remain’ vote – the CBI bosses’ union, the heads of all the main political parties, even the supposedly apolitical Bank of England. They were backed up by the International Monetary Fund, US President Barack Obama and an array of ‘world leaders’. The EU represents an attempt by the European ruling classes to overcome the limitations of the nation state, to allow the free flow of capital and labour so as to maximise profits, as well as forming a more powerful geo-political bloc. The withdrawal of one of its major economies represents a profound blow to these ambitions.

While the instinct of the European elites will be to huddle closer together in the wake of Brexit, demand for similar referendums can grow across the continent. In October, a referendum regarding constitutional amendments connected with EU membership in Italy could see a further setback for the project.

Opposition to the EU is not confined to the nationalist far-right.

Significant sections of the left and the workers’ movement in Europe have welcomed the British electorate’s rejection of the EU, particularly in the ‘peripheral’ economies battered by Brussels-imposed austerity. Threats by the European Central Bank to fine France and Portugal for not implementing enough austerity can further boost support for a ‘left exit’ from the EU. David Cameron has resigned in ignominy, having gambled with the interests of British capitalism and lost. As we go to press, the race to replace him as Tory leader and Prime Minister has been narrowed down to Theresa May – who supported ‘Remain’ – and Andrea Leadsom, an ardent Brexiter. Such is the weight of opposition to leaving the EU from the British establishment that the triggering of Article 50 – the mechanism by which a state begins the two-year process of exiting the EU – may be delayed indefinitely. While he supported a ‘Remain’ vote, Jeremy Corbyn is the only major party leader who has called for Article 50 to be immediately enacted. If May emerges

as the new Tory leader, she could call a snap election seeking a mandate to enter fresh negotiations with the EU about terms of membership. A second referendum is possible. As we have seen in the South and other countries, the ruling class may decide to keep asking the question until they get the answer they want.

The Socialist Party called for a ‘Leave’ vote in the referendum. We did so not because we have anything in common with the nationalism and xenophobia of the likes of UKIP, but because the EU is an institutionally neo-liberal, increasingly authoritarian, militarised and undemocratic institution which cannot be reformed in the interests of the 99%. The austerity imposed upon the peoples of the South, Greece, Spain and Portugal, the “fiscal waterboarding” to which the democratically elected SYRIZA government in Greece was subjected when it attempted to turn the tide against this austerity, the thousands drowning in the Mediterranean as a result of Fortress Europe policies all illuminate this reality. We do not believe that swapping a right-wing Tory government inside the EU for the same outside the EU represents an immediate victory, but the working class can now more easily shape the course of events than it could within the glass prison of the EU, which would have been a fetter on a future left-wing government.

The project to politically unite all EU states is now dead and the very future of the EU is in question

nationalism and the far-right across the continent. Many will have been swayed by arguments that the EU acts as a guarantor of human rights, of workers’ rights and a basic social safety net. We believe that the facts contradict these assertions, but we empathise with those who voted ‘Remain’ for these reasons. While many will see the result of the referendum as a defeat, we believe these goals are now more realisable if we unite to fight for them.

‘Leave’ vote – a revolt from below

Did racism win the day?

The ‘Leave’ vote represented a working class revolt against the establishment. While there were differences in attitudes geographically, among different age groups, ethnic backgrounds and so on, the key determinant of how people voted was social class. The poorest sections of society – particularly in England and Wales – voted to leave. The referendum was seized upon as an opportunity to strike a blow against aloof and arrogant rulers, both in Westminster and Brussels. It was an inchoate expression of frustration against decades of deindustrialisation, mounting poverty and hopelessness.

While we disagree with the conclusion, we recognise that the majority of ‘Remain’ voters did so for very positive reasons – in opposition to the xenophobia and inward-looking nationalism of the forces which dominated the official ‘Leave’ campaign, an expression of a desire for unity across national borders. In reality, the social conditions created, in part, by the EU are spurring the rise of

There has been an attempt by liberal commentators to smear the 17.4 million who voted to leave as stupid, backward racists. This haughty demonisation of the working class sums up why the establishment was incapable of connecting with and convincing these millions of people to remain in the EU. It is also grossly simplistic. For example, in Newham – a working class borough of east London where British whites make up only 16.7% of the population – 47.1% voted to leave.

Undoubtedly, concerns about immigration were a major motivating factor, with a third citing it as their main reason for voting ‘Leave’ according to ‘Lord’ Ashcroft’s study.

This should come as no surprise. For decades, the right-wing press and mainstream politicians from across the spectrum have been scapegoating immigrants for the problems caused by a lack of investment in social housing and public services, particularly since the onset of the 2008 economic crisis. In this context,

concerns about immigration do not immediately equate to racism, although a racist minority does exist.

Rather, it can be a distorted expression of anger against austerity and falling living standards.

Since the referendum, there has been an upturn in racist attacks and harassment, with some truly harrowing stories emerging in the media.

The official ‘Leave’ campaign’s propaganda was nakedly xenophobic.

However, the ‘Remain’ campaign also engaged in anti-immigrant rhetoric.

David Cameron argued that immigration could be better controlled inside the EU and that foreign nationals who didn’t find a job within six months would be sent packing.

We believe it was a mistake for the Labour Party – with lifelong opponent of the EU Jeremy Corbyn held hostage by the Blairites – and the conservative heads of the trade union movement in Britain and Ireland to line up with the establishment in calling for a ‘Remain’ vote. If these mass organisations had followed the example of the Socialist Party and unions like NIPSA and the RMT, taking a principled stand against the bosses’ EU while also challenging anti-immigrant lies, the populist right would have been checked by a progressive, anti-establishment voice. The left and the workers’ movement would have emerged strengthened and better able to shape post-Brexit events.

As it was, racists and the far-right have been emboldened by the result, which they see as a vindication of their poisonous ideas. They are mistaken in believing that a majority of people share their hatred. 84% of

people, including 77% of ‘Leave’ voters, want all EU citizens currently living in the UK to be allowed to stay permanently. A motion stating the same was also passed overwhelming in the Commons, with only Tom Elliott and Danny Kinahan of the UUP voting against! Regardless, it is essential that we organise to counter these attacks and isolate the minority of racists. Whatever our attitude on the referendum, it is essential that trade unionists and socialists unite to mobilise communities in opposition to racism wherever it raises its head.

The Socialist Party has played a central role in doing this on many occasions, as when we led community defence of Roma families being attacked by thugs in south Belfast in 2009.

Scotland – Independence or a ‘special arrangement’?

The referendum result again illuminated the national divisions within the UK. While a majority in England and Wales vote to leave the EU, 62% in Scotland voted to remain. Given that Scots were told that voting to leave the UK would endanger their EU membership, this has understandably provoked anger and boosted support for independence above 50% in recent polls. The SNP leadership, however, will be wary of pushing for a second independence referendum unless they can be confident of victory. Instead, SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon has raised the prospect of Scotland blocking the UK’s exit from the EU, or of Scotland being allowed

July / August 2016

CIALIST

to remain within the EU while still being part of the UK. Both these propositions are illusory.

While some tokenistic ‘special arrangement’ cannot be ruled out, it would be intolerable for both British capitalism and major European powers for Scotland to be allowed to maintain EU membership separate from the rest of the UK. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy has strenuously opposed any such proposal, as it would give confidence to nationalist forces in Catalonia and the Basque Country. It could similarly boost separatist forces in Belgium, Italy and elsewhere. Just as the EU’s leadership opposed Scottish independence in the first referendum, they will not risk setting off a chain reaction which could threaten the integrity of key member states.

Northern Ireland – Renewed calls for a Border Poll In Northern Ireland, 56% voted to remain in the EU, a considerably narrower majority than polls and many commentators predicted, despite a deluge of propaganda that leaving the EU would wreck the economy and ‘undermine the peace process’.

Around three quarters of Catholics voted to remain, but on a very low turnout – for example, only 38% in West Belfast. While the EU is perceived by many Catholics as a guarantor of rights and a check on any threat of return to Unionist rule, there was clearly no great enthusiasm in working class Catholic areas to turn out and defend it. The

Protestant community was broadly split along class lines, with East Belfast delivering a ‘Leave’ vote while North Down voted to remain.

As soon as the overall result became clear, Martin McGuinness and Sinn Féin again began to raise calls for a border poll. This does not reflect a serious belief that such a poll would deliver a majority vote for a united Ireland. The result of the EU referendum will not have dented the almost universal opposition of Protestants to such a development. A recent poll showed only 27% of Catholics supported a united Ireland in the immediate future. This may have increased following the referendum but the low turnout in Catholic areas suggests the EU is not such an emotive issue as to have transformed the situation.

Sinn Féin raise the demand for a border poll as a way of creating the false impression that they have a meaningful strategy to deliver their ultimate goal of Irish unity. They aim to cut across growing disillusionment amongst their support base, where there is anger at their implementation of austerity at Stormont, their integration into the establishment and the perception that they have sold out on republican principles. This disillusionment was reflected in People Before Profit’s Gerry Carroll topping the poll in West Belfast in the recent Assembly election. So far, Secretary of State Theresa Villiers has ruled out such a vote, but if Sinn Féin consistently raise the demand and Unionists choose to ‘call their bluff’, pressure for a border poll could mount.

The Socialist Party is opposed to a border poll and, in the event of one being called, we would actively campaign for a boycott of the vote. A border poll would be nothing more than a sectarian headcount and would resolve nothing. A binary referendum is not a basis to reconcile the two communities, with their opposing national identities and aspirations. It would serve only to heighten tensions and pit Catholic and Protestant workers and young people against each other. The ‘losing side’ would not stoically accept its fate. Such a poll would only deepen divisions and stoke the flames of sectarian conflict.

A majority of Catholics aspire towards Irish unity, at least at some point in the future, for cultural reasons and because of the history of discrimination and oppression within the Northern state. Conversely, Protestants support the maintenance of the Union of for cultural reasons and because they fear becoming a vulnerable minority within a capitalist united Ireland, a legitimate concern which was reinforced by the experience of the IRA’s armed campaign. These fears and aspirations are preyed upon and manipulated by the sectarian parties and paramilitaries in both communities to suit their own narrow interests.

Neither community has the right to coerce the other into a state they do not want to be part of on the basis of a simple majority vote. No solution can be found while forces with a vested interest in maintaining sectarian division – whether the Green and Orange parties or British capitalism – continue to dominate. Only by building a movement which unites Protestant and Catholic workers and youth around their common interests and in opposition to the political

Sinn Fein have renewed calls for a Border Poll

establishment can we begin to break down the sectarian barriers between our communities. This would lay the basis for solutions to be found to the difficult questions which divide our communities – including the issue of the border – based upon compromise, mutual respect and solidarity.

The Socialist Party stands for a socialist Ireland where the rights of all minorities are guaranteed – including the right of the Protestant population of the North, if desired, to autonomy or even a separate state – as part of a democratic, voluntary and socialist federation with Scotland, England and Wales.

Labour – Defend Corbyn, take on the Blairites As we go to press, it seems that Jeremy Corbyn will face a challenge for the Labour leadership from Angela Eagle. This follows a series of resignations from the Shadow Cabinet and an overwhelming vote of ‘no confidence’ in his leadership from the Parliamentary Labour Party.

The pretext for this coup was Corbyn’s allegedly poor performance in the referendum campaign. While we believe it was a mistake for Corbyn to bow to the Blairite rightwing of the party on this issue, this excuse is clearly bogus. Two thirds of Labour supporters voted to remain in the EU. His challenger Angela Eagle praised his performance in Parliament. They claim he cannot ‘unite the party’ while they actively sabotage his leadership In reality, the Blairites have never been reconciled to Corbyn’s leadership, despite his huge mandate from the membership. They resent the rebirth of left-wing ideas within Labour which they believed they had resigned to the history books. They resent that workers and young people are again trying to use the Labour Party as a means to advance their interests. They had hoped to move against him after the Oldham byelection and the local council elections, but Labour performed too well.

The Blairites feel pressured to move against Corbyn now because of the possibility of a fresh general election after the new Tory leader is elected. They do not fear that Corbyn

will lose – they fear he will win, with polls putting Labour and the Tories neck-and-neck. The Blairites would rather see five more years of the Tories in power than a left-wing, Corbyn-led government.

There are now two Labour parties in one – that of Corbyn, the left and the rank-and-file, and that of the right-wing MPs, party apparatchiks and councillors. These diametrically opposed forces cannot co-exist indefinitely. A split and the de facto formation of a new, anti-austerity party – even if it retains the name ‘Labour’ – is implicit in the situation.

The Blairites tried unsuccessfully to cajole Corbyn into standing down ‘in the party interest’ without triggering a leadership election. They recognise that he is likely to win in a democratic contest. Labour’s membership has more than doubled since last year’s general election due to an influx or workers and young people

enthused by his left, anti-austerity message. This growth has been reflected in Northern, even though Labour candidates are blocked from contesting elections here. Tens of thousands have joined explicitly to defend his leadership. In this context, there may be undemocratic attempts to keep him off the ballot paper. If successful, this would completely discredit Labour’s upper echelons and almost certainly provoke the formation of a new party.

Even if Corbyn convincingly wins a fresh leadership contest, as is likely, the Blairites will continue to undermine him and manoeuvre against him. The time for conciliation is over.

Corbyn must move decisively to mobilise his mass support and democratically oust the Blairites by reintroducing mandatory re-selection of MPs, returning power to the Conference and opening up the structures so that socialists who are currently excluded from the party can assist in this struggle. This would likely provoke a major split on a Parliamentary level, but a left-wing Labour Party united around a clear, anti-austerity programme could quickly build support and make major gains in a snap election.

The Tory government – elected with the support of only 24% of the electorate and forced into U-turn after U-turn – is weaker and more divided than ever. Now is the time for the trade unions to go on the offensive, rebuilding a united movement against austerity across Britain and Northern Ireland through mass demonstrations and co-ordinated industrial action. Combined with the building of a mass, anti-austerity political voice based on the working class, this could be the beginning of the end for the Tories and neo-liberal austerity across these islands. It would be an important first step in the struggle for a socialist future and a society run in the interests of the 99%, not the 1%

Jeremy Corbyn must mobilise party membership against the Blairite coup

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THE SOCIALIST

Twaddell Avenue:

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Dialogue & compromise the only way forward

By Stephen Boyd

f

or over 1,000 days, protesters have maintained a camp at Twaddell Avenue in the Woodvale are of north Belfast. The camp was established after the Parades Commission’s refusal to allow local orange lodges to march past the Ardoyne shops when returning from the main Twelfth demonstration in 2013.

The ensuing sectarian clashes left dozens injured and the controversy has become an open sectarian sore that impacts daily on the lives of Catholics and Protestants living in the area. A recent attempt to broker a deal, which would have resulted in the Orange Order “completing” the return journey of the 2013 parade, collapsed when it was rejected by some of the local Orange lodges and elements connected to the UDA, as well as the "dissident"-controlled Greater Ardoyne Residents' Collective..

Conflict and controversy related to Orange parades has existed for centuries but the most recent conflicts erupted in the mid-1990s when Catholic residents in areas

such as Ardoyne and the Lower Ormeau Road and the Garvaghy Road in Portadown (Drumcree) objected to what they saw as sectarian marches “through” their communities. The Socialist Party argued at the time and ever since that when it comes to resolving controversial issues such as parades that solutions must be found to prevent working class people being dragged in to open sectarian conflict.

Riots and violence surrounding the controversial parades have not only seriously disrupted people’s lives but have also resulted in many injuries, sectarian attacks and sectarian murders. The parades conflict is a manifestation of the deep sectarian divisions that still exist in Northern Ireland, divisions that have not been eradicated by the “peace process”. Instead, the polarisation in society has grown.

This is a struggle over two conflicting rights. The Orange Order is a sectarian organisation but the view that it should have no right to march is completely unreal in the concrete circumstances of Northern Ireland. But so too is the opposite view that it should be allowed to march anywhere and in

any manner it chooses.

Residents also have a right to object to parades they find insulting and offensive. The only way these two rights can be reconciled is through direct negotiation between parade organisers and residents. Where marches take

place through entirely residential areas, residents must have the right to say no, bearing in mind that minority viewpoints in an area need to be respected.

The Orange parade past the Ardoyne shops does not fall into this category. It is along the Crumlin

Road, an arterial route by which both Catholics and Protestants get to and from their communities, which sit side by side. The Ardoyne shops are used by both Protestant and Catholic residents. However the opposition to the parade from Catholic residents in the Ardoyne reflects decades of sectarian conflict and this dispute can only be resolved through dialogue with neither side holding a veto.

Parades Commission rulings only exacerbate the problem. Face to face negotiations between residents and marchers to decide who marches and the general conduct of the parade is the only way to resolve the conflict in Ardoyne / Woodvale. Agreement could be reached on stewarding with each side stewarding their own supporters. The PSNI – whose presence tends to heighten tensions – should not be involved, and there should be no curfews.

The vast majority of workingclass people don’t support or want the conflict and sectarianism that surrounds these conflicted parades. Dialogue and compromise by both sides are the only way forward.

Dealing With the Past –

100 years since the Battle of the Somme Only workers’ movement can deliver truth – an imperialist tragedy

By Kevin Henry eCenT MonThS have seen a r series of public inquiries and reports into some of the most

horrific events of the Troubles, committed by sectarian forces on both sides and the British state.

The inquest into the Kingsmill massacre gives an insight into one of the most brutal periods of the Troubles. On January 5th 1976, six Catholics from two families were murdered by the loyalist Glenanne Gang in south Armagh. The next day, the Provisional IRA retaliated, using the cover name of the South Armagh Republican Action Force.

They stopped a workers’ bus on a country road near Kingsmill. They asked all twelve men on the bus their religion, ordered the only Catholic to walk away, and riddled the others with bullets, killing ten and leaving the other for dead. It is believe that state informants were involved in both these atrocities, and this may have led to the investigations being impeded.

An investigation by the Police Ombudsman found that police informants may also have been involved in the Loughinisland massacre, when UVF gunmen opened fire on a bar, killing six Catholics as they watched the World Cup in June 1994. Yet Secretary of State Theresa Villiers described accusations of collusions as “a pernicious counter-narrative.” This illustrates the unwillingness of the British state to come clean on the scope and nature of its dirty war.

The Socialist Party supports the

right of all victims of the Troubles and their families to win truth and justice. However, the proposals or lack thereof in the Fresh Start and Stormont House Agreements illustrates the reality that the sectarian parties seek to examine the past through the prism of today, seeking to confirm their analysis and reinforce their positions. They have no interest in exposing their own records to scrutiny.

A genuine examination of the past would expose the role played by sectarian parties and paramilitary groups. It would also expose the role of the state, which employed vicious repressive methods for decades. It is important to set out the record of all the contending forces. Shining the clear light of day on the past is essential in order to prevent the same forces dragging us back to conflict in the future.

Throughout the Troubles, trade unionists took action to oppose sectarian barbarism. After the Glennane Gang killing and the subsequent Kingsmill massacre, Newry Trades Council organised a strike against tit-for-tat killings, bringing thousands onto the streets. They were joined by thousands more in Lurgan. Members of the Socialist Party and its predecessors have been key to ensuring that the trade union movement takes up issues of collusion and state repression. Today, the workers’ movement is uniquely positioned, unlike the main sectarian and state forces, to shine a light on the events of the Troubles and offer a real accounting of the past.

By Ryan McNally he fIrST of July marked the T centenary of the beginning of the Battle of the Somme, one of

the bloodiest in history, with more than a million men in total injured, missing or killed. The fighting lasted for four months before being called off.

The offensive was planned by French and British Generals, with the aim of draining German forces of reserves and regaining territory from the Germans. After the first day of fighting, a day which saw the loss of 58,000 British soldiers alone, Field Marshall Haig claimed the battle was “going like clockwork” and that his troops were in “wonderful spirits”. Perhaps Haig and his ilk were in wonderful spirits but it’s hard to believe that the comrades of the men who had fallen felt such glee.

A day earlier, before the battle had begun, Haig wrote something very telling. He said that “the nation must be taught to bear losses, no amount of skill… however great, will enable victories to be won without the sacrifice of men’s lives. The nation must be prepared to see heavy casualty lists.” This summarizes well the attitudes of the ruling class at the time towards the value of human life, not just during the Somme but throughout the entirety of the First World War. The reasons behind the beginning of the First World War are complex, but often we’re fed a romanticized idea that the war was fought by the righteous Allied powers to defend smaller countries against German imperialism. While it’s true that German imperialism was rampant in 1914, Britain, France and Russia also had huge

empires. The ruling class in the Allied nations were hardly acting to selflessly help others, but were more interested in defending their own interests and profits.

The average soldier of course had little in common with the ruling classes. Many men had signed up to the army to escape poverty and poor conditions at home. The men who died at the Somme had no interests in foreign colonies and no profits to defend, but many of them paid with their lives and many more were injured physically and mentally.

It’s important to remember the men who fought and died in the Somme. It was one of the most tragic events in history and it shouldn’t be forgotten. However, we should look at the true nature of the war, and not through rose tinted glasses.

7

July / August 2016

THE SOCIALIST

By Paddy Meehan

T

he InvASIon of Iraq on 20th March 2003, alongside the collapse of lehmann Brothers in 2008, will be remembered as one of the defining moments of this historic period. The occupation failed to do anything but decimate the country, destabilise the region and create a quagmire that sucked coalition forces into a protracted war.

The occupation of Iraq resulted in over a million Iraqis and nearly 5,000 coalition troops being killed, with millions injured. Coalition forces were involved in widespread and systematic torture, as well as mass killings of innocent civilians.

They also pursued a divide-and-rule strategy between Shia, Sunni and Kurds which has resulted in an ongoing sectarian conflict that still rages - a bombing in Baghdad on 3rd July killed 281 in a single attack.

This sectarian conflict has directly led to the development of ISIS and given fuel to the fire of Islamic fundamentalism whose attacks around the world have increased substantially since the invasion. It makes Bush and Blair's stated intention of “a war on terror” look ridiculous.

Tony Blair’s invasion of Iraq cost the lives of over a million people

War at any costs Chilcot's inquiry into the build up to and handling of the conflict has only confirmed what the anti-war movement at the time argued – that the

establishment was determined to rush into war. In reality, this had nothing to do with delivering democracy and everything to do with oil, profit and prestige. Chilcot highlighted that the spurious claim

Black Lives Matter – Institutionalised racism in the US

of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) being deployed by the Saddam Hussein regime at 45 minutes’ notice was based on an intelligence briefing that was given “a certainty that was not justified”.

Blair, backed up by Lord Falcon and Jack Straw, exaggerated these claims to convince Parliament to vote for war based on WMDs that never existed. He also points out the flip-flop of Lord Goldsmith in his advice in the legality of going to war. The inquiry gives concrete examples of how Blair and Co manipulated and created evidence to suit their objective – a quick, USled invasion of Iraq, preferably with the backing of the UN but, if necessary, without.

The report also identifies the failure of the occupying powers to deal with a post-Saddam Iraq.

However, they had prepared to ban strikes, privatise Iraq's oil and auction off the rebuilding of the country they'd just bombed to the highest bidder. Haliburton – a company connected to Dick Cheney, US VicePresident at the time – is estimated to have made $39.5 billion from the conflict. While the war and occupation is expected to have cost $1.7 trillion, this was paid for by ordinary working people with

Why I Joined the Socialist Party

By Sarah Campton

Black Lives Matter is putting the spotlight on the epidemic of police violence in the US

By Sean Burns fTer The killings of Alton Sterling and Philando A Castille at the hands of the cops

in the US, Castile's mother told Cnn that her son was just "black in the wrong place". he was killed after being stopped for having a broken rear light on his car and reaching for his driving licence. his death is just one in a long line of black people killed at the hands of the US state.

In April 2015, Walter Scott, who was unarmed, was shot in the back as he ran away from an officer in North Charleston. In August 2014, 18-year-old Michael Brown was shot at least seven times in Ferguson, Missouri. Officer Darren

Wilson, who carried out the shooting, was cleared of wrongdoing. In July 2014, Eric Garner died after being placed in a chokehold by New York police while selling cigarettes. These are only a few names amongst a long list.

The recent killings have sparked widespread outrage and people have taken to the streets in protest.

It’s clear that this brutality not a result of the actions of one or two rogue officers. This is a systemic issue of racism which runs right through the heart of US capitalism.

The criminalisation, ghettoisation and killing of the black population is part and parcel of the maintenance of the system.

At the time of writing, US police have been ambushed by a sniper in

Dallas, with five shot dead. The gunman, Micah Johnson, said he was upset about the recent police shootings of black people. These attacks offer no solution to the police brutality and killings. They will only provide a cover for the stepping up of state violence and repression.

What is needed is a united struggle against the system of the 1%, the system which has fostered racism. It must connect the Black Lives Matter movement with the struggles for LGBT and women’s equality, the struggles workers’ rights conditions and a $15/hour minimum wage and begin tearing down the rotten framework of US capitalism, fighting for a socialist future based on solidarity and genuine equality.

money that wasn't spent on schools and hospitals. The cost to ordinary Iraqis is truly unimaginable, as the horror continues in Iraq and throughout the Middle East today.

Although history will judge them as war criminals, Blair and Bush are unlikely to face justice for their crimes unless we challenge the system which allowed them to go to war in the pursuit of profit in the first place. They are representatives of capitalism, which requires war at the behest of big business and at the cost of misery for ordinary people.

In the build up to the war, the Socialist Party warned of the horrors that would unfold. However, we also pointed to the power of ordinary workers to unite against war, poverty and sectarianism, to take control of the huge resources of the region and use them in their own interests. We saw a glimpse of this in the large protests and strikes in 2011 across the Middle East that saw the toppling of dictators in Egypt and Tunisia. The brutal legacy of Iraq means the struggle against war, oppression and poverty, the struggle for a socialist federation of the Middle East is more urgent now than ever.

i DiDn't know of the Socialist Party until recently. When i learned more about it, i realised that i shared my views with an entire party. A massive part of joining was that i now have a platform to be an activist. i thoroughly enjoy getting involved in rallies and protests. Beforehand, i was too shy to show up on my own, now i have a great support network of people who share my views. Socialist Youth provides a platform where young people’s voices can be heard.

As a young female, I feel as I am oppressed by capitalism.

Socialism is an alternative to the patriarchal nature of capitalism, which objectifies women and makes us feel like we need to be photoshopped perfection, that we have to wear make-up

and not age, that we have to be conform to normalised standards of beauty. I do not want to live in this kinds of society.

Through regular meetings and discussions, I feel like I’m constantly learning. I love being part of the Socialist Party because they're people for the people, and if ordinary working class people won't stand up for each other, who will? I’m hoping to use what I’m learning to help build a movement for the 99%.

Through socialism, I know that everyone will have fair opportunity. I believe this is the way to achieve a society where women, the LGBT community, people of colour and the working class won't be oppressed.

Capitalism is thriving on the exploitation of workers and discrimination. This needs to end and socialism is the way forward.

news

Chilcot Inquiry: Bloody legacy of the Iraq war

PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY

ISSUE 98

North, South, Across the Globe

Step Up the Fight4Equality Solidarity against homophobia & transphobia

By Andrew Farley tHE LASt year has been a successful one for the struggle for LGBt rights in ireland. in May's referendum, 62% of the electorate in the South voted in favour of marriage equality.

Support was strongest in working class communities. in July, under pressure from below, the Southern government passed the Gender Recognition Act, allowing trans-adults to initiate a process to be legally recognised as their preferred gender.

Same-sex marriage has yet to be

legalised in Northern Ireland, in spite of 70% support for marriage equality according to a recent Ipsos MORI poll. In June last year, over 20,000 attended a rally in Belfast to support equal marriage. This seachange in attitudes and the public demand for equality led to a historic majority vote for marriage equality in the Assembly in November, with a number of MLAs shifting their position on the issue.

The ‘Democratic’ Unionist Party have made it clear they intend to continue to undemocratically block same-sex marriage, abusing the petition of concern mechanism

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which is meant to protect minorities. However, they are not impervious to change. Half of the DUP’s voters support marriage equality.

This figure can grow and become a point of pressure on them. They did not block the lifting of the lifetime ban on men who have sex with men giving blood. Last year, DUP Health Minister Jim Wells was forced to resign following widespread condemnation of homophobic comments he made publicly. The dinosaurs are on the back foot, but it is important that we continue to apply pressure.

Whilst progress has been made

locally, we must not forget that same-sex relationships are still illegal in 73 countries, being punishable by death in ten. In addition, Russia and Lithuania have laws prohibiting that which is considered “homosexual propaganda”, effectively denying LGBT people the right to express their identity. The horrific massacre at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando highlights that hatred of LGBT people is still present in society and that it has the capacity to manifest in the form of extreme violence.

It is imperative that the LGBT community and allies stand in glob-

Text ‘Join’ to 07821058319

al solidarity against backwards politics, bigotry, and discrimination.

United struggle is the key. In Northern Ireland, it is vital that we continue to exert pressure on politicians, both in Stormont and in Westminster. The UK government has the power to bring about marriage equality here, just as same-sex marriage has been legalised in England, because the time for change is now. If you agree, get involved in the Fight4Equality campaign which has led protests against homophobia, sexism and for abortion rights email: fight4equalityni@gmail.com.

www.socialistpartyni.net