Historic Urban Landscapes and Informality

Historic Urban Landscapes and Informality Management of Brazilian Favelas LARA FURTADO | SPRING 2017 | CULTURAL LANDSCAPES MNGMT

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TABLE OF CONTENTS DEFINITION OF TERMS................................................................................ 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 4

CULTURAL AND HISTORIC URBAN LANDSCAPES ................................. 6 HUL AND INFORMALITY .............................................................................. 7

THE CASE OF BRAZIL ................................................................................... 10

POTENTIAL HUL SITES ................................................................................ 11

CONCLUDING REMARKS ............................................................................. 15 REFERENCES .................................................................................................. 16

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DEFINING TERMS 1. Informal Settlements The definition of informal settlements is an extension of the commonly used term “slum” to refer to “‘a heavily populated urban area characterized by substandard housing and squalor’. This definition encapsulates the essential characteristics of slums: high densities and low standards of housing (structure and services), and ‘squalor’. The first two criteria are physical and spatial, while the third is social and behavioral (UN-Habitat, 2004).” The idea of informality is based on their legal characteristics, or lack of adequate land tenure which originates from the mode of settlement based on squatting vacant land.

2. Favela In 2016 the website published by the NGO Catalytic Communities has posted an article urging scholars and practitioners to refer to Brazilian slums and informal communities as ‘Favelas’. The name originates directly from a Brazilian terminology related to the initial move of northeast soldiers into Rio de Janeiro do claim a land that was promised by the government but was never given. In face of this deceit, the soldiers occupied a hill in Morro da Providência originating the first favela (CatComm, 2016). While the term favela refers to the process of occupying land, it is ultimately tied to Brazilian history and to a spirit of resistance. When referring to low-income housing settlements that originate from squatter processes in a Brazilian context, this research will use the term Favela in the hopes of building it without any negative connotation, simply as related to a specific culture and history.

3. Culture Culture will be used to refer to the habits of a group of people and their transmission over time: “-The social production and transmission of identities, meanings, knowledge, beliefs, values, aspirations, memories, purposes, attitudes and understanding; - The ‘way of life’ of a particular set of humans (Hawkes, 2001, p. 3).”

Culture, especially when used as an element of policy, is easily reduced to the arts and becomes a symbol for elitism – as Hawkes put it – Culture. This study refers to the social production and transmission of habits, which is culture and not Culture.

1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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1. INTRODUCTION In a famous essay “The Right to the City”, David Harvey reminds us that urban areas have been demolished, rebuilt and consolidated throughout the years, as a mean to bring economic development and alter power dynamic in varying political and economic periods (Harvey, 2003).

Urban development is an efficient manner of absorbing capital surplus, and modern planning provided the framework for how to materialize it. While the past homogenization of lower income neighborhoods is now widely criticized, it is puzzling to witness similar measures still taking place in post-modernity, especially in the Global South. The impending pressure for developing nations to attract capital and become Global Cities has led several of them to aim for modernization (Sassen, 2001). Those goals are often followed by measures for sanitation and aesthetic embellishment, which widely target low-income or informal settlements (Goebel, 2007; Hall, 1996; Mukhija, 2001).

This continuous process is often swift and covered by local authorities but large development projects (such as those precluding sports megaevents) bring to the spotlight the pervasive system of displacement and eviction that destroys communities at such a large scale. Thus, an important question remains of what can be an alternative solution for urban development other than the ostentatious and unsustainable mean of promoting economic and spatial growth. Lowincome dwellers are further displaced to the fringe of existing urban fabric and replaced by higher income housing considered “desirable” in a clear display of gentrification. In modern urban planning, one cannot hope to promote sustainable development in housing and break the cycle of displacement without analyzing issues and potentials, which emerge from already established informal settlements, or slums.

Authoritarian policies have most recently been met with resistance by communities who have realized their value for local economy and also as important characteristics of urban fabrics.

For decades the procedure consisted of offering new homes in desolate state built housing complexes to favela dwellers. That option is now not only financially impracticable but dangerous as it destroys established social ties and dismisses people’s personal preferences for a home.

This study investigates aspects of Brazilian informal settlements, or favelas, which are responsible for their vitality and character and how cultural landscape policy can support those structures. While the poverty and environmental damage evident in favelas should not be overlooked, innovative ideas can emerge from such environment and must be allowed to strive.

Theories and practices around landscape management and culture are valuable to analyze

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environments which are produced from diverse agents as culture intrinsically accepts a pluralism of ideas and experiences with no authoritative interpretation of reality (Soini & Birkeland, 2014). Thus, cultural research can be used to interpret housing elements and the intangible values associated to a built environment (i.e. the value of a home to sense of place and an expression of dwellers’ personal and aesthetic preferences).

Fig 1. View of Favela in Rio de Janeiro. Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/common s/7/7e/1_rocinha_favela_closeup.JPG

1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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2. CULTURAL and HISTORIC URBAN LANDSCAPES Policy can be used either as a tool to acknowledge culture as a valuable aspect of development or it can fail to support existing lifestyles and thus increase spatial segregation and urban marginality. The “landscape turn” in heritage management is related to an idea of the landscape as an ever-changing dynamic organism which varies according to cultural dynamics. In this new paradigm, the landscape is seen as a process and no longer as just not a product - therefore the past is not so separate from the present and nature not so different from the built environment.

Two designations that have specific importance for this concept of cultural relevance are Cultural Landscapes and Historic Urban Landscapes.

Cultural Landscapes were incorporated by the World Heritage Committee during the World Heritage Convention in 1992 as a category accepted for recognizing sites of outstanding universal value. OUV is a result of the interaction between cultural (people) and natural (environment) values, but it is worth reminding that significance is constructed by people and time.

“The very notion of landscape is highly cultural, and it may seem redundant to speak of cultural landscapes; but the describing term ‘cultural’ has been added to express the human interaction with the environment and the presence of tangible and intangible cultural values in the landscape (Mitchell, Rossler, & Tricaud, 2009, p. 17).”

HULs were established in the World Heritage Conference in Vienna in 2005 based on the assumption that values and cultural significance could be incorporated into strategies for safeguarding historic urban areas in face of increasing urbanization and development pressures. The HUL initiative brings to attention specific aspects of the historic character of cities and that are pertinent for the study of informal settlements in this research: - The landscape as being defined by its previous and current dynamics as an appropriate form to acknowledge change as an inherent aspect of complex urban environments; - Contemporary architecture as no substitute for previous construction styles, especially in face of revamping strategies that seek to modernize entire cities with modern infrastructure;

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- The global economy leads to investments with little attachment to the local and that jeopardizes the existing cultural and social values, which calls for the documentation of those dynamics to present heritage as asset (UNESCO, 2010).

The best definition is presented as follows: “Historic urban landscape is a mindset, an understanding of the city, or parts of the city, as an outcome of natural, cultural and socio-economic processes that construct it spatially, temporally, and experientially. It is as much about buildings and spaces, as about rituals and values that people bring into the city. This concept encompasses layers of symbolic significance, intangible heritage, perception of values, and interconnections between the composite elements of the historic urban landscape, as well as local knowledge including building practices and management of natural resources. Its usefulness resides in the notion that it incorporates a capacity for change (UNESCO, 2010, p. 14).”

3. HUL and INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS The turn of a new millennium has allowed for the reviewing of notions of what is considered desirable urban development and pattern. Several authors such as Ananya Roy and Manuel Castells have advocated for methodologies and knowledge which originate from the neglected ‘slumdog cities’ in order to contest the ideas that have been formed on the lifestyle of the “other” (Castells, 1983; Roy, 2011). These discourses are associated with "understanding cities as ordinary rather than Other and developing creative ways of thinking about connections across the diversity and complexity of city economies and city life” (Varley, 2013, p. 26) which the author specifically calls for in order to study informal settlements. The questioning on informality studies also critiques past problematic discourses which reinforce a misguided imaginary idea of the "slum dweller" while introducing derogatory beliefs and which influence policy that is not necessarily confluent with objectives of promoting more humane and just urbanization (Varley, 2013). The presence of human settlements (whether refered to as informal or slums) in now ubiquitous in most developing countries (Map 1).

1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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Map 1. Percentage of urban population living in informal settlements worldwide. Grey areas correspond to unreported data. Source: (UN-Habitat, 2014).

It is therefore valuable to understand those local dynamic and acknowledge the role of culture into shaping those environments and how it can foster sustainable development. Birkeland tells the case of urban development in Norway to advocate for development in which sustainability is achieved by recognizing cultural values and thus instilling people with a sense of place (Birkeland, 2008). Steinberg establishes a method to study different old settlements in Cairo and how traditions are reflected in the built environment (Steinberg, 1991). Grbic finds from studies of a Roma settlement that observing its public built spaces in can provide important insight on Romani cultural identity (Grbic, 2015). In complementary ideas, Morbidoni has observed that the informal can be studied both as emulator of heritage but also for its heritage potential as a lasting infrastructure (Morbidoni, 2013).

There is an understanding that informal settlements present an opportunity for learning and a pushback against governmental measures which seek to homogenize development at the image of Western values. The Historic Urban Landscapes (HUL) initiative may be a relevant tool as it brings to attention specific aspects of the historic character of cities and can be pertinent for the study of informal settlements. The HUL considers the importance of previous and current dynamics of a

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landscape to acknowledge change as an inherent aspect of complex urban environments. Specific case studies on the application and management of HUL worldwide is presented on Table 1.

Table 1: References for research in HUL LOCATION

Kimberley, South Africa

Moambique Island, Mozambique

TITLE More Than Just An Eyesore: Local Insights and solutions on Vacant Land and Urban Health Informal settlements and urban heritage landscapes in South Africa.

Does an Historic Urban Landscape Approach offer new directions towards Sustainable Development? Challenges for conservation of Ilha de Moambique, Mozambique

AUTHOR

Weiss, Lindsay

Albino P.J. Jopela

YEAR

LINK/REFERENCE

2014

Weiss, L. (2014). Informal settlements and urban heritage landscapes in South Africa. Journal of Social Archaeology, 14(1), 3–25. doi:10.1177/1469605313519023

2013

http://www.academia.edu/4314579 /The_Historic_Urban_Landscape_a nd_the_Conservation_and_Manage ment_of_the_Island_of_Mozambiqu e_World_Heritage_Site

Kano city, Nigeria

Prospects of Coupled Human and Natural Systems (CHANS) for Sustainable Management of Historic Urban Landscapes in Kano City, Nigeria

Barau, A.

2013

http://www.academia.edu/1249995 8/Prospects_of_Coupled_Human_a nd_Natural_Systems_CHANS_for_ Sustainable_Management_of_Histori c_Urban_Landscapes_in_Kano_City _Nigeria

Havana, Cuba

The Plan Maestro para la revitalizacin integral de La Habana Vieja : consequences for the environment, impact on the population

Janice Argaillot

2012

http://revistas.uv.cl/index.php/mar genes/article/view/339

Piccoli, Cristina

2011

http://www.ung.si/~library/magiste rij/konzervatorstvo/10Piccoli.pdf

Antonio Prado, Brazil

Historic Urban Landscape of Antônio Prado, Brazil: Formation, Recognition and Preservation

Cairo, Egipt

Cairo: Revitalising a Historic Metropolis

Bianca, S. and Jodidio, P.

2004

Bianca, Stefano and Philip Jodidio, eds. 2004. Cairo: Revitalising a Historic Metropolis. Turin: Umberto Allemandi & C. for Aga Khan Trust for Culture. https://archnet.org/collections/75/ publications/4833

Caribbean

Urban Heritage Conservation in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Task for All Social Actors

Eduardo Rojas

2002

https://publications.iadb.org/handle /11319/1163

Policy can be used either as a tool to acknowledge culture as a valuable aspect of development or it can fail to support existing lifestyles and thus increase spatial segregation and urban marginality. It is worth studying how the designation of HUL to urban areas that face real estate pressure and homogenization can provide support to their permanence and investment.

1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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4. THE CASE OF BRAZIL In 2012 the Cultural Heritage Committee of UNESCO, the body that designates monuments and other historic places as World Heritage Sites, recognized the cultural landscape of Rio de Janeiro as a World Heritage Site. Although not specifically mentioned, historic Rio favelas such as Santa Marta and Babilônia are included in the zone, as part of what the dossier calls a “complex cultural landscape produced by the interactions between different cultures in association with a unique natural site (Rolnik, 2012). This shows a shift in paradigm in which the favela is now seen as a vital part of Brazil’s urban setting, but the favelas as a cultural asset must still be comprehensively studied.

While the positive practices presented in informal settlements recognize the importance of the physical space of favelas, romanticizing the slum is dangerous. The political issues behind informality must be addressed through comprehensive policy- connected to land tenure, infrastructure and participation of marginalized communities in public life. It is important to remember that around 30% of dwellers live in favelas in Brazil and research cannot homogenize the issues and qualities of those communities in a country with continental dimensions and multiple climates.

Map 2. Percentage of the urban population living in favelas per Brazilian state.

Source: IBGE, 2010.

One form of acknowledging culture, intangible values and living landscapes is to designate certain informal housing settlements as Historic Urban Landscapes, a progressive move that can “potentially empower previously silenced voices” (Marschall, 2008, p. 360). It may force authorities

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to acknowledge the complexity and lasting nature of the vastly occupied space while preventing the new construction of desolate homogeneous projects characteristic of low-income housing policies.

It is important to notice that nature plays a key role in determining Cultural Landscapes, whether Historic Urban Landscapes are related to interactions and how they evolve in time as a natural process of urban life.

5. POTENTIAL HUL SITES Based on the case studies presented which have considered the heritage value of informal settlements and low-income human settlements as Historic Urban Landscape from an international perspective, this section presents three favelas in Fortaleza that have economic, geographic and architectural value an their potentials as HUL. Map 3. The city of Fortaleza and the 3 potential HUL sites. From left to right: Pirambú, Campo do América and Serviluz.

Fortaleza is the 5th largest city in Brazil with 3,2 million inhabitants of which about 400,000 families live in favelas. Those case studies were selected based on the historic relevance of the sites for the city as well as their cultural practices in relation to the natural environment.

1. Neighborhood Cais do Porto – Favela Serviluz1 The community was established around 1930 when fisherman who lived in the surroundings of another port were relocated to their current area in the Northeast of the town. The neighborhood was slowly established through self-construction and sweat equity and despite having gathered schools and some basic services, it is still presents the lowest IDHM of the city. It houses approximately 21,000 people and about 90% survive off welfare and 80% are still considered illegal due to lack of tenure.

What is striking about this community is their relationship with the ocean which guides their 1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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economic, social and cultural activities. As the main source of income is fishing, dwellers have described it as a fisherman’s village where all dwellers are familiar with each other and value the presence of the ocean as natural beauty and source of pride. The main activity is surfing, and in fact, some international surf champions are originated from Serviluz.

One of the projects proposed by the municipality to bring development to the community is called “Heritage for All” for participatory mapping of cultural assets in the community. It is promoted by the Escola de Artes e Ofícios Thomaz Pompeu Sobrinho (School of Arts and Crafts), attached to Instituto de Arte e Cultura (Institute of Art and Culture) and the State Department of Culture. The project is a class which provides youth with opportunities to learn about the story of the neighborhood through guided visits.

Fig 2. Lighthouse of Mucuripe and the surrounding community. Source: (Nigéria, 2016)

An important infrastructure that represents the history and culture of the favela is the Lighthouse of Mucuripe (Fig. 2) which was built by slaves between 1840 ad 1846 and was named heritage monument by the municipality. The lighthouse was turned into a museum to gather images and documents of old Fortaleza, but what was once a tourist destination is now closed due to lack of conservation and safety concerns.

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2. Favela do Campo do América2 Another particular example is the case of the favela of Campo do América which has become a symbol for resistance and vitality in the city of Fortaleza. This is particularly due to their ability of maintaining a soccer field which is the main point of community interaction.

Approximately 4000 families live in a small area of around 4 blocks in a settlement that was established since the 1940s.

Fig. 3. Aerial view of the soccer field which occupies an area of about 4,000 square meters. Source: http://portaleliomar.opovo.com.br/wpcontent/uploads/2012/07/camoamerica.jpg

Fig 4. Renewed soccer field after government project in 2016. Source: http://g1.globo.com/platb/files/2192/201 4/06/campo-amer.jpg

The soccer field is where all cultural and social life of the community takes place, and on Sundays during “official” matches, unofficial street vendors and families gather around it. After strong lobby from the community the government initiated in 2016 a project to provide proper recreation infrastructure in the field (Fig. 4). However, as the homes continue to not have land 1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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tenure, the nice amenity is another structure that values land prices and may lead to gentrification.

3. Favela do Pirambú Pirambú is a neighborhood located on the coastal area of the western of Fortaleza and houses an estimate 400,000 people. Its prime location close to the downtown (where there is a concentration of jobs and services) as well as close to the beachfront make Pirambú a large favela with potential for development. In fact the project Vila do Mar has cleared the waterfront to build streets and public spaces that finally allowed dwellers to have access to the ocean (Fig. 5). While government intervention to improve the infrastructure of those houses is notable, beachfront property in Fortaleza is high commodity.

Fig. 5. The renewed waterfront of Pirambú.

2016. Source: http://www.pt.org.br/wpcontent/uploads/2016/08/pirambu780x444.jpg

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6. CONCLUDING REMARKS Considering that in 2010 the census recorded 11,4 million people (about 6% of total population) living in substandard living conditions in Brazil, it is imperative that federal policies and practitioners study how to incorporate those units to the existing urban infrastructure and provide the means for socio-economic improvement. However, the provision of infrastructure in favelas, especially those located in central urban areas, may lead to gentrification. Projects such as improvement of public spaces or implementation of large technology, economic or energy hubs may pressure existing communities to be displaced due to rising land values and to the attention that is then placed upon those locations.

Designating favelas as Historic Urban Landscapes may be a tool along with traditional planning instruments to recognize and support the existence of settlements, which already compose the landscape of cities and are invaluable for social and economic processes. If given chance to thrive, the historical aspect of those settlements can be accentuated and their potential as a living landscape acknowledged. It is worth noting that the HUL designation must be aligned with technical assistance for the improvement of people’s life quality and for elaboration of comprehensive planning for sustainable development.

1. The information on Serviluz was translated from http://diariodonordeste.verdesmares.com.br/cadernos/cidade/a-simplicidadedo-serviluz-1.734754

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REFERENCES Birkeland, I. (2008). Cultural Sustainability: Industrialism, Placelessness and the Re-animation of Place. Ethics, Place & Environment, 11(3), 283-297. doi:10.1080/13668790802559692 Castells, M. (1983). The city and the grassroots : a cross-cultural theory of urban social movements. Berkeley: University of California Press.

CatComm. (2016). Why We Should Call them Favelas. Retrieved from http://catcomm.org/callthem-favelas/ Goebel, A. (2007). Sustainable urban development? Low-cost housing challenges in South Africa.

Habitat International. doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2007.03.001 Grbic, M. (2015). Preferences and perspectives of sustainability in informal Roma settlements. Facta universitatis - series: Architecture and Civil Engineering, 13(1), 65-74. doi:10.2298/fuace1501065g Hall, P. (1996). Cities of tomorrow : an intellectual history of urban planning and design in the twentieth century (Updated ed.). Oxford, UK ; Cambridge, Mass., USA: Blackwell Publishers.

Harvey, D. (2003). The right to the city. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. doi:10.1111/j.0309-1317.2003.00492.x Hawkes, J. (2001). The Fourth Pillar of Sustainability: Culture’s Essential Role in Public Planning. Melbourne, Australia: Common Ground Publishing.

Marschall, S. (2008). An inspiring narrative with a shadow: tangible and intangible heritage at the Phoenix Settlement of Mahatma Gandhi. Southern African Humanities.

Mitchell, N., Rossler, M., & Tricaud, P.-M. (2009). World Heritage Cultural Landscapes: A Handbook for Conservation and Management. UNESCO World Heritage Centre.

Morbidoni, M. (2013, June 2013). Aesthetics of the Informal Urban Landscape: A Potential Factor of Social Inclusion. cescontexto, 02, 534-556.

Mukhija, V. (2001). Enabling slum redevelopment in Mumbai: policy paradox in practice. Housing Studies. doi:10.1080/02673030120090548 Nigéria (Producer). (2016). Cartas Urbanas (Urban Letters) – EP.01 #LANÇAMENTO. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o5P0a78rKgY Rolnik, R. (2012). Between Mountains and Sea Rio’s Favelas are a World Heritage Site. Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=4222 Roy, A. (2011). Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 35(2), 223-238. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2011.01051.x Sassen, S. (2001). The global city : New York, London, Tokyo (2nd ed.). Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Soini, K., & Birkeland, I. (2014). Exploring the scientific discourse on cultural sustainability.

Geoforum, 51, 213-223. doi:10.1016/j.geoforum.2013.12.001 Steinberg, F. (1991). Architecture and Townscape in Today's Cairo: The Relevance of Tradition.

Ekistics, 58(346/347), 75-86.

UN-Habitat. (2004). The challenge of slums: global report on human settlements 2003. Retrieved from www.emeraldinsight.com UN-Habitat. (2014). Percent of urban population living in slums. Retrieved from UNESCO. (2010). Managing Historic Cities. UNESCO World Heritage Centre.

Varley, A. (2013). Postcolonializing Informality? Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 31, 422. doi:doi:10.1068/d14410