Stairway to dignity by Letty Reimerink

STAIRWAY TO DIGNITY On the socio-economic impact of the electric escalator in Medellin

Drs. Letty Reimerink Master Thesis Latin America Studies CEDLA Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Program November 2014

Student no. 10686789 Supervisor: Dr. Ir. Christien Klaufus Second reader: Prof. Dr. Michiel Baud

Acknowledgement First of all I would like to thank Christien Klaufus for being an excellent supervisor. She has been a great support in writing my research proposal, during my fieldwork, and above all in the process of writing my thesis. She has given me advice, literature suggestions and showed a great interest in the topic of my research. What I most appreciated were here critical comments, always pushing me to the limits to get the most out of my research and go the extra mile. Just the way I like it! I also owe many thanks to Gerard Martin, who is not only a nice guy, but also an expert on Medellin, who knows everything and everybody. In the run-up to and during the World Urban Forum he has opened many doors and introduced me to many valuable contacts that I later interviewed. I am very grateful to all the professionals I spoke with, who were willing to invest their time and share their knowledge and opinions with me. During my first days in Medellin I had the opportunity to tag along with a group of Dutch architects and urban planners on a number of excursions in the city. These were organized by Colombian/Dutch architects Camila Pinzon and Pepijn Verpaalen from Urbanos. Many thanks to them for letting me join in and provide me with an interesting introduction to Medellin and great company at the start of my fieldwork. My Spanish turned out to be sufficient to do my interviews in Medellin, but academic writing in Spanish is another thing. I am therefore incredible thankful to my fellow-student Cecilia Conde for doing an excellent job on the translation of the summary of this thesis. Medellin slang was another obstacle I had to overcome. With the help of fellow-student Johana Mu単eton from Medellin I could decipher the lyrics of the rap the boys from Comuna 13 sung. Un abrazo para los dos! Since I spent most of my time during the last year on my research, I have not been able to work very much. I therefore really appreciate the contribution for the travel expenses of my fieldtrip I received from the Van Eesteren-Fluck & Van Lohuizen Foundation. I hope they like the result.

On a more personal note I really want to thank my father for always supporting me in my studies. Also my partner Ted, who had just met me and after just three months already had to let me leave for Colombia. He not only stuck around, but provided an invaluable daily LinkedIn lifeline, and kept my spirits up when I was a bit down, halfway through my fieldwork. He gave me the best coming-home ever and has been a valuable co-reader of my thesis. Love you! And last, but certainly not least, I want to express by deepest gratitude and respect to all the wonderful people I met and spoke to in Comuna 13. They opened their homes to me and shared their, sometimes very personal, stories. I was amazed by the hope and pride some of them showed when talking about their neighborhood. I am especially grateful to 23-year old Jorge (figure 0.1) of the surveillance team of the escalator. He made me feel welcome in his neighborhood and thanks to his openness and help I have been able to gain the trust of other inhabitants. Without him and without them there would be no thesis. I hope their neighborhood will thrive in the years to come. 4

Figure 0.1: Jorge, my â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;assistantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; on the surveillance team1

All the photographs in this thesis were taken by the author, unless otherwise mentioned

“En un barrio con todas las dificuldades del mundo, hacer algo material que sirve para el descanso, para el diálogo, para encontrar a tanta gente del mundo....es algo ilógico!”

“In a neighborhood with all the difficulties in the world, to make something material that can be used to relax, to have a dialogue, to meet so many people from all over the world…that is something illogical!”

Adriana Maria Restrepo Informal community leader of La Independencia 1

Figure 0.2: Adriana Maria Restrepo and her daughter Stefania Jimenez

Table of Content List of Figures

List of Tables

List of Maps

List of Boxes

List of Acronyms

Glossary

1. Introduction

2. Methodology

2.1 World Urban Forum: the abstract urban reality

2.2 Key concepts

2.3 Research methods

2.4 Research experiences

27 7

3. Medellin: from murder city to model city

3.1 From planned to informal city

3.2 The paisa-culture

3.3 Comuna 13 at the heart of the violence

3.4 Focus on mobility

3.5 The birth of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;social urbanismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

3.6 Comuna 13 and the electric escalator

3.7 Concluding remarks

4. Quality of life without a penny more

4.1 Rise in mobility

4.2 Pesos or pausas?

4.3 Economic neighborhood development

4.4 Concluding remarks

5. Public space reconquered

5.1 Public space, space identity and sense of security

5.2 Role of public space in strengthening social tissue

5.3 Bridging the gap: public space as arena of citizenship

5.4 Concluding remarks

6. Governance: mayors, planners and the public

101

6.1 Fighting inequality

102

6.2 Participating public

115

6.3 Concluding remarks

121

7. Conclusions

123

Bibliography

129

Appendices Appendix I:

Observation results

135

Appendix II:

Survey questions and results

137

Appendix III:

List of inhabitants interviewed

141

Appendix IV:

Lyrics of rap

144

Appendix V

List of professionals interviewed

147

Summary in English

149

Summary in Spanish (Resumen)

154

List of Figures Title page

Electric escalator seen from above

Figure 0.1

Jorge, my ‘assistant’ on the surveillance team

Figure 0.2

Informal community leader Adriana Maria Restrepo and her daughter Stefania Jimenez

Figure 3.1

Artist impression electric escalator (source: PUI, municipality of Medellin)

Figure 4.1

Situation before escalator (photo: municipality of Medellin)

Figure 4.2

Situation after escalator

Figure 4.3

Disabled man using escalator

Figure 4.4

Instructions when entering the escalator

Figure 4.5

Members of surveillance team of escalator

Figure 4.6

Painted facades above escalator

Figure 4.7

Mural alongside escalator

Figure 4.8

Commercial activity around metro cable station Santo Domingo

Figure 5.1

Women chatting in public space

Figure 5.2

Children playing on slide in public space

Figure 5.3

Children of different racial backgrounds mingling during neighborhood event

Figure 5.4

Outside visitors on viewing platform on top of escalator

Figure 5.5

Painted houses visible from escalator

Figure 5.6

Murals along ‘boulevard’

Figure 6.1

Biblioteca España in Santo Domingo

Figure 6.2

Colegio de calidad in Comuna 13

List of Tables Table 4.1

Current employment

Table 4.2

Kind of employment

Table 4.3

Level of education

Table 5.1

Sense of inclusion

Table 5.2

What do you consider your territory?

List of Maps Map 3.1

Colombia and Medellin (source: wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/destinations/traveler/none/colombia)

Map 3.2

Metro and metro cable lines (source: Metro de Medellin)

Map 3.3

Location of Comuna 13 and Las Independencias neighborhood with escalator (source: PUI, municipality of Medellin)

Map 3.4

Master Plan Comuna 13 (source: PUI, municipality of Medellin)

Map 4.1

Mobility patterns and bus stops in Las Independencias (source: PUI, municipality of Medellin)

Map 5.1

Natural neighborhood boundaries (source: Google Earth 2013)

List of Boxes Box 3.1

Technical data on electric escalator (source: PUI, municipality of Medellin and interview CĂŠsar HernĂĄndez)

List of Acronyms BCN

Bloque Cacique Nutibarra

Bloque Metro

CIAM

Congrès International d’ Architecture Moderne (International Congres of Modern Architecture)

DANE

Departamiento Administrativo Nacional de Estadísticas (National Administrative Department of Statistics of Colombia)

DAPARD

Departamiento de Prevención de Desastres (Department of Desaster Prevention)

EDU

Empresa de Desarollo Urbano (Urban Development Company)

EPM

Empresa Publica de Medellin (Public Company of Medellin)

FARC

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionairy Armed Forces of Colombia)

GEA

Grupo Empresarial de Antioquia (Entrepreneurial Group of Antioquia)

GNP

Gross National Product

IDB

Inter-American Development Bank

INDER

Instituto de Deportes y Recreación de Medellin (Institute of Sports and Recreation of Medellin)

ISVIMED

Instituto Social de Vivienda y Hábitat de Medellin (Social Institute of Housing and Habitat of Medellin)

NGO

Non-governmental organization

PUI

Proyectos Urbanos Integrales (Integrated Urban Projects)

United Nations

WUF

World Urban Forum

Glossary arepa

maize pancake, Colombian specialty

colectivo

privately operated mini-bus

colegio de caldidad

quality school

comuna

urban region; Medellin is divided into 16 comunas. The term â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;comunaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is also used in a negative connotation to refer to the poorer hillside neighborhoods in Medellin.

desplazado

displaced person

estrato

socio-economic groups according to income, into which the population is subdivided

finca

estate, ranch

minutos

(cell phone) minutes

paisa

term used to refer to inhabitants of Medellin and the province of Antioquia

pausa

pause

peso

Colombian currency

plaza

public square

rancho

dwelling consisting of four pillars and a roof

tramo

stretch of the electric escalator; the whole escalator consists of six separate tramos

sancocho

local dish

vacunas

protection money that gangs extort from local shop owners and bus drivers

1. Introduction The world is urbanizing very rapidly with more than half of its population living in urban areas. In Latin America this percentage almost reached 80% (UN, 2011). Policy makers and researchers all over the world are confronted with the question of how to accommodate this growth in a sustainable way. This is not just a question of building more dwellings. It is a complex and multi-layered challenge involving many topics like equal access to clean air, water and public services like transport, health care and education. It is about guaranteeing people’s safety, about preventing the city coming to a standstill in a traffic jam, about creating a strong social fabric to make people more resilient and to create a city not just for the people who inhabit it, but together with them. And these are still just a few of the many challenges ahead. With the growth of the cities, however, also inequality has risen. Not global inequality - because on the whole the differences between all the people on the planet have declined – but inequality within countries, even within developed countries. Since 1980 the Gini-coefficient- which measures inequality – has risen in the US by 30%, in Sweden by 25% and in China by 50% (Minton Beddoes, 2012). Strikingly, the exception is Latin America, where inequality has declined, although it remains the largest in the world (World Bank, 2013). It is no coincidence that the theme of the 7th UN Habitat World Urban Forum, that took place this April in Medellin, focused on the topic of ‘Equity in Urban Development’, where ‘equity’ refers to the distribution of opportunities rather than distribution of income (UN Habitat, 2014). And also at this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos, rising income disparity is seen as the number 4 Global Risk (World Economic Forum, 2014). So when I decided on a topic for my thesis, I knew it had to focus on urban development. Not only because it is a very relevant topic, but also because I myself have been working in the field of housing and urban development for the last twenty years as a communications consultant and a journalist. My focus in these projects has been making different parties work together and involving citizens in shaping their cities. Despite good intentions of municipalities, housing associations, architects, planners, project developers and other parties involved,

this is not always an easy task and sometimes even impossible. Urban projects – whether it is a housing or infrastructure project – are sometimes not used as they were intended by the designers and developers and therefore miss their impact. Or to put it more academically: “While professional designers and political elites may negotiate and enact competing future images of the city, these are rarely consistent with the daily spatial experiences and understandings of urban residents and workers” (Low, 2009, p. 25). As a social-psychologist I am interested in how people actually live together, how they use the city and how they interact with their physical environment. As a starting point of my research I chose mobility, because it is a key element in the academic discussion on urban development. At the same time it is a comprehensive concept, encompassing mobility in all its forms from physical, virtual to social mobility. The most obvious form is the physical travel of people. If the increasing urban population will all use cars, our cities will come to a halt. Basically this is what the protests of June 2013 in Brazil were about. Poor people were going onto the streets to demonstrate for lower or zero tariffs for public transport, but also the middle classes and rich people were protesting, because car traffic was completely congesting the cities.2 The Movimento Passe Libre (Free Fare Movement) which organized the protests used the motto: “A city can only exist for those that can move around it”. This is a demand for a fundamental right to the city (Caldeira, 2013, p.3). Former mayor of Bogotá, Enrique Peñalosa, stated that “when cities get richer, most things, like housing, health care and education get better. But transportation gets worse when cities get richer. There is a conflict for money – does the government spend it on new roads or buses? – and there is a conflict for space – does it belong to those with cars or to those without cars?” According to him democratic equality should mean that “a bus with 80 passengers should have 80 times the space of a car with one person in it. And a person with a $30 bicycle has the same rights as a person with a $30,000 car”.3 The academic discussion on mobility has taken a gigantic leap in the last decade and is no longer just focusing on transportation, but has become more 2 3

Lecture James Holston, 2014.02.20, Amsterdam Enrique Peñalosa in TedTalk, 2013.09.13

multi-disciplined. The definition of mobility has been broadened, adding virtual and imaginative forms of mobility to the actual physical mobility of goods and persons (Urry, 2002). More technical transport issues are combined with questions regarding social cohesion and social mobility. “Urban transport networks are critical in framing the mobility opportunities of individuals and thus in shaping social practices and networks of interaction within various spheres of city life” (Miciukiewicz and Vigar, 2012, p. 1941). Academic research on mobility has become more focused on individual choices and conditions influencing the use of urban transport system. Kaufmannn et al. (2004) have developed the concept of ‘motility’, which was also at the core of the research done on the metro cable, and is a good example of taking individual choices and condition into account. “Motility encompasses interdependent elements relating to access to different forms and degrees of mobility, competence to recognize and make use of access, and appropriation of a particular choice, including the option of non-action” (Kaufmannn et al., 2004). Context is another aspect that has gained more interest. Miciukiewicz and Vigar (2012, p. 1948) argue for example that mass transit systems might be very effective in densely populated areas, but much less so in megacities in Latin America, where there are often conflicts on land use and the government has low access to certain areas. Here, more informal modes of transport are often much more effective. For various reasons I chose the Colombian city of Medellin for my fieldwork. The income inequality in Colombia is one of the biggest in Latin America and within Colombia, Medellin has one of the biggest inequalities with a Ginicoefficient of 0,5034. At the same time Colombia has built a reputation when it comes to innovative transportation systems. Bogotá has its Transmilenio bus system and Medellin has the only metro system in Colombia with connecting metro cable lines to the poorer hillside neighborhoods. In 2004 the first metro cable was built and in 2012 it inaugurated another innovation: the first open-air escalator. Both transport systems are interesting because they are part of a connection between the inner city in the valley and the poor neighborhoods on the slopes of the hills surrounding the city. This spatial segregation has made it 4

Source: DANE, Informe de Calidad de Vida 2013, www.medellincomovamos.org (visited on 2014.10.15)

more difficult for the urban poor to take advantage of everything the city has to offer. Studying the “mobilities of the urban poor — their physical movements as well as the associated representations and practices—will enable a better understanding of mobilization towards collective claim making as well as individual attempts to achieve social mobility” (Jaffe et al., 2012, p. 644). There has already been done extensive research on the impact of the metro cable, but so far no research has been done on the outdoor escalator. There are other outdoor escalators in the world, for example in Hong Kong and Barcelona, but building one in one of the poorest and most violent neighborhoods, like Comuna 13 in Medellin, is definitely ground breaking. It is no surprise that Medellin has been the center of attention of urban planners and journalists from all around the world. This project has contributed to Medellin winning some prestigious international prizes, like the one for Most Innovative City in the

World , which in 2013 was awarded by the Urban Land Institute.5 All the international recognition Medellin has received has shifted attention away from the essential question: how does the population in the area benefit from the electric escalator? The electric escalator is a very small-scale and relatively low-tech solution, compared to the metro and the metro cable. As explained before, a lot of academic discussion focuses on the impact of large scale urban transport solutions, which are crucial, but cannot explain or solve all issues related to mobility, simply because they don’t connect to every corner of the city. The urban fabric is much more detailed than large-scale transport systems can accommodate. So instead of analyzing mobility of the poor on an urban level, I focus my research on the neighborhood impact of this new form of mobility infrastructure. On this level a concept like neighborhood attachment also plays a role (Jacobs, 1961; Low, 2009; Di Masso, 2012; Scannell and Gifford, 2010). Is an urban intervention like the escalator strengthening or disrupting this attachment? I formulated the following research question: What does increased mobility infrastructure mean in terms of socio-economic benefits for the inhabitants of Comuna 13 in Medellin? 5

www.uli.org

I will present my research data around three central topics. First I want to establish if there actually has been an increase in physical mobility and if the population has had any economic benefits from this new form of transportation. Secondly, I am interested in the impact on social cohesion. More specifically I will look into how the escalator has changed the public space and how that influenced the sense of security, the social tissue, the feeling of inclusion and citizenship and the (perceived) image of the neighborhood. Finally, I will go into the governance of the urban transformation in Medellin and how mayors, planners and the public have interacted. This is especially interesting because the poor areas, where the majority of these interventions took place, are in areas of the city that have gradually grown without any state planning or intervention. And now the state and its urban planners are entering into new territory where formality and informality are colliding. How did this process take shape and was the project successful in the eyes of professionals and inhabitants? I will first take a general look and then zoom in on the project of the electric escalator. In my empirical chapters (4 till 6) I will connect the data to relevant theoretical insights to answer the above mentioned questions. The empirical chapter will be preceded by an outline of the methodology used and a chapter sketching the relevant background on Medellin and its urban transformation, to provide the context in which the project of the electric escalator is set. With this research I have taken an in-depth look at a micro-cosmos within Comuna 13. I have gained more insight into what the social and economic impact of a new transport solution on a local level is, but also how this relates to the world of planners and politicians. With this I hope to add a piece to the academic discussion on mobility and public space and its possible influence on creating more equitable cites.

2. Methodology 2.1 World Urban Forum: the abstract urban reality On the 5th of April 2014 the city of Medellin turned into the world capital for urban thinkers. Mayors, urban planners, architects, NGO’s and academics from all around the globe gathered in the convention center in the center of the city to discuss how cities all around the world can become more equitable. Police forces in the center made sure nothing happened to the 25,000 visitors, because these were Medellin’s seven days of fame and a unique opportunity to show the world its remarkable change. Mayor Anibal Gaviria proudly took the stage and showed the audience flashy videos and graphics with impressive downward going lines of homicide rates. Talks and workshops focused around problem analysis and plans to solve these problems. There were slogans and figures, chats in English and Spanish, men in suits mixing with African women in traditional colorful dresses. The urban reality was reduced to an abstract discussion in which the upper few took the lead. For me the WUF was an ideal way to get some facts and figures and get introduced to the key players in Medellin. The result was a booklet filled with email addresses and phone numbers. A good start of my research. During the WUF I even managed to make a first visit to the object of my research: the electric escalator. I was slightly overwhelmed: the sun was shining, the escalator and the painted houses that surround it made up a colorful picture. It was crowded with people. International groups were taken on a guided tour. On top of the escalator were street vendors selling handicrafts, ice cream and fruit salad. The escalators looked like a tourist attraction and not like the dangerous place I imagined. After a week of discussions, key note speeches and guided excursions I could not wait to see ‘the real thing’. The veil was lifted, the theatre lights dimmed, the police went about their regular business, the metro was returned to its daily commuters. Finally my real encounter with Medellin and its inhabitants could begin. I stayed until the end of June in the city to conduct my fieldwork.

2.2 Key concepts As pointed out in my introduction ‘mobility’ is a key concept in urban research. Mobility can be seen as ‘corporeal’ travel, the physical travel from one place to another. But travel can also be virtual or imaginative through internet, phone or television for example. Urry (2002) argues that virtual and imaginative travel do not substitute for corporeal travel. ‘Proximity’ and eye to eye contact remain important factors that are also closely connected to concepts like social capital and social mobility (Urry, 2002; Putnam, 1995, 2000; Miciukiewicz and Vigar, 2012; Portes and Landolt, 2000). So access to modes of transport that facilitates physical travel seems important in diminishing inequity. The exploration of my research question is based on three key concepts: economic benefits, social benefits and governance of urban intervention projects. With the electric escalator a new form of transport has been added, so the first question that has to be answered is if this actually leads to increased mobility. How many people are using the escalator and for what purpose? Has it mobilized certain groups that were not mobile before? Are there alternative modes of transport? To look at individual and circumstantial conditions influencing the use of this new form of transportation I use the concept of ‘motility’ (Kaufmann et

al., 2004), which I referred to in the introduction, and “factors that may limit the mobility of socially excluded people” (Church et al., 2000, p. 198), like physical accessibility, safety, the availability of facilities in the neighborhood etc. In chapter 4 I will examine the meaning of these concepts for the electric escalator. These concepts also touch upon the key concept of ‘economic benefits’. Lack of transport relates to social exclusion and to a lack of access to everything the city has to offer in terms of opportunities to get ahead in life (Kenyon, 2003; Lucas, 2012). But it is difficult to reverse this and conclude that better access to transportation leads to an economic improvement. Dávila and Brand (2011) have not been able to establish this relationship for the metro cable in Medellin. To look at the economic situation of the people living around the escalator I chose to focus on rise in income, which is the most direct indicator of economic benefits, but also on indirect indicators, like savings in travel time which might lead to more time to work or study, and the rise in real estate prices following the

upgrading of the area. In chapter 4 I will make a brief comparison with the escalator built in Hong Kong where economic activity and real estate investments significantly increased (Zacharias, 2013) and with the tramway in favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro (Menezes, forthcoming 2015). The second key concept is the social impact, because the electric escalator is more than just a mode of transport. It is an urban intervention in public space. Even more than that: it is creating public space, where there has hardly been any before. Public spaces are vital in creating sustainable cities. They create room for encounters, for active citizenship (Harvey 2003; Di Masso, 2012; Rodriguez Osorio and Arbeláez Sierra, 2012) which can contribute to a sense of belonging (Jacobs, 1961). But in public space liberties and norms and values collide (Di Masso, 2012; Jacobs, 1961). Is the public space really public or are certain groups attributing public space? In a neighborhood which for years has been dominated by violence, it is interesting to see how public space contributes to more social interaction. Do neighbors actually meet and talk in the streets more than they did before? The electric escalator not only provides transport for the local residents, it also contributes to opening up the neighborhood for people from outside, like representatives of state institutions and visitors. How do these different groups interact? And does the escalator change the (perceived) image of the neighborhood? In a neighborhood with a history of violence does a rise in activity on the street – the principle of more eyes (Jacobs, 1961) - contribute to a sense of security? Or is the removal of social and physical disorder the main contributor to a rising sense of security (Chappell et al., 2011)? Low states that “the social construction of space is the actual transformation of space […]” (2009, p. 24). So do people shape spaces or do urban spaces influence how people behave? In what way have people made this newly created space their own? What is the actual geographical impact? In the study of Brand & Dávila (2011) on the electric escalator the impact of the metro cable was only limited in a geographical sense. “The boundary is nothing more than the marked transition from one sphere of control to that of another” (Low, 2000, p. 154). What are the boundaries of influence for the electric escalator?

The third key concept is that of governance. How did the city administration interact with planners and the public to execute the huge urban interventions in the city. Participation is something the city administration holds high and is also part of the law6. There have been various Talleres de Imaginarios (Imagery Workshops) where inhabitants have been invited to let their imagination loose and think of what they would really want in their neighborhood. However, Brand and Dávila (2011) already concluded in their study on the metro cable that participation was very strong in the beginning of the project, but it slipped in the further development of the neighborhood. How was the project of the electric escalator developed and what was the involvement of the inhabitants? Research on Brazil (Caldeira & Holston, 2005; Fernandes, 2007) has shown that the solution to segregation cannot be found in simply changing the urban plan. It also has to focus on building state institutions and democracy from the bottom up. Or as Jane Jacobs (1961, p. 238) states: “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody”. Discussion among planners, academics and people working in the social realm shows that there is a discrepancy in the perceived success of the project of the electric escalator. The more general discussion on the urban interventions focusses on the imbalance between the award-winning and innovative architectural projects and the social content. Do projects like the electric escalator really contribute to a more equitable city in which also marginalized groups can claim their ‘right to the city’ (Di Masso, 2012; Fernandes, 2007; Harvey, 2003; Soja, 2010)? I will go into the various aspects or this discussion in chapter 6, concluding with challenges the city is still facing.

2.3 Research Methods Transport studies are often very technical in nature. “Transport policies are often based on ‘commonsense’ assumptions underpinning economic modelling and technological development, rather than exploring the diversity of urban contexts […]” (Miciukiewicz & Vigor, 2012, p. 1946). Jane Jacobs already came to the conclusion that just solving traffic problems, would not solve the problems of the 6

Colombian law no. 388/1997

city. “How can you know what to do with traffic until you know how the city itself works, and what else it needs to do with its streets?” (1961, p. 7). It clearly is not enough anymore to approach the concept of mobility on the basis of technical data and assumptions about the behavior of travelers. Studies on mobility are increasingly complex; they

“…transcend the dichotomy between transport research and social research, putting social relations into travel and connecting different forms of transport with complex patterns of social experience conducted through communications at a distance. It seems that a ‘new mobilities paradigm is being formed within the social sciences. […] Accounting for mobilities in the fullest sense challenges social sciences to change both the objects of its inquiries and the methodologies for research.” (Sheller & Urry, 2006, p. 208). My research on the electric escalator is in essence a multi-disciplined study. First it looks on the increase in travel opportunity and on the impact this has on the personal lives of people. This is not just about saving time. Sheller and Urry (2006, p. 213) in my opinion justly state that “time spent traveling is not dead time that people always seek to minimize”. Secondly, it is a neighborhood study, where the intervention in public space is the focus and the impact this has on the collective development of the neighborhood. Places and people come together here. Where geography used to focus on the built environment and anthropology on people, places and people are no longer considered separate entities. Or as Low states: “The social construction of space is the actual transformation of space — through peoples’ social exchanges, memories, images, and daily use of the material setting — into scenes and actions that convey symbolic meaning. (2009, p. 24). And thirdly my research can be regarded as a study on governance, zooming in on the plans and intentions of the policy makers and the involvement of the public in making these plans. Interestingly, Ouweneel (forthcoming 2015) feels that “we should sense a certain tension between the institutionalized and personalizes perspectives. Scholars zooming in on the neighborhood level would stress personalized social

interactions […], whereas scholars discussing urban policies tend to stay within the institutionalized relationships and discuss policies, programs and projects.” I deliberately chose to combine this top-down view of planners and administrators with the bottom-up view of the inhabitants to see how these come together. But in combining the physical urban interventions (‘housing/ infrastructure’) with the sense inhabitants make of the newly created spaces (‘belonging’), one cannot escape a neighborhood focus. Qualitative research methods are most likely in this case and - as Ouweneel (forthcoming 2015) points out - if you want to observe and talk to people, it takes time to really get to know them, so logically this means that within a given period of time you can only involve a limited number of informant in your research. Although the focus on personalized experiences is imminent, I wanted to do justice to the various academic disciplines involved in my research, which justifies a combination of research methods. When it comes to public space, research is primarily based on observations in that public space and perceptions of the people occupying these public spaces. Jane Jacobs (1961) was one the first to approach urban studies from the bottom up by observing what is actually happening on the streets. Low (2000) used in her study on plazas a combination of behavioral maps and time-space descriptions, counting the population and their movements, with more qualitative observations and semi-structured interviews. Since my research is also focusing on what is happening in a more or less well-defined space, this approach seemed also appropriate for my research. I used different quantitative methods. The first was a observations during different hours of the day and days of the week. However, I did not do observations after dark, because I was not completely sure it would be safe. I counted the number of people using the escalator and divided them into sex and age groups (see appendix I for observation results). Secondly, I did a survey among 50 inhabitants to gain information about frequency and purpose of use, alternative travel opportunities and some general demographical data (see appendix II for survey questions and results). I also received some statistical data from the municipality on demographics and levels of income and education, which supplemented my own data. On the qualitative side I observed what was

happening in public space and I did semi-structured interviews with fourteen inhabitants living within a circle of about 250 meters around the escalator. This was a territory that had more or less natural boundaries. This was the same area where I did the survey. The main focus in the interviews was on people’s perceptions of what had changed in the neighborhood (context-based). Do they think they have economically advanced and/or gained social benefits from this new mode of transport? I realize that my research is conducted in an area that was tortured by violence for many decades and that most of the inhabitants have been desplazados. Personal histories may very well influence their attachment to and behavior within the neighborhood community. However, I chose in my interviews not to go into their life stories too deeply and focus on their experiences with regard to the electric escalator. I did use literature (Cañas et al., 2008; Rozema, 2008; Martin and Martin, forthcoming 2015) and interviews with professionals to gain more insight into their background as a community. I used Atlas-ti to label the audio recordings of these interviews (see appendix III for a list inhabitants interviewed). The more quantitative data give insight into how this new form of transport is used. Observations are very useful because they reveal patterns (Sheller & Urry, 2006), that people might not be aware of themselves, whereas the more qualitative data give insight into what this form of mobility means to people in their daily lives. It is only possible to gain insight into people’s personal circumstances and motives – which is a key element in Kaufmannn’s ‘motility’ concept – by speaking to them. I enhanced the reliability of my research through triangulation, using multiple research methods and sources of data to cross-check the result. The observations not only made it possible to check if the figures on the use of the escalator that were given to me by the authorities were valid, but it also gave me the opportunity to discern these travel patterns and distinguish various groups that made use of the escalator. For example, I was assuming that people would generally use the whole trajectory of the escalator, whereas in reality most of the users only traveled part of it. To complete my research in the neighborhood I organized a focus group with five of the fifteen members of the surveillance team. During my research it

became very clear to me, that this was a group that deserved special attention. First of all, they can be considered the ‘eyes and ears’ of the escalator. They are present all the time and can see what is happening in public space and thereby adding to my own observations. The second reason for doing the focus group was that the surveillance team is the only group that had a direct economic benefit from the escalator, which made it interesting to discover what the impact of the escalator is in their lives. I made an audio recording of the focus group session and had it transcribed by a native speaker. The only group that was still missing in my research were children. Since there are a lot of children in the neighborhood, I somehow wanted to make their voices heard. I got in contact with Casa Kolacho, which organizes workshops on rap and graffiti for young children. This is an initiative of rap artist Jeihhco who wants to prevent young children entering gang life, by giving them alternative things to do in their free time, like graffiti painting or rap music. I was invited to join a two hour workshop of six children (boys from age 9-13) who live in the area around the escalator. Especially for me they changed the assignment for that day and they let the children write a rap-lyric about their neighborhood and how it had changed. At the end I made a videotape of them performing it (see appendix IV for lyrics). For the more top-down research on the planning and participation I spoke to fifteen professionals. These ranged from academics, people that are of were involved in municipal organizations, journalist and people working on social and cultural projects in Comuna 13. I combined the information from these interviews and conversations with secondary sources like official plans and documents and newspaper articles (see appendix V for list of professionals interviewed). The questions focused around their role in the project or the community – although some were not directly involved, but could contribute by painting a broader picture of urban development in Medellin – and how they assessed the projects. With nine of them I had more structured interviews and with six I had more informal conversations. These were usually people I spoke to because they could introduce me to other people, but while talking to them, it turned out they often had interesting stories to tell themselves. Of the more structured interviews I

made transcriptions and on the informal conversations I made notes. Since the group was very diverse I could study the project from various angles which contributed to a more complete picture. All the interviews were done in Spanish and the quotes used in this thesis are translated by me, except the interview with geography professor Peter Brand, whom I interviewed in English, his native language.

2.4 Research experiences To complete this chapter I would like to add some personal notes on my research. I started this chapter with an impression of the World Urban Forum with which I jumpstarted my fieldwork. In the week after the forum I made my first solitary visit to Comuna 13. Before leaving for Colombia I had spoken to Ralph Rozema, a former researcher who four years ago investigated the violence in Comuna 13, and now works as a journalist in the Netherlands. I also spoke to Adriaan Alsema, a Dutch journalist living in Medellin.7 Both could not give me a clear picture of the violence in the area right now. According to them it seemed to be better now, but it was difficult to say, because everything could change at a moment’s notice. In short, I did not really know what to expect. I first went in on a weekday morning at 6 AM, expecting a lot of activity from people going to work. But nothing much was happening. I sat on a bench somewhere along the upper part of the escalator. The monotonous sound of the escalator rolling, added to the sense of tranquility. The scarce passers-by greeted me friendly, children were looking at me with curiosity. But nobody made real contact. We were not used to each other yet and kept our distance. I sat there for three hours counting the occasional users; peacefully, but also with a feeling of being observed. Who was watching whom? A couple of days later I returned to take my seat at the same bench. Only after half an hour I was approached by one of the members from the surveillance team. He wanted to know what I was doing. They had noticed me before, he said. His name was Jorge. He was 23 years old. When I told him what I planned on doing he immediately said: “I am going to help you!”

Adriaan Alsema is editor in chief of www.colombiareports.co

When a week or so later I started with my survey, his help turned out to be very useful. I started with approaching people at the escalator to do the survey, but people were very hesitant, because they did not know me. I did not get very far. In the end Jorge arranged with his superior that he could use his time to stroll with me through the neighborhood. For two days we went door to door in an area of around 250 meters surrounding the escalator. He explained to the people what I wanted and I asked the questions. I asked some inhabitants we spoke to if they were willing to do an interview with me. Most agreed and I later called them back to make an appointment. Jorge proved to be invaluable. Without him it would not have been that easy to gain the trust of the people. They were still a bit hesitant â&#x20AC;&#x201C; clearly not being used to all this attention â&#x20AC;&#x201C; but they were willing and sometimes even very proud to talk about their neighborhood. After a couple of visits friendly greetings were exchanged. Through the contacts I made I later got invited to an event, where representatives from the municipality and NGOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spoke and handed out diplomas to people who did a course in primary child care. This also proved to be an interesting occasion to observe how people interact in this community. Of course I remained the exotic outsider, but the people excepted my presence and I have not felt insecure for one minute. But then again, you never know who is keeping an eye on you.

3. Medellin: from murder city to model city

Map 3.1 Colombia, source:wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/destinations/traveler/none/colombia 29

Medellin, with its (official) 2,3 million inhabitants, is the second city in Colombia (figure 3.1). It is one of Colombia’s main economic centers and the capital of the province of Antioquia. The city is located in the Valle de Abburá at an altitude of around 1,500 meters above sea level, and is therefore often referred to as the ‘city of eternal spring’. Its worldwide fame, however, does not derive from its agreeable climate, but from its violent past as drug capital and its notorious leading drug baron Pablo Escobar. As recent as 1991 Medellin was the most murderous city in the world with a homicide rate of 381 for every 100,000 inhabitants. In 2007 it had dropped to 26 per 100,000 inhabitants (IDB8). Although figures rose again in 2008 to 47, in 2011 they have settled on 24 for every 100,000 inhabitants (IDB, Municipality of Medellin, 2011, p. 26). The city is fighting hard to lose this stigma and let the world see it has other qualities as well. The dangerous and murderous image of Medellin has lately been slowly

http://www.iadb.org/en/topics/citizen-security/impact-medellin,5687.html (visited on 2014.07.31)

overshadowed by a more positive image of a city laboratory that fosters innovation and is taking unprecedented measures to transform the city. An important turning point was the year 2004 when the independent mayor Sergio Fajardo took office. He decided to invest the biggest part of the municipal budget in the poorest parts of the city. Building public landmarks like libraries in remote areas, investing in better connections between the city center en the poor hillside neighborhoods, upgrading education, and investing in public space are the most important measures that have been initiated under his administration. This line of intervention has become known as ‘social urbanism’: a combination of physical, social and institutional measures. In just a few years Medellin succeeded in gaining worldwide fame as a model city for urban transformation. In this chapter I will provide the contextual framework for my research on the electric escalator, which is just a small intervention in this urban transformation. In paragraph 3.1 I briefly describe how the city has developed over the years and how it slowly turned from a planned city into an informal city when huge waves of migrants flooded the city from the 70’s onward. In paragraph 3.2 I will analyze something that is very important in defining Medellin, which is the typical paisa9 culture of hard working entrepreneurs, which has brought Medellin a lot of wealth, but also has a negative impact on society. According to some, paisa-culture is at the root of the drug cartels. To understand Medellin, and especially the situation in Comuna 13, one has to have an idea of the violent past, but also how gang life is still a defining factor in its society. This is described in paragraph 3.3. The last three paragraphs are dedicated to the more recent urban developments, which started in the 80’s and 90’s with a focus on mobility infrastructure, which formed the backbone of the urban interventions in the poor neighborhoods under mayors Fajardo and Salazar (2004-2011). To finish this chapter I will zoom in on Comuna 13 and the project of the electric escalator and how this fits into the larger picture of urban interventions.

Inhabitants of Medellin and Antioquia are referred to as paisa.

3.1 From planned to informal city Medellin was founded in the 16th century and was a fairly insignificant small town for two centuries. But by the time of its independence from Spain in 1885, it had developed into a political center, a position it retains until today. This was the result of agrarians starting to invest their capital into industry. They became the new elite of the city. Medellin was the state capital and the center of economic activity and higher education. As one of the first cities in Colombia, Medellin had a tramway, electrical street lighting and telephone. The municipal company that provided all these services by 1955 became autonomous and operated under the name of Empresas Publicas de Medellin (EPM). This system, in which a public service operates autonomous from the state, is maintained until today and has turned out to be very profitable for the city as a whole. Today EPM is the second largest company in Colombia with an annual profit of around 1 billion US dollars. “Between 2001 and 2011, EPM transferred an average of 50% of its surplus to the municipality, which represented 27% of the city’s capital investment” (Coupé et al. 2013, p. 64). In 1899 the philanthropic organization Sociedad de Mejoras Publicas (Society of Public Improvement) was established. This public-private partnership connected the city council and the economic interests of the elites. By that time Medellin was a major industrial city and the industrial elite was afraid the city would develop in an unorganized and chaotic way. They envisioned a modern city with good infrastructure and public services. With these economic interests in mind, the city in 1913 approved the plan for the ‘Future of Medellin’. Due to its rapid growth in the 1940’s the city was in need of another plan. This became the Master Plan, developed under supervision of the Catalan modernist architect and urbanist Sert and his Austrian colleague Wiener. This lead to the creation of the first Metropolitan Area in Colombia. As part of the Master Plan there were limitations set as to how far up the hills one could build. This Master Plan fitted very well in the modernist tradition of city planning which was advocated at the 1928 CIAM congress and which had followers all over Latin America (see also Caldeira and Holston, 2005). “However, the Master Plan counted on a growth of up to 500,000 inhabitants, but by 1951 the city had more than 350,000

inhabitants and twenty years later, in 1973 the population exploded to more than a million” (Samper, 2010, p. 63). As a consequence the city expanded beyond its limits. From the 70’s onward the city struggled with this massive migration of mostly poor, rural people, who suffered from the terror of the guerrillas in the countryside and sought refuge in the city. Medellin soon could no longer accommodate this growth. People were settling illegally on the slopes of the mountains. Now the city has 2,3 million inhabitants and the metropolitan area as much as 3,6 million. According to historian and architect Luis Fernando Gonzalez “there are probably about 1 million illegal settlers. Two thirds of the total population is in estrato 1, 2 and 3 and just a quarter belongs in estrato 4,5 and 6 [estratos are socio-economic groups according to income, into which the population is subdivided. They range from 0-6]. Although the growth rate of the city is declining, in absolute numbers the city and the whole region are still growing”. 10 How did the city administration react when the city was growing beyond its officially established limits? In the 60’s and 70’s they were still investing in social housing projects. When the first illegal settler arrived, they were tearing down the newly built illegal dwellings. But the truth was that they could not accommodate the influx of people and could not offer any alternatives. In the 80’s they even stopped investing in social housing altogether. Instead, the state withdrew completely from the peripheries of the city, like Comuna 13, leaving the people to cope on their own. “It is this state negligence that allowed the informal city to thrive. This absence of the state is also the source of many of the entire city’s problems. It is this paradox that the communities who lived in these areas found themselves in” (Samper, 2010, p. 71). The vacuum that existed in these outskirts made it an excellent area for criminal gangs and later for the urban guerrillas (militias) to infiltrate the city.

Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

3.2 The paisa-culture The start of the migration coincided with the collapse of the economy in the 70’s due to globalization. “So by the 70’s the ‘harmonious’ contract between state and elites in the construction of the future of the city is lost due to the collapse of the industries” (Samper, 2010, p. 67). However, up until now, the industrial elites play a very important role in the city and its development. This close cooperation between city administration and industrial elites is part of the paisa-culture, which distinguishes Medellin from other Colombian cities. Some of the largest companies in Colombia are based in Medellin and concentrated in three conglomerates, Cemento Argos (cement), Grupo Sura (finance) and Grupo Nutresa (food) who work closely together in an informal organization called Grupo Empresarial de Anitoquia (GEA, Enterpreneurial

Group of Antioquia), also informally known as Sindicato Antioqueño (Antioquian Syndicate). The GEA-companies are all interwoven and own parts of each other’s stock, which protects them from foreign takeovers11. They invest - mainly through their foundations Pro Antioquia and Fraternidad Medellin - a lot of money in the public sphere. For example Bancolombia paid for the construction and maintenance of the building of the Parque Explora (Explora Park, a science museum for children). The success of the urban changes at the beginning of this millennium, which I will further discuss in paragraph 4, 5 and 6 of this chapter, are attributed partly to this culture. “What sustained this urban policy of effervescence and innovation was an underlying unity and sense of pride of Antioquia province and its capital Medellin, along with the solidity and stability of its large business corporations and the local bourgeoisie” (Coupé et al.,2013, p.63). According to Fukuyama and Colby (2011) there is a civic-minded business elite that tolerates a high municipal tax rate and which has come to believe that a safer city is worth the extra cost. According to Gloria Molina, an architect who was born and raised in Medellin, it is part of the culture of Medellin that entrepreneurs generate development in the city. She says: “They are like patrons. They do it for solidarity. Many of these companies are family businesses who

Information on GEA is derived from an informal conversation with Sebastián Restrepo on 2014.04.21, who is working under Fajardo at the province of Antioquia and used to work for him at the municipality.

have it in their statutes to invest in the city. But it is becoming less, because the children of this older generation all studied abroad and are not raised with this conscience.” 12 Although this close connection between business elites and city administration seems to have very positive effects on the city, it is not very transparent. Looking at it with a European view, one could say that nepotism and an undermining of democratic processes lurk. This sense of pride, that some refer to as something positive, for others is the root of all evil. According to many people I spoke with, this mentality has also been at the root of Medellin developing into the biggest drug metropolis in the world. The extreme focus on money, status and excellence has a dark side as well. One of the most famous rap artists in Comuna 13, Jeihcco, said the following about it:

People from Medellin have a big problem and that is that they are the best in the world. It’s the best city, the most innovative, the most educated, the most…most…most. […] It is a culture in which the end justifies the means. And that is what we teach our children in school: to be better than the other, no matter what, to be arrogant, to survive even if we have to lie. The paisas historically are the ones that have inflicted the most harm on this country. Here they have created paramilitaries, here they have created the biggest drug cartels. These are consequences of our culture. Many people say that what happened to Medellin was Pablo Escobar. No, Pablo Escobar is one of the victims of this culture. When he was a child, his mother said to him: “Son, work to earn money. And when there is no work, find another way to get money.” This is the culture that makes us what we are today. This focus on money and status makes children very susceptible to gang life, because with this rapid money they can buy status symbols like sneakers and smartphones. ”We don’t have a problem with a guy in one of the neighborhoods wearing a pair of sneakers, or a mobile phone. That’s fine. But how does he get this phone? Is he going to kill someone for it? Is he going to extort someone? Or is

Interview Gloria Molina Velez, architect and professor at Universidad de Anitoquia, 2014.04.15

he going to work hard for it? And that starts in school. You don’t do that through words, but through examples”. 13

3.3 Comuna 13 at the heart of the violence One cannot sketch a brief history of Medellin without paying attention to the violence that strangled the city for decades, starting at the end of the 70’s. The violence is closely connected to the situation in Colombia as a nation, but it also has aspects that are typical of Medellin. It was Medellin that was the cradle of the biggest drug cartel in the world led by Pablo Escobar. It was also Medellin that provided a fertile ground for the urban guerrillas to infiltrate the city in its impenetrable hillside neighborhoods that lacked any state control.

These left-wing militias offered support and a form of legitimate authority by means of tackling the criminals in the area. They established parameters for social conduct and showed the people that they were ‘on their side’ by redistributing property and goods confiscated from local companies, and recruiting boys and girls for activities that made them well-known and respected’ (Cañas, et al, 2008, p. XXIV). In the 80’s Medellin suffered from the drug cartels with their armed organizations, the guerrillas that were taking over the city and the paramilitaries that were fighting them. Alongside these organizations operated various criminal gangs, often moving from one group to another, dependent on who was paying them most.

Various violent groups were contesting the territory, extorting people and companies and forcing them to pay vacunas [protection money], and controlling the micro-market for drugs. They erected boundaries between neighborhoods and prevented free movement. This led to social disintegration, fear and murder (IDB, municipality of Medellin, 2011, p. 38).

Interview Jeison Alexánder Castaño alias Jeihcco, rap artist and initiator of Casa Kolacho, 2014.06.03

Even after the violent death of Pablo Escobar in 1993 the homicide rate remained high. But his death had an important symbolic meaning which born and raised paisa Gloria Molina expressed as follows:

When we absolutely hit rock bottom, his death represented the beginning of the way up […] But many of my generation were accustomed to a life of easy money without having to fight or work for it, without having to study. For this to change it needed another generation. And still this mentality has not disappeared’. 14 The biggest drug baron was dead, but the drug trafficking continued. The organization fell apart into smaller pieces which became less visible. Comuna 13 was one of the most violent areas in Medellin, because here the confrontation between guerrillas on one side and paramilitaries and gangs on the other side was very direct and intense. Jorge Gaviria, ex-director of the Program for Peace and Reconciliation explains the situation.

There were various criminal groups active in this area. Local gangs called ‘combos’ engage in a variety of activities. They have some arms, but lack a clear leadership. They have their own territory, consisting of a couple of blocks. Then you have ‘bandas’, which are better organized with a clear hierarchy and more heavenly armed. They are less connected to a territory, because they go where they can make money. These combos and bandas united to fight the militias that were settling in the neighborhood, but these were far better organized than these gangs. The gangs got help from the autodefensas , also known as paramilitaries. 15 The first group of paramilitaries that entered the neighborhood in 2000 was the

Bloque Metro (BM) led by the Castaño- family. They took over a lot of these local gangs to fight the militias. Next to Bloque Metro another paramilitary group, the

Bloque Cacique Nutibarra (BCN) emerged about a year later, led by a man called Don Berna. “These paramilitary groups were initially created to combat the guerrilla in areas with limited state presence, but many of them became involved 14 15

Interview Gloria Molina Velez, architect and professor at Universidad de Anitoquia, 2014.04.15

Interview Jorge Gaviria, between 2004 and 2010 director of the Program for Peace and Reconciliation, 2014.04.30

in extensive human rights violations against the civil populationâ&#x20AC;? (Rozema, 2008, p.424). Whereas in other parts of Medellin the paramilitaries successfully defeated the guerrillas, in Comuna 13 they did not. This is why in 2002 the state police and the military entered Comuna 13 in an unprecedented four-day military operation called Operation Orion, to once and for all end the presence of the urban guerrillas. This operation has had great symbolic meaning, but it did not put an end to the violence. Although they defeated the guerrillas, now the paramilitaries took over the neighborhood. â&#x20AC;&#x153;It is like a novel: they made an end to the militias, but BM and BCN took over and in the end they killed each other.â&#x20AC;?16 The BCN defeated the BN, largely due to the strong position of its leader Don Berna, who was also a powerful figure in the criminal underworld and one of the leading drug lords after the death of Pablo Escobar. When paramilitaries took over Comuna 13 the situation did not improve.

Paramilitaries prohibited informal gatherings in the streets and collected vacunas from shops, supermarkets and bus and taxi companies. When the paramilitaries took control of Comuna 13, they announced 400 job vacancies. Teenagers were attracted by both money and status (Rozema, 2008, p. 441). The government could not defeat the paramilitaries so in the end negotiating demobilization seemed the only option. In 2003 the municipality initiated an official program. If paramilitaries would voluntarily hand in their weapons they could enter into a re-socialization program and get an education and help finding a job. 868 members of the BCN demobilized.

It [the demobilization process in Medellin] has been controversial from the start. Advocates emphasize its contribution to reducing levels of violence, whilst critics allege that the program has allowed the perpetrators of human rights violations, to walk free, virtually, and even rewards them with benefits (Rozema, 2008, p. 425).

Interview Jorge Gaviria, between 2004 and 2010 director of the Program for Peace and Reconciliation, 2014.04.30

Although the violence in Medellin did decrease after this, there were still close connections between members of BCN and the criminal world. They just continued their illegal activities.

Although the state was very content with its security politics and reintegration strategy for the members of the BCN, because homicide and other criminal rates were going down, many social movements and community leaders thought the state did not sufficiently confront the paramilitaries with their intimidation strategies with which they sought to control the entire city (Instituto Popular de Capacitación, 2005, p.22). When paramilitary, turned drug lord Don Berna was extradited to the US in 2008, homicide rates immediately went up again, because a fight broke out for his succession. This made an end to the peace that was initiated by the demobilization. Gangs still remain active in Comuna 13 ever since, but according to Gaviria these gangs are not very well organized. Their main activity is extortion and drug trafficking. They are “instruments of criminal organizations. They work for whoever pays them. Some might work for guerrillas one day, paramilitaries the next and then…The boss is called ‘money’. There is no other.” In some neighborhoods informal security agencies were established. These are former paramilitaries and although they don’t wear paramilitary uniforms, people know who they are dealing with. “In such cases, it is not the formal, legitimate apparatus of the state that takes care of the safety of its citizens, but instead a sort of ‘ parallel state ’ that weakens democratic institutions” (Rozema, 2008, p. 450). According to Gaviria still not many people trust the police either, because of the large quantities of money that enter the force. “They get paid well, but the bonus on assisting delinquents is just too high. And it’s monthly, without taxes and direct.” Many groups have fought each other over time and contested each other’s territories, but for the population things did not change for a long time. Or as Alonso Salazar (2002, p.17) has put it:

Maybe what has identified the autodefensas , the guerrillas and on many occasions the authorities, is the practice of social cleansing. It is the manifestation of a system of territorial control, based on the arbitrariness of the military power. Although the situation seems to have improved in the last years, one can never be completely sure about the local situation. Violence and crime are deeply rooted in the DNA of the city, even if today they are much less visible. As for Comuna 13, this part of the city is still a vital connection to the only road leading up north to Urubá on the Panamanian border. Here all the drugs and arm traffickers enter the city. So it will always be a center of attention for criminal organizations.

3.4 Focus on mobility Instead of focusing on building houses to accommodate the continuing influx of people into the city, the city administration in the 80’s switched its focus to mobility. It had to keep the city moving and connected to communities in the Metropolitan Area to keep up the economy. In 1984 it began constructing a northsouth metro line, connecting the poorer neighborhoods in the north to the industrial area in the south. Due to political turmoil the project got delayed and was not inaugurated before 1995. But up until now Medellin is the only Colombian city with a metro system. “The metro is run by the Metro de Medellin, an autonomously run private company, which is owned in equal parts by the municipality and the province of Antioquia. The Metro Company is one of few metros in the world that is self-financing in operational terms” (Coupé et al., 2012, p. 63). In 2004 the first metro cable line K to Santo Domingo in the northeast was inaugurated. According to Peter Brand, director of the Department of Geography at Universidad Nacional in Medellin, this line was motivated by numbers.

It was about getting the money on the mass transport system. The metro was in serious financial problems after a huge delay of three or five years. They were supposed to have a capacity between 750,000 and 900,000 passenger a day, but it was operating with around 250,000

passengers. So the metro cable car was one way of getting more people onto the metro. 17 The choice for the location of this metro cable had everything to do with the density of the population in this area. In 2008 they added a second metro cable in the western part of the city, connecting the metro station of San Javier in Comuna 13 to a new expansion area of the city, called La Aurora. Ivan Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Universidad Nacional in Medellin explains this choice as follows:

The city needed expansion areas to house the new inhabitants, so it had to look for cheap land and found it on top of the hill. But people needed to get there as well. There were some dirt roads, but all very steep, so they decided on building the metro cable. First they used the apartments to accommodate 70,000 athletes for the 2010 South American Games. So it was a housing solution and it served to improve the image of the city when the athletes arrived. 18 Finally, in 2010, the third metro cable was inaugurated, connecting the metro cable station of Santo Domingo with the recreational zone of Parque Arví (Arví Park). This line is more a touristic route and people have to pay extra (around $US 2), whereas they can directly transfer from the metro to the other metro cables without an extra charge. According to Peter Brand “the L-line was built to generate extra traffic on the K-line during the slower hours of the day, because people would go down from Santo Domingo in the morning and come up at night, whereas people going to Parque Arví would go up in the morning and come down late afternoon” (see figure 3.2 for map of all metro and metro cables lines).19 Medellin keeps investing in good mobility infrastructure. In 2011 a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system was finished and now the city is working on a tramway and another metro cable. According to traffic expert Iván Sarmiento the challenge is to “keep daily travel time limited to an average of 1,5 hours, which is acceptable

17 18

Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

Interview Iván Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Faculty of Mining, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.05.08 19 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

for a city of this size”20. But even with investments in public transport and limitations on car use, the richer people in the city will not trade their car for public transportation. In this respect the city remains highly segregated. But still, the choice of Medellin to invest so much in public transport sets the city apart from other major cities in Latin America. For example in São Paolo the city administration makes a completely different choice. Here more traffic is associated with more consumerism and the government “has chosen to emphasize it as a way of promoting the social mobility of the poor. The individual automobile is central to this policy” (Caldeira, 2013. p. 3).

41 Map 3.2: Metro and metro cable lines, source: Metro de Medellin

The investments in the metro cable system in Medellin have had a huge impact in opening up areas of the city where up until then the state had had no presence at all and criminal gangs were the only authorities. Although this was not the objective of mayor Luis Perez (2001-2004), who was responsible for building it. Peter Brand states:

It was mayor Fajardo [2004-2008] who realized that it was the entrance and access point through which urban improvement could be built. That kind of thing in terms of social urban aspects wasn’t thought of when the first line was conceived and built. Nor was there any concern or any ideas around the problem of mobility. Those kinds of arguments weren’t used then.21 20

Interview Iván Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Faculty of Mining, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.05.08 21 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

3.5 The birth of ‘social urbanism’ As described earlier Medellin’s most prominent problem in the 80’s was the insecurity felt by its population.

This bears close relation to the co-existence of various criminal and violent groups and the connections to the world of drug trafficking and in a later stage with various insurgent and counter-insurgent groups which have added to this insecurity, which is deepened by the fact that the state has not been able to regulate social conflicts (Cañas. et al, 2008, p. 26-27). Fear infiltrated every part of society and practically paralyzed it. But in the beginning of the 90’s civil society started to wake up. “In 1990 a large number of academics, civil servants, artists, representatives of the church and social organizations gathered for three days to talk about the problems in the city” (IDB, municipality of Medellin, 2011, p. 41). The driving force behind it was Alonso Salazar, who in 2008 became mayor. Out of this initiative emerged

Corporación Region, one of the most influential NGO’s in the city. During this time a lot of creative minds in the city joined forces, also on the subject of urban transformation. “In 1993/94 there was a program called PRIMED, which operated independently with finances from Germany.[…] This was a very important moment, because for the first time people from institutions and academics connected to think together about the problems in the city”22 There arose a new consciousness about the reality in Comuna 13 and other poor neighborhoods and some housing renovation project got off the ground. In 1991 there was another important change. Colombia adopted a new constitution with decentralized power. For the first time mayors were not appointed by the state or the governor but could be elected by popular vote.

This has modified the ways in which the mayor’s office operated and in turn has modified the relationship of the mayor ‘s office with its citizens. The overall power structure and image has shifted from an

Interview, Alejandro Echeverri, director Urbam Eafit, d.d. 6 May 2014

authoritarian approach to a more citizen-oriented policy (Samper, 2010, p. 69). This opened up the system for independent candidates who were not affiliated with one of the traditional parties in Colombia. However, it did not instantly change the confidence in the authorities. Years of neglect and insecurity among large parts of the population had left their marks, which was also reflected in the elections. For example “in the 2000 mayoral elections 56,92% of the population that had a right to vote abstained from voting” (Cañas, et al, 2008, p. 25). Since then this figure is only slowly declining. In 2004, in his second time participating in the elections, Sergio Fajardo was the first independent candidate that took over the mayor’s office in Medellin. Gloria Molina comments on this change in politics: “Nobody had ever heard of Fajardo, but he went on the streets and was able to connect with the people”.23 Fajardo had a goal: to make Medellin, la más educada (Medellin, the most educated). Had the focus of the city administration in the previous years been on transportation and a number of projects in the city center, Fajardo took a radical turn and allocated most of his budget to the poor areas of the city. Already in 2002 he had gathered a group of people from NGO’s, academia and private sector around him - the same people who were from the 90’s on participating in discussions and projects to change the city - to help him make a government plan. When he won the mayoral election in 2004 he made Alejandro Echeverri head of the Empresa Desarollo Urbano (EDU, Urban Development Company), who turned it into a multidisciplinary institute with its sole focus on the poorest areas in the city. Fajardo wanted to solve two basic problems in the city. He wanted to reduce social inequality which created a ‘social debt’ between the rich and the poor, and he wanted to end the violence. Education was his tool to provide opportunities for the children in the poorest communities and thereby repay the social debt. The strategy of Medellin, la más educada consisted of a combination of physical, social and institutional measures. Among other things Fajardo built library parks in the poorest neighborhoods. These libraries were built by renowned architects and 23

Interview Gloria Molina Velez, architect and professor at Universidad de Anitoquia, 2014.04.15

offer – next to the library function – community spaces for gatherings, courses, computer access and many things more. He also invested in public space and renovated city parks, thereby using materials that were of the same quality as those used in the more wealthier parts of the city. He built ten colegios de calidad (quality schools). He invested in day care for children and enhanced the capacity of the public universities by 200%. To stimulate economic development he built several centers for small entrepreneurs in poor neighborhoods. Establishing public buildings in these long neglected areas was also a form of re-establishing state presence. This approach to urban transformation became known as ‘social urbanism’. The redevelopment of larger urban areas was organized in Proyectos Urbanos

Integrales (PUI’s, Integrated Urban Projects). In total there were 5 PUI’s for the city. The first one – the pilot project – was the one for Comunas 1+2 (Santo Domingo). In this densely populated area Fajardo could make use of the newly inaugurated metro cable to bring the urban transformation to this region. His line of thinking and the projects initiated by him were in 2008 continued by his successor Alonso Salazar. They both new each other very well from their days at

Corporación Region and shared the same vision. Under his administration the Master Plan for Comuna 13 took shape, of which the electric escalator is just one project, albeit a project that received worldwide attention.

3.6 Comuna 13 and the electric escalator Comuna 13 – and especially the neighborhood of Las Independencias, where the escalator is located - is one of the most densely populated areas in the city with more than 130 dwellings per ha, and an average of 4,1 inhabitants per dwelling (see map 3.3 for location of Las Independencias and escalator in Comuna 13).24 The project of the electric escalator is just a small link in the Master Plan of Comuna 13 which has been conceived in 2007. This was the third PUI the city took on. “The Master Plan wanted to tackle the poorest areas in Comuna 13 with a double focus: first on public space and mobility, and secondly on public 24

Municipality of Medellin

buildings.”25 Its aim was to improve the connection between the planned city and the informal city and also between different neighborhoods, some of which are separated by natural boundaries like a small valley. The idea was to create a natural route – either on foot or by bus – even from the most upper neighborhoods to the metro station San Javier (see map 3.4 for Master Plan).

Map 3.3 Location of Comuna 13 and Las Indenpendencia neighborhood with escalator. Source: PUI, municipality of Medellin, red arrow added by author

Boardwalks were widened, flowerbeds constructed, playgrounds and football courts built and along these routes public buildings arose, like a school or a justice building, as a representation of the state that had been absent in these parts of the city for so long.

Interview César Hernández, general manager PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

Green arrow points at metro station San Javier. Red arrow points at location of escalator. Red areas are locations of public buildings.

Map 3.4 Master Plan Comuna 13, source: PUI, municipality of Medellin. Arrows added by author.

Technical data electric escalator The escalator consists of 6 tramos of 94,5 meter in total which bridge an altitude of more than 38 meters. The inclination of each tramo is 30 or 35 degrees. The entire ride takes 3,28 minutes (this was timed by author). The technique was developed in Japan and fabricated in China. What is unique is that the six parts were not delivered as a whole, but were assembled on location, because otherwise they could not be brought into this very narrow and steep area. The escalator also has two public buildings, one on the foot and one on top of the escalator, which also has a viewing platform. The total costs were about US$ 6 million (see figure 3.1 for artist impression of upper part escalator and viewing platform). Box 3.1 Technical data electric escalator, source: PUI Comuna 13 and interview CĂŠsar HernĂĄndez, 2014.06.06

Figure 3.1 Artist Impression electric escalator. Source: PUI Comuna 13, municipality of Medellin

3.7 Concluding remarks In the course of three decades Medellin changed from murder city under the rule of Pablo Escobar into a model city of social urbanism winning international prizes for its achievements. However, underneath the visible changes still remains a city that is deeply segregated. Poor, illegal settlers still come to the city in search of a better future. Criminal gangs still control large parts of the city and its economy, living off vacunas and drug trade. The historically close connection between the industrial elite and the government still remains until today, its positive side being the financial contributions entrepreneurs make to public spaces, but on the downside probably also making democratic processes less transparent. The paisa-culture, characterized by its entrepreneurial skills and focus on â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;being the bestâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; has made Medellin an industrial and economic center and contributed to its wealth, but according to many also has negative effects. It creates a culture where money and status symbols are the driving values transmitted in schools.

Social change in Medellin was instigated by the intellectual elites that joined forces to fight fear and insecurity. Out of this civil movement came two independent mayors who at the beginning of the century turned things around in the city, with their new social urbanism approach, for which major investments done in public transport in the decade before, paved the way. They made a beginning with repaying the social debt that exists between the rich and the poor.

4. Quality of life without a penny more In this chapter I will address three topics. First I will establish, on the basis of my own observations and official data, that physical mobility has actually slightly increased because of the escalators. Secondly, I will address the question of the personal (economic) benefits of the escalator. In line with theories of Kenyon et al.(2003), Lucas (2012) and Church et al.(2000) on transport related social exclusion I argue that the electric escalator has only had a negligible effect on the economic situation of the inhabitants, with the exception of the members of the surveillance team that did experience a rise in social mobility. I especially used Kaufmannn’s (2004) motility concept and its three criteria – access, competence and appropriation – together with Church’s (2000) factors that might limit the mobility of socially excluded people, to study the circumstances and individual motivations to access mobility infrastructure. On the basis of these theories I argue that in the case of the escalator a piece of transportation infrastructure has been created that is easily accessible and does benefit a limited amount of people. It has opened up the neighborhood and created access for state institutions. However its added value is relatively small to really have a huge impact. Thirdly, I examine the economic effects on a neighborhood level. I use three indicators for these economic neighborhood effects: the effects of the escalator on neighborhood image, the development of real estate prices, and the economic activity in the neighborhood. I make comparisons to the developments in the neighborhood of Santo Domingo, Hong Kong where another outdoor escalator has been built, and favela Santa Marta with its tramway, concluding that economic neighborhood development in Las Independencias has not really progressed yet.

4.1 Rise in mobility In my research question I focus on the socio-economic impact of the electric escalator on the inhabitants of Comuna 13. But before I go into its socio-economic effects, there is the question of physical mobility. Did the electric escalator actually lead to an increase in physical mobility in this neighborhood? To answer

this question I looked at the analysis made in the PUI that led up to the construction of the escalator, I looked at the official numbers, provided by

Terminales Medellin which runs the escalator, and I collected my own data using surveys and observations. In interviews with people from the neighborhood I tried to discover which motives people had to use or not use the escalator. As I have outlined in the previous chapter, Comuna 13 is a part of the city with more than 140,000 inhabitants divided into twenty official neighborhoods. So the effects of the electric escalator are limited to the direct surroundings. That is La Independencia 1, which is part of the neighborhood Las Independencias, consisting of three parts. When the municipality in 2007 made a Master Plan for Comuna 13 it did extensive research on the mobility patterns of its inhabitants (see map 4.1). On the basis of these mobility patterns, the municipality concluded that 12,000 people living in this area would potentially benefit from the construction of the escalator. According to Terminales Medellin, 1,500 people use the escalator on a daily basis and according to Mariano Caravaj, the manager of

Terminales on the site, this number has risen in the last months to 2,000 a day.26 During eight hours, spread over four days I made observations myself and counted the number of users. If I extrapolate my findings the number of 2,000 users a day seems valid (see appendix I for results of counts and observations). According to the members of the surveillance team and inhabitants I interviewed, more people use the elevator at night than in the morning. Many people take a colectivo (mini bus) from a street about 300 meters above the top of the escalators to go to work or they walk. JosĂŠ, one of the inhabitants, said that he already leaves for work at 4.30 AM and the elevator does not start running until 6 AM, so he walks.27 Chota, one of member of the surveillance team, told me in an informal conversation that many people like to take a warm bus in the morning, but at night they prefer a relaxing stroll and ride on the elevator to a crowded bus that gets stuck in traffic. In the survey (n=50) with inhabitants in the area, more than half indicated to use the escalators more than eight times a week, which is daily or twice daily (see appendix II for survey questions and results). That would mean that 26 27

www.terminalesmedellin.com (visited on 2014.08.11) Interview EEM_2014.05.19_JosĂŠ

white dotted lines = vehicle routes thick green dotted lines = primary pedestrian routes (the one in the middle is where electric escalator was built)

thin green dotted lines = secondary pedestrian routes

red dot = nearest bus stop at bottom of escalator

red arrow indicates nearest bus stop, which is about 200 m further up, outside of image Source: PUI Comuna 13, Municipality of Medellin Red dot and arrow added by author

Map 4.1: mobility patterns and bus stops in Las Independencias

1,000 of the alleged 2,000 daily users are a fixed group and the other half are less frequent users or visitors from outside the neighborhood. If we compare these numbers to the 12,000 people living in the area, it seems relatively safe to conclude that only a small part of the inhabitants in the area actually use the electric escalator. This is being substantiated by the data of my survey. The people who were living more than around 200 meters away from the escalator â&#x20AC;&#x201C; especially in the upper parts of the neighborhood â&#x20AC;&#x201C; indicated that they used the escalator less frequently or not at all. For them it would be easier to walk further up to the next street where they could take a colectivo (see map 4.1 for indication of nearest bus stops). However, there were also inhabitants that did live close to the escalator, but did not use it frequently. In the survey 18 people indicated that they were going out more than before the escalator was there, and 25 people said their behavior had not changed. So there seems to be at least a slight increase in mobility. Doing the shopping and going to work are the most frequently mentioned objectives to use the escalator. Other frequented destinations are the medical center, school, or going out. Many residents use it just to take a stroll through the neighborhood (see also next chapter). Often the escalator is used in

combination with the colectivo at the bottom of the escalator and the connecting metro that takes people to the city center.

4.2 Pesos or pausas? In this paragraph I focus on the personal benefits people experience. Especially I am interested in answering the question if their lives have economically improved. I use different theories that have examined the connection between transportation and social exclusion and social mobility. The mere presence of a form of transportation is not enough to explain its effects. One needs to take a closer look at which circumstantial and personal factors influence the choice to make use of these opportunities. Theories by Church et al. (2000) and Kaufmannn et al. (2004) provide more insight into these criteria. I will analyze the situation in La Independencia 1 with these theories and argue that the escalators have not contributed to more income or better job opportunities, except for one group: the surveillance team of the escalator. The biggest benefit of the escalator is that people do not have to walk up the 357 concrete stairs that were there before, which took them between 20 and 60

Figure 4.1: situation before escalators (source: municipality of Medellin)

Figure 4.2: situation with escalator

minutes, depending on their physical condition. “People can rest when they come home from work”, “it benefits a lot to disabled and elderly people”, “now my knees don’t hurt as much”, “it’s so much more convenient than walking up the stairs”, “what relaxation!”, are the most commonly mentioned benefits of the escalator in the survey (see figure 4.1 and 4.2 to compare the situation before and after). Of course the electric escalator is just a tiny piece in the connection between this neighborhood and the city center and it is doubtful if one can call an electric escalator a form of mass transport. “More than transportation it is a matter of local pedestrian accessibility”, says transport expert Iván Sarmiento.28 That, according to him, also explains why the Metro Company was not interested in the exploitation of the escalators. However, even if it is just a small link in the transportation system, it is still interesting to look at how the enhancement of mobility effects the social and economic exclusion of the inhabitants in this area. In the last decades there has been extensive research on the relationship between the lack of transportation and social exclusion. Transport-related social exclusion can be defined as:

The process by which people are prevented from participating in the economic, political and social life of the community because of reduced accessibility to opportunities, services and social networks, due in whole or part to insufficient mobility in a society and environment built around the assumption of high mobility (Kenyon et al., 2003, p. 210) Las Independencias and Comuna 13 as a whole have definitely not been able to fully participate in the economic and social life of the city. They have been cut off from society for a long time and still suffer from stigmatization. Transport surveys demonstrate that it is usually the poorest and most socially disadvantaged people who also experience transport disadvantage.

Transport disadvantage and social disadvantage interact directly and indirectly to create transport poverty. This in turn leads to inaccessibility to essential goods and services, as well as ‘lock-out’ from planning and decision-making processes, which can result in social 28

Interview Iván Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Faculty of Mining, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.05.08

exclusion outcomes and further social and transport inequalities will then ensue (Lucas, 2012, p.106). The problem of transport poverty and social exclusion is very multidimensional; a lot of aspects have to be taken into account. Church et al (2000, p.198-200) identify seven factors that may limit the mobility of socially excluded people. The inhabitants of Comuna 13 can still be considered socially excluded, so these factors might help to analyze their situation. I will briefly describe five of them which are most relevant for the situation in Comuna 13. First there is the geographical exclusion which in Comuna 13 is very obvious, given its location in the periphery of the city. The community has been built not only on the outskirts, but also on the steep mountain slopes, with a constant danger of landslides, which makes it even less accessible. So even though it is now through a metro line connected to the city center, large parts of Comuna 13 are still very difficult to access. Secondly, there is the exclusion from facilities. The neighborhoods up on the mountain have been excluded from facilities for a long time. According to Edward Soja the distribution of these services throughout the city – which is a political decision - is an endogenous factor that can create unequal rights to the city and spatial injustice (Soja, 2010, p.47). A lot has been invested in recent years to improve this situation: for example medical facilities and secondary schools have been built in the area. Thirdly, there is economic exclusion, which in Comuna 13 is still very present, because the area is still very much cut off from formal jobs. According to figures from 2001-2005 “55% of the working population in Medellin works in the informal sector and in Comuna 13 this is even higher” (Coupé, F., 2013, p. 71). In a recent survey done by the municipality of Medellin only 34,5% of the population of Las Independencias indicated to have work and of those only 20,5% had a job in the formal economy, which are usually found in the city center (see table 4.1 and 4.2). Time-based exclusion is the fourth factor worth mentioning, because long travel time and the cost of transportation play an important role in this economic exclusion. Time is an important factor according to Church et al.(2000), because

Current employment

Table 4.1, source: municipality of Medellin, January 201429

Kind of employment/income

55 Table 4.2, source: municipality of Medellin, January 2014

people in poor areas who also have to take care of children or other family members, are constantly struggling with time. Also when it comes to education, these neighborhoods lag behind. More than 56% only has primary education and another 40% also has secondary education. But people with a proper professional training are hard to find here (see table 4.3 for education levels). This lack of education is also connected to the fifth and last factor of Church

et al. (2000) I want to discuss, which is fear-based exclusion. The inhabitants of Las Independencias have suffered in the 80’s, 90’s and at the beginning of the new millennium from the presence of various violent groups in the area, which prevented them from going out for a long time, unless it was inevitable.

There were dead people lying in the streets. I couldn’t walk down nor up, because they would kill you. Things like that. It was very hard. […] 29

The source of this table and all the following tables is the municipality of Medellin. They are part of an investigation executed in January 2014 and were handed to me by Diana Patiño who at that time worked as a political researcher for the municipality of Medellin.

One of my daughters was going to school in another part of town, in La Floresta, and another more close by, to the monks. Sometimes I could send them there and sometimes not. Then I had to call the school that they couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t come because there was too much violence and shooting going on. Well, the teachers understood, but of course they missed a lot of classes because of the shootings and killings. Claudia (47)30 As this quote shows, the violence influenced the possibility of getting a good education, because violence influenced mobility and thereby the opportunity to go to school. This seems to have improved now, which is also illustrated by Johana, who states that people now even feel safe to go out at night and therefore might even go to night school to catch up on the education they missed as a child.31

Level of education

Table 4.3, source: municipality of Medellin, January 2014

Concluding, it is safe to say that some of the factors that enforce social exclusion according to Church et al. (2000) have improved in Comuna 13. The situation is much safer, there are more facilities in the neighborhood en the area is by metro line connected to the city center. However, other factors still persist and contribute to the ongoing social exclusion. The most important one is being cut off from the formal economy and long travel times that make it difficult to combine different roles. Also many areas are 30 31

Interview EEM_2014.05.26_Claudia Interview EEM_Johana_2014.05.15

still beyond easy access. The electric escalator has only had a very minimal effect in improving this situation. It is just a small link, that has improved access to other forms of transportation. I have discussed the concept of transport related social exclusion, but one can also turn the medal and approach the subject from a more positive side and study social mobility, which is next to the physical displacement of people or goods, the other important aspect of mobility in current academic research.

Social mobility can be described most generally as the transformation in the distribution of resources or social position of individuals, families or groups within a given social structure or network. […] The most frequently used indicators for the measurement of social mobility are occupational transitions. (Kaufmann et al,, 2004, p. 747). Spatial and social mobility are highly connected, but “many spatial and social mobility studies tend to limit their scope by merely describing actual and past fluidity. [This] is insufficient to understand the impact of a particular social phenomenon” (Kaufmann et al,, 2004, p. 749) . The new concept of ‘motility’ seeks to link spatial and social mobility. As Church et al. (2000) do, it studies the individual and circumstantial conditions which influence mobility.

Motility can be defined as the capacity of entities (e.g. goods, information or persons) to be mobile in social and geographic space, or as the way in which entities access and appropriate the capacity for socio-spatial mobility according to their circumstances. […] Generally, motility encompasses interdependent elements relating to access to different forms and degrees of mobility, competence to recognize and make use of access, and appropriation of a particular choice, including the option of non-action. (Kaufmann et al,, 2004, p. 750). Brand and Dávila (2011, p. 649-650) have used this concept to study the metro cable in Medellin’s neighborhood of Santo Domingo. When applying the concept of ‘motility’ to the electric escalator the outcome is very similar to that of the metro cable, but there are also slight differences, for example in access. In Santo Domingo there was enough alternative transportation available in the form of buses. In Las Independencias, there are also colectivos available, but the

electric escalator does play an important role in accessing these connections for people living on these steep slopes. If they are in any way disabled, it was virtually impossible for them to reach these buses. Now they can make use of the escalator, provided they live close by and are able to walk to the escalator. So for a limited group, the escalator has actually provided access to transportation they did not have before. According to Marta Perez, one of the sociologists involved in the project, in this area the concentration of disabled and elderly people is higher than in other parts and that was one of the reasons the municipality chose this location.32 Another indicator of this is the relative high number of elderly people using the escalator. I witnessed some young people carrying a very old lady in a chair to the escalator. Figure 4.3 is a clear example of how the escalator benefits disables people that would otherwise be excluded from public transport. Contrary to the metro cable the electric escalator is free of charge, which also enhances access.

Figure 4.3: Disabled man using escalator

Interview Martha Perez, sociologist at EDU, 2014.05.15

Concerning the factor ‘competence’, for both forms of transportation – the metro cable and the escalator – some competences are required to use them. The logistics and the use of a metro cable were more sophisticated than that of buses and users had to be trained for that. Also for the use of the electric escalator, people needed to acquire competences. For us it is maybe hard to imagine, but many inhabitants of Las Independencias had never seen an electric escalator, because they had never visited a shopping mall in their lives. Martha Perez tells me that they took a group of children and some adults to a shopping mall in another part of town. They were absolutely amazed that something out of a chic shopping mall would be put in their neighborhood. Back home the children were used to explain to others how the electric escalator works.33 There are also clear instruction on entering the escalator and one member of the surveillance team is standing on each tramo to give instructions or help people use the escalator in an appropriate way. Figure 4.4 shows which competences are needed when entering the escalator. 59

Figure 4.4: Instruction when entering the escalator

Interview Martha Perez, sociologist at EDU, 2014.05.5

The third factor in Kaufmannn’s motility concept is ‘appropriation’, which is about how individuals act upon these modes of transportation. The metro cable can be seen as clear link to formal urban life, especially for the ones that have jobs in the formal sector. The electric escalator has a slightly different function and is used by a much broader group and for different purposes, so the level of appropriation can in that respect be considered higher. It is more an informal mode of transport on a very small scale and local level. What also added to the appropriation level is that local people helped to build the electric escalator. Some of the construction workers, like 23-year old Jorge, now are part of the surveillance team. Appropriation, however, can also take shape in the opposite direction; equally as with the metro cable, the electric escalator did play a significant role for state institutions to gain access to these areas that were before completely controlled by criminal gangs. Maybe this has proven to be even more valuable than enhancing the mobility of the local residents. With this access came subsidies for renovating homes, educational projects for child care and other socially oriented projects. Connecting the escalator to the motility concept of Kaufmannn, I conclude that the escalator is easily accessible, because it is free of charge and it provides – for a limited group of people – access to other forms of transportation that were out of reach before. It requires limited competences to use and has a high level of appropriation, both because inhabitants use it for different purposes and because it provides an entrance to people and institutions from outside, that could not enter the area before. However, because of its small size, its effects on different forms of mobility are still very limited. The theoretical studies show that transport and transport-related social exclusion and social mobility are multi-dimensional issues. Adaptations to the transport system alone are not sufficient to substantially diminish social exclusion and contribute to social mobility. Church et al. (2000) conclude that improving transport may only partially contribute to the solution. For example solving the problem of travel time and costs to have better access to jobs might not have that much influence if there are not that many jobs available. No

wonder it has been very difficult up until now to produce empirical evidence that improving transport infrastructure leads to diminishing economic exclusion. This research is no exception. My data have shown no real indication that the economic situation of the people living around the escalator has improved in any way. 50-year old José, who works independently states: “My work is very independent from my mode of transport. The people I work for don’t care if I travel in a plane, by metro or in a taxi. That doesn’t matter at all. […] My income basically has stayed the same.”34 Or 52-year old Nelson who delivers gas canisters to his clientele in Comuna 13. He used to carry them on his shoulders up the 357 stairs and even further to his costumers. Five times a week he had to carry up a bottle. Since he is in pretty good physical condition, that took him about 20 minutes. Now on average he needs 10 minutes. So that saves him roughly 50 minutes a week. To my question if his income has improved he answers: “I earn the same, but I have to work less and can relax more. The biggest benefit of the electric escalator is that I can rest on it.”35 Of course there is the odd exception to the rule, like the husband of Luz who is an independent contractor for housing renovations.36 He has benefitted because a lot of people in the area have received subsidies to improve their houses and he gets more painting jobs because of that. But these are rare examples. What struck me during the interviews was that none of the respondents spontaneously mentioned the factor ‘time’. Even when asked about it, they did not consider this a great benefit or an opportunity to acquire more work. The factor ‘rest and relaxation’ seems to play a far more important role and to be adding substantially to their quality of life. However, there is one significant exception. The surveillance team of the escalator, consisting of a group of fifteen boys and girls, in age varying between 21 and 36 years, does have a clear economic benefit. They all live in Comuna 13, most of them in the area around the escalator, and are hired by Terminales

Medellin, to supervise the escalator. Their work consists of helping people, making sure everybody uses the escalator in a correct way, cleaning the 34 35 36

Interview EEM_2014.05.19_José Interview EEM_2014.05.15_Nelson Interview EEM_2014.05.12_Luz

escalator, maintaining the surrounding gardens and welcoming strangers into the neighborhood and explaining the project to them. The economic benefit they have is clearly recognized and appreciated by other inhabitants, which regularly pointed to them when I asked them what the economic benefits of the escalators were. Working for Terminales has made a world of difference to them. 23-year old Chota did not believe when they said he would earn $ 700,000 pesos per month (around US$ 350). “I said, lady you must be mistaken, but then she repeated the number […] How wonderful reality can be! […] The truth is I have never earned that much money in my life.”37 What the members of the surveillance team (see

Figure 4.5: members of the surveillance team of the escalator

figure 4.5) appreciate most, like other respondents, is the improved quality of life, which in their case is addressed mostly in terms of proximity between work and home. “I used to work in a call center near Aguacatála station [other side of town]. Every month they changed shifts, but I usually got the one from 3–11 PM. So I came back home every night at midnight. It frightened me to walk up here during that hour. […] It is so convenient to work close to home”, says 28-year old

Focus group 2014.06.12

Leidy.38 Mayi (24) is another girl on the team that highly appreciates working close to home: “I can go and see my daughter for fifteen minutes in day care during my half hour break. They give her to me and we can spend more time together.”39 She and others in the group also state that they are now dealing with their money more responsibly, whereas before they just spent it. This might have to do with the fact that some of them are starting a family, but it can also be related to the fact that this job gives them a kind of social standing and responsibility. They are part of the community and have a representational job in which they not only watch the community members, but are being watched themselves as well. Contrary to the other inhabitants in the area the members of the surveillance team clearly show upward social mobility. In Kaufmannn’s definition they have made an “occupational transition”. With this they have improved their economic situation and gained more social status in their community.

4.3 Economic neighborhood development In the previous paragraph I focused on possible economic benefits the escalator might have had on an individual level. In this paragraph I look at factors relating to the escalator that have had an impact on the economic uplift of the neighborhood as a whole, or have failed to do so. I identify three of these consequences. First there is the improvement of the neighborhood image, which might in time have an impact on the economic possibilities of its inhabitants. Secondly, there is the rise in real estate prices, which is also influences by subsidies for housing improvements and legalization of houses. And thirdly, I discuss possibilities for improved economic activity in the neighborhood. When relevant I make a comparison to the impact of the metro cable in Santo Domingo, but also to the outdoor escalator in Hong Kong and the tramway in favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro. Concerning the first point, it is safe to say that Comuna 13 has suffered from stigmatization for many years. It was seen as a poor and violent area. Now that

38 39

Focus group 2014.06.12 Focus group 2014.06.12

more people from outside can freely and safely enter the neighborhood, this image is slowly beginning to change. I will also go into this topic in the next chapter, but in this chapter I would like to emphasize the possible contribution an improved image might have on job opportunities for its inhabitants. This is illustrated by the story of 26-year old Soreida. She tells me that in the past, when she applied for a job and put in her cv that she lived in Comuna 13, nobody would even invite her for a job interview. “There is still a lot of prejudice”, she says “but now, if I say that I live near the escalator, that makes a difference.”40 So the way in which the escalator influences social mobility might not just be connected to its role as a piece of transport infrastructure, but also to its impact in uplifting the neighborhood as a whole. Although I was not able to find any concrete evidence of this just yet, this story is an indication of a possible change in the future. Considering the second factor, there are indications that the real estate prices have risen in close proximity to the escalator. Soreida lives 50 meters from the escalator and states: “A little further away from the escalator you can still buy a house for $ 8 or 9 million pesos [around US$ 4,000 – 4,500]. Here, in this area, people have sold their houses for $ 30–40 million pesos. But I would not consider selling; where would you go then?”41 Most people have lived in Comuna 13 for a very long time – the survey showed an average of more than 24 years. Most of the people interviewed stated that they had no intention of moving. Only Leida is dreaming of her own little house in Robledo [another area of town, more centrally located], with a park in front and space to park a car. “If they would give me $ 40 million pesos [roughly the price of a house in Robledo] for this house, I am gone”, she states.42 In general real estate prices do not seem to be on top of everybody’s mind here. But when asked, most of them state that they think prices have gone up. “Of course, some people want to sell. Before, when the situation was still very much unsafe, more people would not maintain their houses very well, but now that the authorities are here, it’s a totally different thing”, states 52-year Nelson43. According to José real estate price is not an incentive for people to

40 41 42 43

Interview EEM_Soreida_2014.05.15 Interview Soraida 2014.05.15 Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12 Interview EEM_Nelson_2014.05.15

move. “Yes, there are people suddenly moving because they have a new job opportunity with better pay in a different place, but I don’t think it is because of the escalators that they move.”44 The only other well-known outdoor escalator in the world is the one in Hong Kong. Research has shown that in the twenty years after its inauguration in 1993 real estate prices and investment levels have increased significantly along the escalator. Also there is more commercial activity in the streets leading to the escalator (Zacharias, 2013). Of course both projects are only partially comparable. The escalator in Hong Kong is much longer (850 meters) and not located in a slum but in a middle class residential area. Also developments over a period of twenty years are hardly comparable to a period of two years. Maybe more interesting is the comparison to the tramway built in favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro, which from a stigmatized neighborhood has developed into a ‘model favela’ and now attracts foreign investments in houses and businesses, thereby leading to significant increases in real estate prices (Menezes, forthcoming 2015). The escalator has provided access to state institutions and these have also brought subsidies for home improvements to the neighborhood, which have influences real estate prices. Although for me it was difficult to find any system in the distribution of the subsidies, some inhabitants I interviewed said they had received subsidies and others did not. Cecilia, who lives fifty meters from the top of the escalator along the ‘boulevard’ they constructed, received $ 6 million pesos from ISVIMED, the social housing institute connected to the municipality. “They changed my house completely. It became a kind of model house. […] But there are many houses, many that received a subsidy.”45 She did not have to apply for the subsidy. The people from ISVIMED came by and selected the houses around the elevator that would receive a subsidy, she stated (see figure 4.6 for painted facades). And then there was a project called ‘Se pinta de vida’ which was initiated by a company that produces paint. They provided the paint to paint some facades in the run up to the World Urban Forum. This project, which was a collaboration of a foundation linked to the paint company, an NGO and the municipality (EDU), 44 45

Interview EEM_Jose_2014.05.19 Interview EEM_Cecilia_2014.05.13

involved local artists who designed murals and roof paintings. In total they painted 1,380 facades, 45 rooftops and 17 murals (see figure 4.7 for murals). More than 4,000 people benefited from this project.46 During the time I spent in the area, there was one house the owner put up for sale, but two months later, when I left, it still was not sold, so it would be too early to say that there is a real estate boom in the area around the electric escalator.

Figure 4.6: painted facades in area above escalator

Figure 4.7: mural alongside the escalator

A second development that influenced real estate prices is the legalization of houses that before were illegal. Martha Perez, who was involved in the process prior to the start of construction of the escalator, explains: â&#x20AC;&#x153;In 2012 the government started actualizing cadastral registrations at a national level. This coincided with the inauguration of the escalators.â&#x20AC;?47 An official registration also has a positive influence on the value, together with the fact that a lot of houses were renovated and painted during that time. When a house is legalized, people also have to pay more taxes, but Martha Perez assures that taxes were not raised

46 47

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ph9k7hrS4PU (visited on 2014.08.13) Interview Martha Perez, sociologist at EDU, 2014.05.17

for people with a low income (estrato 1+2), although some inhabitants say they have had tax raises. Some people even complained about negative economic effects. Except one, all the people I interviewed owned their houses. One family did not and they were confronted with rises in rents during the last couple of years. People were also complaining about rising public utility bills, but this is probably connected to the improvement of the infrastructure. “I am in estrato 1 and pay almost $ 200,000 pesos. Before I didn’t pay for the light and there was only one container of water for a lot of people and now I have my own connection. Before I didn’t have a telephone either.”, says Claudia (47).48 Maria Elvia is a 57-year old woman with just one kidney and no income. She has always worked for other families as a nanny, next to raising her own four children. She never built up a pension and cannot work anymore. She is a widow and her children have to support her. For her things get very tight sometimes: “Sometimes I have to choose between a meal and running water. Well you don’t want to be without running water, so then I skip the meal.” 49 On top of that costs of groceries and other daily living expenses have risen in the last years. 62-year old Miria lives right next to the escalator. Her husband receives a small pension. She sells mango cream and minutos (cell phone minutes). She has been doing this for years, but she sells more now that the escalator is here. However, this small benefit has not improved their economic position. Miria complains about rising prices. “Everything has become much more expensive. We, as owners of this house, have to pay more taxes now. Also the public utilities have gone up and prices for daily products. […].But that has nothing to do with the electric escalator. This is just how things are in this country right now.”50 Behind the newly painted facades there is still a lot of hidden poverty, especially for people who are renting their home and are subjected to rises in rent. Lidia (52) and her husband, who has a small pension, belong in this category. “ It is very hard. There is unemployment and when people have no job,

48 49 50

Interview EEM_Claudia_2014.05.26 Interview EEM_MariaElvia_2014.05.24 Interview EEM_Miria_2014.05.19

they really have a hard time. It is very hard. My income is very low, everything is so expensive and if you don’t have money, you can’t buy food. It’s very hard.” 51 Apart from real estate prices and costs for daily living expenses it is interesting to see if the escalator has triggered any economic activity in its surroundings. This is next to image and real estate prices the third factor I want to investigate. The research done in Santo Domingo on the impact of the metro cable is an interesting comparison. Here there was only a small economic impact on the neighborhood level (see figure 4.8 for activities around metro station Santo Domingo).

While it is true that in the immediate vicinity of the stations and where urban upgrading has been undertaken below the overhead cables, the number of shops, bars and restaurants, workshops and small businesses has increased significantly. […] However, outside these tightly defined areas, neither small-scale economic activity nor house prices or rents appear to show important changes (Brand & Dávila, 2011, p. 655). 68

Figure 4.8: commercial activity around the metro cable station in Santo Domingo

Interview EEM_Lidia_2014.05.19

According to Peter Brand, Santo Domingo has always had the function of a neighborhood market, so there was activity before the metro cable came.

When the metro cable came there was a concentration of passengers, movement, new opportunities and certain businesses multiplied, became more dynamic and - according to hear-say - changed ownership. Local traditional shop owners have sold out to more established companies. Not on a huge scale but this is what we were told that’s been happening. Because there are some very profitable points along the stations of the line. It’s quite restricted, though. There tend to be small businesses, not much, that have changed and there is a bank now. But considering the population these changes are not that big. It’s still pretty modest. In certain points it’s quite impressive how dynamic business is.52 The area around the electric escalator does – up until now – not seem to generate any development of local businesses. The small street that leads up from the bus stop to the bottom of the escalator – which is technically in another neighborhood called 20 de Julio, is full of small shops, most of them selling food and other daily products. I have had informal conversations with a couple of the shop keepers. They all have been there way before the escalator was built. One shop changed owners in 2012, the year of the inauguration. All of them stated that the escalator has had no positive impact on sales. Shop owners still have to pay vacunas to local gangs, which is about $ 2,000 pesos a day (US$ 1).53 Along the escalator are two shops at mid-level and one at the top of the escalator. The one at the top belongs to Nelson, the gas salesman. His wife is running the shop and one of his sons manages the internet part of the shop. They sell sodas, candies and ice creams. The two shops at mid-level also sell clothing and household goods. One of these shops closed during my stay and the owner of the other shop moved in there, because it was closer to the escalator. Leida, one of the residents I interviewed, thinks that it will be difficult to generate more economic activity, because the shops on the side of the escalator charge much more. “It is convenient for daily things like a soda or some cookies, but to buy 52 53

Interview Peter Brand, director of the Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 Interview César Hernández, general manager PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

things like clothing, it is much cheaper to go to 20 de Julio or to the city center.”54 The woman in the shop complained to me that business was bad and that tourists did not buy anything, “not even a soda”. However, when I was at the escalators the first time, which was during the WUF, there were all kinds of local people selling fruit salads, ice cream and handicrafts at the top of the escalator. But this does not seem to be worthwhile during regular days. Community leader Adriana Restrepo dreams of microenterprises in the neighborhood. “It is not allowed yet [by the municipal rules], but I see opportunities for microenterprises; children making marmalade, women making

arepas, artists showing their work.”55 César Hernández, former manager of PUI, thinks the current administration is economically not doing enough for this area.

This administration has done absolutely nothing in terms of touristic promotion of the area. […] If you go there as a tourist there is absolutely no infrastructure. We should prepare the local people. For example how to start a business on the ground floor. […] The economic department at the mayor’s office should use this potential. To create local products connected to the escalator: a t-shirt, a key hanger, some handicrafts, there are loads of possibilities. How can you expect the economy to develop if the government doesn’t do anything? The people stay poor, poor and poor on top of that. Poor people don’t take initiative, they don’t have access to information and they are surrounded by gangs.56 The question is whether microenterprises will help in diminishing poverty. Bateman et al. (2011, p. 3) strongly dispute this because there is a lack of demand in these local communities. “The limited form of microenterprise development is often described as simply recycling poverty”. The question is whether demand from outside, in the form of tourists, can compensate for this. So looking at economic developments on a neighborhood level there is a slight improvement in the image of the neighborhood, but real economic effects are not noticeable yet. There is an increase in real estate prices which is limited to the 54 55 56

Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12 Interview EEM_Adriana_2014.05.12 Interview César Hernández, general manager PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

houses directly bordering the escalator. On the whole economic activity has not really increased in the neighborhood. There is no government support for this and people lack the competences to start a business. In top of that it is highly questionable if these businesses could compete with businesses in the city center.

4.4 Concluding remarks Many theories on mobility have looked at connections between transportation and social exclusion and established a very multi-layered connection (Kenyon et

al., 2003; Lucas, 2010; Church et al, 2000; Kaufmannn et al, 2004). Improvements in transportation do not automatically lead to better physical and social mobility. This was confirmed by my research data. One has to take into account individual choices and circumstances, which Church and Kaufmannn do. Looking at the electric escalator as a transportation infrastructure, moving people from A to B, it has had a great impact on a very limited group of people. These are the people that are disabled and could not climb the 357 concrete stairs. For them it is a small, but vital missing link to connect them to other forms of transportation or to just move around within the neighborhood. For other people the biggest benefit is the fact that they can relax and do not have to climb the 357 stairs. For the majority of the people this new mobility infrastructure does not seem to have had any impact on their social mobility in terms of gaining more income. So when it comes to choosing between pesos and

pausas, the biggest benefit seems to be pausas. In this sense the escalator definitely adds to the quality of life, a topic which I will further explore in the next chapter. Another positive aspect that contributes to the quality of life is that through the escalator official institutions have gained access to the neighborhood, which brought with them all kinds of subsidies and community projects that benefited the inhabitants. In Kaufmannnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s terms the electric escalator provided easy access to other forms of transportation, little competences were needed to use it and it was appropriated by large groups in the area for different purposes, one of the most important being that government institutions used it to gain access to the neighborhood. However, it did not succeed in taking away the barriers that

are blocking access to the formal economy of the city and with it to economic and social mobility. The big exception are the members of the surveillance team which not only have gained formal work, but also benefit from working closer to home â&#x20AC;&#x201C; being able to better combine domestic and work obligations - and receiving social recognition in the neighborhood, which definitely contributed to their social mobility. When we look at the escalator not as a means of physical transport, but as an urban intervention uplifting the neighborhood, then there are some other interesting effects. First the escalator clearly uplifts the image of the neighborhood and slowly de-stigmatizes it, something that in the long-run might have its effects on the opportunities of the inhabitants on the job market. Secondly, real estate prices in close proximity to the escalator are rising. This did not have a huge impact yet, but given the examples in favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro and the escalator in Hong Kong, it is certainly worthwhile monitoring this development. Thirdly, there has not been much economic development in the neighborhood yet. There is still a wide spread vacuna-system and inhabitants lack entrepreneurial skills to set up a business. Some say that the municipal government should offer more support in adjusting legislation to make it easier to set up a small business and to train people. However, as Bateman et al. (2011) and local inhabitants state, it is questionable whether the consumer market in these poor neighborhoods is big enough to accommodate such businesses and whether they can compete with bigger, more efficient businesses that on top of that operate in an area with lower transportation costs. Maybe an increasing amount of tourists can contribute to a rise in demand, but then they do have to start spending some money. It seems that the key factor in upward mobility is access to work. Transportation infrastructure alone cannot solve this problem. In the positive case of the surveillance team it was a public company that through the project of the escalator provided work. So maybe the solution has to be found in other public investments in infrastructure that also in the long run provide formal jobs for inhabitants, giving these neighborhoods at least a little push in the right direction.

5. Public space reconquered In this chapter I look at the social behavior of the inhabitants living around the escalator. How do they interact? I approach this question from the perspective of public space, because the escalator and the area around it – including the two communal buildings at the top and the bottom of the escalator – are newly created public spaces and as such they offer a space to interact. I look at public space from three different angles: its influence on a sense of security, its meaning in creating identification, attachment and social cohesion and finally its role as a place where people can develop their active citizenship. In the first paragraph I go into the question how people relate to public spaces and how they identify with them and make them their own, for example through art. Public spaces are closely connected to a sense of security. Wilson and Kelling’s broken window’s theory is confirmed in the sense that the low key police presence does seem to make people feel safer and especially the fact that the area is clean contributes to the quality of life of the inhabitants and a sense of security. The ‘territory’ or ‘turf’ has been reconquered on local gangs, although there is a waterbed effect of gang violence spreading to other neighborhoods, which indicates that the positive effects are limited by clear boundaries. In the second paragraph I demonstrate how the way people interact in the neighborhood has changed in the last years. Slowly they are working their way out of the negative vicious circle of crime, gang violence, distrust and persistent stigmatization. People are attached to this place, but now this also takes shape in more casual interaction on the streets, people doing things together, slowly starting to trust their neighbors again and generally developing a sense of pride when faced with people from outside and with negative press coverage. Public places play a vital role in creating these spaces for casual encounter and thereby strengthening social cohesion. This does not turn La Independencia 1 overnight into a model neighborhood; irritations and a certain form of segregation between people from different racial backgrounds remain. In the final paragraph I address the topic of public space and its role in activating citizenship. Up until now the inhabitants of the neighborhoods have

not expressed themselves explicitly as citizens. They act more like passive consumers, being grateful for all the government has done. They lack certain skills, but maybe the situation is not ripe yet to really stand up and claim public space to stand up for their own rights.

5.1 Public space, space identity and sense of security I will briefly describe the violent situation the population in this area has endured and how it has turned into a neighborhood where people feel relatively safe. I describe the importance of public space in this development and how the territory has slowly been reconquered on criminal gangs, although the situation remains volatile. As described in Chapter 3, Comuna 13 was one of the most violent areas of Medellin during the 80’s and 90’s and beginning of the new century. During the 80’s the neighborhood was infiltrated by the urban guerrillas and in the 90’s the paramilitaries entered to fight them. After Operation Orion in 2002, when the army and police forces violently entered and took over the neighborhood, paramilitaries returned as drug barons. All of them had their network of local street gangs. Children and adolescents from the neighborhood were recruited to work for the criminal gangs and contribute to their main source of income: the drug trade, completed with extortion practices of local shop owners and bus drivers. Local, gangs, controlled small areas in the neighborhood and were often named after the corner they operated on. The neighborhood of Las Independencias was especially affected. With its high density of mostly illegal dwellings, its steep hillside location and its lack of public space, this was the ideal hiding place for criminals. The families of many of the inhabitants I interviewed carry this burden of a violent past with them. For many years they were constantly afraid of their children being recruited by gang members. This is what happened to the brother of Soreida and Johana. They say that he was always in the street and could not be kept in the house. Finally he got stuck in gang life, which in the end cost him his life. Soreida says: “He could not handle all the displacements we had to endure very well [the family moved several times, fleeing the violence of the guerrillas].[…] But in the end it is all about how

you deal with the situation yourself and the choices you make.”57 Even if they were not recruited, children (and adults) were in constant danger of being hit by stray bullets. A lot of them have stories about that, like Claudia: “There were dead bodies in the streets almost daily. I could not go out many times. I had to lock myself up in the house. It was very hard.”58 Fate was not equally distributed. Adriana Maria Restrepo says that one family she knows has lost all five of their children, while she survived with all four of hers. She also states: ”There was an incredible consumption of drugs in the neighborhood and children were smoking marihuana on every street corner.”59 The police was hardly present in this area for a long time. It was dangerous to be a policeman in this area. Soreida tells the story about a young man working for the police. He could not visit his mother who lived in the area, because gang members would kill him. One day the mother went to the leader of the gang and asked permission for her son to visit her just once. The gang leader granted the permission, but did not keep his word. When the son came, gang members tore him out of the house, tortured and finally killed him.60 Although all of my informants agree that the situation has improved a lot, there is no consensus on the moment the change began. Many refer to Operation Orion in 2002 as a life changing moment. This was the first time there was actually impressive state presence in the neighborhood, “cleaning” it – as some refer to it - from criminals. Others state that the biggest change has taken place in the last couple of years and can mainly be attributed to a truce that has been established in 2013 between the two major gangs in the city. Although none of the informants sees the construction of the escalator as the main factor which caused the violence to diminish, most of them do see positive effects. “Due to the escalator, the police is now more present in the neighborhood. Before it was a little more complicated”, says Leida61. To my question if security has improved, José answers: “Yes, maybe not 100%, but 70-80% at least.” To my question if this is related to the escalator he very convincingly states: 57 58 59 60 61

Interview EEM_Soreida_Johana_2014.05.15 Interview EEM_Claudia_2014.05.26 Interview EEM_Adriana_2014.05.12 Interview EEM_Soreida_Johana_2014.05.15 Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12

Yes. There is a relation with this project, because the neighbors and the people in general who live in this neighborhood feel a sense of pride that they have this means of transportation integrated into their neighborhood. In some way or other, we like the fact that we are the first and that this is actually a public service which has not the aim to be profitable for the construction company. This has had a very positive impact on the public sphere and how people treat each other.62 This quote is interesting, because the question was about the diminishing of the violence and the answer does not really go into the violence, but stresses the factor ‘pride’ – which is something collectively felt by the neighborhood – and the factor ‘public’. Further on in this chapter I will discuss the topic of neighborhood pride more in-depth. Right now I would like to focus on the public sphere or space this escalator has helped to create and how this is connected to a sense of security. The term ‘public’ derives from the Latin word ‘populus’ meaning ‘the people’. Hence public space should belong to the people, meaning they should all have equal access to it. But “for streets to be livable, they must first be recognized as public places” (UN Habitat, 2013, p. 30). Even if we call it ‘public’ in reality there are all kinds of mechanisms at work that make public space more a space for particular groups, thereby excluding others. “Public spaces can be central to people’s self-definition, both individually and collectively” (Di Masso, 2012, p. 126), which is confirmed in my interviews when people, like the above cited José, speak of the escalator as ‘theirs’ and something that makes them proud. If a social group is connected to a space it has certain expectation about this place and how people should behave in it. This is what Di Masso calls urban place identity. The residents of a place connect the place to their self-image. In this way the identification with an urban space becomes closely connected to their personal identity. There is a strong social dimension in place attachment. People connect to places because they feel attached to a social group that this place represents (Scannell and Gifford, 2010, p. 4) However, if a group of people try to control public space, then exclusion of other groups is imminent. Di Masso calls 62

Interview EEM_Jose_2014.05.19

this psychological notion ‘territoriality’. Territorial behavior has the objective to establish who this space belongs to. We can see this behavior quite clearly when gangs take over the neighborhood (Di Masso, 2012, p. 126). Jane Jacobs refers to this kind of territoriality, calling it ‘turf’ (Jacobs, 1961, p.47). According to her impersonal streets with no sidewalk activity create anonymous people who choose to ignore each other. In such a situation it is much easier for others to take control over a street or neighborhood, because the natural mechanisms to watch out for each other and correct each other’s behavior are lacking (Jacobs, 1961, p. 57). In Las Independencias this has been the case for years. Gangs were in control. People would stay in their houses. There was hardly any casual contact on the street, which according to Jacobs is so vital in creating safe streets. With the construction of the electric escalator it seems that the state has reconquered public space and gave it back to the community. César Hernández, former manager of the PUI, gave a very vivid insight into the construction process of the escalator.

During construction of the first part of the escalator, they killed the leader of one of the gangs […]. He just came out of prison, arrived as ‘chef of this zone’ and said: “You didn’t ask for my permission. How did you get here? Etc.” He had two bodyguards and there was a moment, I remember it was broad daylight, at one in the afternoon, he was talking to a shop owner at a corner shop, and they came and killed him. A guy with a rifle, from another gang. During the whole construction there were a lot of shootings and a dozen people were killed, one of them a 9-year old boy who accidently got in the crossfire. Hernandez calls the project a “threat to the gangs”.

It is an invasion into their territory. People are entering it…from the construction, the police, the municipality. What happens to them? When they first heard about the project and that we wanted to tear down houses, they took over the territory and said “No, you can’t pull down these houses, they belong to us.” They took over the houses [at the moment when the owners were at the municipality, handing in

their keys] and took out everything of value: bathroom, kitchen, steel pipes, window panes. […] It was a really crazy gang. There was a lot of tension between them and us as government representatives. […] I can tell you 20,000 of these stories. […] But in the end they came to a conclusion: when we murder someone from here, we have to run and they will get us. 63 It is not only the state that is reclaiming public space, but also artists. In all of Comuna 13 there are around 4,000 hip hop artists. With their raps and graffiti they are making their claim on public space. This is important, because “culture links members to places through shared historical experiences, values, and symbols” (Scannell and Gifford, 2010, p.2). Last year there was a confrontation between them and local gangs. Jeihhco, a local socially engaged rap artist, tells the story of what happened after one of their friends was murdered last year:

We went on the street to commemorate our friend with candles and palm leaves, all very peacefully. But one of the gang leaders was annoyed, because we were on his territory. That created a threat, because we were with so many. His anger wasn’t pointed at our social engagement, but at our pacification. But to make it clear, normally the relation is very peaceful and mutually respective. […] When we make a graffiti or something we ask them for permission to go there. Unfortunately these are matters of war. These are guys of 18 or 20 that we grew up with. They are not trained. They are afraid. They don’t see what is going on. They are on drugs and because of that they commit acts of war. Also against people from the neighborhood. And because we are so many rappers, we are young and we are out on the street, it is impossible not to become a victim.64 It is clear that gang violence is still very much a part of Comuna 13. However, the creation of more public space and openness, where gang members cannot hide that easily, seems to have a positive effect. This newly created space is step by step taken over by rap artists and other inhabitants who are starting to discover the meaning of public space (see next 63 64

Interview César Hernández, general manager of PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06 Interview with Jeison Alexánder Castaño alias Jeihcco, rap artist and initiator of Casa Kolacho, 2014.06.03

paragraphs). In Jane Jacobs’ words: “There must be eyes on the street, eyes belonging to those we might call the natural proprietors of the street” (Jacobs, 1961, p. 35). In the past the gang member were the natural proprietors of the small alley and streets, but now this seems to be changing, at least around the escalator. The surveillance team, that is the eyes and ears of this area, is taking on this responsibility right now, more than anyone else. The violence and the gangs have not vanished all together, but according to César Hernández, there were five gangs active in the area before and now there is only one. Andres Borraez, a master student of professor Brand at the Universidad Nacional in Medellin, is doing research on the relation between violence and the urban interventions in Santo Domingo, where the first metro cable is located. He discovered that violence diminished in close proximity to the metro stations and around the nearby created plazas and the public library. The clean and open spaces with people on the street seem to have had a positive effect here. But the violence has spread to other locations.65 This is called the ‘waterbed effect’ which can be defined as “the consequence of a policy measure with an intentional or unintentional influence on a territory outside the territory of intervention” (Slob

et al., 2008, p.11). For Las Independencias I did not investigate this effect on the basis of homicide rates, as Borraez did for Santo Domingo, but it seems likely that there is a waterbed effect here as well. Some of my informants in the neighborhood point to other adjacent neighborhoods like El Torre, as not being safe. Also respondents living further away from the escalator and closer to the higher up neighborhoods have a smaller sense of increased security than others do. I had the following conversation with Claudia, who lives about 250 meters up from the end of the escalator: Letty: Is it true that there is a truce between gangs now? Claudia: No, I don’t think so. No. Even if they do little things now, the

killings continue. Letty: So nothing has changed? Claudia: Ehemm,..well, yes, it has changed a little. 65

Informal conversation with Andres Borraez, 2014.05.06

“According to Wilson and Kelling’s broken windows theory, physical and social disorder lead to fear and cause citizens to retreat into their homes. This breaks down informal social control mechanisms and may lead to more serious crime” (Chappell et al., 2011, p. 522). This might explain why people living at greater distance of the escalator are feeling less secure. I observed myself that the area around the escalator is very clean. There is no trash on the streets. The higher up you walk, further away from the escalator, it is noticeable that there is more trash and many of the houses are not nicely painted anymore. The idea behind the broken windows theory is that if the police is more present and acts strongly against small criminals this would contribute to diminishing disorder and prevent criminals from committing more serious crimes. People do experience more police presence, but they don’t seem to be very active in targeting small criminals. They are mostly seen by inhabitants sitting on a bench on top of the escalator or doing their rounds around the neighborhood. The link between disorder and fear of crime has been re-established in another study, but it was also shown that the extra police presence in itself often leads to an increase in fear of crime (Hinkle & Weisburd, 2008). This does not seem to be the case in La Independencia 1. The state presence in the form of police seems to be highly appreciated, maybe because it is very low key and in no way comparable to the police intervention during Operation Orion, which was very violent. However, to me it still seems quite remarkable that the police presence is appreciated so much, given the fact that the police is not very highly respected and still partly corrupt (see chapter 3). The surveillance team plays an important role in maintaining the area and keeping it clean, but this is restricted to the escalator itself, the ‘gardens’ around it and the small places with public benches between the different tramos. However, given the negative effect extreme police presence might have on the sense of security, it might have been a very wise choice to use local youths, instead of professional security people or police, and train them in surveillance and education of people. They are less threatening and more familiar, because they come from the neighborhood.

Another study into the broken windows theory shows that it is the diminishing of physical disorder – more than the diminishing of social disorder – that significantly contributes to the quality of life (Chappell et al, 2011). The young children from the neighborhood who wrote a rap lyric for me about their neighborhood, during one of their workshops in Casa Kolacho, repeatedly said that the streets used to be very “ugly” and there was a lot of violence. Now this has changed. So the topic of clean streets seems to play an important role in how children experience their neighborhood and in their sense of security (see appendix IV for lyrics of rap). My data show that the people living closer to the escalator use it more often, are more proud of it and state that it contributes to their quality of life. This shows that especially the physical environment does play an important role in increasing people’s sense of security, so does a low key police presence, which in essence confirms the broken window’s theory. The question is how far the positive impact of the escalator reaches. Where are the boundaries of this territory? “The boundary is nothing more than the marked transition from one sphere of control to that of another” (Low, 2000, p. 154). It is clear that there are certain unofficial boundaries that separate the safe area around the escalator from other neighborhoods where its impact is absent (see map 5.1 boundaries of influence escalator). Also the members of the surveillance team of the escalator are not likely to go beyond certain borders into another neighborhood. Andres explains: “What I mean to say is that if you want to pass certain boundaries, you can go there. No problem. However, if I would walk into that other neighborhood wearing this jacket, this uniform, that is during my work, I could not.”66 The violence has diminished, but gangs are still present, they just moved their ‘turf’ into surrounding neighborhoods. What has changed in recent years is that gang members are not that easily identifiable anymore. Before everybody knew who was part of a gang, and now it is more hidden, say many of my respondents. I asked the members of the surveillance team if they would recognize gang members in the area. Chota says: “You recognize them by their faces; they immediately scare you. They give you a bad look. But they don’t scare me [laughs nervously]. Yes, they do scare me, a lot. So 66

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it’s better to avoid them.”67 What happens here is that the state has taken over the territory or turf of the gangs. As earlier stated, it is common in territories, that the dominant group, imposes certain behavioral rules on others. In this case one could say that Terminales has also created a territory with strict rules of its own, at least where it concern the escalator itself. These rules are clearly indicated at each tramo of the escalator. Gang members who pass by are also expected to behave accordingly. However, as one can hear in Chota’s reaction, he does not dare to force the gang members to comply with these rules if they would violate them. This indicates the volatility of the situation.

Map 5.1: Boundaries of influence escalator indicated by red line (source: Google Earth 2013)

As stated earlier it is difficult to mark a clear moment in the past that changed the security situation in the area. But for Andres from the surveillance team it is very clear: “Three years ago there were conflicts. Violent ones. Two 67

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years ago they started to diminish. And for a year now, nothing has happened. That is the summary of what happened.”68 The escalator seems to have a positive effect on making the area more safe, but the situation is way more complex than that. Inhabitants as well as professionals seem to be aware that things can turn around again in a second. César Hernández states: “Comuna 13 is still one of the most volatile areas concerning security in all of Medellin. If tomorrow a guy from one of the upper neighborhoods kills a guy from a neighborhood down below, the pact that we call ‘electric escalators’ is broken.”69 Asked what the neighborhood now needs most, my informants all agree on two things: something to keep the children busy and avoid them being on the street and get in contact with local gangs, and the second thing is employment, because without work poverty will persist and young people will not have any opportunities in life.

5.2 Role of public space in strengthening social tissue In this paragraph I will address the meaning public space has for creating a sense of identification and attachment to a place, for social interaction that strengthens trust and social capital. In short how public space contributes to creating a stronger social tissue and inhabitants starting to feel a sense of pride for their neighborhood. Jane Jacobs already discovered that attachment to a place is an indicator of resilience of a neighborhood. “When people start investing in their houses, that is a form of attachment” (Jacobs, 1961. 272). La Independencia 1 is a neighborhood that hosts many desplazados, people that have fled the violence of the guerrillas in the more rural areas. Many of their children were born in this neighborhood. Others have come in more recent years. There is a relative high number of single mother household, because many have lost their husbands to the violence. The people who participated in my survey, on average lived in the neighborhood for 24 years. Many of them have started out with a simple rancho, consisting of some pillars, a floor and a simple roof. In the course of the years they have turned these ranchos into real houses with walls, tiled floors and nicely

68 69

Focus group_2014.06.12 Interview César Hernández, former manager of PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

painted walls. This leads to a great diversity in the built environment. Some are there a long time and have been able to invest more, while others do not have the financial means or are just renting their house. I could witness this myself. For example Johana lives with her two small children and her mother in a very small one room apartment, where they used to live with thirteen people. They cook, sleep and live in the same simple room with bare brick walls and a cement floor. Almost next door lives José. He is divorced and lives alone in a house with two rooms, tiled floors and nicely painted walls. The house is decorated with care and equipped with a washing machine and impressive audio-visual equipment. Martin & Martin (forthcoming, 2015) state that in Medellin there is a lot of diversity in attachment in these poor neighborhoods, depending on factors such as the years they lived there, the level of informality and the degree of participation in the formal economy. As indicated in chapter 4, the inhabitants I interviewed were on the whole not interested in moving to another part of the city. They invest in their homes, which by now are almost all legalized and have access to public facilities. My findings also contradict studies in comparable neighborhoods (in the periphery, but relatively well connected by public transport) in other Latin American cities. “In provincial town like Riobamba - with decent bus services between city center and the suburbs, enabling residents to operate through entire city and part of surrounding countryside– residents feel no particular ties to their neighborhood territory (they identify with suburban territory). […] If they saw opportunities for social advancement, residents moved away from their neighborhood, either temporarily or permanently” (Klaufus, 2012, p. 90). But what does attachment to a neighborhood, shown by investments done in the home, say about social interaction in the neighborhood? When the first illegal settlers came here at the end of the 70’s there was a strong sense of community.

The neighborhood of Las Independencias was established by land invasions that took place between 1978 and 1980, and its identity has been shaped by the hardships and the struggles that were connected to building houses and adapting these fragile pieces of land in areas that

were basically inappropriate for urbanization (Cañas et al. 2008, p. XXII-XXIII). Rap artist Jeihhco also speaks of men and women working together to set up neighborhoods.

These neighborhoods in the peripheries, on the slopes of the hills, were made house by house by the entire community. The women made sancocho and the men made the house and everything. It took them eight days to build a house. This is how they made these neighborhoods…working like a community.70 The years that followed the early settlement, were characterized by violence, which did was not a good environment to build social relations. There was a lot of distrust and people would not stay on the streets more than necessary. Now, things have changed. Soreida says: “Before people were scared and kept to themselves. They stayed more in the house. There was less contact with other people because you never knew who you could trust. Now people are much more open. It would have been inconceivable before for investigators to do research. Nobody would have opened the door. Now everybody feels free to talk to anyone.”71 This newly developing trust is an essential asset for social cohesion in the neighborhood. “Honesty and trust lubricate the inevitable frictions of social life” (Putnam, 2000, p.135). But even before the escalator was there, there was a social network that people could fall back on. This was clearly shown when EDU had to tear down around 60 dwellings to build the escalator. EDU-sociologist Martha Perez says: “People don’t want to move for many reasons. One of them is that everybody knows them. Another one is family. Sometimes they are so poor, that they can’t leave. Now they know everybody and in case they don’t have anything to eat, they know that someone will bring them food.”72 These social networks are a form of social capital. People are “granting resources to others out of solidarity with members of the same territorial, ethnic or religious community (bounded solidarity)” (Portes & Landolt, 2000, p. 533). 70 71 72

Interview with Jeison Alexánder Castaño alias Jeihcco, rap artist and initiator of Casa Kolacho, 2014.06.03 Interview EEM_Soreida_Johana_2014.05.15 Interview with Martha Perez, sociologist at EDU, 2014.05.17

Already Jacobs (1961) used the term social capital, but Putnam really put it on the map. He refers to social capital as “features of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination of cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, 1995, p. 67). In La Independencia 1 family relations play an important role and seem to take precedence over social contacts with neighbors. This is what Putnam (2000, p.23) refers to as “strong ties” which connect a person to family and close friends versus “weak ties” that connect people to more distant acquaintances that sometimes even move in different social circles. In this neighborhood strong ties clearly take precedence over weak ties. Sometimes family members all live together in one house, but a lot of the times children who have moved out stayed in the same neighborhood. Or José, who is divorced, but also stayed in the same area to be close to his children. As did the husband of Adriana whom she also divorced. One of her children is even living with him. An important improvement is the fact that family members who live in other parts of the city can now visit. Leidy says: “My family members that lived outside Comuna 13 never came to visit, because they were afraid. Now they’re not afraid anymore and they come like it’s normal. Everything is quiet en anybody can enter. There are no problems and everybody feels safe. Before, no.”73 “The ability to stay in touch with significant others, such as important friends, family and so forth, for example, enables social actors to maintain their social capital” (Ohnmacht et al., 2009, p. 14). Another way we can identify belonging is the emotional energy created by of all kinds of interactions between people in the home, on the street and in the neighborhood (see figure 5.1 and 5.2 for casual neighborhood contacts in public space). When neighbors meet on the street they each bring their own mental schemas about living together. When they interact they actively as well as passively create new mental schemas (Ouweneel, forthcoming 2015). Before these kinds of interactions were probably more limited to the house and to family members, but now, with the construction of the electric escalator and its public spaces, there is much more opportunity to engage in these kinds of interactions and thereby strengthening the sense of belonging and attachment to the 73

Focus group_2014.06.12

neighborhood. All these casual contacts help to strengthen public identity and a sense of trust. “The trust of a city street is formed over time from many, many little public sidewalk contacts.[…] The sum of such casual, public contact at local level […] is a feeling for public identity of people, a web of public respect and trust and a resource in time of personal neighborhood need” (Jacobs, 1961, p. 56). Many people I interviewed use the escalator as a means to engage in these casual contacts. Especially old people. An 86-year old man I spoke with on the street said that he would not leave the house before and now he was regularly going up and down the escalator for a little stroll. During my visits to the neighborhood I met him several times. He was often sitting on a bench before the small store of Nelson and his family, having a piece of cake. Or Miria: “We go up the escalator and have a stroll through the neighborhood. It’s nice.”74

Figure 5.1: women chatting in public space

Figure 5.2: children playing on slides in public space

The possibility the escalator offers in providing the space for this neighborhood interaction is, however, not the only explanation for increased interaction. As Leida explains: “Before we didn’t have any kind of recreation. For 74

Interview EEM_Miria_2014.05.19

example, now with the project of painting the facades, people are talking to each other. There are now much more projects that involve the community.”75 The project of painting of the rooftops was done in close cooperation with the inhabitants. Hip hop artist Jeihhco and a couple of his friends received the assignment from the municipality to make the paintings, but together with the inhabitants they decided on the theme. This also created new moments of interaction. By using these public spaces, they create new meaning or as Low (2009, p. 24) ) states: “the social construction of space is the actual transformation of space - through peoples’ social exchanges, memories, images, and daily use of the material setting - into scenes and actions that convey symbolic meaning”. Most of my informants confirmed that they did have more contact with neighbors now, but they vary a lot in intensity. Sometimes I noticed that the people I interviewed did not even know who was living in the house next door. And of course, because of the density of the population, there are also irritations, like in any other neighborhood: dogs barking, loud music or cooking smells are part of daily annoyances. Another observation I made is the segregation between people of different origin. The ones of Caribbean origin lived in general more on the outskirts of the neighborhood, further away from the escalator. During a festive community gathering, organized by EDU and two other organizations, all the people came together on the viewing platform on top of the escalator. However, people of clear Caribbean origin did not mix with the whiter part of the population, with the exception of the children (see figure 5.3 for children mingling during neighborhood gathering). Another day, in an informal conversation I had with Adriana Restrepo, she referred to “these people” [of Caribbean origin] as “vulgar”. So many people do know their neighbors, but certainly not all of them and many people choose to stay within their familiar boundaries of the family. However, people do spend more time on the street and this does increase casual contact. Or as a UN-report states: “Streets as public places also promote social inclusion by providing the opportunity for communities to interact and discuss various issues 75

Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12

of common interest […]. Community interactions contribute to people’s wellbeing” (UN Habitat, 2013, p. 41).

89 Figure 5.3: children of different racial backgrounds mingling during neighborhood event.

The sense of pride people feel for the escalator and its surroundings reflects their “identification with urban space and the development of a collective sense of belonging” (Di Masso, 2012, p. 127). It seems that this is strengthened by the fact that more and more people from outside visit. People do not just come to visit the escalator. The public spaces within the communal buildings of the escalator – one at the bottom and one at the top – can be used for public gatherings, like community meetings, educational trainings or courses in sports, art or dance. This is a new phenomenon in this neighborhood.

In the beginning is was mostly INDER76 that organized judo and karate classes. They came most often to the neighborhood. Probably because they are well known on a national level. So they came without fear to this neighborhood, but they were the only ones. No one else came. And now many projects have come and is it all thanks to the 76

Sports organization of the municipality of Medellin

escalators that have created this opportunity. Andres (21), member of surveillance team77 These public buildings are used by people from outside as well as inside the community. The importance of these visitors entering the neighborhood cannot be sufficiently stressed, because they also contribute in building weak ties with people from other social circles in society.

Many people from other countries come here. Many tourists. They go up on the escalators and down again. The president was here also one time. And the mayor. And the governor of Antioquia. They brought with them the law: many policemen and soldiers. And that is good for us. All because of the electric escalator. Miria (63)78 Community leader Adriana Restrepo refers to role the escalator plays in the community as follows: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The escalator has become the mother of all of us. Then the father came: the mayor. And then the aunts and uncles, which are the people that visit from outside (see figure 5.4 for outside visitors).â&#x20AC;?79 90

Figure 5.4: outside visitors on viewing platform on top of escalator

77 78 79

Focus group_2014.06.12 Interview EEM_Miria_2014.05.19 Interview EEM_Adriana_2014.05.12

The inhabitants realize that – considering the violent reputation of Comuna 13 – it is something special that these outside visitors come and therefore they feel responsible for their safety. “You have seen that many foreigners come here and nothing bad happens to them. Of course people think: ‘O dear, I am in Comuna 13 without a bodyguard, without police.’ That is super cool! Honestly, that fills me with emotion”, says Chota.80 Another example of this pride is the way the inhabitants react to the rumors that inhabitants and visitors had to pay

vacunas to use the escalator, which was reported in a newspaper (El Colombiano, 2012.01.26). It was quite remarkable that when I talked to people in the neighborhood, they spontaneously mentioned this – stating that it was a lie without me even asking about it. Later on I received confirmation from César Hernández and also from community leader Adriana Restrepo that there was extortion during the construction, but never were inhabitants or visitors asked for money. It seems that this reaction is closely connected to their sense of pride. It is ‘their’ escalator and they do not want anyone thinking badly about it or just assuming that it is not safe to use. Turning a negative image around takes time. One example that illustrates this is the use of term comuna. All of Medellin is subdivided into comunas, which also have different names, like El Poblado or Laureles. However, only the poorer neighborhoods are in the daily language referred to as comunas, which is a negative connotation. Comuna 13 is notorious well beyond the city limits. According to rap artist Jeihhco this is one of the reasons why the city administration specifically chose this location to build the electric escalator. “Comuna 13 is a brand”.81 José complains that part of the press tends to report only on the negative issues. “The press have made Comuna 13 famous, well beyond the national borders, and not in a positive way.”82 And Leida notices that people from other parts of town do not make a distinction between different neighborhoods. “When there is a shooting in El Salado [another neighborhood in Comuna 13], then they immediately say Comuna 13 is unsafe.”83 It is clear

80 81 82 83

Focus group_2014.06.12 Interview with Jeison Alexánder Castaño alias Jeihcco, rap artist and initiator of Casa Kolacho, 2014.06.03 Interview EEM_José_2014.05.19 Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12

however that the inhabitants of La Independencia 1 are fed up with the burden of this stigma and are very eager to show the world that things have changed. Or as Adriana Restrepo emphasizes: “There are good people living here.”84

5.3 Bridging the gap: public space as arena for citizenship In this paragraph I focus on the third of role public space, which is that of “natural arena of citizenship where individuals, groups and crowds become political subjects” (Di Masso, 2012, p. 124). As mentioned already in the previous chapter and the previous paragraph, one of the main effects of the electric escalator is that it has literally opened up the neighborhood to the outside world. Various municipal institutions have now access to the area. Has this contributed to a sense of inclusion? Do inhabitants feel more connected to the city and its institutions and do they start behaving as active citizens? It is certainly true that various institutions have entered the neighborhood and this is closely linked to the construction of the escalator. First of all the escalator has made this neighborhood more within reach, because transportation has improved and representatives of institutions do not have to climb the 357 stairs anymore. Secondly, security has improved, which made access easier. However, the escalator seems to be in itself a reason to invest in this area. As stated earlier the municipality and its related organizations have invested in repairing and painting roofs, painting facades, let artists paint murals and construct a playground for children. The area that is visible from the escalators has received a visual uplift. One can speculate whether this is aimed primarily at improving the lives of the inhabitants or at improving the visual attractiveness of the neighborhood for outside visitors. As far as I could establish, the investments were initiated by the institutions and they were the once that decided which houses or families would benefit. I would think it is safe to say that it is no coincidence that investments were only made in dwellings that are visible from the escalator Aside from investments in improving housing and infrastructure there have been other investments as well. Inhabitants mention activities for children and 84

Interview EEM_Adriana_05.12

adolescents, courses in child care, cooking meals together, doing handicrafts etcetera. The people living in the area appreciate this attention. Leida says: “They have turned their eyes on a population that has been forgotten for a long time.”85 Claudia states: “The escalator has benefitted us as a whole, because it draws attention to the neighborhood, although the actual benefit of using the escalator is limited to a small number of people.”86

Figure 5.5: painted houses visible from escalator

Figure 5.6: mural along ‘boulevard’

People state that the relations with the representatives of the municipality are good. According to community leader Adriana Restrepo the escalator has played a major role in instigating this change. “The escalator is the mother and it accomplished the transformation of the city.” She continues stating: “Every project is a process. When they started it was complete chaos.[…] Now every department of the municipality is involved. The focus is on educating people and calming down this zone. I expect that in five years this neighborhood will have improved so much.”87

85 86 87

Interview EEM_Leida_2014.05.12 Interview EEM_Claudia.2014.05.26 Interview EEM_Adriana.2014.05.12

“Public space in the city should be considered as an essential space for the construction of social life and as a fundamental means for the formation and expression of the political expectations of the population” (Rodriguez Osorio and Arbeláez Sierra, 2012, p. 167). However, based on my interviews with inhabitants and observation, my impression is that the inhabitants have been rather politically passive up until now. ‘Gratefulness’ does better describe their attitude than does ‘citizenship’. They are grateful that for the first time they are being seen by the official institutions. They gladly receive whatever is being offered to them by the institutions. This is also the way in which they talk about the escalator. They call it “a gift” or an “invention of God”. The fact that they have received this gift makes them very proud and they cherish this gift, but their attitude is very passive. I have not heard any stories of them making an active claim towards the authorities in what they think is important. Dagnino (2006, p. 22) states that citizenship has always played a dominant role in Latin America and it has evolved from being a “strategy of the dominant classes and the state for the gradual and limited incorporation of excluded sectors” to “the emergence of new political subjects actively defining what they consider their rights and fighting for their recognition”. This political engagement of the people themselves is still lacking in this neighborhood. Informal community leader Adriana Restrepo speaks of educational projects where people learn to interact and listen to each other to make them speak up. She also talked about a network of women that has been active in the neighborhood. However, my other female respondents have not said anything about this network. I had also heard about a women’s leader in Las Independencias that has acquired some fame outside Comuna 13. Her name is Maria del Socorro Mosquera, but not even Adriana Restrepo seemed to know her. Of course my group of respondents was not very big, but still, I did not get an image of a well-organized, actively engaged neighborhood community in the area around the escalator. When looking at citizenship, it is interesting to compare the neighborhood around the escalator to favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro. Here we have a very similar situation: a poor neighborhood on a steep hillside. People needed to

climb more than 700 stairs to reach the top of the hill. In 2008 they built a tramway. Tourists came, that first were welcomed warmly, but now they are buying houses and investing in businesses, and local residents are afraid they no longer can afford to live there. Now the government even wants to build a restaurant with a viewing platform for the tourists. Here, in 2010, the people have organized themselves. When former president Lula da Silva visited the area in that same year, he received a letter from one of the community leaders saying that favela residents were proud to receive him, but they also stated that his visit was an opportunity for them to “exercise their citizenship and consolidate their rights” (Menezes, forthcoming 2015). This is a clear example of people in a poor neighbourhood that initially were welcoming state intervention, but they reached a point where the state was no longer considering their needs and rights and then they stepped up for themselves. The question is whether this will happen in La Independencia 1 as well. Is it just a matter of time or do people lack certain skills to use their political citizenship? Martin & Martin (forthcoming 2015) note that in the 60’s Medellin had a very active process of community action. One of their claims was access to public utilities in which they were quite successful. However, in Medellin this process of community action was brutally disturbed by the violent intervention of the FARC-guerrillas in these neighborhoods and many community councils were infiltrated by guerrillas and paramilitaries and have corrupted their influence. Adriana Restrepo, whom I interviewed, is an informal community leader. She was asked by members of the community to take on the leadership, but she insisted on being independent. She did not want to become an official member of the community council. However, she plays an important role in representing the neighborhood to the outside world and she regularly gets invited by the municipality or the mayor himself to attend public gatherings. She has been involved in the whole process of developing the escalator for six years. She gives the following explanation for the lack of visibility of official community councils: “Before the members of the community council weren’t that bad, but things have changed. To be a good leader, you have to educate yourself. You have to know about construction, you have to be able to deal with companies like Terminales.

[…]I am being invited to congresses, I have to present myself in an auditorium full of educated people.”88 The point of needing certain skills as a community leader seems valid, since circumstances have changed. However, questions can also be raised to what extend Adriana can be considered a legitimate representative of the neighborhood of La Independencia 1. The mayor seems to actively use her as ambassador for the project of electric escalator in various (international) gatherings. The Plan de Desarollo (Development Plan) for Comuna 13 points out that it is considered a problem that many people are insufficiently aware of their rights and obligations (2009, p. 20). But does this mean that people do not feel included in the neighborhood or do not feel connected to the city? Not according to a survey done by the municipality early 2014. Table 5.1 points out that the percentage of people in Las Independencias that do feel included in the community is almost 80% and even higher than in two other neighborhoods that have been investigated. Also, as table 5.2 indicates, around a third of the inhabitants of Las Independencias not just consider their neighborhood, but the whole city as their ‘territory’. This is supported by my surveys in which the vast majority of the respondents indicate that they also travel by metro to the city center.

Sense of inclusion

Se sienten incluidos y/o acogidos en la Comuna 13 20 de Julio Belencito N % N % No 91 29,4% 85 27,0% Si 218 70,6% 230 73,0% Sin dato 0 0,0% 0 0,0% T otal 309 100% 315 100%

Las Independencias N % 59 20,1% 234 79,9% 0 0,0% 293 100%

Total N 235 682 83 1000

% 23,5% 68,2% 8,3% 100%

Figure 5.1, source: municipality of Medellin, January 2014

So on the one hand we have a population that has been ignored for years and finally receives attention from municipal and state institutions and is very happy with this. On the other hand there is a state with a social debt. “After the year 2002, when the state intervened in the armed conflict in this area, and saw in 88

Interview EEM_Adriana_2014.05.12

what poor conditions the majority of the population was living and realized what a social debt it had to this part of the city, the city administration gave itself the task to invest in an ongoing process to improve social conditions.” (Plan de Desarollo Comuna 13, 2009, p. 13). The municipality did its best and as part of repaying its social debt, presented the gift of an electric escalator. What do you consider your territory?

Para usted cuál es su territorio 20 de Julio N % El barrio 73 24,3% El sector 60 20,0% La ciudad 119 39,7% La comuna 39 13,0% Otra 9 3,0% Sin dato 0 0,0% Total 300 100%

Belencito N % 82 25,2% 73 22,5% 109 33,5% 52 16,0% 9 2,8% 0 0,0% 325 100%

Las Independencias N % 67 22,8% 51 17,3% 96 32,7% 72 24,5% 8 2,7% 0 0,0% 294 100%

Total N 222 184 324 163 26 81 1000

% 22,2% 18,4% 32,4% 16,3% 2,6% 8,1% 100%

Table 5.2, source: municipality of Medellin, January 2014

Both parties seem happy for now, but the questions remains if this will stay this way if nothing fundamentally changes in the economic conditions of the populations. Will there be a time when the inhabitants around the escalator will claim their right to the city and will use their newly acquired public spaces to express these rights? Will they be able to use these spaces as they see fit? Up until now behavior around the escalator has been guided by rules established by

Terminales and controlled by its surveillance team. However, the political nature of public space is reflected in the idea of public space as an arena of democratic rights, such as Henry Lefebvre’s politically and spatially grounded ‘right to the city’. The assumptions about safety, and expectations about behavior pose limitations to the execution of these rights. Therefore social life in public space suffers from a tension between the values of liberty of democratic rights on the one hand and control of ‘descent’ behavior on the other (Di Masso, 2012, p. 124125). “The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what the property speculators and state planners define, but an active right to make the city

different, to shape it more in accord with our heart's desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different image” (Harvey, 2003, p. 941).

5.4 Concluding remarks In this chapter I have focused on different aspects of public space. The first one is its influence on security. Clean and attractive public spaces where people interact create an environment that is literally less attractive for criminals and therefore create a greater sense of security. My data confirm these assumptions made by Jane Jacobs and further investigated in research on the broken window’s theory. A low profile police presence seems to add to this sense of security and not enhance it as Hinkle and Weisburd (2008) have stated. With the construction of the electric escalator public space has been reconquered on criminal gangs that had turned it into their ‘territory’ or ‘turf’ in which their own rules applied. The gangs have been driven out, creating a waterbed effect; they do not disappear completely, but move to other neighborhoods. The situation, however, remains very volatile. The escalator itself has in a way been territorialized by Terminales, which set up its own set of behavioral rules. New public spaces and buildings have created room for encounter en casual contacts. Now that people feel more safe, they go out for leisurely walks or engage in communal activities like painting facades. In the process they transform public space, making it a place they identify with (Low, 2009; Ouweneel, forthcoming 2015; Di Masso, 2012; Scannell and Gifford, 2010). With these encounters trust is coming back to the neighborhood, which is a key element in creating social capital and cohesion in a neighborhood (Putnam, 1995, 2000; Jacobs, 1961). Although inhabitants still have a strong focus on family ties, casual encounters with neighbors and outside visitors also strengthen the weaker ties (Putnam, 2000). The fact that family and strangers from outside the neighborhood visit, makes them feel proud. Like any other neighborhood, La Independencia 1 still has its minor disputes between neighbors and there is a form of segregation between different racial groups. However, slowly, but steadily they are moving upward, trying to escape from the negativity of gang violence,

distrust and stigmatization, although the negative image is still very persistent in the press. That is why they do their utmost to convince visitors of the opposite. Although people are interacting more now, they have not yet developed a real sense of citizenship in which they are claiming public space to express and claim their rights (Di Masso, 2012; Harvey, 2003; Dagnino, 2006). They do feel connected to the neighborhood and to the city as a whole and enjoy and appreciate the attention the institutions are paying them, after years of neglect. However, they seem to behave rather passively as a child that has just received an immense gift and is not allowed to complain. An informal community leader and the official Development Plan for Comuna 13 confirm that citizens lack the skills to actively speak up for themselves. Time will tell if this is just a matter of skills that need developing or if the time is not yet ripe. If the neighborhood around the escalator follows a similar pattern of development as favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro, then the situation might change in a couple of years. If they start feeling that municipal investments focus more on attracting tourists than improving the lives of residents, and if outsiders are driving up real estate prices, than the people might feel that their rights are no longer respected and rise to the occasion.

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6. Governance: mayors, planners and the public On governance there are many definitions, but generally they include three actors: the government, the private sector and civil society. Another important aspect is that it emphasizes the process in which different parties with different priorities interact. The UN defines governance as:

Urban governance is the sum of the many ways individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city. It is a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may be accommodated and cooperative action can be taken. It includes formal institutions as well as informal arrangements and the social capital of citizens.89 The next step is to define what ‘good’ governance is, which is always a normative debate. Again the UN define good governance by the following characteristics: sustainability, subsidiarity, equity, efficiency, transparency and accountability, civic engagement and citizenship, and security90. A much simpler definition of good governance is used by Brand and Dávila (2012, p.85). They describe good governance as “good government, based on the efficient and transparent actions of local government institutions in close collaboration with other social actors”. I will use these definitions of good governance as a reference to analyze how mayors, planners and the public have interacted in Medellin. In this chapter I will take a step back from the micro-cosmos of the electric escalator and look from a broader perspective at the processes surrounding the urban transformation of Medellin, starting in 2004 when Sergio Fajardo took office as mayor. This can more or less be seen as the birth of social urbanism. In the first paragraph I will focus on the mayor and his team of professionals. My starting point is the main objective of social urbanism as formulated by mayor Fajardo: fighting inequity and violence. I will briefly describe the problem and sketch the strategies developed under social urbanism to tackle this problem and the way this transformation process was organized.

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UN-Habitat, http://ww2.unhabitat.org/campaigns/governance/Principles.asp, visited on 2014.11.07 UN-Habitat, http://ww2.unhabitat.org/campaigns/governance/Principles.asp, visited on 2014.11.07

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Looking back there is also criticism, problems that could not be solved and lessons learned. I identify three different kinds of problems: first there is the discrepancy between physical interventions and social interventions. Eyecatching architecture or innovative transportation solutions divert the attention from the more fundamental problems. The new administration that has been governing since 2012 has misinterpreted this international appraisal as a signal that they are finished and are not continuing in the same direction that was set out in 2004. This touches upon the second problem, that of continuity of policy and holding on to knowledge that has been accumulated over the years. Thirdly, I will go into problems that are bigger than the city of Medellin, but have a strong impact on the success or failure of its urban interventions. I describe three such factors: the continuing influx of illegal settlers, the informal economy and the lack of government control in the city, and finally the Colombian economic model that does not contribute to a more equal distribution of wealth. In the second paragraph I will discuss the role of ‘social actors’ or ‘civil society’ as the definition of good governance states. I define them mainly as the citizens connected to the urban transformation process. When it comes to participation of citizens in urban development, Brazil is renowned for its City Statute. But also Colombia has a far reaching legal framework. These laws are founded in the concept of ‘right to the city’. I will take a closer look at how participation processes are organized in Medellin. For EDU participation is a key element in their development practice, but the people living around the escalator have not really been involved. One of the problems seems to be that inhabitants lack the capacity to claim their citizenship. On the other end, social urbanism is still very much a top-down strategy where designers are in the lead. I will end with the challenges Medellin is facing in bringing these two worlds together to create a more equitable city.

6.1 Fighting inequality As stated in the introduction of this thesis, Colombia is a country with one of the highest levels of inequality in the world with a Gini-coefficient of 0,54 in

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201391. This is remarkable, since Colombian economy has been growing over the last ten years. However, growth alone is not enough to reduce poverty if the issue of a more equal distribution of wealth is not addressed. This seems difficult in Colombia. “Colombian society is not very hostile to inequity. It does not care about the bad distribution of income” (González Borrero, 2012, p. 274). In Medellin the situation is extreme. “Medellin is contributing 8% to the national GNP and with a GNP per capita of US$ 3,794 Medellin is the richest city in Colombia” (IDB and municipality of Medellin, 2011, p. 32). But large parts of the population do not share in this wealth. For example in 2004 more than 38% of its inhabitants suffered from chronic malnutrition (Cañas et al., 2008, p. 25). Of all Colombian cities Medellin is leading the ranks of inequality with a Gini-coefficient of 0,506 in 2013.92 This number has dropped slightly since 2008, but has remained relatively stable over the last three years. It is also noteworthy that the Gini-coefficient only measures income disparities and does not consider the distribution of wealth derived from other sources than labor. So reality is even harsher than this number indicates. There are other indicators as well. Poverty is also measured by looking at income and spending and comparing this to an average Colombian level. According to this measurement poverty has decreased in Medellin over the last years from 25% in 2008 to 16,1% in 2013.93 A third way of measuring poverty is how people perceive it themselves. According to this type of measurement 18% of the population of Medellin sees itself as poor. Compared to 2006 this percentage has fallen significantly from 33%, but over the last three years it has risen again from the lowest point of 12% in 2012. Looking at the spread of poverty over the city it is not surprising that the northwest, in which Comuna 13 is located, has the highest perception of poverty with 29% in 2013, rising from 24% in 2012.94 So although poverty has diminished when looking over a longer period of time,

www.medellincomovamos.org (visited on 2014.10.21). Medellin Cómo Vamos is a private alliance evaluating the changes in the quality of life in Medellin. Source of data: DANE 92 www.medellincomovamos.org (visited on 2014.10.21). Medellin Cómo Vamos is a private alliance evaluating the changes in the quality of life in Medellin. Source of data: DANE 93 www.medellincomovamos.org (visited on 2014.10.21). Medellin Cómo Vamos is a private alliance evaluating the changes in the quality of life in Medellin. Source of data: DANE 94 www.medellincomovamos.org (visited on 2014.10.21). Medellin Cómo Vamos is a private alliance evaluating the changes in the quality of life in Medellin. Source of data: DANE

inter-institutional inter-institutional inter-institutional inter-institutional

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inequity is still very high in Medellin and especially in the last three years the downward trend seems to be going up again. When Sergio Fajardo took the mayor’s office in 2004 he wanted to solve the two major problems in the city. The first was to reduce the inequality in the city which over the years had created a ‘social debt’ between the rich and the poor. The second one was the eradicate the violence that was at the root of society. His tactics consisted of a combination of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ infrastructure. He created new and architecturally eye-catching public buildings, like libraries and schools, public spaces in the poorest areas and he focused on education to create better opportunities for the poor to bridge the social gap. Medellin, la más educada (Medellin, the most educated) became his leading motto. Investing the biggest parts of the municipal budget in the poorest areas in a combination of physical and social interventions became known as social urbanism. These priorities are remarkable in a country that does not seem to have a big problem with inequity. But then, Fajardo, like his successor Salazar, did not come from traditional politics, but ran as independent candidate. There is an interesting parallel here with Bogotá where also independent mayors Mockus and Peñalosa in the 90’s made some radical changes. When talking about governance it is interesting to look at how these independent mayors worked. It is clear from the beginning that they organized things differently, creating partnerships between academics, public and private institutions and civil society. In his team Fajardo appointed the best people, regardless of background or political affiliation, to solve the problems of the city. The public urban development company, EDU, became a well-managed, efficient organization. Alejandro Echeverri was head of EDU under Fajardo and comments:

As the EDU assumed for a period of years, as an interim task, the sole technical leadership in this exclusive group of projects and territories, some of the keys to success, without doubt, were the political leadership and inter-institutional coordination. The teamwork conducted with the city’s Direction of Planning, and the detailed and rigorous monitoring that was done for all the internal processes of

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administration and execution by the Private Secretary, allowed, in only a few years, for the conclusion of a wide group of high complex projects (Echeverri and Orsini, 2012, p. 142-143). The mayor and his team approached the problems in the city in a rational and analytical way, using the PUI as a structure for focusing on the most problematic neighborhoods. “Integral urban projects and punctual interventions sought to improve public spaces and housing, and to generate a new image of the city through providing new symbolic references” (Castro and Echeverri, 2011, p.103). César Hernández, manager of all the PUI between 2004 and 2011 gives an impression of how they approached this task:

We realized these projects with a concept which is both political and technical. […] We made a study of the entire city. How is it structured? How does a person living in this part and working in another part travel from here to there? What are the geo-spatial characteristics of the area? What are the areas of intervention based on social topics, violence etc. From there we formulated the projects. Then we entered into a phase of development with the community. […] Listening, listening, listening. Then we, as technicians, locked ourselves up and came out with a Master Plan which combined everything: public space, public buildings, mobility, environment etc.95 The complementary measures of social urbanism formed part of the ‘Medellin model of good governance and social development’, which is a “conventional, but well executed formula of good urban governance practice” (Brand and Dávila, 2013, p. 47). Three aspects of this model, according to the authors, deserve special attention. First there is the capacity for project management as explained above by Echeverri and Orsini, which greatly enhances efficiency. Secondly, the financial independence is a significant factor, because all the project were financed by the municipality through major contributions of the very profitable public utilities company EPM (see also chapter 3). Therefore the city was not dependent on loans or international aid. Brand and Dávila stress that this is a clear example of the benefits of having public companies and not privatizing 95

Interview César Hernández, former manager of PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

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them. Luis Fernando Gonzalez ironically comments: “Being mayor of Medellin is ‘easy’, because you don’t have a deficit.”96 Thirdly, the authors mention the “functional coordination and spatial coherence” of the projects, which goes beyond a local intervention, but looks for synergies in improving a complete area (Brand and Dávila, 2013, p. 52). In general there is much acclaim for the interventions done under the umbrella of social urbanism, because they focused on parts of the city that had been forgotten or neglected over decades and the population finally felt recognized. Or as Peter Brand put it: “People – especially in the beginning – did feel part of the city and it changed people’s perception of what before was a very stigmatized part of the city.”97 This is considered the biggest success of this policy. But there is also criticism which is connected to the fact that the urban interventions do not seem to contribute in creating more equality. I divided these critical remarks into three categories. First there is the criticism on the ‘extravagance’ of the interventions, focusing too much on the outside appearance and neglecting social change leading to more equity. Secondly, there is critique on the lack of continuity due to a change in administration, which also poses the question of evaluation and standardization of interventions and avoiding knowledge being lost. Thirdly, there are external factors – the growth of the (illegal) city, the informality and lack of government control, and the Colombian economic model - that seem to make it almost impossible to fundamentally change the inequity in the city. I will discuss all of these points. First, I will address the criticism of extravagance and the question whether social urbanism has contributed to the goals Fajardo set himself: more equity and less violence. Creating eye-catching landmarks as a means to initiate urban transformation is not new. The transformation of waterfront neighborhoods in Barcelona in the run-up to the Olympic Games in 1992 is an example of this. Former head of EDU, Echeverri, studied in Barcelona himself and became inspired by this approach. Sklair (2005, p. 493) states that “the context for most of these cities is the attempt to recover from deindustrialization”. He argues that 96

Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 97 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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these iconic architectural works are mainly aimed at gentrification processes and making the cities more attractive for foreign visitors and investors. “The struggle for market share and foreign investment in a globalizing world is being fought more and more intensively between major cities and city regions” (Gilbert, 2014, p.1). The quality of urban space has become a prerequisite for this economic development, which is a major change to how it use to was when the urban environment was a result of economic growth (Sklair, 2005, p. 498). Joining in this global competition between cities might have been a driving force for Medellin as well, one in which they seem to succeed, because the city attracts more and more foreign visitors. However, Fajardo’s initial thought behind these iconic architectural landmarks was that people in poor neighborhoods deserve the same kind of quality in public space as people in rich neighborhoods. Its intention was to make a statement towards the poor population indicating that they are equal. There is much debate about the extravagant architecture of some of the new public buildings, like the biblioteca

España in Santo Domingo (figure 6.1). Architect Gloria Molina states: “It is good that it’s there and it’s been built with ‘quality architecture’, but it is more a

Figure 6.1: biblioteca España in Santo Domingo

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symbolic object and doesn’t reflect what’s inside. Where is the program? Education is not the physical structure. If we don’t work on education, on the content, then it will soon prove a failure.” Apart from that she thinks that the people in the neighborhood do not understand the building. “It’s like a gift. You have a gold watch on your arm, but you don’t know what to do with it.”98 Peter Brand thinks similarly about the library and public spaces in Santo Domingo: “They are great for architectural magazines, but it doesn’t signify much for the people who actually live there.”99 Many library parks have been built in Medellin and the biblioteca España is definitely one of the most extravagant ones. In was a gift from the Spanish king and designed by a Spanish architect. In other locations the architecture of the library parks is less extravagant and the buildings much better fit into their environment. They were mostly built by Colombian architects. But what remains in the criticism is the lack of content. Gerardo Perez, who works in Comuna 13 at a foundation called Casa de las

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Figure 6.2: colegio de calidad in Comuna 13

Estrategias. (House of Strategies) comments on the new schools: “The colegios de calidad are nothing more than new facades. Behind them is still the same

98 99

Interview Gloria Molina, architect and professor at the Universidad de Antioquia, 2014.04.15 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

educational system.”100 (See figure 6.2). The electric escalator received similar critique. Peter Brand called it a “gimmick”101 and civil engineer Iván Sarmiento states: “Often changes in accessibility create a feeling of transformation […] There is an enthusiasm, but after that, if you really want to materialize on the economic situation of the families, you need to invest for a much longer period of time. You can’t say ‘I did the escalator, ciao, I am leaving’, because these people need work, education and many things more.”102 This kind of criticism points at an imbalance between physical urban interventions and the social interventions. This is being recognized, given this evaluative quote on the urban interventions in Medellin: “It is also necessary to articulate even more the physical actions with socio-economic, cultural and educational development programs that transcend the temporality of the interventions and lead to the building of local-level capacity and permit the sustainability of the communities” (Echeverri and Orsini, 2012, p. 153). Given the statistical data presented at the beginning of this chapter, it is true that Fajardo and his successors did not achieve more equality. On the second target of diminishing the violence, the outcome is more positive. Over the last years the homicide rate in Medellin has dropped and this year it is with 28,5 homicides for every 100,000 inhabitants the lowest in 25 years and for the first time it is even lower than the national homicide rate (Posada, 2014). However, it is very difficult to establish a direct causal relation between urban intervention and the drop in homicides as I already indicated in chapter 5. Alejandro Echeverri, director of EDU under Fajardo, partly agrees with the criticism of not achieving more equity, but states: “You cannot pretend to change a situation in four or five years that has developed over sixty or eighty years. Besides, our ambitions were much smaller and connected to a shorter period of time. We were going to change and improve the daily lives of people, generating a public structure that supports the local economies that were emerging. This is still a

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Interview Gerardo Perez, Casa de las Estrategias, 2014.05.08 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

Interview Iván Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Faculty of Mining, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.05.08

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very fragile process, but it could initiate a much bigger transformation process.”103 The second point of criticism is the lack of continuity, which is embedded in the electoral system. Mayors in Colombia always serve just a four year term and cannot be re-elected. The era of independent mayors Fajardo and Salazar lasted therefore from 2004 until the end of 2011. Then Anibal Gaviria took over office. He came from a traditional liberal political background. There is broad criticism that the new administration does not seem to recognize the fragility of the process that has been deployed. Alejandro Echeverri states: “The reality is that politicians have changed the agenda; they think they are finished.”104 Equal remarks come from César Hernández, who together with Echeverri worked under Fajardo. He also thinks that the current government is not continuing with the process as it was intended, focusing on creating better connections in Comuna 13, stimulating economic development and increasing state presence through public buildings. Concerning the electric escalator, a project he was closely involved in, he accuses the current administration of only putting in the necessary maintenance, but nothing more. The fact that projects like the electric escalator have received so much international attention has not had a positive effect. “Unfortunately this project has won Medellin some international prizes, but these are not going to change the lives of the people there. […] In 2015 there are new elections. It is fundamental that the new administration takes on this project again. If not, and we continue like we are doing now, within eight years we will see the same thing: poor people, but an operating escalator.”105 Maintenance will continue, because of its worldwide fame and attraction to foreign visitors. With the administration of Gaviria traditional politics have returned. Historian Luis Fernando Gonzalez explains that the sense of urgency has evaporated: “He [Gaviria] invented the deputy-mayors, that didn’t exist before, who are supposed to be the link with all the departments within the

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Interview Alejandro Echeverri, director Urbam Eafit, 2014.05.06 Interview Alejandro Echeverri, director Urbam Eafit, 2014.05.06 Interview César Hernández, former manager of PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06

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municipality, thereby creating more and more bureaucracy.”106 In Gilbert’s analysis of governance in Bogotá similar developments are described. After the independent mayors Mockus and Peñalosa, candidates from more traditional political parties have been elected again. This lead to councilors of the same political background again naming officials in bureaucracy, which resulted in control agencies not performing their tasks of defending public interest and supervising public contracts. The habit of appointing friend in important positions returned (Gilbert, 2014, p. 8-9). Many people I spoke to also state that projects are not being continued, because Gaviria wants to put his own mark on the city. In Comuna 13 there are still projects going on, focusing on social development, for example courses for primary care givers. Gaviria has just renamed his focus. He no longer speaks of social urbanism but of “pedagogic urbanism”.107 But more in general, it looks like Gaviria is investing above all in big infrastructural projects that benefit the whole city, like creating parks along the Medellin river. He seems to be taking attention away from the poor areas of the city. Peter Brand also feels that the social content of social urbanism has been lost.

It is a kind of perversion that these interventions in the poor areas of the city are being perceived as prize winning. […] This is also sustained because there is a very strong sense of regional identity in Antioquia and Medellin. As long as the paisa can feel and demonstrate that the best things and the brightest and most intelligent people come from Medellin. That plays a big role and wouldn’t exist in for example Bogotá.108 During the WUF the current mayor has had all the opportunities in the world to present Medellin as a model city, but there is also a risk in that, which Echeverri articulated as: “The theming of the city bears the risk of doing it for the other, for the visitor, and not for the people that inhabit the city” (Echeverri,

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Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 107 The current director of EDU, María Ángel Bernal, during a public gathering around the escalator, mentioned this term as being used by mayor Anibal Gaviria. 108

Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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2014). More in general, many professionals I spoke to in some way referred to the danger of thinking too much in models, because they are just abstractions of reality and tend to simplify the heterogeneity that lies underneath. It seems that on the one hand there is this urge to systemize the approach of urban interventions, putting it in a ‘model’ and making it possible to duplicate it, and on the other hand there is the fear of oversimplification. The reality is that administrations change every four years. Continuity seems to be one of the problems in the process of urban transformation, because mayors also tend to replace large parts of their staff. In any case this happened when Fajardo exchanged his post as mayor for that of governor. Many people left with him. And under the current administration of Gaviria none of the key figures of the previous era is still in place. This makes it all the more relevant to somehow conserve this knowledge. “The city has not kept consistent records of the process in a single place, and different departments of the city tell different accounts of the same process that all came to be called ‘the transformation of Medellin’” (Samper, 2010, p. 91). Echeverri and Orsini (2012, p.153-154) state: “[…]it is timely to begin proposing processes of systematization, monitoring and evaluation of interventions.” They add that when replicating these urban interventions one should not forget the methodologies that already proved their relevance and an integral model should not be reduced to simply building a piece of infrastructure. On the other hand the territory should not be broadened too much either, “as it is fundamental that the integrity and the articulation of the projects in a contoured territory are guaranteed”. What different administrations do with this accumulated knowledge is of course their responsibility. “That is part of democracy”, Echeverri states, adding, “I think the current administration is projecting a bigger picture, but I am an optimist. These things never develop in a straight line.”109 The third point of criticism I will address, is not really a criticism, it is more a recognition that there are other, bigger developments that influence the success of urban interventions. Some professionals express serious doubts if the step by step transformation of Medellin that has been launched, can ever succeed in this 109

Interview Alejandro Echeverri, director Urbam Eafit, 2014.05.06

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way, given the context in which Medellin is operating. There are three external factors that have a negative impact on the urban transformation: the continuing influx of illegal settlers, the informality and the lack of government control, and the economic system in Colombia . Medellin is still growing due to a continuing influx of illegal settlers. Historian and architect Luis Fernando Gonzalez explains that Medellin still attracts many people from the countryside because the city offers social programs. Many of them are desplazados, who are on the run from the violence that still persists in some rural areas in Colombia, but there is also the problem of auto-victimization – people trying to pose as victims of the violent conflict to be able to use the amenities that were established for this group. Legalization of all these new inhabitants would be political “hara-kiri”, according to Gonzalez, and would attract even more people.110 Iván Sarmiento speaks of one of the “hypocrisies” of our society. “After we establish that the poor live on a hill we go and build something revolutionary that creates attention, but we don’t ask ourselves the question: ‘Why are these people living there up on the hill?’ […]The fundamental problems are not resolved.”111 In terms of Edward Soja (2010) one could state that the spatial injustice in the city remains. The second external factor is the huge impact of informality in the city. Large parts of the economy are still informal, which means that people do not pay taxes and build up pensions. Large parts of the city are still controlled by gangs who also control the economy. Peter Brand says that every soda and every arepa that comes into a neighborhood is being controlled by gangs that live off vacunas.112 That makes it difficult for the state to intervene. Iván Sarmiento tells me about plans to better organize local bus transport and introduce a kind of chip card, which makes it more difficult to extort bus drivers, because they do not carry any cash. However, he himself doubts that this will eradicate the system of vacunas completely.

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Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 111 Interview Iván Sarmiento, civil engineer and professor at the Faculty of Mining, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.05.08 112 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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Gerardo Perez, who works on cultural projects in Comuna 13, also expresses his doubts. He things the problem will just disperse. “The gangs are definitely not going to cut back on their income.” He adds that the state does not protect the rights of citizens, so other (criminal) organizations step in to fill that void. Although they ask for vacunas and deal drugs, they also protect the neighborhood. Nobody even dares to commit a robbery or assault, because they are watched by gang members and know they would be killed.113 In essence it comes down to the question of power in the city. Luis Fernando Gonzalez states: “The problem is that Medellin does not have any real governance. Normally the monopoly on violence is in the hand of the state. Not here. […] We access an area by metro cable, but who really controls the territory?”114 The third factor that cannot be controlled by the city of Medellin is the economic model that the national government upholds. “Colombian development has been based on mining and finance. Apart from being unsustainable, this process has concentrated wealth” (González Borrero, 2012, p. 275). The author continues by stating that there should be more focus on local food production in fulfilling basic consumption needs of the cities, and on stimulating internal markets. Finally he points to the need of more equal distribution, because without it poor people will not profit sufficiently from economic growth (González Borrero, 2012, p. 275). Luis Fernando Gonzalez mentions the same factors that on a national level cause the problems and concludes: “If you are in a country with an economy like that, you cannot think that a city can change that. The municipal government cannot solve this problem, because migration increases every day. The capacity to intervene is shrinking.”115 This is corroborated by Alan Gilbert in his research on Bogotá (2006, p. 399), stating that “the mayor has few tools with which to stimulate growth in the city.” Finally Peter Brand states: “The real test for this so-called transformation of Medellin will be when the inevitable economic downfall comes.”116

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Interview Gerard Perez, Casa de las Estrategias, 2014.05.08

Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 115 Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 116 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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6.2 Participating public In the first paragraph I have talked about the mayor and planners and how they are conducting urban interventions. I discussed the problems and criticism they encounter in attaining their ultimate goal of creating a more equitable city. But in the definition of good governance there is a third party crucial, which are the ‘social actors’ or ‘civil society’. This comes basically down to the citizens, whether or not organized in community councils and other civic organizations. The Latin American country that has been leading in citizen’s participation is Brazil, which in 2002 adopted a City Statute. In this paragraph I will briefly touch upon this model and then go into the citizen’s participation in Medellin. How is it organized and how do inhabitants and professionals perceive it? I will argue that there is still a gap between citizens and professionals. The development of the City Statute in Brazil was closely connected to Henri Lefebvre’s concept of ‘right to the city’, which legal researcher Edésio Fernandes (2007, p. 208) interprets as “ the right of all city dwellers to fully enjoy urban life with all of its services and advantages – the right to habitation – as well as taking direct part in the management of cities – the right to participation.” What is crucial in this is that the social function of space is becoming more important than the ownership (habitation) and that the process of developing urban plans is democratized (participation). Colombia also as various laws that contain these rights. One of the most important is Law 388/1997 on the Ordenamiento del

Territorio (land-use planning), which is based on three principles: the social and ecological function of property (1), the prevalence of public over private interests (2), and the equal distribution of costs and benefits (3). Article 4 of the law goes into the democratic participation in urban development, which stipulates that “the municipal, district and metropolitan administrations have to take into account social, economic and urban interest through participation of citizens and their organizations”.117 So both habitation and participation are, at least on a legal level, also warranted in Colombia. One of the tools for democratization of urban development is participatory budgeting, a process in which citizens have the possibility to decide how to spend 117

www.alcaldiabogota.gov.co (visited on 2014.10.24)

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a small part of the municipal budget. Brazil has gained worldwide fame with its participatory budgeting trajectory in the southern town of Porto Alegre. Novy and Leubolt (2005, p. 2029-2030) state that the main accomplishment of participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre has been that people not only make suggestions, but also rank them according to themes and choose representatives to further negotiate with the municipal government. Therefore it strengthens skills for democratic decision making. Another positive element was that the majority of the participants was from lower social classes, and especially women were well represented. Also Medellin has had some experience with participatory budgeting. In the period 2004-2011 residents in Santo Domingo, where the first metro cable was just inaugurated, could decide on how 5-10% of the municipal capital investment in the area could be spend. “Initially it was seen as a risky political commitment, today it is widely seen as an excellent management strategy. […] Participatory budgets have helped strengthen social and local community organizations” (Coupé et al., 2013, p.66). Remarkable in this research is that in the beginning citizens spent the money on tangible works and later on they invested more in social advancement programs. According to Samper (2010, p. 102) the biggest accomplishment of participatory budgeting in Medellin was that leaders of the neighborhood had to interact with each other, which forced them to turn outside and think in terms of community. 118 This coincides with the experiences in Porto Alegre. However, it seems that participatory budgeting has not become a mainstream tool in urban development in Medellin. Medellin’s public Urban Development Company, EDU, considers participation a crucial part of its work. This is underlined by the extensive documents they have on this subject. Martha Perez, one of the sociologists of EDU, gave me a pedagogic manual for social interventions and a practical guideline, with which they work. In the manual it states that “the emphasis is on the construction of citizenship” and that consultation should take place “under the assumption of civic values and equality in rights and duties of everyone” (Montoya Pabón, 2012, p.23). On the first page of the guidelines the basic problem of citizen’s 118

‘Leaders’ refers to official representatives from the the Juntas de Acción Comunal as well as informal community leaders.

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participation is outlined, stating that “the principle problem which you will encounter in the domain of participation is the weakness of the social tissue, which manifests itself primarily through apathy in the communities, their low belief in their own capabilities and that of their leaders and social rivalries and conflicts” (PUI, no date, p. 1). So on the one hand there is this focus on citizenship and on the other hand there is the observation that many people still lack the skills to express their citizenship, and therefore it is difficult to organize participation in which planners and municipal representative communicate at equal level with people from the community. This coincides with my observation in La Independencia 1, which I described in chapter 5. Inhabitants do not articulate themselves as citizens, but more as passive consumers, and they do not seem to have a problem with this. When we take a closer look at how participation is organized, especially around the escalator, the instrument that is used regularly in every PUI, is that of the Talleres de Imaginarios (Imagery Workshops). EDU refers to this strategy as ‘socialization’. According to Maria Isabel Ospina, the technical manager of the project of the escalator, the main question that is asked in these workshops is: “what do you want to improve in your neighborhood that would make you feel happier?”.119 They use all kinds of creative tools like painting and making collages to dig into people’s imagination and let them dream about a better future. These workshops are organized at the level of every PUI, so not for every individual project. Outcomes of these Talleres de Imaginarios were, according to Ospina, things like “we want kindergartens” or “we want better hospitals” or “we want improvements in housing or infrastructure”. Priorities differed in every PUI.120 Samper (2010, p. 135) says the following about these workshops: “Recurrent cycles of participation create a satisfactory illusion of participation and empowerment”, which results in participants of Talleres de Imaginarios being positive about them, even if their impact on the final design is just marginal. In my interviews with inhabitants around the escalator I asked them if there was any kind of participation or if they had attended any communal meetings 119 120

Interview Maria Isabel Ospina, former technical manager EDU, 2014.04.01 Interview Maria Isabel Ospina, former technical manager EDU, 2014.04.01

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regarding the urban interventions. None of them said they knew anything about it or attended such a meeting. They only remembered a meeting to inform the people directly affected by the construction of the escalator, because their houses had to be demolished. One possible explanations could be that on the level of Comuna 13 as a whole, there are too many social differences and people do not want to interact with each other. Former PUI-manager César Hernández states:

We try to connect the planned city with the unplanned city that is divided by a social rupture that has its roots in the 60’s, when this neighborhood still had fincas with middleclass people living next to new people with low incomes and sometimes criminal records. This situation remains until today. When we organized a workshop and people from a neighborhood called El Socorro were invited, the people from San Javier refused to come. They did not want to be associated with these people.121 In the project of the escalators they first organized a community meeting in 2009, which according to Martha Perez, sociologist on the project of the escalator, many people attended. They were all very happy, but there was also a lot of emotion, especially among the people that were directly affected. In these meetings EDU presented the plan, the design, the studies that they conducted and how they were going to help the people that had to leave their houses, tells Perez122. So the plan for the escalator did not evolve from the community, nor was it up for discussion. This is also what rapper Jeihhco dislikes about this project. “The community was not consulted on this. They were told. But there is a law in Colombia that says that people have to be consulted before.”123 It is interesting to compare this project to the first major urban intervention in Medellin: the construction of the metro cable in Santo Domingo. Peter Brand says that the municipality actually had to negotiate its presence in the area with the criminal gangs. They invested a lot of time building trust with the community on which at a later stage mayor Fajardo heavily relied. He adds: “Under Fajardo there wasn’t much serious participation. Urban projects were pretty much 121 122 123

Interview César Hernández, former manager of PUI (2004-2011), 2014.06.06 Interview with Martha Perez, sociologist at EDU, 2014.05.17 Interview with Jeison Alexánder Castaño alias Jeihcco, rap artist and initiator of Casa Kolacho, 2014.06.03

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defined. They would get people involved in the details, like jobs created by working on the project, but not in terms of what are we going to do here.”124 However, Brand is very positive concerning the way Fajardo put together a team of young graduates and experienced people to work with the inhabitants. They were really able to make contact with the people, says Brand. But this effect is going to rub off, he thinks. “It is those kinds of things that have been really shaken now [under the new administration]. And people feel that more than anything. They are left with some cold works in public architecture.”125 Although participation in urban development is implemented by law in Colombia and is a top priority at the municipal organizations in Medellin, in reality there is still a wide gap between asking what peoples’ needs are and consulting them on which colors to use to “a balanced cooperation or partnership between public and private interests” (Caldeira and Holston, 2005, p. 407) as it is formulated in Brazil’s City Statute. Historian Luis Fernando Gonzalez states: “The decision-making capacity of our communities is still very low. This so-called participation of civil society in these decisions is more a form of containment. It doesn’t leave room for real democracy where citizens are no longer objects of intervention, but become subjects of intervention. This doesn’t exist. The rest is pure, pure discourse, but not reality.”126 The question remains what causes this situation in the case of Medellin. Is it the lack of skills or a low sense of urgency on the part of the inhabitants, or is the municipality not really willing to put themselves at the same level as its citizens? According to Caldeira and Holston (2005, p. 407) the society imagined by the model of the City Statute is “modern, democratic and plural, although still profoundly unequal. The new plans consider that citizens lack resources, are poor, and have their rights disrespected, but not that they are ignorant, illiterate, backward, and incompetent, incapable of making good decisions.” Gonzalez has had his own experience when he attended a meeting to participate in an urban development project. Not as a professional, but as a citizen. “They [municipality

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Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 Interview Peter Brand, director of Department of Geography, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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representatives] treat the inhabitants of the neighborhood in a paternalistic way.[…] They look down on them and assume that they are all ignorant and can’t read or write.”127 Of course it would be too simplistic to assume that this personal experience is true for every municipal employee. The ones that I spoke to seemed to be very involved in the communities and very dedicated. But the gap between communication and real partnership in urban development remains. So does the inequality in the city. In her exploration of the concept of citizenship Dagnino states that citizenship has become an important weapon in fighting social and economic exclusion and inequality, but also in “the widening of dominant conceptions of politics itself” (Dagnino, 2006, p. 16). In other words, participation should not only be about expressing ones wishes within a given system, but also about being able to change the system itself. It is the question if a more democratic system of participation would actually diminish inequality. Research has shown unfortunately that “the growth of democracy has hardly resolved the problems of poverty and inequality” (Gilbert, 2006, p. 401). Gonzalez, however, is more positive and sees a real challenge for Medellin

to change the model of the city into a consensual model, an inclusive model that doesn’t exist yet. We use words that suggest inclusion and participation, but we should really move from participation to a model of decision-making, in which the people themselves define what the model of the city should be. Then we could really have a city that could be beneficiary to its inhabitants and not to capital.128 The question is whether this will ever be accomplished. Reality shows that in all major cities in Latin America and even in the world, the big infrastructural decisions are not made by the people themselves, but are influenced by commercial interests and city administrations trying to compete in the world rankings of attractive cities (Novy and Leubolt, 2005; Rolnik, 2013)

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Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28 128 Interview Luis Fernando Gonzalez, historian and architect, and professor at the Department of Housing, Universidad Nacional, Medellin, 2014.04.28

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6.3 Concluding remarks When looking at the definitions of good governance presented at the beginning of this chapter, Medellin is in fact performing quite well. Under Fajardo an efficient government organization has been set up, where people were hired on the basis of their abilities rather than their political affiliation, and public organizations like EDU on a daily basis operate quite independently from the municipal government apparatus. The city of Medellin has always chosen to keep their public services, like public utilities and the metro, in public hands, which is quite remarkable in a country that on a national level abides to the neoliberal doctrine of privatization. These organizations are quite efficient and transparent in their performances and the public utilities company EPM furthermore contributes a large part of the budget that is available for urban development, which makes Medellin independent from external financial sources. The choices made under Fajardo â&#x20AC;&#x201C; to invest the largest amount of the municipal budgets in the poorest areas of the city to settle the social debt â&#x20AC;&#x201C; can also be seen as breach with neo-liberal policy, although partly the interventions with iconic architecture might also be motivated by the wish to compete with other global cities in attracting foreign visitors and investors. However, the system remains volatile, because mayors change every four year and with them also the bureaucracy changes. There is a lack of continuity, because knowledge is lost and every mayor wants to make his own mark. Although social urbanism did not succeed in making the city more equitable, it did receive general acclaim because it focused its attention on the poorest areas and its inhabitants and making them feel recognized and part of the city. But there was also criticism on the discrepancy between form and content, for example. There are also external factor which prevent the urban transformation to reach its goals. The city is still confronted with a rise in illegal settlers, and large parts of the economy and territory are still not under government control. Furthermore, the neo-liberal national economic policy is not aimed and sustainable growth with a more equal distribution of wealth. Again, going back to the definition of good governance, the main criticism focuses on the scarce participation, which does not contribute to equality and

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citizenship. Although participation is regulated by law in Colombia and also a major point of attention in all the PUI’s, in practice social urbanism mainly is a top-down design strategy, and participation is restricted to consultation on parts of the program. One explanation is that citizens lack skills. Participatory budgeting could be a good instrument to teach these democratic decision-making skills, but although there have been some positive experiences, it does not seem to be implemented broadly in Medellin. There is a call for a radical change to a more inclusive model. But it also raises the question what such a model would mean for the role of planners in the city. One thing is pretty sure: there would be no library parks, no metro cable en certainly no electric escalator. Maybe instead there would be more childcare and better healthcare, but would this have had the same impact on the dignity and sense of pride of a huge population that has been ignored for decades? Personally, I think not. The creative and analytical skills of professionals have, in my opinion, largely contributed to connect the poor areas to the city. Even though it has not made the city more equitable. But Medellin is not finished yet. Far from it. Now is the time to investigate new models where inhabitants take their role as active citizens and together with professionals further develop Medellin to the next level. Instead of participating in a model defined by the state, citizens, professionals and local government should enter into a dialogue, creating a new model for the city. This means that planners have to take a step back, which might be good, because there is always the threat of “over-determination in visual forms and social function” as Sennett calls it. “What’s missing in modern urbanism is a sense of time – not time looking backwards nostalgically, but forward looking time, the city understood as process, its imagery changing through use, an urban imagination image formed by anticipation, friendly to surprise” (Sennett, 2005, p.1). The urban planners under Fajardo have made their mark, now let the inhabitants decide how these places should develop further, because “cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody” (Jacobs, 1961, p. 238).

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7. Conclusions Medellin has gained worldwide fame with its strategy of social urbanism and innovative interventions like the outdoor escalator in Comuna 13. The attention for this piece of transport infrastructure justifies further research into its effects. With my research on the escalator I want to contribute to three relevant academic debates in urban research. First, there is the debate on mobility and the relation between transport infrastructure and social mobility. The main question being whether access to transport infrastructure leads to social mobility. The more recent academic contributors to this debate agree that this connection cannot be established that easily and that other factors, such as personal circumstances, should be included. Second, there is the debate on public space and its impact on place identification, security, neighborhood attachment, social cohesion and citizenship. People shape the places they live in, but the places also shape us and â&#x20AC;&#x201C; at least partly â&#x20AC;&#x201C; influence the way we behave. And thirdly, there is the debate on good urban governance and what its main characteristics are. All these debates are highly relevant in urban research aimed at finding answers to the imminent question of how we can make our cities more equitable and sustainable. The main question of my research was what the socio-economic impact is of the increased mobility infrastructure in the form of this outdoor electric escalator. I will try to answer this question connecting my data to these three academic debates. My findings on the economic impact are very much in line with other findings in the current debate on mobility, which connects physical mobility to social mobility. The mere presence of transport infrastructure is not enough to increase access to opportunities the city has to offer and creating social mobility and thereby economic progress. The economic effect on individual households, therefore is negligent, except for one group: the members of the surveillance team of the escalator. They have definitely profited from upward social mobility, both in income and status. Ironically, this is due to the escalator as a work-providing project and not in its capacity as transport infrastructure.

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However, the electric escalator has had a huge effect on the neighborhood. It has literally opened the window to the world. State institutions have gained access to the neighborhood, bringing with them subsidies for housing renovations and an array of social projects. Visitors from other parts of Medellin and countries around the world suddenly come and visit the neighborhood to take a ride on the escalator. This has contributed hugely to the inhabitantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sense of pride and dignity. They feel part of the city and are being seen and recognized for the first time. This is something inconceivable for a population that has been ignored for several decades. Slowly, but steadily this negative spiral of gang violence, fear, distrust and negative stigmatization is being turned around. Now that other people are entering, the inhabitants are eager to show the world that there is more to Comuna 13 than meets the eye. On an economic level the escalator and state subsidies for improvements in the neighborhood did contribute to a rise in real estate prices and higher rents and tax levels. Economic activity in the neighborhood has not improved, however. It is difficult to start a business in an area with a limited consumer market. Considering the impacts of comparable projects in Rio de Janeiro (tramway Santa Marta favela) and Hong Kong (outdoor escalator) it would, however, be interesting to monitor these economic changes on neighborhood level closely for the next years. Concerning the second academic debate, the creation of public spaces has contributed to people spending more time on the streets. This has led to more casual interactions. People are using the escalator for various purposes, one of them being just to take a stroll through the neighborhood. They are slowly identifying with these newly created urban spaces. These interactions on the streets and during communal activities, such as painting facades, are essential in creating a new sense of trust. In a neighborhood where people were forced to stay in their houses because of the violence and did not trust anybody, this is a vital change, one that makes the social tissue stronger and enhances social capital. Gang violence in the area has diminished, although it is difficult to establish a causal relationship with the escalator. The area has been territorialized by gang members for a long time, during which they imposed their rules of conduct

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to others. Now they have dispersed into other neighborhoods; clean and open public spaces literally provide less space to hide for them. The cleanliness seems to have an impact on the quality of life and the sense of security on the inhabitants, which is line with other research on aspects of Wilson and Kellingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s broken windows theory. An increased, but very low profile police presence, in combination with the surveillance team at the escalator, seems to add to this sense of security. However, despite all these positive developments the security situation is still very volatile and according to professionals and journalists, the situation can change again in an instant. There is criticism on the current administration of not continuing with the interventions in the poor neighborhoods. The Master Plan of Comuna 13 has not been implemented completely. The fact that many of the interventions have gained international praise and won some prestigious awards, has created a kind of inertia on the side of the city administration. They seem to forget that these are not solitary infrastructural interventions, but fit into a complete strategy of physical and social interventions. The typical paisa-culture is often referred to as being responsible for this behavior: being the best, the most innovative etcetera is according to some considered more important that actually solving the problems in the city. The urban interventions done under the umbrella of social urbanism have not (yet) succeeded in making the city more equitable. External factors like Colombian national economic policy, the limited four year mayoral term and simultaneously occurring changes in the bureaucracy, and the situation in Medellin, where the administration is coping with an ongoing influx of illegal settlers, a lack of state control and a huge informal economy all contribute to a sustaining high level of inequality. But part of the criticism is directed at the urban policy itself. There is criticism on the discrepancy between high profile architecture and lack of social content under social urbanism. The focus was more on the physical interventions in the beginning, but these turned out to be very important in connecting the peripheries to the city, both physically and symbolically through high class architecture. Of course there is much more needed in terms of employment and education to really uplift the neighborhood in

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the long run, but maybe one can say that such a ludicrous, out of the way, innovative ‘gift’ like the electric escalator was exactly the incentive needed to begin settling this social debt en give people their dignity. This would probably not have been possible without a relatively top-down planning strategy. This also connects to professional criticism on the lack of participation, which is a vital part of good governance. Although participation is considered very important and is embedded in Colombian law, in practice it is limited to consultation on minor issues. Simply put, it is like buying a car together and the inhabitants can decide on the color. A big problem seems to be the lack of skills on the side of the population, needed to claim their citizenship and participate in democratic decision making. This is also something I witnessed in the neighborhood around the escalator. First of all, none of the people I spoke to ever attended one of the Talleres de Imaginarios which were organized in Comuna 13. Secondly, with regard to the escalator people are very ‘grateful’, they consider the escalator ‘a gift’, but this attitude also makes them very docile. They do not use public space to claim their citizenship. A tool which in Porto Alegre (Brazil) has turned out to be very useful in attaining these skills, is the process of participatory budgeting, which has only been used on a very limited scale in Medellin. It would be interesting to conduct further research into the level of civic engagement of inhabitants in the neighborhood around the escalator to see how the official representatives of the Junta de Acción Comunal interact with inhabitants and which informal leaders and NGO’s are active in the area. This could shed some light on their apparent passive attitude at the moment. Concluding, my data have shown that the urban intervention of the electric escalator and its accompanying public spaces have had a huge effect on the surrounding neighborhood, although the impact is geographically limited to an area of around 200 meters around the escalator. The escalator has proven to be a stairway to dignity, albeit not to economic prosperity. This intervention would not have been possible without a relatively strong top-down strategy. However, the challenge for the future would be to work towards a more inclusive model. One where inhabitants learn to act as citizens and actively claiming their right to the city through participation. Not participation in the sense of consultation

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within a given system, but being able to change the system as well. Harvey (2003, p.941) is still highly relevant, stating: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what the property speculators and state planners define, but an active right to make the city different, to shape it more in accord with our heart's desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different imageâ&#x20AC;?. This means an evolution of the current urban development model, where planners take a step back and together with its citizens take Medellin to the next level.

Policy recommendations On the basis of the conclusions of my research I would make the following policy recommendations: -

Invest in development of entrepreneurial skills of people living next to the escalator, focusing on business ideas that aim at a bigger consumer market than just the neighborhood. Where necessary adjust the rules and regulations to make it easier to start a business from home. A possibility would be to create some more bottom-up infrastructure for tourists.

Invest in development of democratic decision making skills. For adults, but also as part of the curriculum at school.

Deploy the process of participatory budgeting to further develop the neighborhood. Let the people decide what they think is most important now to further strengthen the neighborhood.

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Appendix I : Results of counts & observations The working hours of the electric escalator are between 6 AM and 10 PM on weekdays and Saturdays and between 8 AM and 7 PM on Sundays and holidays. I did my observations and counts during 8 hours divided over two weekday mornings, one Saturday and one Sunday afternoon. I did not do any observations after dark, because I was not completely sure if it would be safe. Apart from counting all the travelers, I made distinctions between men and women and between age groups. I had to assign people to an age group on the basis of my perception of their age.

Age Gender Direction U Date: 21-4-2-14 (Mo) 6:15 AM - 7:15 AM 7:15 AM - 8:15 AM 8:15 AM - 9:15 AM

0 - 12 yeas M F D U D 1 3 5

3 4 2

0 4 1

2 5 1

2 2 1

2 3 3

1 4 3

4 2 4

3 5 5

3 6 5

3 6 13

7 6 7

2 5 4

1 1 1

0 3 2

0 3 1

0 1 1

0 0 3

1 0 0

35 66 64

12 35 38

23 31 26

Date: 23-4-14 (Wed) 8:55 AM - 10:00 AM 10:00 AM - 11:05 AM

7 4

3 1

5 7

4 4

3 4

4 2

5 6

5 4

7 9

10 5

7 8

7 9

1 3

5 3

4 3

5 0

1 0

0 0

84 72

40 44

44 28

13 - 19 years M F D U D

20 - 39 years M F D U D

40 - 59 years M F U D U D

60 + years M F D U D

Total

Down

135 Date: 27-4-14 (Sun) 3:15 PM - 4:15 PM 4:15 PM - 5:15 PM

5 29

3 35

4 28

5 37

7 9

6 16

4 9

15 17

5 25

5 27

6 17

7 40

1 10

0 15

4 14

2 40

0 3

0 2

0 3

0 11

79 387

36 147

43 240

Date: 3-5-14 (Sa) 3 PM - 4 PM

103

Total

890

418

472

I took different positions when doing the counts. Mostly I observed from a bench between tramo 3 and 4 of between 4 and 5. On Sunday afternoon I took position between tramo 1 and 2. There was no position from where I could oversee the whole escalator. I could have an overview of a maximum of 4 tramos. I counted 890 users in 8 hours. If I extrapolate this to the whole week, which consists of 123 hours of operating time, and then divide it by 7 (number of days per week) my count would come to 1,780 users on a daily basis. However, I counted every movement, even if people/children would go up and immediately go down again. In the official counts, they only counted people leaving the elevator and not count them again if the used it again within a couple of minutes. If correcting for this, my count would be lower. However, I did not include the

busiest hours of the day, which according to the surveillance team and other inhabitants I spoke to, are the evening hours between 6 and 10 PM, when people are returning from work or school. So all in all, I think it is reasonable to assume that in the end my count more or less validates the official count of 2,000 passengers a day.

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Appendix II: Survey questions & results During week 18 and 19 I did 50 surveys, going door to door, approximately in a 250 meter radius around the escalator. A couple of surveys I did on the street in the vicinity of the escalator. For most questions I made categories for the answers. However, I formulated the question as an open question. Only if people did not understand the question, I gave an example. This mostly happened for the question on ‘purpose of travel’ which people often misunderstood for ‘destination’. For the purpose of this thesis, I translated the questions into English.

Survey on the use of the electric escalator Sex: M/F Age: 12-19

20-39

40-59

60+

How many times a week do you use the escalator (return counts as one)? 1-3

4-7

8-10

11-14

>14

Where do you live? 0 in the part above the escalator 0 on the side left of the escalator 0 on the side right of the escalator How many meters is your house approximately located from the escalator? ………

What is the main purpose of your travels? 0 work

0 education

0 shopping

0 visits to family or friends

What other modes of transport do you use? 0 (motor)bike

0 colectivo

0 bus

0 taxi

0 metro

How many years have you been living in Comuna 13? …………

0 other

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Before the escalator was there, what did you do? 0 I went on foot, but less frequently than now 0 I went on foot and went out as frequently as I do now

What do you think about the escalator? -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The survey numbers that are marked, are the ones I also interviewed. From two people I interviewed I did not take a survey.

Main results of surveys

Sex NR. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

1219 M F F M F M F F F F F F M M F M M F F M F F F M F

Age 20- 4039 59

Weekly use 1- 4- 81160+ 3 7 10 14 1

1 1

Where do they Years live? Distance in > side side 14 above l. r. m C 13 1 1 150 30 1 1 10 40

1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1 1

! 1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

250 230 220 210 200 150 50 50 50 250 40 40 100 80 40 10 20 20 140 200 200

22 30 10 29 15 22 7 27 10 24 64 <1 18 25 1,5 55 22 13 33 23 34 34

138

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

F M F F F F F M M F F F F F F F F F F M F F F F F

1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1 1

1 1 1 18

1 1 10 12

People use the escalator for the following purposes: Shopping

Work

Leisure

Visiting friend or family

Education

Health center

Church

150 130 150 120 50 2 160 250 100 120 100 150 50 50 100 100 100 50 150 10 150 100 150 160 150

1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 28

30 30 <1 28 35 35 19 35 27 16 27 26 23 12 30 16 33 14 35 20 34 22 7 33 32

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Many people use other means of transportation as well: 66 people use a bus or a colectivo 38 people use a combination of the colectivo and the connecting metro 1 uses a motorcycle 1 used a taxi

When asked what they did before the escalator was there 25 people indicated to go on foot and did not go out more or less the same as now. 18 people indicated they went on foot, but less frequently than they do now. When asked what they thought about the escalator, only three people expressed a negative opinion stating that the escalator is too expensive and only benefits a small amount of people. All the others were very positive, even the ones that did not directly benefit themselves.

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Appendix III: List of inhabitants interviewed Name

Age

Family situation

Claudia

Claudia lives with her husband, five daughters, varying in age between 18 and 30, and two grandchildren (another one being on the way). She has infrequent domestic jobs. Her husband has work, but her daughters are all unemployed.

Soreida

Soreida lives with her two small children, next to her sister (Johana) and mother. At the moment she does not work, because she wants to take care of the children.

Johana

Johana has two small children and a third one on the way. She lives with her mother. The father died and their brother got killed in gang violence. They used to live there with their grandparents and some nieces and nephews (13 people in total), but the grandparents died and the nieces and nephews moved out.

Lidia

She lives with her husband and for children, ranging in age from 13 to 26. Her sister (50) lives in the apartment upstairs. She does not work. Her husband has a job in construction.

David

He is divorced and now lives with his young girlfriend and their son of 10 years old. He is a pensioner and used to work as an electrician.

JosĂŠ

He is divorced and has three children. One is still a minor and two of them are grown up, one of which has two children of his own. They live with their mother, also in Comuna 13. He works independently, mostly in construction.

Nelson

He lives with his wife, brother in law and two grown-up

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sons of 23 and 25. He delivers gas canisters in Comuna 13 and together with his wife runs a small shop at the top of the escalator where they sell, sodas, ice cream and candies. They also have 2 computers with internet access. His son runs the internet part of the shop. Both sons have other jobs as well. Luz

She lives with her husband, her 30-year old son and 16year old daughter and two dogs. She has three other sons that already left the house. Her husband has his own little company in painting and renovations. She works in the house.

Adriana

She is divorced and lives with three of her children of 4, 6 and 16 and is pregnant of another child. Her exhusband also lives in Comuna 13 with their other son of 14, who is a professional football player. Adriana is an informal community leader and her oldest daughter Stefania is a kind of youth leader and does courses with the police (she wants to be a police officer).

Miria

Miria has a husband who is just retired. He worked in security. She has two daughter â&#x20AC;&#x201C; who live elsewhere in the neighborhood â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and a son of 21 who still lives at home. She also had another son who was killed at the age of 17

Alicia

She lives with her husband, a son and grandson. Her daughter lives upstairs with her husband in their own apartment. She works at home. Her husband worked in construction, but is now retired.

Maria Elvia

She is a widow. She has four children, three daughter and one son, ranging in age from 29 to 36. One daughter still lives with her, together with her baby. She used to take care of other peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s children, but then she got ill and lost one kidney. She has no

142

pension. Her son used to take care of her, but now that he is married himself, it is more difficult for him. Leida

She lives with her partner (not married) and her child. The family of her partner (three people) live in a separate part of the house. Her partner works as a baker in Laureles. She studies family pedagogics and works with families in the neighborhood.

Cecilia

She is a widow and lives with one of her sons (38). She has to more sons, aged 42 and 43, that live elsewhere. One of them works for the police. She is retired, but used to do domestic work.

Chota