THE SALTS OF THE CITY AN URBANISM OF MUMBAI’S INTERMEDIARY TIDAL LANDSCAPES
Lewis Thomas Kelly
Salt; 1. (N) a crystalline compound, sodium chloride, NaCl, occurring as a mineral, a constituent of seawater, and used as a preservative. 2. (Latin Salarium, derived from sal “salt�) (N) salary, salt-money; a substance of great value, a precious resource. 3. (salt march) (Idea) The notion that the manual production of a commodified substance can undermine the power structures and inequality which exist around it.
Introduction Part 1
ARCHITECTURES
Part 2
RITUAL
Salt Bathing
Part 3
RHYTHM
Water Treatment Tidal Constructions
Part 4
CONCLUSION
Part 5
BIBLIOGRAPHY / APPENDIX
[ESSAY] The Right to Water
THE SALTS OF THE CITY MAHUL CREEK
3 1, 2 Wadala
4 Sewri
Mudflats
5
D
A
1: 75,000
The Loving Metropolitan Landscape 6
C
B Malabar Hill
N
Key Consolidated Edges A B C D-
Marine Drive Lala Lajpatrai Marg Worli Seaface Road Mahim Bay beachfront
CONSOLIDATED EDGES
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
These stretches of coast - where the edge of the city meets the sea - have been developed and hardened, adopting a defensive attitude towards the sea while building as close as possible to allow an appreciation of it, a ‘consumption of nature’ (Burte, H., Krishnakutty, M., 2006, p.97).
An Urbanism of Mumbai’s Tidal Intermediary Landscapes
In this contradictory mode of resistance yet proximity, there is both an increased threat from flooding and a missed opportunity to form productive relationships with the sea. A - D show some of the most pronounced examples of this.
The Salts of the City is an urbanism which utilises and inhabits the ‘tidal intermediary landscape’ of Mumbai - the ambiguous edge between land and sea which is constantly changing under the movement of the tides. Within this shifting and expansive tidalscape it sees a latent productivity, an opportunity to draw from the sea the precious resources it has to offer; salt, and most importantly for waterscarce Mumbai, clean water.
The area between the low and high tides, an undefined boundary between city and sea which is dubious, ambiguous and in contant flux.
It also draws attention to the ritual of bathing - one of the most important in Indian culture and most vital for human wellbeing and to the loss of public facilities for bathing in Mumbai. In a city of hydrological crises, it sees within the tides a means for accessing fresh, clean water; initiating the end to water inequalities and the re-emergence of the public bathing facility.
This zone - which changes from wide flats of mud on the east coast to steep rocky beaches on the west - is a landscape full of potential productivity, offering in abundance the precious resources of the sea; salt, and most importantly for thirsty Mumbai, water.
In order to realise the promise of the tides, the intermediary landscape demands an architecture with an intelligence akin to the salt pan; an understanding of the rhythms of the sea, of how to situate within the tides, and an awareness of the necessary conditions to instigate productivity.
INTERMEDIARY TIDAL ZONE
SET The larger SET of Architectures
1 - Salt Workers’ Union 2 - Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths 3 - Wadala Bathhouse
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Through forming an exchange between these rhythms and the rituals of Mumbai and its people, it outlines how a new productive ecology can be established between city and landscape in harnessing the Salts of the City.
4 - Large-scale Water Treatment Facility 5 - Sewri Bathhouse
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TLML SET BLG BODY A Stepped Urban Groundscape The Salts of the City understands that the architecture of Mumbai’s salt pans is the same as that of Banganga Tank - a hydrological groundscape crafted around the access to and containment of water for a specific set of purposes, rhythms and rituals - albeit very different ones. It is in seeing that this architecture of bunds and pans is the same as that of steps and baths that these groundscapes can be brought together, merging disparate rituals and rhythms into a new productive relationship between the city, its people and the landscape.
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Part 1
ARCHITECTURES Three Productive Architectures of Ritual & Repose in the Intermediary Tidal Zone.
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
Low Tide
Suface Water Salinity
Intermediary Tidal Zone
1:25,000
The Loving Metropolitan Landscape 12
Salt Workers’ Union Wadala Medical Centre
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Wadala Bathhouse +7m
[Flood Limits]
Drinking Water Production Facility
Wadala Salt Pans +5m
High Tide
MAHUL CREEK +3m +1m Sewri Bathhouse
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY Salt Workers’ Union Wadala Medical Centre
Sangham Nagar
Mahul Creek
Wadala Bathhouse
SET 1:10,000
Architectures of the Intermediary Tidal Zone 14
Wadala Salt Pans
Drinking Water Production Facility
tre
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SALT
PAN S
BLG The Salt Workers’ Union
SANGHAM NAGAR Exhibition Drawing
The Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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BLG Wadala Medical Centre & Public Baths
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Tidal Influx Reservoir
Salt Workers’ Union Rhizofiltration Pans
Wadala Medical Centre Solar Deslination Wheels Condensation Chambers
Public Baths / Well
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The Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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Corten steel Rhizofiltration Pans
Concrete roof - Access platform to rhizofiltration pans - Escape platform during floods
Stablised Rammed Earth walls
Steel Tidal barrier and control gates
Concrete tank for tidal influx water
Exploded Axonometric 1:1000
The Salt Workers’ Union & Water Treatment Facility
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Corten steel structure to solar evaporation wheels
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Corten steel roof to baths Sheltering water from solar evaporation. Metal strengthens with corrosion from salt
Concrete roof to medical centre
Stablised Rammed Earth walls
Steel baths - folded metal plate
Concretised ground to hold baths.
Exploded Axonometric 1:1000
Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 21
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22
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1:200 Exhibition Model
Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
Salt Workers’ Union
A Tidal Gates B Tidal influx reservoir C Archimedes Screw (to roof level) D Accumulated silt / earth deposit collection area
1 Community Meeting / Acitivity Spaces 2 Salt Rake Storage Area (and other equip.) 3. Salt Pan entry footbaths
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Public Baths
Wadala Medical Centre
12 Drinking water well 13 Main bath 14 Swimming channel 15 Baths overflow / drainage pool.
4 5 6 7 8 9
Waiting Area 10 Toilets Entrance, reception, foyer 11 Chemist & drug store Office Consultation rooms, chiropody rooms BLG Plan 1 : 500 Footbaths Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Minor surgery theatre Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
Baths 25
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Water Treatment & Desalination Facility A Tidal Gates B Tidal influx reservoir C Archimedes Screw (to roof level) { D } Accumulated silt / earth deposit collection area (under) E Preliminary Rhizofiltration Pans {Treatment} F Secondary Rhizofiltrartion Pans {Treatment} 26
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G Solar Evaopration Wheels {Desalination} H Well. Water source for baths
BLG Roof Plan 1 : 500
Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 27
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N
28
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N
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A
N
A
Salt Pans
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Bathing Channel
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Section AA 1:200
‘The Bathing Channel - From Bath to Pan’
Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths & Desalination Facility 31
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B
N
B
Section BB 1:200
‘The Chiropodists’ Rooms / Footbath Corridors’
Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths & Desalination Facility 33
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C
N
C
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Section CC 1:200
‘The Salt Pan/ Salt Rake Storage Room Boundary’
The Salt Workers’ Union & Water Treatment Facility Series 1 Pan No. 5
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D
D
N
Tidal Influx Reservoir
36
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Public Baths
Section DD 1:200
‘From Tide to Bath’
Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 37
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BLG The Wadala Bathhouse
Exhibition Drawing
The Wadala Bathhouse Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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Tidal Influx Reservoir
Rhizofiltration Pans Solar Deslination Wheels Condensation Chambers Wadala Bathhouse
Footbaths
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The Wadala Bathhouse Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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Corten Steel Rhizofiltration Pans (behind)
Rammed earth central wall
Aluminium condensation chambers Steel frame
Slatted aluminium screens Slatted timber doors
Steel baths - folded metal plate
Concretised ground to hold baths
Exploded Axonometric 1:500
The Wadala Bathhouse 42
Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
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A
C
D
{B}
3
2
1
44
N
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Bathhouse
Water Treatment & Desalination Facility
1 Main Baths 2 Private Bathing Rooms 3. Meditation / Puja Rooms 4. Sheltered marketplace 5. Footbaths, entry to the salt pans
A Tidal influx reservoir {B} Water Pumps (beneath) C Preliminary Rhizofiltration Pans {treatment} D Secondary Rhizofiltration Pans {treatment}
4 5
BLG Plan 1 : 500
Wadala Bathhouse Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 45
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A
C
E
{B}
F
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D
N
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Water Treatment & Desalination Facility A Tidal influx reservoir {B} Water Pumps (beneath) C Preliminary Rhizofiltration Pans {treatment} D Secondary Rhizofiltration Pans {treatment} E Solar Evaporation Wheels {desalination} F Condensation Chambers
BLG Roof Plan 1 : 500
Wadala Bathhouse Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 47
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Tidal influx reservoir
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A
BLG
N
A
Section AA 1:200
‘From Tide to Bath’
Wadala Bathhouse Bathhouse
& Water Treatment / Desalination facility 49
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Bathhouse
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N
B
Salt Pans
Section BB 1:400
‘From Bath to Pan’
Wadala Bathhouse & Water Treatment / Desalination facility 51
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‘Our bodies encrusted in salt we arrive at its steps, the fresh water and shade inviting the days end and awaiting the morning’s bathing, an oasis in a desert of light, heat and salt’
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Fire Escape Strategy The primary escape routes for the building lead in two opposite directions, following the westeast spine and taking users across the paved ground to raised safety areas / congregagtion points. The secondary escape routes are for use if the primary routes are blocked, and take users out onto the salt pans, or in extreme situations into the baths from where they would swim to the steps and climb to the safety of the forecourt. The Medical Centre is divided into three seperate internal sections with external dividing passages, acting as fire breaks / buffer zones to contain any fire were one to break out.
Primary Escape Routes Secondary Escape Routes Fire Break Buffer Zones 54
Internal Space
Congregation Points
Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Med. Centre / Public Baths & Water Treatment / Desalination facility
TLML SET BLG BODY The main spine of the bathhouse acts as the primary escape route, with a walkway in the middle to ensure the journey is not too far. Were fire to break out within the bathhouse rooms, blocking both directions of the primary escape route, the metal louvred grills facing onto the open-air baths are able to swing open, allowing users to jump from the small bathing rooms into the waters of the baths (about 1’) and swim to safety at the steps on the far side. If for any reason the main baths were empty of water, users would be able to lower themselves carefully from the bathing rooms by means of fold-out ladders - to the floor of the bathhouse, from where they could run up the steps. With the open -air baths made of metal and without a roof it would be highly unlikely for fire to spread past the bathing rooms, and so a fire break is created.
Wadala Bathhouse & Water Treatment / Desalination facility 55
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
Procurement
users” (Sinha, 2012, p.175)
Initial Land Purchase
These designs would be brought to a series of community participative meetings, where members of the community would be encouraged to share their opinions & desires.The designs would then be revised each time to meet more closely the needs and desires of the people, rather than just what is guessed by the architectural team. For instance there is likely to be many detailed nuances of bathing rituals which the design team are not aware of, and would benefit from consultation with Hindu users.
With this intermediary land owned by the Government by default, the Government would need to be approached first. They may agree to the constructions without purchase of land, due to the buildings’ status as public amenities. However, it would be much better to buy the land, to prevent the government from having as tight a control over the continuation of construction, if the next elected minister were to change policies on funded public amenities in slum areas. It could be bought by an organisation - such as the architects, or a developmental NGO. The best option would be to establish the land as a publicly-owned area, so that it is owned and maintained by the local people.
This is key to sustainability; a building designed with input from the users will be much more appropriate to their needs, and will likely be maintained and last for much longer than if it didn’t satisfy these.
Engaging the Communities Construction Team / Contractors For this to become a land of Commons, the local communities would need to be involved from the start. The building contractors would be employed from the local communities, as would many unskilled labourers who would be instructed on the basic construction tasks. This way the communities would be more engaged with the building, rather than feeling that their land is being invaded and causing a divide between them and the architect / construction team. “Participation encourages a collaborative process that can be more complex and slow but enriches the end product which then has more significance to the 56
[It is pre-supposed that there is a high availability of workforce in Mumbai. With over-population there are great numbers of people looking for means to sustain their livelihoods and families, particularly in the informal settlements where poverty levels are extremely high.] The Salts of the City maintains that the return to manual work, done by people by hand rather than machines, is necessary for the modern day condition of the city of Mumbai, where a vast population needs employment to support themselves and families.
The building is designed to be built largely by hand - rammed earth foundations and walls which need to be compressed manually. The removal of the need for machinery means putting the power of construction into the hands of the people, taking time but little money. In the same way that Gandhi abhorred the industrial machine and the factory for its dehumanising effect and its removal of human agency, this thesis returns to manual labour and human-scale industry.
Construction Sequence The salt pans would be constructed first, which would begin to generate profit from the sales of salt, paying the wages of the salt pan workers and accumulating a fund to be used for the construction of the buildings. The funds would then be used to pay for the building materials and the labour, with the construction process running at an appropriate speed based on the availability of funds from the production of salt. Due to this dependency on the salt sales for the funds, it is imperative that much of the building is kept to a low cost, hence the use of rammed earth - a free and locally available material (with additional cement).
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Phase 1: Construction of Salt Pans
Phase 2: Groundworks, Excavation
Phase 3: Construction of walls
Phase 4: Baths, concrete roof & machines constructed
Begin accumulating funds from sale of salt
Rammed earth walls erected
Digging of the baths, consolidation of earth (rammed earth foundations)
Final phase requiring off-site manufactured pieces and pre-cast concrete
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY
Economy Due to the nature of the building as a public amenity in an informal settlement unacknowledged by the law or Government, it may be difficult to source funding. As mentioned previously, the building could develop alongside the salt pan industry, which could fund the building over a long period through the sales of salt. Therefore it is important that costs are kept very low a task which can be managed through material choice and design for longevity. Walls are constructed of rammed earth, a building material which uses compressed earth with cement to create concrete-like walls. It is a more sustainable material than concrete due to the lack of aggregate, and the energy and carbon involved in mining/ transporting it. Earth is a locally abundant material and is free of cost, and much can be reused from the excavation of the baths. No expensive machinery is required, all can be done by hand, which reduces costs to just wages. These walls would be supported by sheet piling to retain the earth under the pressures exerted by the tidal flows. Sheet piling is a low -cost material most often used for protecting construction in proximity to water. The water treatment and desalination system is all mechanical, and requires no electricity or running costs. The initial expense for the manufacture of the machines will be higher, but once these have been constructed the costs will be low. The machines -
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although specific - are manufactured of standardised parts, which can be manufactured on a large scale to supply all of the infrastructures/ buildings along the coast. The roofs are corten steel - a metal which actually strengthens under corrosion of its surface layer. This is highly appopriate for the salt pan landscape of Mumbai, where the heat, humidity and high saline content of the air contribute to the rapid rusting of metal. Were standard steel to be used it would quickly rust and require costly replacement, corten steel on the other hand will not require this replacement and so will save costs in the long term through its inherent longevity.
Medical Centre Foyer
Accessibility
1
For a medical centre near a population of salt workers who have a great number of health issues regarding feet and legs, accessibility is of great importance.
2
The medical centre acts as a level mediator from the slum to the salt pans, however a series of ramps ensure that the modulation from the street to the medical rooms is possible without having to step up or down. (1, 2, 3) A ramp follows the side of the public baths, allowing wheelchair users access to the water as it ramps down to the maximum water level before arriving at the medical centre. (4)
3
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4
Baths
All doors are wide enough for wheelchair access (900mm), and WCs are accessible (2200mm x 1500mm).
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY
Thermal Comfort Mumbai’s hot and humid tropical climate means that cooling is of key concern for internal spaces. Infection can easily spread in heat and humidity, and so reducing the internal temperature can make spaces not only more comfortable, but healthier for occupants.
3
1 4
2
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1
2
Roof and spaces just below heated by solar radiation
Air cooled by the water from baths
3 Angled roof with opening allows hot air to escape, drawing cooler air from baths into medical centre
4 Water stored in ceiling space - cools down the air immediately around it, while drawing warm air from below through convection increases the feeling of coolness for users.
Health & Safety With a workforce from the local community, potentially unskilled or semi-skilled, it would be very important to make sure everyone has had adequate induction to safety on a building site, including how to use tools and safe distances to stand from other people while using them. It would be important to make sure there were enough hard hats and steel toe-capped boots for everyone even although these may not be worn by the locals normally it is good safety practice and could prevent serious injuries. Dehydration Mumbai is at 19 degrees north of the Equator, a tropical latitude where the sun’s radiation is strong and can easily dehydrate people, particularly if they are doing manual labour. Dehydration can become serious, leading to heat exhaustion and even heat stroke. In a situation where there is not a great deal of water available, it may be important to - for the process of construction - buy or import bottled water for use during this period only.
Monsoon Rain
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Mumbai can experience extremely heavy rain during the Monsoon season; on the western edge of India it experiences the arrival of the annual storms in full force. This rain brings much relief, however it can also make tasks far more dangerous onsite, particularly if working at a height with manual tools. If work is continuing through the Monsoon season, there would need to be a plan in place for when it begins to rain, so that before it actually starts raining workers can stop and get to shelter. Preferably, the building work would pause during the Monsoon season, or perhaps the construction could last from October to June, missing the Monsoon altogether (much like the Salt Pans which also have a Cease period from July to September.). This would allow work to take place in the dry season and minimise the risk of accidents from sudden storms.
Other measures that can be taken are to work in the shade whenever possible, and wear a sun hat. Locals may be used to the exposure to the sun at this strength, and may have other methods of preventing dehydration.
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Part 2
RITUAL An Exploration of the Rituals of Salt and Water in Mumbai
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
A Confluence of Urban Rituals Mumbai - an Urbanity of Rituals across Ecological Spheres “Every year, thousands of flamingos fly in from their breeding grounds in the Rann of Kutch in Gujarat to the Sewri mudflats in the city, searching for a safe habitat. It’s probably one of the most unlikely places to spot wildlife in the city. Bumpy roads and a cluster of factories are just some of the sights that greet you en route. However, all that is forgotten at the Sewri jetty, where a sea of pink dominates the landscape. Flamingoes have become Mumbai’s most famous migrants.” (Deshpande A. 2011)
This strange merging of disparate rituals between natural and human ecologies - the migration of birds, the industrial activities resulting in the algal growth on Sewri mudflats opened an interesting view from which to look at the Mumbai. The city is a confluence of innumerable rituals, from those of wildlife to those of factory workers, those of tourists to those of pilgrim bathers, and the urbanity of Mumbai accommodates them all in a mutual tolerance of one another - although not always in a mutually beneficial relationship. An investigation of the flamingos led to an interest in all of the rituals of the salt - water landscape of the Sewri mudflats, and the extents of the larger city-scale rituals to which they belong.
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A1
S1 A2
A3
BW1
M1 BW2
SP1
F2
BW3 M2
B5
S2 S3
B6
S4
F3
F4 F5
BW3 F1
W4
S5 M3 M4 M5 S6 S7 M6 M7
G5 B7 W5
S8
B8
S9
BW4 B9 B10
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Kosher - SALT
Drinking and Bathing - WATER
Estuarial Ecologies - SALTWATER
[ Synagogues [S], mosques [M] and abattoirs [A] located ]
[ Baths [B], water storage [W] and Ganesh Chaturthi sites [G] located ]
[ Flamingo festival [F], bird watching [BW] and salt pans [SP] located ]
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[ Sites of rituals in Mumbai ]
with Rose Botfield & Leonie Neuweger
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[ Abattoirs (1-3) set in context ]
[ Bathing sites (1-9) set in context ]
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[ Mosques (1-7) set in context ]
[Ganesh ritual bathing sites (1-5) set in context ]
[ Synagogues (1-9) set in context ]
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Base: Groundwater Salinity map of Mumbai
Sites of ritual located and framed 69
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W10 - bird watching
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W13 - synagogues
W16 - flamingoes
W16 - synagogues
W22 - water storage
W22 - flamingoes
W37 - Ganesh bathing
anesh bathing
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W37 - bathing
W38 - abbatoirs
W39 - mosques
W41 - salt pans
W44 - bird watching
W47 - synagogues
W47 - flamingoes
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Mapping the Temporalities of Hydro-Saline Rituals in Mumbai
An Almanac of Hush, Blush and Flush with Rose Botfield & Leonie Neuweger
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Part 2A
SALT The Rituals of Mumbai’s Salt Workers
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The Salt Workers of Mumbai The salt industries, like the flamingos, capitalise on the high salinity of the waters around Mahul bay. Salt pans line the coast of the city, geometric bath-like landscapes in which sub-soil brine is evaporated under the tropical sun to leave behind profitable salt crystals.India’s salt industries provide a large percentage of the world’s market, yet little is known of the workers who ritually prepare and rake the land to harvest this precious substance.
Rituals of the Salt Worker Season 1 - December to January - Preparatory Phase Preparation of the ground, making it hard, flat and waterproof in preparation for storing water. Stamping the ground with bare feet. Initial water intake stirred for around 20 days using a teeth shaped tool called ‘danto’ - a long stick approximately 4 m in length, attached to a tool with teeth like projections. Season 2 - February to June - Salt Harvesting Phase The salt crystals are harvested with the wooden rake, ‘foyem’ (a long stick of approximately 4 m in length, attached to a wooden rectangular block of 50–70 × 15–20 cm) and piled as small heaps at the intersection of the pans. Workers carry heavy bags of salt - upto 30kg in weight - on their shoulders. Season 3 - October & November - Repair Workers manually prepare land for salt production. The previous embankments (dykes/bunds) that were damaged due to the monsoon are repaired. The beds are ploughed, levelled by stamping and/ using a device called ‘saalon’ - a bamboo stick approx. 4m in length, attached to a circular wooden base. 76
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The Need to Bathe A Parasitic Relationship with the Landscape
Salt making process is simple but extremely laborious. The workers working in these salt pans experience fatigue as they have to put in 8–12 h of work under the merciless sun, many times with a bending posture. The workers collect the salt with bare hands and walk about bare foot to maintain cleanliness. Although, saline water has been used as a therapy to ease arthritic pain, excess of exposure to salt leads to skin rashes. Reflection of the sun or UV rays off the salt also leads to a blinding effect Labour on the salt pans of Wadala Mithigar costs them their health and wellbeing, through repeated physical strain and overexposure to sun and salt. The workers have no access to facilities for washing themselves, and so over time salt becomes impregnated into their skin and causes a great deal of suffering, often leading to illnes and paralysis, even premature death. There is a great need for bathing facilities for these people, a need for access to water to allow them to cleanse their skin, preventing this damage and bringing greater health and wellbeing to the communities of the salt pans.
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Section
Plan
Investigations into the designing of a Salt Pan Machine (to assist inthe salt making process)
The Mechanics of Repose 82
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Investigations into a Salt Pan Flattening Machine
The Mechanics of Repose 84
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Part 2B
BATHING Hydrological rituals of cleansing
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‘Mumbai needs a means of retrieving clean water from the inaccessible surplus that already surrounds it. It needs a means of treating the water and distributing it into publically accessible amenities, which by their designed nature - like Banganga Tank - could not be privitised.’
THE RIGHT TO WATER Tirtha - Sacred Water Water is the vitality of humankind. It is the giver of physical health, psychological wellbeing, and physical hygeine, essential to life and a right to all humanity without preference. It is the vitality of Indian culture, the purest and most precious substance in many of the religious belief systems. Central to spiritual rituals, it a substance of purity which gives repose to the body and mind. In many of the religions within India, the act of bathing is not only a means of hygiene and physical relief, but a ritual of the highest importance and religious significance. (Hegewald, J. 2001, p.11) Water is seen as a sacred substance, the giver of life and Enightenment. Religious practices in Hinduism involve daily rituals of controlled bodily bathing, where water becomes the object of meditation engaging the entire bodily anatomy.
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- albeit on a lesser scale. For a millenia pilgrims have been travelling to the Banganga Tank on Malabar Hill - a site believed to be a source of Ganges water - to spiritually cleanse. Dharamshalas (pilgrim’s guest houses) line the streets surrounding the tank, where at 4am people decend the steps to perform Puja purification bathing rituals at the Tank’s source water. Funerals are frequently held on its steps to help release the recently dead from the clutches of reincarnation, while Hindustani classical music echoes across its holy waters. Access to water and its life-giving properties has allowed the blooming of an incredible culture of rituals and festivals, sculpting the belief patterns and value systems of hundreds of million, if not over a billion, people in India and South Asia. The Sustenance of Health Access to water for bathing - and drinking - is not solely of spiritual importance; it is essential for the sustenance of physical health and human life.
Such rituals of bathing are pivotal to Indian spiritual culture. Millions travel to the Ganges River to bathe in its divine waters which - however beneficial the water is to human health - is believed to purify the body and soul, and to release the person from the cycles of rebirth and suffering (Samsara). Tens of millions of people gather at the Kumbh Mela every 3 years for the greatest ritual of bathing on the planet, culminating in a huge 12 year-ly festival to begin the cycle of 4 locations again.
The majority of India experiences high temperatures during the summer months, with tropical latitudes (such as that of Mumbai) also experiencing high levels of humidity. These conditions quickly cause dehydration, and the degredation of physical and psychological health. The access to clean water for drinking is of prime importance in such a climate, where additional intake is necessary to replenish loss of fluid from sweat or sickness.
Pilrimages such as this can be seen within Mumbai itself
Access to water for bathing is essential to rid the skin of any
7
dirt and bacteria which may cause infection, a common threat when heat and humidity are high. This is particularly important for those people who have inadequate access to sanitation facilities - which in Mumbai is a huge proportion of the population - and are forced to defecate in the open. In this same vein, there must be an availability of water for washing clothes, to prevent the growth of bacteria and spread of illness. The need for bathing is particularly great for those who work with their bare hands or feet - such as the salt pan workers of Mumbai, who must wash the salt before it causes conditions such as skin lesions. Without access to water life cannot go on. Without the availability of water the cultures built around bathing will come to an end, the vitality of Indian spiritual life cannot continue. It is therefore of prime importance that access and ubiquitous availability of clean water is maintained.
A CITY OF PRIVATISED WATER An Inaccessible Surplus Clean water in Mumbai is scarce. There is not enough to provide for the ever growing population, despite the annual deluge from the Monsoon and the frequent floodwaters which soak the city’s streets. There is not enough despite the vast storage reservoirs in the hills to the north, nor despite the inexaustible supply brought from the sea along the city’s enormous coastline.
The water is there, it is just unusable, unsuitable, unhealthy. The groundwater is polluted, as is the surrounding sea water in the Arabian Sea, Thane Creek, Mahul Creek and the Mithi River. Factories dump waste straight into the estuary on the eastern coast, filling it with heavy metals and other pollution damaging to the health of the natural ecologies as well as people (flamingos & mangroves predominantly). Waste waters from slum settlements also run into the sea, polluting the creeks with excrement and other waste. This water is also highly saline in content, and there is a lack of means to remove the salt from the water. The city has long been able to remove the water from the salt in the coastal salt pans, but in the 21st century it is the former process that is now most critical.
The Metropolitan Inequality of Water Provision With levels of water already scarce, a system of inequality based around economic standing means that the water that is available is distributed unequally to different groups of the population. Following the economic reforms of the 1990s, the privitisation of water became a focus of government policies, in an attempt to improve water management, improve services and reduce corruption (Bhardwaj R., 2013). However the resultant increase in the water tariff created a situation where water has become a commodified resource - more available to some than others.
The extensive informal developments across the city - those settlements built off-grid and without legal permission - have no connection to the city’s water provision supply, meaning that water must be sourced through other means. Water is tapped from the grid by groups of profiteers - the local mafia - who then sell it to the slum-dwelling communities for a high price. ‘Daily wage’ earners often spend up to 20% of their wages on water. (Bapat, M., Agarwal, I., 2002)
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A resident of BPT land; “We pay Rs 200-300 every month, but we get water only once every few days. We use the water very sparingly since we are not sure how many days it will be before we get water again. Even those families that survive by begging have to buy water. There is no choice. There is nowhere around here where we can get water free. This whole area is a slum. People may not have food in the house, but they have to buy water. Most of the people who live here are daily wage labourers. They are paid around Rs 100 a day. Out of this they have to spend Rs 20-50 just for water.” (Bapat, M., Agarwal, I., 2002) The general preferential treatment of the middle classes by the government has led to a situation whereby the richer inhabitants of Mumbai have access to greater quantities of water for less cost per gallon. While water delivered through a legal connection is charged at Rs 2.25 for one thousand liters, often slumdwellers pay far more for the same amount;
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY “Rafinagar residents, the poorest of Mumbai’s poor, were increasingly paying up to one hundred to two hundred times that price (Rs 10 – 20 for one jerrican of thirty- five to forty liters)” (Graham, S. et. al. 2013, p.135) Malabar Hill - Mumbai’s most wealthy neighbourhood - is a good example of where the middle classes recieve preferential treatment, where water is pumped constantly uphill to supply the city’s wealthiest and most powerful - despite the costs of the pumping to higher elevations. It is said that in Mumbai; “public systems respond at least as much to considerations of class as they do to those of topography, where the costs of providing public services matters less if citizens are wealthy than if they are poor.” (Anand, N., 2011, p.554) [However, it is also noted that Mumbai’s water crisis is so extreme that even many of these wealthy residences are now supplied with piped water for only two or three hours a day.] (Graham, S. et. al., 2013, p.121) Mumbai has become a city where the provision of water has become a matter of wealth and status, abundant to some and scarce to others. The essential life-giving subsatnce which has shaped Indian culture has been transformed into a product with a price.
THE RIGHT TO THE BATHHOUSE Humans have a Right to the access of water, as was consolidated by the UN in 1977 at the United Nations Water Conference (Kothari, J. 2006, p.2). However the people of India also have 94
a right to access water for bathing. The Indian Constitution actually states that; “no citizen shall be subjected to any restriction with regard to the use of wells, tanks [and] bathing ghats [i.e. riverside washing areas].” People cannot be restricted access, however the issue lies in the fact that the government has no obligation to provide this access if it does not already exist (Bhardwaj R., 2013). The Need for and Right to Public Bathing Amenity
To break down this hierarchical provision and overcome the scarcity faced, Mumbai needs a means of retrieving clean water from the inaccessible surplus that already surrounds it. It needs a means of treating the water and distributing it into publically accessible amenities, which by their designed nature - like Banganga Tank - could not be privitised. It needs these amenities to be situated not in the areas of wealth but in the areas of need, on the edges where slums meet the sea. It would be in this way that water - in its value as a substance of healing, of spirituality, ritual and festival - could be given back to the people of Mumbai, fulfilling their human and cultural Right to drink and bathe.
The need for public amenities for bathing like Banganga Tank is clear, ‘Commons’ for access to water. These spaces - as described by De Angelis in ‘On the Commons’ (An Architektur, 2010) - are not only a non-commodified, free public resource, but they are also sustained by communities. They are essentially free from the state; owned by no one and everyone, open to all, free of cost for the people, managed by the people , and allowing no accumulation of power in their management. The idea of this non-commodified urban space as a need of the people is introduced to us in Lefebvre’s ‘The Right to the City’ (1996), “Would not specific urban needs to be those of qualified places, places of simultaneity and encounters, places where exchange would not go through exchange value, commerce and profit?” (p.148) A New Imagining of Water Provisionin Mumbai
BLG - Wadala Bathhouse
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1:50,000
96
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Natural water drainage/ storage
Geological areas of hard basalt aquifer
Salinity of groundwater Higher density, higher salinity
Communities subject to water scarcity (informal settlements)
Major water storage infrastructure/ facilities
Banganga Tank
Bathing area - Public use (Open for cost-free bathing) Bathing area - Private use (Inc. pools with memberships / hotels).
1:125,000
The Sociological Hydrology of Mumbai Water needs and water supply in a city of economic hierarchy 97
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BANGANGA TANK Bombay’s Architecture of Bathing
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A
Banganga Settlement Dhobi Ghat
Banganga Tank B
B
N
Dharamshalas (Pilgrim’s guesthouses)
100
A
Water source Northeast Corner
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Baan - Ganga Arrow of the Ganges
N
Plan 1:1000 ARABIAN SEA
Banganga Tank 101
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102
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Section AA 1:200
A
East - West
Banganga Tank The Architecture of Bathing 103
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Tank
104
B
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Sea
Section BB 1:500
‘From Tank to Sea’
Banganga Tank The Architecture of Bathing 105
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY
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THE SALTS OF THE CITY
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BLG Plan 1: 500
The Sewri Bathhouse Explorations into the Tidal Public Bathing Amenity 111
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Sewri Fort
112
BLG
A
Sewri Bathhouse
Mangroves
A
Section AA 1:500
The Sewri Bathhouse Explorations into the Tidal Public Bathing Amenity 113
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114
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Section AA Perspective 1:100
The Sewri Bathhouse Explorations into the Tidal Public Bathing Amenity 115
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Meditation Room
Bathing Room
Bathing Room Section 1:50
The Sewri Bathhouse Explorations into the Tidal Public Bathing Amenity 116
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Folded Metal Baths Axonometric 1:250
The Sewri Bathhouse Explorations into the Tidal Public Bathing Amenity 117
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Dis-Locating Intensities This experiment allowed an exploration of the resultant architecture when the lightweight metal, technologically capable infrastructure of the Sewri Bathhouse came together with the heavy, stone Banganga Tank - a solid and permanent urban relic. The second part of the dis-locating explored the moving of this combination from Malabar Hill to the salt pans of Mumbai’s eastern coast - Wadala. This created an interesting condition, where the gently stepped landscape of the salt pans gave way to the steps of the tank, as if part of the same stepped ground. This experiment brought about a new understanding of the ground of Mumbai - one in which the salt pans and Banganga can be seen as part of the same architecture - stepped and levelled to contain water and access water, varying according to the conditions and needs of the particular ground.
Plan 1:500
Dis-locating Intensities Exploring the Overlays of Disparate Architectures and Landscapes 118
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A
Section AA 1:200
Dis-locating Intensities Exploring the Overlays of Disparate Architectures and Landscapes 120
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121
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Section BB 1:200
Dis-locating Intensities Exploring the Overlays of Disparate Architectures and Landscapes 122
B
B
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123
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Dislocating Intensities brought about a new understanding of the ground of Mumbai - one in which the salt pans and Banganga can be seen as part of the same architecture - stepped and levelled to contain water and access water, varying according to the conditions and needs of the particular ground.
Plan 1:1000
Dis-locating Intensities Exploring the Overlays of Disparate Architectures and Landscapes 124
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125
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Architecture of Ritual - Rhythms of Ephemeral Structures The Wadala Bathhouse Water Treatment & Desalination Facility 126
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Every morning 3.50 am before 4 am Puja.
Chai Stalls Early morning chai stalls to meet the first bathers of the day. 127
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Once Weekly on Mondays.
Salt Market Shelters for large-scale salt market on bathhouse perimeter 128
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Twice Daily - 1. 4 am; 2. When the salt pan workers return
Soap Market Stalls erected for the selling of soap to bathhouse visitors. 129
Annually - June - September
Monsoon Structures Rain shelters & Protective structures over the Rhizofiltration Pans
Part 3
RHYTHM Understanding and Situating within the Rhythms of Mumbai’s Tidal Intermediary Landscape
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Tidal temporalities - Wadala Mithagar Salt Pans A rythmic landscape of diurnal and seasonal flux, the Wadala Mithagar salt pans are a crafted groundscape of pans and bunds - attuned perfectly to the necessary progression of water levels for the crystallisation of salt (by solar evaporation). The pans sit below the high tide line, while the bunds sit just above - allowing access in a lattice of earthen pathways for the salt pan workers who rake the landscape.
Salt Pan Seasons Season 1 - December to January - Preparatory Phase Season 2 - February to June - Salt Harvesting Phase
‘Ceased Phase’ - June to October (Monsoon) Season 3 - October & November - Repair
Dry Season - October - May
Wadala Salt Pans 134
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Monsoon Season - June - September
Wadala Salt Pans 135
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Sea to Reservoirs High Tide P.M.
136
Low Tide P.M.
High Tide A.M.
Preliminary to Secondary Evaporation Pans (Taparanis)
Low Tide A.M.
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Reservoirs to Preliminary Evaporation Pans (Taparanis) High Tide P.M.
Low Tide P.M.
High Tide A.M.
Secondary Evaporation Pans (Taparanis) to Crystallisation Pans
Low Tide A.M.
137
THE SALTS OF THE CITY Wadala Pans Total size of Wadala pans : 0.389 km2, or c. 100 acres No. of reservoirs - 20 No. of Taparanis (preliminary evaporation pans) - 200 No. of crystallisation pans - 430
20’’ 18’’ 15’’
10’’
5’’ 3’’
93%
2.9% 23%
0’’
23% 53%
Bund Height
Water Height
Salinity change
Tidal Reservoir Pans
Salinity change
Preliminary Evaporation Pans
Pan Types - Levels, Depths, Salinities
Wadala Salt Pans 138
53% Salinity change
Secondary Evaporation Pans (Taparanis)
aranis)
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105% 93%
Salinity change
Crystallisation Pans
139
THE SALTS OF THE CITY Low Tide a.m.
High Tide a.m.
Mahul Creek to Tidal Influx Reservoirs
Low Tide p.m.
High Tide p.m.
Low Tide a.m.
High Tide a.m.
Tidal Basins to Preliminary Evaporation Pans
Tidal Influx Reservoirs to Controlled Tidal Basins Tidal Basins to Tidal Influx Tank (BLG)
Tidal Influx Tank to Preliminary Rhizofiltration Pans (BLG)
Tidal Temporalities - A Process of Clean Water Production
The Salt Workers’ Union / Wadala Medical Centre / Public Baths 140
Low Tide p.m.
Preliminary to Secondary Rhizofiltration Pans (BLG)
High Tide p.m.
High Tide p.m.
Low Tide a.m.
High Tide a.m.
Low Tide p.m.
High Tide
Low Tide a.m.
High Tide a.m.
{salt}
Preliminary Evaporation Pans to Crystallisation Pans Secondary Rhizofiltration Pans to Desalinators (BLG)
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Desalinators to Condensation Chambers and Roof Collectors
Roof Collectors to Well, Main baths, Internal Sinks and Footbaths, and salt pan Footbaths (BLG)
{clean water}
141
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142
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143
Part 3A
WATER TREATMENT An Infrastructure for the Treatment and Desalination of Tidal Water.
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4
3
PART 1
A Mechanical Tidal Infrastructure of Water Treatment In the same way that the salt pans utilise the tides for a continuous supply of water to evaporate, this infrastructure seeks to utilise the rhythmic supply of the tides for a water source to treat and desalinate. There are three parts to the process, as shown to the right, which first treat the water, secondly raise the water to a higher level, and third desalinate through solar evaporation similar to the salt pans but contained within tubes so that the fresh water can be harvested. The entire infrastructure is mechanical, relying not on electrical technologies and the complications of supply, cost and repair which accompany them, but instead on the availability of workforce which in Mumbai is abundant.
Rhizofiltration 2
1
PART 2
Archimedes Screw
PART 3
Desalination
146
Rhizofiltration is the use of plant roots to absorb, concentrate, and precipitate heavy metals from polluted effluents, and doesn’t require soil-rooted plants so is ideal for water purification. The process of metal reduction and removal from the water varies on the plant species, quantities of metal in the polluted water and on the number of plants, but would take no more than 4 days providing the correct balance is achieved.
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Plant types to be used: Indian Mustard Plant/ Sunflower
Bridging a Vertical Gap; Tidal Collection reservoirs must by nature lie beneath the line of maximum tide level. However, for the solar desalintor to effectively capture the sun’s rays throughout the day it must be situated well above the high tide level. Here exists a vertical gap between a low bath beneath the tides and a high tube 4.5 metres above.
The use of a Fresnel Lens - the lens found inside lighthouses to direct light from a source point into parallel rays - allows the sun’s parallel rays to be directed onto a focal point, much like a giant magnifying glass. The focal point is super-heated by this intensely concentrated radiation. By placing an evacuated tube filled with water in this focal point, the radiation will quickly evaporate the water, releasing fresh water as steam and leaving salt beind.
147
THE SALTS OF THE CITY 4
3
PART 1
Rhizofiltration
2
1
Axonometric 1:100
Rhizofiltration Bath 148
1 2 3 4
Steel bath - for tida l water Timber structure - with bamboo lattice to hold plants Steel support beams for access platforms Access platform on rails above plants
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Timber steps Steel Access Platform Steel support structure Bamboo mesh plant lattice Timber support frame Metal bath
Section 1:75
Rhizofiltration Bath 149
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PART 2
Archimedes Screw
Low-angle sun Solar Desalination
High Tide level Tidal Collection
150
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+4.5 m
High Tide level PO3
0m
Section 1:125
Archimedes Screw 151
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1
2 7 PART 3
Solar Desalination 4
3
6 5
Solar Desalinator
Exploded Axonometric 1:150
Solar Desalination Wheel 152
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Fresnel Lens Evacuated Tube - Saline water inlet Access Platfom Turning wheel Pressure Valve Steam turbine electricity generator Steam pipe - Fresh water outlet
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Axonometric 1:100
Solar Desalination Wheel 153
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6 a.m. Pre- dawn access for maintenance / salt collection. [Platform becomes accessible whilst apparatus is facing east]
12 p.m.
W
6 p.m.
E
Section 1:175 Diurnal Rotation to follow Sunpath
Solar Desalination Wheel
154
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Solar Rays
Focal Point
Fresnel Lens Sectional Diagram
Solar Desalination Wheel
Evacuated Tube Water pipe inside vacuum allows for minimal heat to escape. 155
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A HYDROLOGICAL SWADESHI Community-Scale Self-Sufficiency of Water in Mumbai?
156
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Part 3B
TIDAL CONSTRUCTIONS Constructing an Apparatus of Hydrological Control in a Landscape of Tides
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
Building in a Watery Landscape The challenge of construction on a site covered in water - whether constantly or periodically - is great. Opening a hole into the earth to construct a building below the tide line is a challenge which requires a great consideration of how to manage water - to hold, direct, prevent and control it. Past the obstacles present during construction, the tides also pose many issues for the constructed buiding. Issues of erosion are of paramount importance, and so methods must be found of protecting the building from wearing down and weakening at the foundations. The following series of drawings explored construction within this tidal condition, looking at how water can be controlled and hydrological conditions maintained in such a watery landscape. This understanding could then be applied to the buildings of The Salts of the City.
160
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161
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
162
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Bamboo Floor on timber structure
Aluminium folded plate (roof)
Sheet Piles
Aluminium folded plate (bath) Concrete
Axonometric 1:250
Apparatus of Hydrological Control 163
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Section 1:100 - A Sectional Modulation of Hydrological Conditions
Apparatus of Hydrological Control
164
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Timber & Bamboo [DRY]
Folded Aluminium Plate
[WET]
Concrete
[FLOOD]
Sheet Piling [TIDAL]
165
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Sheet Piles Steel support braces Steel pins to concrete 100mm reinforced concrete wall
Risen bamboo slatted flooring on timber structure
Reguar concrete with voids cast using bamboo poles
Porous concrete (large aggregate, no sand)
300mm cavity
Details 1:25
Apparatus of Hydrological Control 166
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167
THE SALTS OF THE CITY FLOOD to TIDAL
TIDAL to DRY
Details 1:20
Apparatus of Hydrological Control 168
FLOOD to TIDAL
TIDAL to DRY
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169
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Detail 1:1
Apparatus of Hydrological Control 170
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171
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172
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Part 4
CONCLUSION The Salts of the City
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4
3
2
1
176
THE SALTS OF THE CITY
177
Part 5
BIBLIOGRAPHY/ APPENDIX
BIBLIOGRAPHY Texts
(Online & Offline) An Arkitectur, 2010, On The Commons: A Public Interview With Massimo De Angelis And Stavros Stavrides. E-Flux, Vol. 17 Anand, N., 2011. Pressure: The Polytechnics Of Water Supply In Mumbai. Cultural Anthropology 26, 542–564. A Vennila, 2012. Metal Status Of Water In Mangrove Ecosystem Of Maharashtra Coast, India. Indian Journal Of Geo-Marine Sciences 41, 359–368. Bapat, M., Agarwal, I., 2002. Our Needs, Our Priorities: Men And Women From The Slums Of Mumbai And Pune Talk About Their Needs For Water And Sanitation, SPARC Bhardwaj, R., 2013. People’s Resistance & Struggles Against Water Privatization In Mumbai. Intercultural Resources, Ritimo.
report-mumbais-sewri-mudflats-must-await-pink-feathered-flamingos-1629100 Dushenkov, V., P. B . A. Nanda K U M A R, Motto, H., Raskin, I., 1995. Rhizofiltration: The Use of Plants To Remove Heavy Metals from Aqueous Streams. Environment, Science & Technology 1239–1245. Emergency Water Supply Planning Guide for Hospitals and Health Care Facilities, 2012. Gandy, M., 2006. Water, Sanitation and the Modern City: Colonial and Post-colonial Experiences in Lagos and Mumbai (No. 6). UNDP. Graham, S., Desai, R., McFarlane, C., 2013. Water Wars in Mumbai. Public Culture 25, 115 – 141. Guattari, F., 1989. The Three Ecologies, New Formations.
Burte, H., Krishnakutty, M., 2006. On The Edge: Planning , Describing And Imagining The Seaside Edge Of Mumbai. Peri-Urban Dynamics : Case Studies In Chennai, Hyderabad And Mumbai.
Gupta, S., 2009. Ground Water Information Greater Mumbai District Maharashtra. Government Of India Ministry Of Water Resources Central Ground Water Board.
Capol, D.S., 2013. A Hospital Needs Water. Solidarmed Aktuell.
Hegewald, J.A.B., 2001. Water Architecture in South Asia - A Study of Types, Developments and Meanings, Studie in Asian Art & Archaeology. BRILL, Boston.
Chapple, C.K., 1998. Hinduism, Jainism, Ecology. Earth Ethics, Center For Respect Of Life And Environment 10. Constitution Of India, Part Iii: Fundamental Rights
Jayna Kothari, 2006. The Right to Water: A Constitutional Perspective. Presented at the “Water, Law and the Commons,” International Environmental Law Research Centre, Delhi.
Deshpande, A., 2011. Mumbai’s Sewri mudflats must await pink-feathered flamingos [WWW Document]. http://www.dnaindia.com/. URL http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/
Karmarkar, D.D., 2012. Impact Of Water Privatisation On The Urban Poor: A Case Of Mumbai. Online International Interdisciplinary Research Journal 2, 63–73.
Karn, S.K., Harada, H., 2002. Field survey on water supply, sanitation and associated health impacts in urban poor communities – a case from Mumbai City, India (No. 46/11), Water Science and Technology. Department of Environmental Systems Engineering, Nagaoka, Japan.
Rawat, K., Fulekar, M.H., Pathak, B., 2012. Rhizofiltration: A Green Technology For Remediation Of Heavy Metals. International Journal of Innovations in Bio-Sciences 2, 193–199. Reed, B., Reed, Bob, 2011. WHO - How Much Water is Needed in Emergencies.
Karn, S.K., Shikura, S., Harada, H., 2003. Living Environment and Health of Urban Poor - A Study in Mumbai. Economic and Political Weekly 3575–3586. Leblanc, J., Andrews, J., 2007. Low-Temperature Multi-Effect Evaporation Desalination Systems Coupled With Salinity-Gradient Solar Ponds. Presented at the ISES World Congress 2007, School of Aerospace, Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering, RMIT University, pp. 2151–2157. doi:2009 Lefebrve, H., 1996. The Right to the City, in: Writings on Cities. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 147–159. Menon, S., 2013. Forecasting ecological impacts of sea-level rise on coastal conservation areas in India. Journal of Threatened Taxa 5. Mohandas, V.P., Gohil, S.J., Gomkale, S.D., 1998. Fractional crystallization of salts from subsoil brines. International Journal of Salt Lake Research 331–351.
Sadava, Y.S., 2006. The saga of India’s salt workers. Bay of Bengal News, Study on Salt Workers. Sachdev, R., Mathur, M.L., Saiyed, H.N., 2006. Work-related health pr elated health problems in salt workers oblems in salt workers of Rajasthan, India. Indian Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine, Desert Medicine Research Centre 10, 62–64. Shaikh, M., Tiwari, L., 2012. Sediment Quality of Sewri Mudflats, Mumbai, West Coast of India. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications 2, 1–5. Sinha, S., 2012. Architecture for Rapid Change and Scarce Resources, 1st ed. Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon, UK
Mostafavi, M., Doherty, G., 2010. Ecological Urbanism. Lars Muller, Harvard GSD.
Status Of Water Supply, Wastewater Generation And Treatment In Class-I Cities & Class-Ii Towns Of India (No. 70), 2009. , Control Of Urban Pollution Series: Central Pollution Control Board, Delhi.
Nair, Rupam Jain. 'Salt Mining Leaves Bitter Taste For Indian Workers'. Telegraph. co.uk. N.p., 2010. Web. 4 May 2015.
Surekha Sule, n.d. Mumbai’s Water Supplies, Understanding Our Civic Issues. BCPT - Bombay Community Public Trust.
Pivetz, B.E., 2001. Phytoremediation of Contaminated Soil and Ground Water at Hazardous Waste Sites (No. EPA/540/S-01/500). EPA ORD, Washington DC.
Swearer, D.K., 1998. Buddhism and Ecology: Challenge and Promise. Earth Ethics, Center for Respect of Life and Environment 10.
P.K. Das & Associates, 2011. Mumbai’s Slums Map and Land Reservations.
Udupi Shri Krishna, n.d. Hindu Rituals and Routines [WWW Document]. URL http:// bharathkidilse.blogspot.co.uk/2009/10/bathing-snanam.html
Photographs (By page, L-R / clockwise) 8-9
‘Accessing the Water, Banganga Tank’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘Accessing the Salt, Bhandup saly pans’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘A Stepped Urban Groundscape’, Taken by author. Mar’ 2015.
99
‘Bamboo and stone - the walls of Banganga’ . Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
106-107 ‘Panorama of Banganga Tank’ . Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. 108-109 ‘Religious Scriptures - Murals of Banganga Tank’ . Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
63
‘An Almanac of Hush, Blush & Flush’. Rose Botfield , Dec’ 2013.
76 -77 78-79
Salt Pans of Bhandup. Taken by author; Jan’ 2014. ‘Salt Workers of Gujarat’ . Wild Films India. Accessed Mar’ 2015 ‘Salt Worker of Bhandup’. Taken by author; Jan’ 2014. ‘Salt Pans India’. Saravanan Dhandapani, Accessed Mar’ 2015
80 ‘Salt Pan Workers of the Rann of Kutch’. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/ tp-in-school/salt-pan-workers-of-the-rann-of-kutch/article4355337.ece. Accessed Mar’ 2015 87
‘Man Bathing in Banganga Tank’ . Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
88-89
‘Man Bathing in Banganga Tank’ . Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘Taking a shower in Banganga settlement’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘Pure water of the Ganges Spring’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
90-91
‘Dhobi Ghat baths, Banganga settlement’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘Washing clothes, Banganga settlement’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014. ‘Dhobi Ghat worker rinsing clothes, Banganga’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
92
‘Buddhists at the Waters of Banganga’. Taken by author. Jan’ 2014.
APPENDIX
‘Glossary of Quantities’
Bamboo Bamboo forest area in Maharashtra - 8893km2 Bamboo types:
them, but at a cost to an organization who owns and manages it. There are several such baths in the city, owned by the Municipal Corporation of Mumbai, such as the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Olympic Swimming Pool and Ghatkopar Lion’s Municipal Swimming Pool. While these are not expensive to use, the vast majority of Mumbai’s population are in poverty and are economically excluded from such amenities.
Dendrocalamus strictus - Dendrocalamus strictus is a medium-sized bamboo with culms of about 8-20 m tall and 2.5-8 cm in diameter. The internodes are 30-45 cm long and thick-walled.
Private baths are those which belong to a hotel, to an exclusive club or private health centre. There are many such baths and pools in the city, often charging astronomical prices for their use to narrow down their clientele to only the moneyed elite. Either that or they are of exclusive access to members of a private club which has limited numbers of members. Such baths include; Willingdon Sports Club Pool, Pran Sukhlal Mafatlal Hindu Swimming Bath and Boat Club, and Breach Candy Club, to which there is a membership fee of 1.12 Crore - around £110, 000. These are obviously inaccessible to the vast majority of the population.
Bathhouses in Mumbai
While baths exist in the city, public baths for the underprivileged and impoverished majority in Mumbai are almost non-existent.
Bambusa arundinacea - The fast growing, strong woody culms of Bambusa bambos have an average diameter between 10-18 cm, and are between 20-30 m tall (although the tallest recorded culm measured 40 m). The internodes are dark green colored with very thick walls. Nodes are slightly swollen and some lower nodes produce short aerial roots.
There are three different types of formal bath infrastructure in Mumbai; Public, SemiPublic and Private. Groundwater conditions of Mumbai Public baths refer to bathing spaces which are free of cost to use, and available to everyone and anyone who wishes to use it. They do not have management structures or entrance requirements/fees. In Mumbai only one such bath still exists, Banganga Tank on Malabar Hill. Semi-public baths are those which are classed as ‘public’ in the way that anyone may use
Mumbai’s geomorphology - Major Physiographic Units : Hill Ridges with intervening Valleys and Coastal Plains. - Major Drainage : Mahim, Mithi, Dahisar and Polsar Rivers.
Soil Type - Medium to deep black and reddish coloured soil
would be much more limited as compared to the unconfined/phreatic aquifer.
Dugwells : 5 (as of 2007) Geology
Hinduism
- Recent : Alluvium - Upper Cretaceous To Lower Eocene : Basalt (Deccan Trap), Rhyolite and Trachyte
Ritual Purification
Hydrogeology Water Bearing Formation : Basalt–Jointed/Fractured/Weathered Vesicular and Massive Basalt River/Marine Alluvium- Sand and Gravel Pre-monsoon Depth to Water Level (May-2007) : 2.77 to 6.42 m below ground level. Post-monsoon Depth to Water Level (Nov.-2007) : 1.80 to 7.10 m below ground level. Pollution of ground water as well as surface water due to dumping of sewage and industrial effluents. In addition to this various industrial effluents from oil refineries, reactors, fertilizers have polluted the ground water. As a result the concentration of heavy metals in ground water in the surrounding areas of creek has been observed beyond the prescribed limits. Generally the phreatic aquifer range down to depth of 15 m bgl. The water bearing zone down to depth of 35 m bgl forms the semi confined aquifer and below this deeper aquifer down to depth of 60 m bgl is observed. The yield of the dugwells varies from 10 to 1000 m3/day, whereas that of borewells ranges between 50 and 1000 m3/day. It is expected that the potential of deeper aquifers
Ritual purification is a feature of many religions. The aim of these rituals is to remove specifically defined uncleanliness prior to a particular type of activity, and especially prior to the worship of a deity. Rituals of Purification can be found in Baha’i, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism, among other smaller religions. Water as Purity In Hinduism water is sacred, a medium through which an individual can be purified and cleansed of their sins. The human body is believed to carry a certain inherent level of pollution, however the relative level of an individual’s purity is rated in accordance with their position within the caste system. Brahmins unequivocally are the purest, while the Sudras and Dalits are the greatest ‘pollutants’, “as a result of the defiling activities they have been socially obliged to engage in” (Joshi & Fawcett, 2006). If a member of a high caste comes into contact with a low caste member, they must spiritually purify themselves through ritual bathing. Bathing Rituals In Hinduism taking a bath is considered one of the most important daily rituals, considered a sacred act to be accompanied by meditation and prayer. ‘Bathing’ is defined by holy scriptures in many ways, and it is advised to take a bath at 4 am - the most auspicious time in Hinduism. This early bath is known as the ‘Pratha Kala’ or ‘Brahma Muhoortham’. The Kurma Purana (Hindu holy text) says that without taking this early
bath one remains impure and cannot perform any of the daily activities a civilised person must perform, such as japa, homa and Deity worship.
Railway Agriculture
Warm water baths are important for physical cleansing, while cold water baths revitalise the ‘subtle body’, removing influence of sleep, and giving strength, sensitivity and peace of mind. The body should be bathed with running water, and should be combined with breath control.
Mumbai’s railways are lined with farms, where migrant farmers (largely from Uttar Pradesh) grow vegetables in the narrow ribbons between tracks. These pieces of land are rented to the farmers by the railway, who benefit doubly as the farmers keep the land clean and litter free, a prevent the encroachment of slums. The land is leased for Rs 4,047 per acre per annum.
The anatomical parts of the body are bathed in a certain order, beginning with the head and moving downwards towards the feet. Once the bodily bathing is over, the bather must sprinkle water on the head, chest and feet.
Monsoon Mean rainfall 1950-2000 January: 15.1mm February: 1mm March: 0.1mm April: 0.5mm May: 20.6mm June: 504.2mm July: 819.4mm August: 546.8mm September: 325.2mm October: 81.1mm November: 113.2mm December: 4.1mm Maximum recorded July 26th 2005 - 944mm in 24 hours
The vegetables themselves have undergone considerable testing to ensure their cleanliness, with worries that gutter water was used for irrigation. In 2011 many samples were taken for testing from 10 locations throughout the city, and all came back with positive results confirming they are safe to consume. The farmers do not sell the vegetables at market but instead the buyers visit the farms to buy produce.
Rhizofiltration Phytoremediation is the process by which plants chemically clean up the surrounding environment. Plants can absorb contaminants such as heavy metals which cannot be removed through simple filtration. - Plants store the contaminants in the roots, stems, or leaves. - Convert them to less harmful chemicals within the plant or the root zone. - Convert them to vapours, which are released into the air. - Absorb contaminants into their roots where very small organisms called “microbes” (such as bacteria) that live in the soil break them down into less harmful chemicals. Rhizofiltration is the use of plant roots to absorb, concentrate, and precipitate heavy metals from polluted effluents, and doesn’t require soil-rooted plants so is ideal for water purification. The process of metal reduction and (near) removal from the water varies on
the plant species, quantities of metal in the polluted water and on the number of plants, but would take no more than 4 days providing the correct balance is achieved.
If the lands are used for development, salt production which is about 1.2 lakh tonnes annually, from these areas will naturally also disappear
Plants which could be used to filtrate these metals include the ‘Brassica juncea’ or Indian Mustard Plant, a plant endemic to India which has been proven to have a higher tolerance for these substances and stores the heavy metals in its cells, particularly Cu, Cd, Cr , Ni, Pb, and Zn (Dushenkov et al., 1995).
Over the years, Mumbai has lost several acres of saltpans to developers. In the 1950s, two plots of about 120 acres (of the Bharpur salt works near vikhroli) and 150 acres (from the Mahudwala saltpans) were used up for residential purposes.
The heavy metals found in Mahul Bay include; - Cu (Copper) - Cd (Cadmium) - Ni (Nickel) - Mn (Manganese) - Fe (Iron) - Zn (Zinc) - Cr (Chromium) - Pb (Lead)
Salt India occupies the fifth position in the world among salt producing countries, with an annual production of about 13.0 million tons (Report of Salt Department, 1994–95). Saltpans in Mumbai, unlike elsewhere, are essentially an urban entity and as of now are worked on by less than 500 labourers, according to deputy salt commissioner S Mukherjee. Vast tracts of over 5500 acres of saltpans within the city might disappear soon as a proposal to convert them into housing projects for displaced squatters is in the offing.
Not many know that salt works begin where civilization ends that salt pans lie in coastal and desert areas under a pitiless scorching sun that some 150 000 salt workers in India and their families (perhaps half a million people in all) live for eight months a year in this harsh environment that’s often devoid of basic amenities such as drinking water, schools, hospitals or markets
Salinity of Mahul Bay The general salinity of Mahul Bay varies throughout the year, as shown below; (2012) Quarter 1 - 2.8% salinity Quarter 2 - 3.2% salinity Quarter 3 - 0.5% salinity Quarter 4 - 2.9% salinity The huge drop in the 3rd quarter has to do with the monsoon and the surge of fresh water from Thane Creek.
Salt March The Salt March, also mainly known as the Salt Satyagraha, began with the Dandi - March on 12 March 1930 24-day, 240-mile (390 km) march to produce salt without paying the tax.
When Gandhi broke the salt laws at 6:30 am on 5 April 1930, it sparked large scale acts of civil disobedience against the British Raj salt laws by millions of Indians. The Salt tax represented 8.2% of the British Raj tax revenue, and hurt the poorest Indians the most significantly.
If the brine is kept for a longer time, salts of magnesium and potassium will co-precipitate, making the salt bitter and unfit for consumption. Such “heavy” brine is appreciated in health resorts due to its medicinal properties. ‘Ceased Phase’ - June to October (Monsoon)
Salt Pan Seasons - Temporalities Season 1 - December to January - Preparatory Phase Preparation of the ground, making it hard, flat and waterproof in preparation for storing water. Stamping the ground with bare feet. During the preparatory phase, seawater in the evaporator and crystallizer pan is allowed to stand and stirred time and again for about 20-25 days using a 4m long teeth-shaped tool called ‘danto’. The fed water is allowed to evaporate completely and the pans are fed again. This is done for removing the extra clay, which in turn will be raked onto the walls of the pan, thus further setting the salt pan beds. Once the beds are set fresh brine is released from the reservoir to the evaporator pan and finally to the crystallizer pan for salt crystallization. It takes upto 10 days for the salt to crystallize during the first harvesting.
With no sun there can be no evaporation of the water. Difficult to store salt in Monsoon. Pans full of water of low salinity (particularly low due to surge of fresh water from Thane Creek and rainwater), submerged and therefore abandoned, or utilized for aquaculture for breeding fishes, shrimps and prawns. Season 3 - October & November Workers manually prepare land for salt production. The previous embankments (dykes/ bunds) that were damaged due to the monsoon are repaired. Rain water / sea water is drained. Once the water has been completely drained, the preparation of salt pan beds begins. The beds are ploughed and levelled by stamping, often using a Saalon, (a long bamboo stick, approximately of 4 m in length, attached to a circular wooden base). The extra clay is raked onto the walls of the bunds.
Season 2 - February to June - Salt Harvesting Phase Salt Workers of India Storing water, separating salt from water. Workers carry heavy sacks of salt - upto 30kg. When the salt pans are completely prepared, the peak salt harvesting season begins, usually from mid-February and lasts till end of May or early June, depending on the monsoons. The brine in the evaporator pa is released to the crystallisation pan every morning. The salt crystals are then harvested in the evening on a daily basis. They are harvested with a 4m long wooden rake, a ‘foyem’, and piled at the intersection of the pans.
Salt workers in India mostly belong to Nomadic and De-notified Tribes (75%), Schedule caste (10%), Schedule Tribes (10%) and other communities (5%). They work on the pans from September to May, in line with the period between each annual monsoon. A study was carried out on 20,000 salt workers of western India to gauge what effects their labour was having on their health. It was found that the prevalence of ophthalmic symptoms was 60.7%, that of dermatological (skin) symptoms was 43.8% and symptoms like headache, giddiness,
breathlessness, muscular and joint pains were experienced by 52.1% salt workers. The ophthalmic problems were most common, probably due to irritation by direct sunlight and its glare caused by salt crystals and brine as well as irritation caused by fine salt particles suspended in the air of the working environment. Traumatic ulcers, dermatitis, muscular and joint pains, headache and giddiness were other more common symptoms observed among the workers. Prevalence of hypertension was 12.0%. (Mathur & Haldiya, 2006). There are currently 50 workers in the Wadala Salt pans of Mumbai’s eastern coastline, all of whom are low-caste migrant workers from nearby rural states. They live in Mumbai for 8 months of the year in temporary bamboo houses, and have very limited or no access to amenities such as healthcare, education, and bathing facilities. The workers should be provided with gumboots, gloves and goggles to protect them from the high solar radiation. Simple machinery could be introduced for mechanised salt collection and piling.
Welfare Schemes Welfare schemes have been initiated in response to the workers’ problems, though not yet in Mumbai’s pans. These include; - Water supply schemes providing water coolers/storage tanks/water tankers. - Construction of labour rest sheds/ creches/ toilets - Medical facilities for health/eye care - Recreation/sports facilities - Educational facilities for children - grants for purchase of books. (Library?) - Labour housing subject to provisions - Audiovisual aids to help improve skills in salt production - Provision of bicycles for salt workers - Provision of safety gear for workers - gloves, goggles, caps, gum boots.
Salt Cess Proceeds gives funding for projects - Mostly only 70% of funding for total cost available, however for healthcare facilities or all that are common benefit to all salt workers/manufacturers 100% could be given by Salt Cess Proceeds.
Tidal Patterns of Mumbai Data collected from 2013 January
max high tide - 4.96m [Sunday 13th, 12.50am, first tide] min high tide - 3.08m [Tuesday 22nd, 7.56am, first tide] February max high tide - 4.82m [Monday 11th, 12.31am, first tide] min high tide - 2.98m [Thursday 21st, 8.35am, second tide] March max high tide - 4.57m [Tuesday 12th, 12.07am, first tide] min high tide - 2.90m [Thursday 21st, 5.54am, first tide] April max high tide - 4.94m [Saturday 27th, 1.08pm, second tide] min high tide - 3.08 [Thursday 18th, 4.10am, first tide] May max high tide - 5.02m [Sunday 26th, 12.55pm, second tide] min high tide - 3.04m [Saturday 18th, 4.55am, first tide] June max high tide - 5.03m [Tuesday 25th, 1.26pm, second tide] min high tide - 3.24m [Monday 17th, 5.36am, first tide] July max high tide - 4.95m [Wednesday 24th, 1.07pm, second tide] min high tide - 3.26m [Wednesday 21st, 6.58am, first tide] August max high tide - 4.78m [Thursday 22nd, 12.43pm, second tide] min high tide - 3.07m [Thursday 29th, 5.19pm, second tide] September max high tide - 4.53m [Saturday 21st, 12.45am, first tide] min high tide - 2.79m [Saturday 28th, 5.57pm, second tide] October max high tide - 4.59m [Monday 7th, 12.59am, first tide] min high tide - 2.78m [Sunday 27th, 5.14pm, second tide] November max high tide - 4.81m [Wednesday 6th, 1.26am, first tide] min high tide - 2.91m [Tuesday 26th, 5.54pm, second tide]
Wadala Mithagar Economy Wadala Mithagar is the name given to the salt pans on the eastern edge of Mumbai - in the Wadala district - formed in the low-lying coastal flats (Sewri mudflats) which meet Thane Creek.
The pans are owned by the government of Mumbai, the salt department. The government are encouraging salt farming in traditional salt pans through the announcements of subsidies and financial support schemes.
Total size of Wadala pans : 0.389 km2, or c. 100 acres No. of reservoirs - 20 No. of Taparanis (preliminary evaporation pans) - 200 No. of crystallisation pans - 430 Bunds Bunds are the name given to the embankments between salt pans. They act as barriers to contain the water and salt, while providing walkways through the salt pan landscape for the workers. They are essential to the organisation of the pans, which are hierarchically organised by size using these embankments. Small channels are cut through them in places to allow the drainage of water from one pan to the next. The bunds are made of the dugout earth from the sunken pans, although are consolidated through the compacting of residual clay particles left by the evaporated seawater in the preparation stages of the pans, which acts like clay and solidifies the bunds. The salt workers build these bunds - or rebuild them - in the preparation period (post - Monsoon) October to January. The bunds vary in height throughout the salt pan system. The bunds of Reservoir pans are around 20 inches deep, maintaining sea water levels of upto 15–18 inches. The Evaporator pans are 10 inches deep in which water is filled for upto 5 inches, and similarly the bunds of the crystallisation pans are 10 inches deep, though contain only 3 inches of water. The bunds should be constructed strong enough for withstanding the floods during rainy season and should be checked at frequent time intervals for any leakages.
On average, salt pans in Mumbai produce around 16 tonnes of salt per acre each year. In 2013, the prices of salt were around c. 1200Rs/ tonne in Mumbai (Bhayander) for wholesale selling. One acre in Mumbai therefore currently makes c. 16 x 1200 = Rs 19,200/ year wholesale. Wadala Mithagar pans are 100 acres, and so the salt pans bring in a total of Rs 1,920,000 each year. This equates to around Rs 2950 /year per salt pan (of which there are c.650 in Wadala). In times of scarcity - for example when it rains unseasonally and disturbs production - the price rises, as in 2010 in Gujarat where continuous rain arrived in February; “one tonne of salt was sold at Rs. 2000 due to scarcity of the products. Normally during a good amount of production, one tonne of salt is sold at reasonable rate of Rs. 500. “ Retail prices of salt in India vary greatly, but go from 4Rs/kg (4000/tonne) for packed iodised salt in West Bengal to 16Rs/kg (16,000/tonne) for the same in Delhi and Mumbai. Ecosystem The salt pans represent a specific ecosystem which depends not only on the salinity but also on the temperature. It permits the growth of only a few adapted organisms which can survive the extreme variations in the environmental conditions. Algae act as the sole producer in the salt pans producing energy by trapping sunlight. They provide food for crustaceans like Artemia sp., for birds to feed on. The dominant components of phytoplankton community were reported to be the members of Cyanophysceae, Chlorophyceae, Bacillariophyceae and Dinophyceae. The various species and their distribution showed strong correlation with the change in salinity.
Pan Organisation Seawater flows through a series of shallow basins and becomes more and more concentrated due to solar driven evaporation. There are three distinct types of pan in the Wadala Mithagar; Reservoir pans, Evaporation pans and Crystallisation pans. The Reservoir pan is used for receiving the sea water during tidal influxes and is connected to many evaporator pans, into which it channels water. The Crystallisation pans are fed water by the evaporator pans. The size of evaporator pans plays a critical role in the production of salt; the bigger the size of evaporator pan, better the production of salt. The reservoir pan is connected with the creek or canals, supplying seawater, during tidal influxes, through a sluice gate (Manos). Sluice is made of wood and the gates are made up of clay mixed with hay. This helps regulating the flow of water during the monsoon rains and tidal fluctuations. It helps in the controlled release of seawater into the reservoir pan during high tide and prevents the backflow of water during the low tide, thereby maintaining the level of water in the reservoir pan. Algal growth occurs in these pans which is harvested regularly and used as fertilizers for coconut and cashew plantations. The reservoir pans are also used for pisciculture especially for breeding salt water fishes during the months of October to December.
Pan Salinities Once the salinity of seawater in the reservoir pans is around 5ºBé (Baume), around 23%, it is released to the first evaporator pan. Calcium carbonate (CaCO3) starts precipitating at this salinity and completely precipitates in the first evaporator pan. Once the brine attains salinity around 13–15ºBé, 53%, it is released from the first evaporator pan to the second evaporator pan. In the second evaporator pan, calcium sulphate (CaSO4) crystallizes in the form of gypsum. These precipitates form a hard crust at the bed of the evaporator pans. The brine, now having a salinity around 23–25ºBé, 93%, is
released from the second evaporator pan to the crystallizer pan. Sodium chloride (NaCl) crystallizes around 27ºBé, above 100%, first as flakes which float on the surface and then settles at the bottom of the pan. The brine in the crystallizer pan appears to be frothing due to the crystallisation of salt. The workers monitor the salinity of each pan by tasting the brine.
Weather Sun Angles January: 48.1 - 53.7 deg S Feb: 54 - 63.1 deg S March: 63.5 - 75.2 deg S April: 75.6 - 85.8 deg S May: 86.1 deg S - 87 deg N June: 86.9 - 85.8 deg N July: 85.9 deg N - 89.3 deg S August: 89 - 79.7 deg S Sept: 79.3 - 68.2 deg S Oct: 67.9 - 57 deg S Nov: 56.6 - 49.4 deg S Dec:49.3 - 48 deg S
Wind directions January: changeable, predominantly NW (23.8%) 7knts February: changeable, predominantly NW & WNW (26.9% & 20.2%) 7 knts March: changeable, predominantly NW, WNW & W (24.7%, 22.1%, 22.1%) 8 knts April: changeable, predominantly W & WNW (27.3%, 21.2%) 8 knts May: changeable, predominantly W & WNW (35%, 20.5%) 9 knts
June: changeable, predominantly WSW & SW (24.8%, 24.4%) 9 knts July: changeable, predominantly WSW & SW (37.7%, 23.8%) 9 knts August: changeable, predominantly W, WSW & SW (26.1%, 35.2%, 21.1%) 9 knts September: very changeable, between NW & SW, predominantly SW (19.9%) 8 knts October: very changeable, both W & E, predominantly NW (14%) 7 knts November: very changeable, both W & E, predominantly NW (14.3%) 6 knts December: very changeable, both W & E, predominantly NW (18.8%) 6 knts
per tap was found, in average, 11, 20 and 28 in Mukund Nagar, Rajiv Nagar and Malad respectively. Moreover, the water supply hour in taps is also limited to only 4 hours a day in all the slums studied.
Wadala Slums The total area of the Wadala slums including the MHADA chawls is c. 1.0206km2, or 252 acres. The population is unknown though could be anywhere between 50,000 and 250,000 people from density estimates.
Access to toilets is another serious problem among all settlements. Private toilets attached to dwellings are virtually non-existent and therefore choice is either to use community or public toilets, wherever provided, or go for open defecation. Community toilets are very rare in slums, and where there are community toilets there are serious problems of lack of cleanliness and too many users.
Water as Necessity - water scarcity in Mumbai.
Water as Recreation -
Water is a scarce commodity for the urban poor, partially due to the inequity of water distribution within the city. According to S. Kumar Karn, the city’s water supply meets only 65% of the city’s water needs, and out of that only 33% is going to the urban poor living in slums.
Due to the intensely hot climate in the majority of India, traditions developed around the recreation of bathing, translating into a unique typology of public space created around stepwell-like infrastructure. There were once over 10 huge community water tanks in Mumbai (Bombay at the time), which would provide places for recreational bathing and washing. Now only two such tanks exist, the largest being Banganga.
Almost all the people in slum or pavements are relying on the municipal water supply system, however, the ratio of private tap connection at house is much less. Households with own water tap connection is 41% in Mukund Nagar, but only about 2% among pavement dwellers and 9–14% in Malad and Rajiv Gandhi Nagar. Other slum families acquire water from common taps and pavement dwellers from various sources viz. public taps (stand posts), 74%; buying from vendors, 10%; buying from neighbours, 7% and by stealing, 7%. Among slum families sharing a common tap, number of houses
There is a great inequality of water consumption in the city per capita, it is barely more than 40 l/c.d. in slum settlements, compared to the average of 127l/c.d. in the rest of Mumbai.
Banganga Tank is part of the Walkeshwar Temple Complex on Malabar Hill. It was built by the Silhara dynasty in the 12th century, and is a rectangular pool structure surrounded by steps on every side. The tank is fed by a spring, and every February the tank is cleaned and spruced up for the annual Banganga Hindustani classical music festival, a major cultural event in the city. Legend has it that it sprung forth when the Hindu god Ram, the exiled hero of the epic Ramayana stopped at the spot five thousand years ago, in search of his kidnapped wife
Sita. Overcome with fatigue and thirst, he asked his brother Laxman to bring him some water. Laxman instantly shot an arrow into the ground, and water gushed forth from a tributary of the Ganga, which flows over a thousand miles away.
Water Supply of Mumbai Mumbai was the first city in India to receive piped water supply, which was established in 1860. The network supplies 2950 MLD every day, is one of the largest water supply in Asia. Sources of supplies are four lakes namely Tansa, Vaitarna, Vehar and Tulsi, about 110 km from Mumbai. The water is treated in two plants namely Panjarapur & Bhandup and stored at two Master Balancing Reservoirs namely Yewai & Bhandup with 1910 MLD ,the largest water treatment plant in Asia and further supplied to the city through 26 service reservoirs. The entire network is spread over an area of 430 sq km, while the sources are 40 to 60 kms away from centre. Surface water provided to the city by a gravity system is the main characteristic of the supply of Mumbai, where groundwater plays no role. Water pollution in Maharashtra goes unchecked. 90% of sewage water generated by municipal councils and over 50% of sewage discharged by municipal corporations goes untreated, CAG said in its latest report. This untreated and treated waste mixed with industrial effluents, was discharged through seven outlets. Of this 1594 MLD was directly discharged in to Arabian sea and 973MLD was discharged into creeks than eventually merged with the sea, makes it highly polluted and unfit for bathing, water sports and commercial fishing. In some localities the drinking water connections run through puddles of sewage water, and because of leakages in pipes often defecation and sewage manages to seep into the water supply, causing serious health problems among those using the supply.