{Of Dalits and Slum-Dwellers} Caste, class and social equality in metropolitan India ATR Contextual Study ARCH11075
Lewis Kelly
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Contextual Study
Lewis Kelly
{Of Dalits and Slum-Dwellers} Contents 1.0 [Introduction] 2.0 [Caste] 2.1 A post- Vedic urban society 2.2 The emancipation of the urban Dalit 2.3 The end of inequality?
3.0 [Class] 3.1 Slum-dweller - the Dalit of the metropolis 3.2 ‘Bourgeois Environmentalism’ and slum removal {Case Study: Yamuna Pushta, New Delhi} 3.3 Sainik Farms 3.4 Slum resettlement {Case Study: Savda Ghevra, New Delhi}
4.0 [Reflective Thoughts] 4.1 Inequality in modern metropolitan India
fig. 1 Inequality in the Indian Metropolis; Cover: Migrants living illegally on the railway, New Delhi
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1.0 [Introduction] This essay follows on from an investigation initiated by the generic study, ‘Hydro-Political India’, an essay which explored caste and social inequality in India through the lens of water management in the rural village context. It suggested that social equality could not be found in the traditional village, due to the deeply-engrained Vedic traditions surrounding caste and beliefs in the inherent hereditary purity of individuals. However, in times of urbanisation and increasingly globalised cities, could modern day metropolitan India - through its cosmopolitan nature and liberalism - be key to breaking down beliefs surrounding caste and provide a context of greater social equality? This essay seeks to explore this question of inequality in the modern day. However with the presence of slums in the metropolis the epitome of society’s failure to create an environment of social equality - has caste hierarchy merely transformed to become class hierarchy?
fig. 2 Hundreds of millions of people live and work in the slums of India.
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2.0 [Caste] ‘Caste’ is a system of social stratification which has been present in India for thousands of years, and has throughout history dictated social roles,behavioural norms and positions within society. First outlined in ancient Vedic scriptures, it has always been an important aspect to Hindu culture and beliefs. A system which seperates society based on the inherent spiritual purity of individuals, caste is hereditary and individuals are bound to their position in the hierarchy. While this is beneficial to the privileged Brahmins at the top - regarded as being the purest - it becomes a system of great inequality against those regarded as ‘impure’ - the Sudras, and most of all, the Dalits. (Hays, 2009). The Dalits - also known as untouchables - have for centuries been marginalised and treated with injustice, violence and oppression. In Hinduism these people are regarded as carriers of pollution, and so higher castes often actively avoid touching or even looking at them. In rural villages of India where traditions are still strong, the Dalits are actively discriminated against by higher castes with more political power, denying them of basic needs (such as denying them water when they need it for their crops). This unequal treatment has resulted in not only an inequality of power but an inequality of opportunity; the low castes in rural villages are constricted to the bottom rung of the ladder. However with urbanisation drawing the rural poor to the cities, does this caste hierarchy remain strong in the urban context? fig. 3 Low-caste workers have their wages dropped from a distance; their employer fears their ‘polluting’ touch.
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2.1 Modern India: A Post-Vedic Urban Society “Recent studies further document the dilution of the role of caste in shaping economic well-being and suggest that migration, expansion of dalits in non-traditional occupations and changes in agriculture combine to improve the relative position of dalits in recent years.” (Desai & Dubey, 2011) This quote demonstrates the changes that have been taking place recently with regards to caste and occupation in modern India. In the presence of metropolitan liberalism of today’s globalised cities and the governmental outlaw of caste in 1950, caste boundaries have become less consequential and have allowed lower castes to pursue occupations previously restricted to them. This can be clearly seen in the case of Mayawati, one of India’s most prominent politicians and Dalit by birth (see right). This momentous change has broken the link between low-caste and poverty, dissolving the direct relationship between caste and wealth. Furthermore, other caste constrictions and rules such as that of marriage within one’s own caste are also starting to disintegrate in the urban context. This is particularly true for the upper and middle classes, who have dissociated themselves from the lifestyle tied to their caste and have widened their social circles to involve people from any caste. (Kumar et al., 2009) fig. 4 Mayawati is one of the most celebrated Dalit politicians, currently in a high seat of parliament and in line for becoming prime minister.
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fig. 5 Dalits protesting for social equality
2.2 The Emancipation of the Urban Dalit However despite this liberal breaking of traditional boundaries, the low-castes are still often subjected to violence and mal-treatment, as can be seen in many of today’s news articles (Pokharel & Lahiri, 2013).There seems to be a lingering mindset in the high-caste Hindus, despite the government outlaw of caste and the formal ban on discrimination.The Dalits of modern India - aware of their equal rights - are looking for equality, whether that is within Hinduism or without. This new awareness and energy of the Dalits themselves leads back to the early 20th Century, when one Dalit man, Dr B. R. Ambedkar, through his free-thinking, initiated a movement which would mark the beginning of the emancipation of Dalits in modern India.
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Ambedkar - born in the Colonial period of British rule - was one of the first Dalits to attend an Indian University. He studied both in India and in London, gaining a Doctorate at the London School of Economics. Despite his status and education, he witnessed a continued discrimination towards him on his return to India, with people still fearing his ‘polluting touch’. Sickened by the marginalisation of the lower castes and firmly against the system of ‘graded inequality’ (which prevented the low-castes from overcoming the hierarchy), he studied other religions with the intent to leave Hinduism and adopt a new faith. (Jaffrelot, 2009) In the 1927 Mahad Conference his words were; “We want equal rights in society.We will achieve them as far as possible while remaining within the Hindu fold or, if necessary by kicking away this worthless Hindu identity.” (Jaffrelot, 2009)
fig. 6 Dr Ambedkar was key to the revival of Indian Buddhism, and the emancipation of millions of Dalits
He fought politically against Brahmanism and caste, urging Dalits to consider a different way. In a radical and symbolic move, he set fire to the Manusmriti in a public protest, the ‘book of inequality’ or code of caste duties, a text key to the social and economic oppression of the Dalits. He chose to convert to Buddhism, a religion based on the premise that all beings are equal, and did so publicly in the city of Nagpur in 1956. In the discarding of a religion of oppression and inequality he created a new Buddhist identity for Dalits, and inspired thousands to follow the same path (Clearview, 2013). Today there are millions of ex-Dalit Buddhists in India, with the majority living between the cities of Nagpur, Pune and Mumbai. Their conversion from Hinduism has allowed them to leave behind the social inequalities outlined by caste, escaping the oppression and lingering attitude of the high-caste Hindus. fig. 7 Mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism in Nagpur
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2.3 The End of Inequality? The liberalism of modern day India and the global metropolitan values present in the society of today have resulted in the gradual dissolution of caste and its inherent inequalities. Occupation boundaries have been crossed, social rules have been transgressed, and the change in focus from religion to economics has taken the importance away from caste in the psyche of modern day Hindus.With the outlaw of caste in 1950, and the new-found independence of Dalits which has allowed them to leave caste behind, it seems as though inequalities bound to ancient Hindu hierarchies are dissolving in modern India. However is this the end of inequality? There still exists a huge disparity of wealth between groups of people, and a huge disparity between the opportunities available to climb the economic ladder of the city. In metropolitan India, has the disappearance of caste merely given way to a new form of inequality?
fig. 8 Ex-Dalits at the Nagaloka Indian Buddhist Centre in Nagpur
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3.0 [Class] “I had witnessed only too often state violence that tried to crush the aspirations of poor people striving to craft basic subsistence and dignity.” (Baviskar, 2003)
3.1 The Slum-Dweller The slum-dwellers are the lowest class in the Indian metropolis, living in ‘dwellings unfit for human habitation’ and numbering over 65 million as of 2013 (Rukmini, 2013). Slum-dwellers are at the low end of an enormous economic disparity that exists in Indian cities. Slum populations are often classed as illegal due to immigration and occupation laws, and despite their huge contribution to the economic workings of the city through manual labour, they are almost treated like parasites that must be cleared away. The disparity in land ownership is enormous between the slumdwellers and the higher classes, (for example it was estimated that around 55% Mumbai’s population are slum-dwellers and they occupy only 5% of the total area of the city in high-density neighbourhoods, upto one million people per square mile) (Mehta, 2004).
fig. 9 Dharavi slum, Mumbai, where one million people live in one square mile.
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Despite great efforts to climb the economic ladder of the city, recent events show that slum-dwellers are at mercy to the actions of the higher classes, who are able to prevent them building their wealth and transcending poverty. Are slum-dwellers the ‘Dalits’ of metropolitan India?
Architectural Technology Research
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Contextual Study
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3.2 Slum Removal and ‘Bourgeois Environmentalism’ “World-class city remaking projects... - a form of “bourgeois environmentalism” (Baviskar 2003) that aims to clean and remake cities for elite consumption through the removal of the poor from central public spaces” (Doshi, 2013) In the hierarchy of economy and power present in modern India, the upper classes have been able to exercise their power over the slum-dwellers through ‘city beautification’ projects. These projects - which appeal to the middle classes in search for aesthetic beauty - destroy informal settlements and evict the poor, making room for green-space in the city centre. The poor are powerless in this situation; with no formal landownership rights their protests are ignored by the government. Acts such as this undermine the efforts of the poor to improve their lives, homes and living conditions, and crush the hopes aspirations stirred through the incremental enriching of their environment. In some cases slum-dwellers have invested a great deal of money into their homes and businesses, left with nothing after the government’s ‘city beautification’ projects. The demolition of the Yamuna Pushta slum of New Delhi exemplifies this.
fig. 10 Yamuna Pushta before demolition; a township rather than slum.
{Case Study:Yamuna Pushta slum, New Delhi} The Yamuna Pushta slum in New Delhi was more of a township than an informal shanty town. Home to 150,000 residents, it contained education and healthcare facilities, restaurants, small businesses, social organisations, creches and other community amenities (Bharucha, 2006). Many residents had been living there for decades, constructing homes and businesses out of bricks and mortar, while taking out small loans to invest in the fig. 11 Yamuna Pushta after demolition
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place they believed to be their permanent home. The slum was the accumulated effort of years of incremental development into making a habitable place. In 2004 the Delhi High Court evicted the entire population and flattened the slum, their argument being that it was encroaching upon and polluting the nearby Yamuna River.The slum clearance was part of the “Clean Delhi-Green Delhi” campaign, the bourgeois vision to clean the city of its pollutants and improve the environment. However the government’s ‘environmental concern’ that the slum was polluting the river was in fact unsubstantiated; a pollution report by Hazard Centre, which showed that the slum in fact was only accountable for 0.33% of the pollution released into the river (Dupont, 2008). In reality the government evicted the poor to beautify the city, in other words remove the poor and keep the rich; “Delhi matters because very important people live and visit there; its image reflects the image of the nation-state.” (Baviskar 2003). The poor of Yamuna Pushta, despite their long-term occupation of the land and their well-established homes and livelihoods, were treated as illegal migrants who had no rights to live there. “This step of the Government has broken our hearts and our spirit. The Government is forcing us to once again live in the jungles and ruin our children’s future” - Hiralal, citizen of Yamuna Pushta (Bharucha, 2006)
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fig. 12 Once a creche for the children of Yamuna Pushta, this ruin captures the captures the sense of loss suffered by the slum-dwellers, where hope and aspirations were destroyed by those in power.
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fig. 13 Pagal Baba, or ‘mad sage’ as he is known, invested thousands of rupees and years of labour to build a temple, which gave hundreds of children from the slum an education and hope for the future. The temple was destroyed with Yamuna Pushta, and no such education opportunities were provided by the government following the slum removal.
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Of Dalits and Slum-Dwellers
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3.3 Sainik Farms However, it is not solely in the direct treatment of the poor that the inequality lies, but in the comparative treatment of the higher classes. Yamuna Pushta was not the only illegal settlement on the Yamuna River at the time of the slum clearance; there was another much more affluent colony called Sainik Farms. The settlement consisted of 1600 addresses, with the large and expensive houses reaching upto 35 Crore, or £3.5 million, vastly more wealthy than Yamuna Pushta (toireporter, 2009). This affluent neighbourhood was brought into the public eye when the nearby slum was demolished, as Sainik Farms violated public laws in the very same ways as did the Yamuna Pushta. Even a government minister Saugata Roy admitted publically; “Sainik Farms is an entirely unauthorized colony, built in violation of building norms’ (toireporter, 2009). It evaded taxes, and produced sewage just as did the Yamuna Pushta, and so it was equally as ‘necessary’ for destruction as the slum. However the government decided against destruction, and ruled out any demolition in the near future, omitting Sainik Farms from the illegal colonies register. The opposition party BJP said that the government were quick to demolish the slums but wouldn’t act in the same way towards Sainik Farms because it was home to a rich, middle class population. The illegal houses of Sainik Farms still stand today. fig. 14 One of the plush illegal homes in Sainik Farms, on sale for 16 crore or £1.6 million (99 acres).
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This difference in attitude towards the urban poor and the urban rich, when they are equal in their ‘law-breaking’, is illuminating of the preferential treatment given to the higher classes.
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3.4 Slum Resettlement “Arriving at the resettlement sites, bare tracts of land without any services, the poor tackle once again the arduous challenge of imagining and crafting liveable places. The civilising and improving mission of the state is thus realised by the labours of the poor, their sweat and blood and dreams.� (Baviskar, 2003) Following the eviction of the residents from the Yamuna Pushta, the government offered limited spaces in resettlement colonies on the fringes of Delhi, with an allowance of 18 square metres to those who inhabited before 1990, 12.5 square metres to those between 1990 and 1998, and nothing for those who arrived after 1998 (Dupont, 2008). However it is estimated that there were thousands who had been living there for many years and had no paperwork to prove their arrival date, and so no offer of resettlement. According to Bharucha (2006), only 5 percent of households were given a plot of land for resettlement. Those who were given no plot had to join the pavement dwellers or find a new slum and begin building their lives again. The lucky few being resettled were moved to colonies on the western edge of the city, which were up to 30 kms from their previous homes and their livelihoods. This way the government could exchange the high value land by the Yamuna River for much cheaper land on the outskirts (Dupont, 2008). One such resettlement site was Savda Ghevra.
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fig. 15 Residents awaiting a delivery of water in Savda Ghevra Colony.
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{Case Study} Savda Ghevra Savda Ghevra is so far out of Delhi that it registers the mobile network of the neighbouring state Haryana (King, 2013). It is in a semi-rural location and is not easily accessible from Delhi, and although there is an erratic bus service to the city (MHT, 2011) most of the poor residents cannot afford it; it would take three hours to travel back and forth, and use a third of his or her daily earnings (Bharucha, 2006). Removed from their livelihoods where they had small businesses and offered services to larger businesses in the city, they have been removed from opportunities to make money. They cannot even beg in these outskirt locations, as there aren’t any people other than themselves. Savda Ghevra is just too far from the city to allow the residents to survive and develop, socially and economically. One resident complained; “Our children have no work and no scope of livelihood. Poor children are dying. This is not right, what is going on here. What do the authorities expect us to survive on; by eating mud?� The higher classes have pushed the lower classes out of the city with no regards for their welfare, and this slum removal/ resettlement is seen as one of the greatest acts of inequality since independence (Bharucha, 2006). fig. 16 The bare plots in Savda Ghevra
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However there have been efforts to improve resettlement colonies such as Savda Ghevra in recent years. External support from NGOs and researchers such as Julia King have helped the resettled citizens to incrementally construct habitable places in their resettlement colonies. Julia King, a researcher from London Met University has been working in Savda Ghevra for the last 2 years, and has made a significant impact with regards to the sanitation in the colony. More and more houses have internal toilets - something never found in a slum - which is giving the female residents much needed privacy and safety, unavailable when toilets are outside. In addition to this, Domino Houselike concrete frames were constructed around the colony to provide structures into which families can build upwards and increase floor area (King, 2013).
fig. 17 Hope in Savda Ghevra, a colony undergoing incremental urban development.
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Furthermore, although livelihood opportunities are still scarce in Savda Ghevra, the majority of families have found work, with the men earning on average 5000 Rs salary while the women look after their families (MHT, 2011). There is a general sense of optimism among the residents, and through interviews it was found that most people plan to stay for longer than the 10 year lease arrangement period. (MHT, 2011). It seems that the poor have optimism that from Savda Ghevra, they can begin to build their lives again and escape the lowest rung of the economic ladder.
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4.0 Reflective Thoughts 4.1 Inequality in modern metropolitan India Summary This essay sought to explore inequality in the context of modern metropolitan India. It seems that in the modern day, the restrictions and boundaries of caste have significantly loosened, due to an increased liberalism of people to choose occupations, break outside social caste conventions, and adopt a more global metropolitan culture rather than stay fixed to religious traditions. Economic hierarchy is no longer tied to caste hierarchy, with many Dalits taking up positions of power and gaining great wealth. The Dalits of modern India have also found a new sense of independence, and this freedom has led to millions formally leaving the caste hierarchy through converting to Buddhism, ending oppression and inequality towards them. Metropolitan India holds a sense of hope for the low-castes, and it seems as though caste inequality is at its end.
Lewis Kelly
or transcend their position on the bottom rung of the city’s economic ladder. It can be concluded therefore, that while caste indeed has broken down in the context of modern metropolitan India, the inequalities have been transferred from a religious hierarchy to an economic hierarchy. Caste has become class in the Indian metropolis. This conclusion seems to have a very bleak outlook for the poor slumdwelling populations of the cities. However, from reports from resettlement colonies it seems as though the poor have a strong sense of optimism about rebuilding their lives and working their way up the economic ladder. Most importantly, class does not fix individuals to a position on the hierarchy as caste does through its rules of ‘inherent purity’. It does not dictate the future, the outlook of those within, the hierarchy, or the fate of the working class. Despite the huge inequalities and disparities in wealth, it allows for something which caste did not allow, which is the hope and possibility of improvement.
However in modern India there exists a new class-based social hierarchy, which is tied to economy rather than religion, and which victimises the working class slum-dwellers of the city. At the bottom of the economic ladder, the slum-dwellers suffer from inequalities in wealth, amenities and opportunity. The higher classes wish to rid them from the city centres, and the government often uses their power to remove them, with preferential treatment towards richer populations. The poor are also denied of the opportunity to improve their situation, for when they invest in their environment the government undermines the efforts through slum removal. The re-settlement colonies given to the lucky few are also imbued with inequality; far from the city, they offer no hope for the poor to earn a living
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fig. 18 Hope for the poor; Nagaloka Centre, Nagpur
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5.0 [Bibliography] Articles/ Papers Baviskar, A. 2003. Between violence and desire: space, power, and identity in the making of metropolitan Delhi. UNESCO. Desai, S., Dubey, A., 2011. Caste in 21st Century India: Competing Narratives. Economic and Political Weekly 46. Doshi, S. 2013. The Politics of the Evicted: Redevelopment, Subjectivity, and Difference in Mumbai’s Slum Frontier. Antipode 45, 844–865. Dupont,V., 2008. Slum Demolitions in Delhi since the 1990s: An Appraisal. Economic and Political Weekly 43. Kumar, R., Kumar, S., Mitra, A., 2009. Social and Economic Inequalities: Contemporary Significance of Caste in India. Economic and Political Weekly 44. MHT, 2011. Rethinking Resettlement Colonies - Savda Ghevra. Pradipta Chaudhury, 2011. Political Economy of Caste in Northern India.
Books Bharucha, R., 2006.Yamuna Gently Weeps. Sainathann Communications, New Delhi. Mehta, S., 2004. Maximum City, Bombay Lost and Found. Penguin Books, London.
Lectures Julia King, 2013. Incremental Urbanism.
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News Articles Kateshiya, G., 2013. “Became Buddhist for haircut, shave... mental untouchability persists” - Indian Express [WWW Document]. URL http://www.indianexpress. com/news/became-buddhist-for-haircut-shave...-mental-untouchability-persists/1185035/ (accessed 12.31.13). Pokharel, K., Lahiri, T., 2013. India Rape Cases Colored by Caste - India Real Time - WSJ [WWW Document]. The Wall Street Journal. URL http://blogs.wsj. com/indiarealtime/2013/12/31/india-rape-cases-colored-by-caste/ (accessed 1.1.14). Rukmini, S., 2013. Slum population up, from 52 million to 65 million - The Hindu [WWW Document]. The Hindu. URL http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/ slum-population-up-from-52-million-to-65-million/article5187166.ece (accessed 1.1.14). Toireporter, 2009. Govt admits Sainik Farms is illegal but rules out demolition - Times Of India [WWW Document]. The Times of India. URL http://articles. timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-12-04/delhi/28059937_1_affluent-colony-illegal-colonies-unauthorized-colony (accessed 1.1.14).
Websites Ambedkar’s Vision [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://www.thebuddhadharma.com/web-archive/2011/2/3/ambedkars-vision.html (accessed 12.31.13). Buddhist News [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://shambhalasun.com/news/?p=51507 (accessed 12.31.13). Clear View Project [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://www.clearviewproject.org/indiabuddhismrising.html (accessed 12.31.13). Indian Slum Research: 4 JAN 2012, NEW DELHI SAVDA GHEVRA [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://indianslumresearch.blogspot.co.uk/2012/04/january-42012-new-delhi-savda-ghevra.html (accessed 12.31.13). Jeffrey Hays, Hindu Caste System, Rules, Purity and Identity - World Topics | Facts and Details [WWW Document], 2009. URL http://factsanddetails.com/world. php?itemid=1341 (accessed 10.13.13). Relevance of Caste in Contemporary Politics – Part 2 | The Indian Economist [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://theindianeconomist.com/relevance-of-
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caste-in-contemporary-politics-part-2/ (accessed 12.31.13). Savda ghevra | Just another WordPress.com weblog [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://savdaghevra.wordpress.com/ (accessed 12.31.13). Vyas, A., 2013. Relevance of Caste in Contemporary Politics – Part 2 | The Indian Economist [WWW Document]. URL http://theindianeconomist.com/ relevance-of-caste-in-contemporary-politics-part-2/ (accessed 12.31.13). Yamuna Gently Weeps [WWW Document], 2006, URL http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/background.html (accessed 12.31.13).
Personal Communication King, J., 2013. Savda Ghevra and Resettlement Colonies.
[Figures] Cover. Family by the Railway [Photograph] At: http://efareport.files.wordpress.com/2012/11/migrant-families-pitch-camp-next-to-a-railway-line-in-delhi-while-theylook-for-work-india-raghu-raimagnum-for-save-the-children.jpg fig.1.
Inequality in the metropolis [Photograph] At: http://farm1.staticflickr.com/157/358272270_f50b3c171c_o.jpg
fig.2
Hairdresser in the slum [Photograph] http://cdn.lightgalleries.net/4bd5ebfa2db2b/images/india_13-2.jpg
fig.3. Caste System in India [Photogaph] At: http://motsaidant.blogspot.co.uk/2011/09/sociology-5-caste-system-in-india.html fig.4. Ms Mayawati [Photograph] At: http://www.news24online.com/images/NewsImage/P10-Home%20HL-CBI%20seeks%20Supreme%20Courts%20sanction291X218-2149-PSC2520.jpg fig.5. Dalit protests [Photographs] At: http://www.adilmohdblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/6a00e54fce1e9188340120a4c56824970b-500wi.jpg fig.6. Dr B. R. Ambedkar [Photograph] At: http://www.4to40.com/images/egreetings/Legendary_Heroes/B.R._Ambedkar_Jayanti-Legendary_Heroes-1071_big.gif
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fig.7. Dalit Conversion [Photograph] At: http://shambhalasun.com/news/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/dalit-conversion.jpg fig.8. Ex-Dalits at Nagaloka [Photograph] At: http://clearviewblog.org/page/2/ fig.9. Dharavi Slum, Mumbai [Photograph] At: http://kumu.poff.ee/uploads/product/cache_/02482d745a9bc7d192b6126ce990c35df3ce4ef1.jpg fig.10. Yamuna Pushta before demolitions [Photograph] At: http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/thedemolitions.html fig.11. Yamuna Pushta after demolitions [Photograph] At: http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/thedemolitions.html fig.12. Creche ruins [Photograph] At: http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/creche.htm fig.13 Pagal Baba,Yamuna Pushta [Photograph] At: http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/pagalbaba.htm fig.14. Farmhouse for sale, Sainik Farms [Photograph] At: http://www.99acres.com/Farm-House-in-Sainik-Farms-Delhi%20South-5-Bedroom-bhk-for-Sale-r1spid-F11038597 fig.15. Water Delivery at Savda Ghevra [Photograph] At: http://philiprundell.wordpress.com/ fig.16. Savda Ghevra [Photograph] At: http://philiprundell.wordpress.com/ fig.17. Julia King. (2012) Patchwork of Housing Types [Photograph] http://incrementalcity.wordpress.com/2012/09/18/unthinking-housing-for-the-urban-poor/ fig.18. Hope for the Poor: at Nagaloka Centre [Photograph] At: http://www.clearviewproject.org/indiabuddhismrising.html
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