Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

An investigation into appropriate modern intervention in an indigenous rural community.

Lewis Kelly s0934972 The University of Edinburgh

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- Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

Abstract This dissertation investigates the ethics of 21st century architectural intervention in the village of Tinangol, northern Borneo. Culturally rich and home to the indigenous Rungus people, the onslaught of globalisation in recent years has raised many questions about cultural survival; with the importation of western cultural ideals beginning to create a built environment hardly identifiable with the area or the built heritage of the Rungus. Moreover, an increase in carbon emissions and a rapidly warming climate across Borneo and has led to a great reconsidering of the way global building models are imported from the west and placed in a tropical climate.

With questions of cultural survival, changing cultural identities and environmental sustainability intrinsically tied to the outcomes of architectural interventions, how can we most ethically intervene in an indigenous village like Tinangol in modern times?

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank those people who gave me the opportunity to work in Borneo and live with the Rungus people, Ian and Sarah from Arkitrek and Mel and Rory from Camps International. My fourth year studies have taken on such excitement through the experiences I gained working for Arkitrek and Camps.

Then of course I would like to thank the Rungus people for accommodating me in Tinangol, particularly Mangumbai for his supreme construction knowledge and art of hand-signalling.

Thank you also to those who were there throughout my time in Tinangol, Jen, Elliot Yanti. I Thank you to my tutor Ola for continual guidance

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Illustrations/Figures fig. 1

{Cover} The interior of the Tinangol village kindergarten. Courtesy of Ian Hall.

fig. 2

Borneo’s location and climatic data.

fig. 3

Indigenous longhouses in Kampung Tinangol, taken in 1977. Courtesy of Asitrac.

fig. 4

Kota Kinabalu and Western consumerism in modern Borneo. Taken by author.

fig. 5

Tinangol and Camp Tinangol location plans. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 1. Taken by author.

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Case Study 1 plan and section. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 2. Taken by author.

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Case Study 2 plan and section. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 3. Taken by author.

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Case Study 3 plan and section. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 4. Taken by author.

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Case Study 4 plan and section. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 1 comparison with internet house plan, courtesy of Snider.

fig. 15

Diagram of the identity conflict in the Rungus community. Drawn by author.

fig. 16

Cultural performance of the Rungus’ Monhigul Sumundai for tourists. Taken by author.

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An alternative reading to the tourist longhouse.

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Traditions as dynamic; developing vernacular in Case Study 3. Taken by author.

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Case Study 4 - combining traditions with progressive technology. Courtesy of Ian Hall.

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Table of Conclusions - sociological appropriatness. Drawn by author.

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Climatic design principles in Malaysia.

fig. 22

Annual sunlight angles in Sabah. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 1 ventilation and sunlight diagrams. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 2 ventilation and sunlight diagrams. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 3 ventilation and sunlight diagrams. Drawn by author.

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Case Study 4 ventilation and sunlight diagrams. Drawn by author.

fig. 27

Cococrete - a material innovation. Drawn by author.

fig. 28

Material list, with transportation distance and embodied energy levels.

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Table of Conclusions - Case Studies 1 & 2 evironmental appropriatness. Drawn by author.

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Table of Conclusions - Case Studies 3 & 4 evironmental appropriatness. Drawn by author.

fig. 31 a. Mari-Mari Cultural Village, courtesy of SabahanTravelBug. b. Adventureland, Disneyland Florida, courtesy of SolarSurfer

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Contents Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 The Island of Borneo 1.2 Tinangol and the Rungus people 1.3 The wider scale: A History of Cultural Globalisation 1.4 Borneo’s Unsustainable Modernity 1.5 A Question of Ethics Chapter 2 The case studies 2.1 Case Study 1 - The Western-Style House 2.2 Case Study 2 - The Tourist Longhouse 2.3 Case Study 3 - The Village Longhouse 2.4 Case Study 4 - The Village Kindergarten Chapter 3 Sociological Appropriateness 3.1 Discussion - Cultural Identity - a dialectic between Tradition and Modernity

3.2 Case study Conclusions

Chapter 4 Environmental Appropriateness 4.1 Case Study Analysis - Climatic Performance/ Materials 4.2 Case Study Conclusions & Discussion - Vernacular principles in modern design Chapter 5 Conclusions 5.1 Key Insights 5.2 A possible way forward 5.3 Reflections

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Tinangol Kota Kinabalu

Sabah, Malaysia Brunei Darussalam Sarawak, Malaysia

Kalimantan, Indonesia

Equator

Borneo

35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

400 300 200 100

Precipitation (mm)

Temperature (oC)

Climate data for Kota Kinabalu

0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Average Precipitation (mm) Average Precipitation days

Average High (oC) Average Low (oC)

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fig.2

Chapter 1

Introduction This dissertation is the culmination of 11 months engagement with the village of Tinangol in Borneo, which began the day I arrived as an architectural intern in May 2012. I was there on a humanitarian basis to help develop the area through architectural intervention, and this dissertation is a continued academic exploration of the philosophy behind the development work carried out. With a desire to understand how to truly benefit both people and environment through buildings, the investigation aims to explore the question of ethical modern intervention, a question applicable to both Borneo and the rest of the developing world today.

It will analyse several case study buildings found in the village of Tinangol, all built in the last 30 years and chosen for their varying approaches to modern intervention. It will take two routes of analysis and discussion, looking first at the sociological appropriateness of intervention - which will investigate implications for cultural identity and cultural survival - before looking at the environmental appropriateness - the building’s responsiveness to climate and its impact on the environment. The combined conclusions with regards to sociological and environmental appropriateness will provide a starting point from which to define the most ethical approach to modern intervention in the village.

Research related to the case studies was undertaken during a field trip from May - August 2012.

1.1 The Island of Borneo Borneo - the world’s third largest island - sits in the tropics on the southern shores of the South China Sea, part of a collection of thousands of islands which constitute the South-East Asian archipelago.

The island is owned by three seperate political powers; Indonesia (Kalimantan), Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak) and Brunei. Borneo is renowned for its lush rainforests, vast expanses of jungle home to incredible biodiversity, and endangered animal species like the orangutan, Sumatran rhino, sunbear and pygmy elephant. These forests thrive on the island’s continuously hot and humid climate, which has temperature variations between 25 and 35 degrees, very little annual fluctuation and a humidity level which remains above 75% (Yuan, 2013, p.78).

It is believed that humans have inhabited Borneo for over 45000 years; hunter-gatherers in indigenous tribal groups, they lived in the jungles and survived from the forests’ food sources. These groups of people still exist today, and it is thought that around 220 indigenous languages are still spoken across Kalimantan, Sabah and Sarawak.(Rautner, 2005, p.6) Today they are no longer hunter-gatherers; the commercial cultures of more recent years have established agriculture across the island, and in modern times their livelihoods are undergoing even greater changes. The arrival of modernity has also had consequences on the forests themselves; commercial deforestation has rapidly reduced the island’s forest cover from 75% in the 1980s to just 50% in 2005. Adding to that the increase in the number of animal species endangered by forest fires and loss of habitat, the island’s nature is at crisis point.

(Rautner, 2005, p.7).

The Borneo of today is undergoing great changes, and in my experience of 3 months staying on the island I gained some insight into how these changes are manifesting in one particular locale.

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The Rungus Longhouse The indigenous Rungus longhouse - built entirely using materials from the surrounding forests - was very well adapted to its context and climatic environment. In response to Borneo’s hot and humid climate, the building’s main concern was encouraging the movement of air through its spaces for relief from the oppressive atmosphere. It was raised off the ground on stilts to allow the passage of air underneath - cooling the interior above - and the floor and walls of the building were built of slatted bamboo to allow for the passage of air up into and through the building. The side walls of the building were slanted - a unique aspect of the Rungus traditions - to meet the overhanging roof, which prevented any direct sunlight from entering the building and heating up the interior.

This arrangement blocked most solar glare and bright light from entering, with the darkness of the interior giving the feeling of coolness and hence some psychological relief from the unrelenting heat and humidity.

“This is a near-perfect houseform which is appropriate to local climatic conditions and expresses the way of life of its inhabitants”. (Yuan, 2013, p.73)

Indigenous Rungus longhouses in Kampung Tinangol, c. 1977

fig.3

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1.2 Tinangol and the Rungus people Kampung Tinangol, a small village in the northern-most region of Sabah, Malaysia, is the context of analysis for this dissertation. The village is situated in the Kudat Peninsula, and together with other settlements in the region is home to the Rungus: an ethnic group from the indigenous Kadazandusun people of Sabah. Around 140km from the large port city of Kota Kinabalu, the ‘kampung’ or village is situated in a rural region dominated by agriculture, and local populations rely on the production of these crops to generate income. From discussions with locals it seems for some time there have been social problems in the area, (rural poverty was around 8.4% in 2009 (World bank, 2013)) and there is a high degree of unemployment in Tinangol which has resulted in problems of high alcoholism (Hall R., 2012). My reason for being in the village was as a coordinator of a development programme initiated by the reponsible tourism company Camps International, who through community building projects have sought to alleviate social problems, bringing employment and capital to the Rungus people, and much visitor interest to the area.

The local cultural heritage is greatly celebrated in Kampung Tinangol, and is the key draw for tourists to the Kudat peninsula. The Rungus people are renowned for their traditions - elegant wooden longhouses, handicraft bead-making and an indigenous language that has survived the spread of Malay - and even today in the area can be experienced some cultural artefacts from a more tribal, hunter-gatherer past synonymous with the allure of Borneo; such as the occasional dilapidated indigenous longhouse by the roadside.

However this romantic view of the Rungus is far from symbolic of the people’s existing, contemporary reality, and things are changing in the Kampung Tinangol of modern times, both culturally and architecturally.

1.3 The Wider Scale: A History of Cultural Globalisation Malaysia is a fast developing nation, with a rapidly increasing wealth and rapidly expanding urban centres. There is a high rate of urban migration in Sabah alone, and the urban population is increasing with the development of the nation. (From 16m to 21m over the last 8 years, (World Bank, 2013)). A relatively new country - formed in 1957 (with Sabah joining in 1963) - Malaysia has strived to build itself into a strong independent nation following ownership and colonisation of the British between the 18th and 20th Centuries.

The country has a history of cultural and religious importation. The spread of Buddhism and Hinduism from India in the first millennia AD, followed by the settlement of Islam in the 14th Century characterised a period of cultural collision even before colonial times. Colonisation began in the 16th century with the Portuguese invasion of Malacca in 1511, and throughout the next 450 years the Malay Peninsula and Borneo were owned and ruled by a multitude of foreign nations; with Britain taking the final position of colonial rule until the independence or ‘Merdeka’ of Malaysia in 1963. A period of continuous invasion, “colonisation brought with it a whole new set of cultural imports to be absorbed, both western and non-western” (Abel, 2000, p.191). With the multitude of indigenous groups living in the region simultaneously, issues of cultural identity and cultural dominance have been consistently pertinent over the last few centuries. (www.geographia.com, 2013)

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Although Malaysia of today is an independent nation, this history of ties to the west lives on, not in the same hegemony of a western power that was present in Colonial times, but in the ‘west to east’ direction of cultural influence. The economic development of Malaysia has been linked to the rest of the world through the global markets of modern times, and these global ties have resulted in the phenomenon of cultural exchange; of western consumer products, technology and cultural values being imported to Malaysia. Known as “a continued cultural dependency of developing countries upon the industrialised countries of the north” (Abel, 2000, p.161), this is often termed ‘Neo-Colonialism’.

This one-way cultural exchange is particularly marked in the built environment. Author Ken Yeang - a specialist in regional design in Malaysia - claims that “many of the buildings in the region have been largely derived or copied from the contemporary models imported from the west” (Yeang, 1987, p.8); standardised and bearing little identification of belonging to the culture or climatic environment of Malaysia. There are fears of the homogenizing potential of globalisation due to this disregard for locality, with Abel believing Neo-Colonial consumer architecture representing “a homogenizing force on a hitherto unprecedented scale.” (Abel, 2000, p.162) One particularly interesting import of western consumerism is cultural tourism. The ease of connectivity in today’s world has seen a huge increase in visitors to Sabah, (Sabah Tourism, 2013), arriving to experience the ‘tribal’ cultures of the Bornean rainforests. This globalisation phenomena is paradoxical, as while western culture begins to homogenise the global cultural landscape, tourism itself requires regional uniqueness and interest to be sustained.

Effects of globalisation are evident in Kampung Tinangol today. Despite the maintained stereotype of ethnic tribal heritage adorning the region, the Rungus people are well connected to the western world, owning SUVs, laptops, mobile phones, televisions with American channels and Facebook accounts.

People aspire to a western way of living, particularly to the owning of a concrete-built home - a symbol of status and prestige (Hall R., 2012).

1.4 Borneo’s Unsustainable Modernity Modernity has brought about more than just cultural issues to solve. Expanding cities, urban population (72.2% today compared to 26.6% in 1960 (Index Mundi, 2013) ), and number of automobile users; this development has come at a significant cost to the environment. New western-style centres such as Kota Kinabalu in Sabah have largely been built with disregard for the Equatorial climate; resulting in heavy use of air-conditioning - which has high operational energy, high carbon emissions, and causes further heating of the city air through heat extraction. From conversing with locals everyone seems to be in agreement that the climate is significantly hotter and more uncomfortable that it used to be, and this is likely a contributor.

While not on the same scale, Tinangol has also seen this “thoughtless transfer of glass as well as concrete to the tropical region” (Tzonis et al., 2001, p.8), characterising a concern for the sustainability of Borneo’s new western modernity. A question raised is that why, when the vernacular responses to design are so well adapted to the environmental conditions of Borneo, have they been ignored in modern design?

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In the coastal city of Kota Kinabalu , just three hours away from Tinangol by car, the importation of global consumer culture and preference for a Western modernity is very evident. fig.4

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1.5 A Question of Ethics The arrival of global consumer culture and architecture to Borneo has opened many questions with regards to the sociological and environmental appropriateness of the 21st century built environment.

Globalised building practices and cultural imports arouse concern for the authentic survival of cultures such as that of the Rungus people, while lack of climatic response and high energy consumption in buildings probe many questions about sustainability and negative environmental impact. There are many views about the effects of globalisation on places like Tinangol, Borneo, such as; “From the kitsch commodification of local culture to the Disneyfication of tradition, McDonaldisation of food, the rape of the environment, the dissolution of traditional roots, the end of history.� (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2001, p.15) With such fears, it is important we understand the most ethical way to progress in the post-globalised age.

In the following sections, an analysis and discussion of modern case-studies found in Kampung Tinangol will question the sociological and environmental appropriateness of each example aiming to gain insight into ethical intervention in modern times.

How can we ethically intervene in an indigenous, post-globalised village such as Tinangol in the modern day?

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Tinangol 2km

Camp Tinangol Plan

1

3

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Kampung Tinangol Plan 20 - Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

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Chapter 2

Case Studies This section will introduce the case-studies chosen for analysis. There will be four case studies analysed for this research, three of which are found within the village of Tinangol and one of which is around 2km from the centre, on a site known as ‘Camp Tinangol’. These four buildings were built in the last 30 years (from 1983 to 2013) in the period which for the purposes of this study can be classed as ‘the modern day’, or post-globalisation. These specific buildings were chosen based on the fact that they exhibited varied approaches to modern intervention, all falling somewhere different on the ‘tradition -modernity’ dialectic; a theme underlying this research. I visited all of these buildings myself in 2012, and having stayed in two of them (2&3) and helped to build another (4) I gained some personal experience of how well they responded to user activities and how successfully they moderated the extreme climate.

Title

Year

Location

Ownership

1

The Western-style house

2012

Tinangol centre

Tinangol villager

2

The Tourist Longhouse

2008

2kms from centre

Camps International

3

The Village Longhouse

1983

Tinangol centre

Kudat regional council

4

The Village Kindergarten

2013

Tinangol centre

Tinangol Kindergarten

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Location

Section

Plan fig.7

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2.1 Case Study 1 - The Western-Style House, 2012 Summary - Modernity by itself - Rejection of traditional design - Western in style, space and materiality - An appropriate modern Rungus identity?

- A sustainable intervention?

fig.6 Case study 1 is situated just outside the central square of Kampung Tinangol. Built within the space of 3 months, this building was both conceived and completed in 2012. The house was built by a member of the Tinangol community who - having accumulated wealth through the growing and selling of lucrative palm-oil crops - wished to move leave his home in the village longhouse to live in a more private residence. For him this represented the next step up on the social ladder; in Tinangol owning a private modern property is a sign of wealth and symbol of prestige.

An imported western model it has little relationship with its surrounding environment, neither natural nor cultural. Built of concrete, air-conditioned, and containing no reference to local vernacular responses, this building adopts modernity uncritically and rejects cultural and traditional roots to design.

Materials - Concrete walls with cement render - Concrete foundations - Timber window and door frames - Glass window panes - Sheet metal roof

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Location

Section

Sleeping Area

Private Rooms

Central Corridor

Communal Social Area

Plan fig.9

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2.2 Case Study 2 - The Tourist Longhouse, 2008 Summary - Tradition by itself - Rejection of modern design - A tourist attraction - An authentic Rungus identity?

fig.8 This building shows an approach which seeks to replicate the indigenous vernacular for purposes of tourism. It was commissioned by the responsible tourism organisation Camps International, who for the last 5 years have run experiential learning camps in Borneo for young people from the UK. ‘Camp Tinangol’ - as it is known by the organisation and advertised in their marketing - was founded to bring these groups to the village and participate in sustainable community development work, which has included work to improve the village drainage systems, the creation of a bio-gas collector, and the construction of a new village kindergarten. To accommodate the volunteers there was a need for extensive accommodation facilities within walking distance of the village, and the organisation thought it most appropriate to construct a replica of the indigenous vernacular longhouse in the jungle nearby.

This would provide the accommodation needed but more importantly would become part of the tourist experience. The longhouse accommodation of Camp Tinangol has become one of the main draws of the programme.

The building is an exact replication of the indigenous Rungus longhouse. Constructed on wooden stilts it is risen above the ground, the huge external space beneath allowing breezes to be drawn through the slatted bamboo flooring to cool the interior. The overhanging walls - a unique feature of the the Rungus vernacular block out high angle sunlight, and the Nipa palm thatched roof provides a lightweight waterproof covering for the building. The materials - sourced from the forest - give the building a tribal air; roughly cut, organic in form, romantically assembled.

Materials - Timber - Bamboo - Nipa Palm panels - Tree bark walls

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Location

Bedrms.

Section

Private lean-to

Communal Social Area

Central Corridor

Private Houses

Plan fig.11

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2.3 Case study 3 - The Village Longhouse, 1983

Summary - Modern regional design - Adaptation of traditions to modern needs

fig.10 Built in 1983 to replace an indigenous longhouse, Case Study 3 is one of three longhouses which surround the central village green in Tinangol. Around 94m long and only 14m wide, the title longhouse is easily justified by the extreme length-width proportions. The organisation of the building makes it, in effect, an indoor street. With an open-air covered central corridor running from one side to the other, the building becomes a passageway from which around 20 private houses are entered, all contained under one roof. The floor plan to the left shows how a section of these houses are arranged along the central corridor, all of equal size and proportions. The ground floor comprises a living room, study area, kitchen and toilet, while the first floor contains two bedrooms.

Facing the private houses on the other side of the central corridor is a raised platform, a communityshared, multi-purpose space where the residents might make jewellery, socialise, eat, drink rice wine, play music, sometimes even have karaoke sessions. This is where the people gather to enjoy each other’s company.

Materials - Timber - Bamboo - Corrugated metal roof

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Location

Section

Plan

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fig.13

2.4 Case Study 4 - The Village Kindergarten, 2013 Summary - Modern regional design - Adaptation of traditions to modern needs - Experiment in sustainable materials

fig.12 The Tinangol kindergarten was conceived in 2009, a project created to address the lack of space for the village’s kindergarten (at the time they shared an outbuilding with the church). It was initiated by Camps International as a community development project, one which the young volunteers from the UK could help to build while staying at Camp Tinangol. The construction process of the kindergarten has been ongoing for the last 4 years, built by both the voluntary workers from the UK and by the local contractors of Tinangol. Nearing completion, it is hoped that the building will be opened later in 2013 Camps International hired a local architect from the city Kota Kinabalu - a firm called Arkitrek - to provide both design services for the project, as well as continuing on-site support throughout the construction process. However unlike conventional architects, Arkitrek did not provide a design to implement upon the village but instead engaged the local community of Tinangol in the process, helping them to voice their needs and desires for the building design. In this way the outcome of the building was more tailored to the people’s needs and accurately reflected what the community wanted from the project.

A product of both architect and community, it synthesises the people’s desire for modernity while respecting cultural roots and regional design responses, and is an embodiment of Arkitrek’s strong sustainability philosophy.

Materials - Timber - Concrete foundations - Bio-composite concrete walls - Nipa Palm panels - Coconut tree posts

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Chapter 3

Sociological Appropriateness The case-studies offer many questions about the appropriateness of such interventions for the Rungus people and their culture. This section of the dissertation looks at how the modern architectural interventions of Tinangol might be affecting the culture and identity of the Rungus peple, aiming to define the most ethical approach.

The chapter will be structured in the following way;

3.1 - Discussion Culture and Identity 3.11 Modernity by Itself 3.12 Tradition by Itself 3.13 Joining Modernity and Tradition 3.2 - Case Study Conclusions The case-studies show differing approaches to intervention which adopt or reject tradition/modernity to varying degrees. Globalisation has brought with it two contradictory phenomena; in some cases can be seen the rejection of regional design and the adoption of Western modernity, and in others a strong sense of regional identity is present, either as an opposing force against homogenisation, or as a form of commercial tourist architecture.

With each of the case-studies being analysed taking a particular - and in some cases extreme - position on this ‘tradition-modernity’ dialectic, each inherently takes a political position on guiding the cultural direction of the Rungus people, influencing the changing dynamic of their cultural identity. With such an influential ability, architecture also has a position of responsibility. In this situation where western culture has infiltrated an indigenous community, what is the most appropriate way to intervene, when culture patterns and traditions are on the brink of demise?

Chapter 3 of this dissertation will discuss these issues, using the case-studies and discourse to develop a view of what may be the most sociologically ethical approach to modern intervention. It will discuss the debates surrounding regionalism, cultural identity, tourism and authenticity. The outcome and conclusions of the discussion will then be used to re-critique the case-studies, to decide on which approach is the most appropriate for the Rungus people of Tinangol.

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a.

b.

Case Study 1, the Western-Style house, is built of concrete with features more commonly associated with European/American design rather than Bornean architecture. While fig.2b (Snider, 2013) was not the exact inspiration for Case Study 1, (though a similar internetpurchased design was used), the comparison made above with an American design shows some similarities in form and aesthetic between the house and western models. fig.14

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3.1 Discussion Culture and Identity - a dialectic of tradition and modernity 3.11 Modernity By Itself Phenomena 1 - the desire for modern identity Case Study 1 features first in the discussion through being an embodiment of some of the worries of globalisation. It characterises the concerns expressed by many of the homogenizing potential of western consumer culture, and exhibits what is feared may become of Borneo’s built environment in the future.

Through the insensitive development of western-style architecture and the dismissing of cultural values, belief-systems and traditional practises, is this development of western style architecture threatening the culture of the Rungus people? Or is it a natural stage in the progression of their identity?

The building is western in style and function, and highly insensitive to the cultural traditions of the region. In form and materiality it copies an international aesthetic - incongruent to the environs and heritage of Tinangol - and has an inward-looking focus on privacy and personal ownership of space valued in western culture, not a reflection of the high regard for a strong community present with the Rungus people. Why has such an inappropriate building been constructed in Tinangol? It could be seen as the product of an aspiration present among the people for progression into modernity, a desire to be identified with Western culture and a feeling of relevance in the modern world. Many already owned numerous material artefacts of the West, and conversations with several villagers revealed plans of constructing their own concrete houses. This direct preference for western culture by many was accompanied by a general disregard for their own traditional cultural artefacts; such as the old longhouses which were viewed as a less-developed form of residence. This phenomena is not unusual in the rural settlements of Malaysia and has been noted before; “In the case of the traditional Malay house and wooden houses in general, their status is lowered by the over-glorification of the Western - style houseforms and modern building materials.” (Yuan, 2013, p.89) The arrival of modernity in this case has created a dichotomy of thinking, between the modern architecture of progress, and the static vernacular architecture of the past. People see the western buildings as relevant and a sign of positive change, while the vernacular is seen as unchangeable and irrelevant to the people’s aspirations of progress.

“Seen as stable and passive, it is perceived as stagnant, and hence marginalised, in the changing world that characterises the human landscape”. (Beng, 2001, p.95) It is clear that this preference for Western design over traditional architecture is taking place to some extent in Kampung Tinangol.

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Tradition

Authentic identity

The tourist identity

Modernity

The Western identity

Identity

Longhouses Tribal attire Past heritage

The Rungus People

Concrete houses Technology Progressive

Desire

Dissassociation from

Association with

Conflicting identities; the Rungus of today aspire to a modern, Western identity, actively rejecting the traditions they associate with a stagnant, primitive past. The ‘authentic identity’ at the top leaves the question open, are either of these polarities the true identity of the modern Rungus people? fig.15

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Oppression vs Aspiration.

Numerous theorists argue that these western imports are an aspect of the destructive force of the global consumer culture; a power that “enforces local people to adopt western patterns of behaviour”, erases unique cultural practises and sets “global cultural values on local ethos and tradition of the rest” (Dasgupta & Kiely, 2006, p.20). These arguments claim that globalisation is harmful and repressive, and depict a sense that the local people almost become slaves to the global culture and its ideals. However these views miss a key truth clear in places like Tinangol; there is a conflict between globalisation as oppression and as aspiration. The Rungus people want to built concrete homes, it is their own aspiration, and while this may be an effect of cultural importation, globalisation there is not an oppressive force bearing upon the people but a desire on their part for a more modern identity. So then if the people themselves aspire to this form of building, and it meets their cultural desires, why is it not then appropriate for the development of their culture and identity?

Conflicting identities Charles Correa in the opening of a conference on ‘Architecture and Identity’ began with the question, ‘What is identity?’. He came to three conclusions about the nature of identity; “firstly, it is a process, and not a ‘found’ object”, “secondly, being a process, identity cannot be fabricated”, and “thirdly, identity is not a self-conscious thing” (Correa, 1983). The people’s overt desire for Western buildings and rejection for their own traditional heritage shows a striving for an identity that is not their own.

With the wish to modernise and progress from the tribal, primitive identity often applied to them, they are uncritically adopting inappropriate buildings for the sake of being associated with modern culture.

As Charles Correa believes we should not try to fabricate an identity for ourselves in this way, as to develop culturally and place appropriate architecture we need to understand our own cultural needs and our environment. The buildings of modern day Tinangol must embody this understanding, in order to retain a meaningful identity appropriate to the Rungus people.

“Without a complex knowledge of one’s place, and without the faithfulness to one’s place on which such knowledge depends, it is inevitable that the place will be used carelessly, and eventually destroyed.“ (Berry, 2007, p.39) Case Study 1 shows an aspiration present in Tinangol to progress and modernise, depart from traditional roots and become more western. However it does not embody an understanding of the culture of the Rungus people, or their environment. The challenge is, how can this aspiration for modernity be satisfied in a culturally appropriate way, that embodies an understanding of the people’s needs and their environment, and that doesn’t involve the active rejection of their own cultural roots?

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3.12 Tradition By Itself Phenomena 2 - the strengthening of traditional identity “Globalisation actually proliferates rather than destroys identities” (Tomlinson, 2007) Case Study 2 offers a glimpse into another phenomena occurring in Kampung Tinangol following the globalisation in modern times, one which is on the complete contrary to that happening with Case Study 1. Rather than being diminished, the traditional identity of the Rungus people is being revitalised and celebrated, and rather than a demise of the built heritage there has been an upsurge of interest in the indigenous Rungus longhouse vernacular. This strengthening of cultural identity is not commonly associated with globalisation, which is said to destroy all that is regionally unique, but it is in fact the globalisation phenomena of mass tourism that can be credited for this revival.

Tourism has been used as a business opportunity for host countries all over the world to draw money from the transportation, accommodation, occupation, engaging and satisfying of foreign visitors. With tourists wishing to temporarily escape from the normality of their daily lives to experience new people and places, there is competition amongst host countries to emphasise the unique and exotic of their own region and culture in an attractive and enticing way. This emphasising of the regionally unique has had the effect of strengthening regional identities, where the ‘sense’ or the image of a place, people or culture has been bolstered to create a preconceived image of that place in the visitor’s mind.

This regional identity is often captured through the historic and traditional aspects of that place, as highlighted by Tan Hock Beng; “to attract the ever-increasing number of tourists, entrepreneurs and tour operators often use traditions and heritage, both authentic and manufactured, for mass consumption.” (Beng, 2001, p.94) These traditions referred to are most often the local vernacular styles of architecture, where the traditional built form becomes the identity of that place.

Sabah has seen a huge increase in tourist arrivals in recent years, having increased dramatically from to 423,284 in 1998 to 2,875,761 in 2012 (Sabah Tourism, 2013). Tourists arriving in this developed part of Borneo are usually seeking to discover the excitement and adventure of the mysterious tropical island, its rainforests, its longhouses and its indigenous tribal cultures. Following the creation of cultural tourism many tourist developments have bloomed in Sabah, allowing easy access to tribal culture and experience as a day-trip from the luxuries and facilities of the modern city (such as the ‘Mari-Mari Cultural Village’ near Kota Kinabalu, where various different tribal cultures can be sampled in one themed park). In all of these tourist developments the traditional built form - most often the various styles of longhouse - are used to capture the Bornean tribal identity.

In Tinangol, this modern phenomena is visible in the replicating of traditional Rungus longhouse, seen clearly in Case Study 2. The building successfully captures the area’s tribal past; using natural materials sourced from the forest and employing traditional construction methods. It nestles picturesquely amidst thick jungle around the grounds of ‘Camp Tinangol’, and in the mist of the steamy tropical morning captures the essence of all that is exotic, exciting and mysterious about the island of Borneo.

A building which bolsters the traditional identity of the Rungus people amidst worries of cultural decline, is this modern architectural intervention sociologically appropriate for Tinangol?

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‘Authentic’ Rungus Culture Each tourist group to stay in the longhouse are - on the last night of their stay - treated to a cultural performance by local Rungus people in the longhouse corridor. The dance they perform, the ‘Mongigol Sumundai’ is a tribal tradition from the Kudat region of pre-colonial times. It is performed now exclusively for tourists and weddings, and the costumes seen below are only worn for these occasions. Is this traditional identity, which is so strong in the Kudat region and Tinangol, the true contemporary identity of the Rungus people? Does it represent how they see themselves in the 21st century?

fig.16

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An Authentic Rungus identity?

While the building does in fact strengthen the cultural identity of the Rungus people, the question is, is this an authentic representation of their contemporary identity in the 21st Century? The Rungus’ traditional heritage captured in the Camps International longhouse is from a different era, and this renewed interest in an old identity for purposes of tourism could be seen as act based on nostalgia and the romanticism of the Bornean tribal past, an attempt to revive an identity for tourism that is no longer relevant. This type of architecture is noted by many theorists, such as Paul Oliver; “Of course, there is a romantic interest in traditional buildings which is antiquarian, and sometimes, purely nostalgic. Vernacular architecture can offer shelter from the realities of the present, and encouragement to those who believe that life in past centuries was better than life today.”

(Oliver, 2006).

The building provides visitors with a glimpse into the exciting tribal history of Borneo, allowing them for a short while to live in an authentic, primitive, traditionally constructed longhouse in the jungle, a photogenic encounter with a lost or forgotten past with which they feel intimately engaged. However it is an intervention for the enjoyment of the tourists only, and not a representation of the Rungus’ 21st Century reality. The building does not reflect the modern Rungus people of Tinangol, who - as we can see from Case Study 1 - wish to progress into the future and leave behind the static identity imposed upon them as tribal Borneans. While the tourists don’t believe their experience is dislocated from the reality of the region they are visiting, (from conversing with many) it is the case with Case Study 2.

“When it comes to old monuments, the gap between the tourist zone and local culture can become as wide as the Grand Canyon”. - (Ockman, 2005) Replicating tradition This building also raises the question of whether it is appropriate to replicate tradition in the modern day. In Case Study 2 the vernacular architecture of the Rungus people has been given the status of unchanging through the replication of an indigenous style from long ago. Is it right to replicate the past, and make static what once part of a process of innovation and adaptation?

Vernacular traditions are necessarily adaptive, a dynamic process which continuously evolves to meet the changing needs, influences and conditions of that time and place. They are effectively a culture’s knowledge and understanding of its context and its environment, adapted over time through trial and error. The traditions disappear, grow, decline or survive depending on what is needed and what is appropriate; “Traditions are the carriers of cultural knowledge and the embodiment of a culture’s continual transformation. At its best, tradition is dynamic, a context in which growth and change are measured; at its worst, it is static, declaration of cultural difference.” - (Canizaro, 2007, p.22) If traditional buildings are denied their dynamic nature and conceived as distinct identities, then they become separated from the changing needs of the local people in the present day and lose relevancy.

Lewis Mumford was a theorist who wrote much about the topic of regionalism and the replication of traditional culture-forms. He was firmly against mimicking traditional forms in modern designs, claiming

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An alternative reading.

There is another reading of the tourist longhouse, in which the building is sociologically appropriate for the Rungus people. Cultural heritage is what the tourists want, and so the Rungus have decided to maintain this traditional identity through the longhouse as a way of bringing money to their village, providing them with the means to meet their development needs. The longhouse - although doing so through reference to the past - does fulfil the Rungus people’s present need for economic development, and is therefore an appropriate modern day intervention.

However if this is case, there is a need to ensure the development emphasises its own touristic and inauthentic nature. If the Rungus people themselves fall victim to the trap of thinking the tourist identity is authentic, then they may begin to feel part of the past, reinforcing the desire to become part of the modern present. This would possibly lead to more buildings like Case Study 1 through uncritical adoption of modernity. fig.17

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that for people in history those buildings “were intimately part of the whole structure of their life” (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2001, p.35), and that duplicating such buildings today - for aesthetic purposes - is meaningless and superficial.

Mumford wrote “There is no method of mechanically reproducing these forms or bringing them back to life; it is a piece of rank materialism to attempt to duplicate some earlier form, because of its delight for the eye, without realising how empty a form is without the life that once supported it”. (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2001, p.35) Conceived as distinct static entities, traditional buildings lose their meaning and relevancy to modern day needs, becoming disregarded in favour of modern designs. Understanding of the true nature of vernacular traditions - as dynamic, readjusting and re-appropriating principles still relevant today - is lost through this treatment. If vernacular traditions are to survive and influence modern design, then the notion of vernacular as static must be dispelled.

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Indigenous Longhouse

Case Study 3 - The Village Longhouse

Traditional interior

Village longhouse interior

Traditional stair entrance

Village longhouse stair entrance

The dynamicism of tradition and the vernacular is shown through Case Study 3; while some traditions remain due to their appropriateness to place and culture, others change dramatically with changing cultural influences, opportunities and desires. fig.18

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3.12 The Joining of Modernity and Tradition It is clear from the previous section that tradition by itself is not the right way to appropriate modern intervention as it doesn’t suit the living needs of the Rungus people from Tinangol today. Combining this conclusion with the discussion around Case Study 1 - where we saw that uncritical adoption of western design was also inappropriate - it is clear that neither modernity by itself nor tradition by itself is the appropriate solution to the modern day problem. So then what is the answer?

There is a branch of theory called ‘Critical Regionalism’ - a term coined by Lefaivre and Tzonis, though explored earlier by Lewis Mumford - that may offer the best approach. Critical regionalism proposes that regionalism is essential - it cannot be jettisoned - though this regionalist approach is somewhat different to that taken by Case Study 2; it says that instead of resorting to a romanticised replication of the past, traditions must be criticised, analysed and made relevant to the present and the opportunities of modernity. It is a route which emphasises creativity and problem solving, the constant adaptation of traditional design responses - principles which over time have evolved and are appropriate to the region - to the present day. To understand the opportunities and sense of this view we must first realise the nature of tradition as an evolutionary process, and not as a static aesthetic form, as with this view we can then begin to explore creatively and critically how to adopt principles of old design to our modern buildings. Recognising that traditions are continually evolving - and even were in pre-Colonial times would break the notion that vernacular design is irrelevant to the modern day, and confront the strong dialectic between tradition and modernity that exists in the modern day.

Mumford wrote “Our task is not to imitate the past, but to understand it, so that we may face the opportunity of our own day and deal with them in an equally creative spirit.” (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2001, p.35) The ability to critically develop cultural design responses to take advantage of modern day opportunities would solve the problems experienced in both Case Studies 1 and 2, and make modern architecture which is culturally relevant and respectful. Would this not be the true embodiment of cultural identity in the modern day? There is a need to bridge the gap between conflicting identities in Tinangol, and this creative approach to using traditional responses in modern buildings would make that connection between the polarities of the ‘tradition-modernity’ dialectic.

“Only if we recognise our tradition as a heritage that is continually evolving will we be able to find a balance between regional and international identities.” (Beng, 2001, p.93) This creative approach is not new in Tinangol, throughout history is has naturally guided the course of the vernacular architecture. Case Study 3, the village longhouse shows us how the indigenous responses to design have been adapted to opportunities of the present day.

The building draws from principles of the indigenous longhouse; its most obvious being the social organisation of space (public/private on either sides of a communal corridor), in its general form (the building proportions and nature of being raised above the ground on stilts), and its passive responses to climate. The materiality is also similar, and the aesthetic - although not in any way the same - reflects the more indigenous form. However opportunities of the present have been utilised to the greatest degree. Post- industrialised technology has been used in the industrially cut timber which constitutes most of the building, allowing greater choice, flexibility and predictability in dimensions and strength of materials, and removes the need for difficult foraging for materials in the nearby forests. The roof uses

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Case Study 4, the village longhouse combines traditional design responses to culture and context with modern, progressive materials.

For the upper storey the design makes use of traditions in design and construction, as well as local materials...

...while bio-composite concrete for the ground floor walls gives the building a more modern aesthetic.

fig.19

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corrugated metal - a cheap and easy material easily replaceable - which gives a more modern aesthetic to the form. Western ideas from Colonial influences have filtrated into the design, such as the grander entrance to allow greater ease of moving into and out of the building, giving the corridor a much more communal air as an indoor part of the village rather than a private closed-off corridor accessed by a narrow ladder. The private houses are also much bigger and have more private facilities for the families.

Where the indigenous longhouse would have an external toilet space - usually a whole in the ground and a communal cooking area, the houses in this building have their own toilets with drainage facilities and their own kitchens at the back of each property. Furthermore, where the indigenous longhouse had just a single room leaving the main space, the houses in this building have a living room, eating area and kitchen on the ground floor (defined by changing floor levels), and two bedrooms on the 1st floor level. The modern Rungus of that time must have had an desire for larger personal spaces and personal ownership - a natural result of exposure to western culture - and this longhouse adapts regional design to that new cultural need. Although some changes are not as successful or appropriate as others, the general approach within this building - one of creativity and adaptation of tradition to modern opportunities - responds very well to the cultural and contextual considerations of the time.

Case Study 4 - the village kindergarten - is another example of the critical adaptation of traditional design responses to the present. The upper storey is a reflection of the traditional Rungus longhouse design, both in materiality and in form, but below the ground floor walls have been built using a particular more sustainable mix of concrete - using coconut coir fibres from nearby coconut plantations instead of aggregate. These walls are non load-bearing to the need for strength tests over time, but they provide the users with a comfortable internal environment, and give a modern aesthetic to the building.

In this case the traditional design responses and culture forms have been combined with completely new technologies from the present. It is progressive and innovative, taking advantage of new ideas while fostering the connectedness to context and locality necessary for appropriate cultural intervention.

Minnette de Silva, an architect with a critical regionalist philosophy summarises this approach for appropriate cultural design; “As an architect I believe in building to suit living needs in a living way, utilising the most sustainable modern and progressive means at our disposal, and on adopting these sound and fundamental principles of building in the past, which are authentic today as before.” (Lefaivre & Tzonis, 2001, p.46) For critiquing interventions which affect cultural identity, it has been necessary to establish what cultural identity really is. Following on from Charles Correa’s statement that identity is a process and not a ‘found’ object, this study proposes that identity cannot be objectified and expressed in design, but to embody true cultural identity is to meet the people’s needs of the present through adapting principles of tradition to modern opportunity.

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Title

Sociologically Appropriate?

Reasons

CS1

The Western-style house

No

Uncritical adoption of western design, ignores cultural roots of Rungus and doesn’t reflect Rungus culture.

CS2

The Tourist Longhouse

No

Replicates tradition for tourists. Portrays an inauthentic identity of a past era, irrelevant today.

Makes tradition static and reinforces tradition/ modenity dialectic.

Yes

Provides income to the people to meet their development needs.

CS3

The Village Longhouse

Yes

Uses indigenous traditional knowledge from the vernacular and applies it to socio-cultural needs of the present, creating modern design which is sociologically relevant.

CS4

The Village Kindergarten

Yes

Uses indigenous traditional knowledge from the vernacular and applies it to socio-cultural needs of the present, creating modern design which is sociologically relevant. Makes use of progressive modern materials in an appropriate way.

fig.20 Table of Conclusions

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3.2 Case study analysis and conclusions From the discussion above we gained the following insights - Modernity by itself, or the uncritical adoption of western design in a village like Tinangol, is sociologically inappropriate. The rejection of traditional roots is inappropriate as it is based on a constructed tradition/modernity dialectic, which generally involves automatic preference for anything modern over anything traditional. Western -style buildings in the village are the result of desire for association with a modern identity, and the results do not reflect the culture of the Rungus people.

- Tradition by itself, the uncritical revival of indigenous designs from an era of the past, is sociologically inappropriate. The romanticising of traditional designs in a way that pleases tourists strengthens a traditional static identity of the Rungus people, and does not accurately reflect their contemporary culture or needs. While it captures a style that once did address contemporary socio-cultural issues, it is no longer relevant today. Denying the nature of vernacular traditions as a set of changing, adaptating and reappropriating principles, the building treats tradition as static and ‘of the past’, reinforcing the either-or ‘tradition - modernity’ dialectic that denies their potential for the future.

However other readings may say that due to its ability to attract tourists and bring money to the people, it is sociologically appropriate, although as long as the people recognise its touristic nature themselves.

- The joining of tradition and modernity, the adaptation of traditions to the socio-cultural needs of the present, is sociologically appropriate. The critical adoption of traditions makes use of the cultural knowledge developed over years regarding the culture and environment, while making the most of modern opportunities creates solutions most progressive and relevant to the modern day. ‘Critical regionalism’ is the approach needed for interventions which are appropriate to the culture and identity of the Rungus.

These are the conclusions reached about achieving sociologically appropriate architecture in a village such as Tinangol. The table opposite uses these to re-evaluate the case studies.

Taking into account the questions of appropriateness surrounding cultural identity this suggests that Case Studies 3 and 4 - the buildings which take middle ground in the tradition-modernity dialectic - are the most sociologically appropriate modern-day architectural interventions in Kampung Tinangol.

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Design guide for climatic control in Malaysia “In the humid tropics, the movement of air is the only available relief from climatic stress and is thus vital to indoor comfort.� (Yeang, 1987, p.81) A hot and humid climate, where air temperature is often the same as skin temperature and humidity is persistently lingers between 75 - 100%, the following principles need to be considered for climatic control in buildings in Malaysia.

1. There should be a great deal of natural ventilation to reduce temperature and humidity.

2. Block out any direct solar radiation to reduce heat transmission.

3. Avoid openings which allow glare to enter from the sky.

4. Building materials should have a low thermal mass, to prevent heat storage.

5. There should be complete protection from moisture permeation through rain.

(Yuan, 2013, p.79) These five principles will be used to determine the climatic responsiveness of the case studies.

Sabah, being between the Tropics, experiences sunlight from both South and North depending on the time of year. North and South sides should protect from high-angle sun, while East and West should block low-angle.

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fig.21

fig.22

Chapter 4

Environmental Appropriateness As well as sociological appropriateness we must also look at the environmental appropriateness of the intervention, for buildings must tread lightly on the environment to be ethical. How appropriate are these modern interventions for the local environment of Tinangol? Are they well-suited to the tropical climate, or may they be worsening the environmental problems of the present day?

The chapter will be structured in the following way,

4.1 - Case Study Analysis 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14

Case Study 1 Case Study 2 Case Study 3 Case Study 4

-

Climatic Performance/ Materials Climatic Performance/ Materials Climatic Performance/ Materials Climatic Performance/ Materials

4.2 - Case Study Conclusions 4.21 Tabled Analysis and conclusions 4.22 Discussion - Vernacular principles in modern design With countries such as Malaysia facing troubling environmental problems, sustainability in architecture is an ongoing debate more pertinent than ever. It is imperative that our buildings in the 21st century respond appropriately to the environment, and cause as little damage as possible to the planet and the natural environment. The recent arrival of globalisation in Malaysia has aroused many concerns about the appropriateness of the western architectural imports to a hot, humid tropical climate.

These worries are present in Tinangol, where as we discussed in the previous chapter concrete westernstyle houses have been erected in the environs of the village centre, with high embodied carbon and a high operational energy. With a vernacular longhouse heritage that was so well-adapted to the local climate and sustainable in its material form, what has happened to this indigenous knowledge of placeappropriate architecture today?

The case studies analysed in this dissertation vary in the degree to which they respond to the tropical climate of Borneo. With each taking a different position on the ‘tradition-modernity’ dialectic, the buildings exhibit a range of ability to passively regulate the climate, and hence they differ in their appropriateness to the region’s environment. Using the outcomes of analysis and a discussion alongside, Part 4 of this dissertation aims to evaluate which of the case studies are most environmentally appropriate for Kampung Tinangol.

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Air-tight and with glass window panes in every direction, the building does not pay much consideration for the heating ‘greenhouse’ effect of the Equatorial sun.

May- Sept

a.m Sept- May

p.m

Glare

Direct sunlight and strong glare allowed to enter at eye-level through west facing dormer windows. fig.23 50 - Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

4.1 - Case Study Analysis 4.11 - Case Study 1- the Western-style house Climatic Performance 1. Natural ventilation Case Study 1, the Western-style house, is essentially a sealed box; the walls meet the roof and the floor, and the windows are sealed with glass. This interior environment is not naturally ventilated and there is no air movement encouraged through the space. As this would get extremely hot and uncomfortable through lack of opportunity for air-flow, the space inside is cooled mechanically by an air-conditioning unit.

2. Block direct sunlight 3. Avoid glare The fenestration is not designed in a way appropriate to this tropical climate. Direct sunlight is allowed to enter through the windows which, trapped inside due to the glass panes, causes the build-up of heat inside. Glare from the sky is allowed into the space at eye-level, which can become extremely uncomfortable for the users.

4. Low thermal mass The building does not use materials with a low thermal mass; built of concrete the thick walls store huge amounts of heat during the day, which then is transmitted back into the house at night. This is highly inappropriate for the tropical climate, where heat gain must be avoided.

5. Protect from rain The building does provide shelter from the rain.

Appropriate Materials?

6. Source location The concrete walls used cement sourced from Kota Kinabalu, which together with the distance from the quarry in around 160km. Sand and aggregate were sourced from Matunggong 10km away by road.

7. Production Concrete - the cement from concrete has a high embodied energy in itself, and much carbon is released into the atmosphere in its creation.

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Air is drawn into the space through the slatted walls and floor, cooling down the interior.

a.m May- Sept

Sept- May

p.m Glare

Direct sunlight is blocked by the roof and strong glare is not allowed to enter at eye-level.

fig.24

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4.12 - Case Study 2- The Tourist Longhouse Climatic Performance 1. Natural ventilation Based on the vernacular longhouse design the building is raised on stilts, elevated to create a large space beneath. This space encourages the flow of air under the building, cooling the spaces above.

There is a convection current created inside the building; sunlight heats the air which escapes through holes in the roof, which then draws air through the slatted walls and floor and creates a breeze even on wind-less days.

2. Block direct sunlight, 3. Avoid glare The overhanging roof and slanted side walls are effective in the control of solar radiation; they prevent any direct sunlight from entering the building and heating the interior. The inside space is under-lit from the angled side walls (below eye-level), avoiding strong solar glare and allowing some relief from the brightness outside, a source of climatic stress. Glare is also lessened by the vegetation cover from surrounding trees.

4. Low thermal mass The roof, which receives the vast majority of direct sunlight onto the building is very lightweight in construction and has a low thermal mass. The Nipa palm panels don’t store any heat, and so prevent direct permeation from the sun through the roof. The rest of the building is also light-weight, built of timber with a bamboo floor, and neither of these materials allows the storage or conduction of heat into the building.

5. Protect from rain The building provides shelter from the rain through its huge roof with large overhangs. The large overhangs protect against even driving rain, and allow the side walls to be slatted for ventilation without the interior getting wet from the rain

Appropriate Materials?

6. Source location Using materials sourced from the nearby forest, this building has a minimal carbon footprint. Logs were carried by hand from the forest to the site, and there was no need for vehicle transportation.

7. Production There was no machinised production of materials, as all were sourced from the forest. The forest is classed as a Class III Domestic - for use by locals - and the timber used was from young, replenishable trees.

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Air is drawn into the space through the slatted walls and floor, cooling down the interior.

May- Sept

a.m Sept- May

p.m

Neither direct sunlight nor glare can enter the interior space, blocked by the low, overhanging roof. fig.25

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4.13 - Case Study 3 - The Village Longhouse Climatic Performance 1. Natural ventilation This building has very good natural ventilation. A large gap where the front wall meets the roof allows for hot air to escape, drawing currents of air through the main corridor and social space through the slatted floor and walls. While the added sections to the back of the property don’t have slatted floor and walls, the gaps in the roof joints allow air to be drawn through the house towards the corridor space at the front. The building is also - like the indigenous longhouse - raised on stilts, so that air currents underneath the building cool down the interior above.

2. Block direct sunlight 3. Avoid glare Direct sunlight and glare are well avoided in Case Study 3. Like the indigenous longhouse the roof overhangs shade the interior, and create low-level walls which capture light reflected from the ground and not the bright sky, lighting the space from below not eye-level. Vegetation surrounding the building also prevents glare.

4. Low thermal mass For the most part the building is constructed of timber, with some bamboo, which has a low thermal mass and does not allow heat to be conducted into the space. The roof material is thin corrugated metal, which does store some heat and also conducts heat through into the space. However, this heat rises and does not reach down into the main space to a great extent.

5. Protect from rain The roof of this building protects users from the rain, however the material of corrugated metal means that, when it does rain, a great deal of noise is created for the users inside. With bedrooms on the 1st floor near the roof, this could prove problematic for sleeping during the night.

Appropriate Materials?

6. Source location Case Study 3 is built largely of timber sourced from nearby forests, though first transported by vehicle to a factory, then to the supplier in Matunggong - 10km by road from Tinangol. Before this stage the timber was grown in a nearby Class III Domestic forest within the Kudat Peninsula.

7. Production The timber was first processed and cut at a factory before being sold, a process involving large-scale machinery with a high embodied and operational energy.

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Air is drawn into the space through the slatted walls, cooling down the interior.

May- Sept

a.m

Sept- May

Glare

p.m

Direct high-angle sunlight is deflected by the overhanging roof. Glare does enter the space through the slatted walls, though below eye-level.

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fig.26

4.14 - CS 4 - The Village Kindergarten Climatic Performance 1. Natural ventilation Inspired by the vernacular on the upper storey, the walls are slatted and allow air to circulate through the building. The lower floor is also - despite its strong sense of enclosure - open to the air, and natural ventilation can take place through the large slatted gap between the walls and the first floor platform.

2. Block direct sunlight 3. Avoid glare Direct sunlight and glare are both avoided in Case Study 4. The roof overhangs with slanted low-level walls on the 1st floor stop direct light from reaching the inside, and the openings are below eye-level to prevent strong glare from the sky. However due to its open aspect the interior is still very light. The ground floor does not allow much light to enter at all, as the concrete walls reach almost to the first floor platform and surround the building. Enough light enters for visibility, but glare is eliminated and a dark and cooler space is created on the ground floor.

4. Low thermal mass The roof of the building uses Nipa palm panels, which are very lightweight and have good insulation properties; allowing very little heat to pass through. The timber which constitutes the frame and the first floor also has good thermal insulation properties and doesn’t store heat. The ground floor makes use of concrete walls, a material which is automatically associated with high thermal mass and conduction of heat. However the concrete was not of the standard mix, but used coconut coir fibres instead of aggregate. The fibres were stripped from the inside of the coconut (on the outside of the shell), and constituted around half of the mass of the concrete mix (which was 3:2:5:10, lime:cement:sand:coconut fibres). The fibres give the mix very good thermal insulation properties, greatly reducing the heat stored compared to standard concrete, and preventing heat from moving inside the building.

5. Protect from rain The overhanging roof on the first floor stops rain from penetrating through the slatted walls. However during typhoons or stormy days the driving rain can enter the first floor.

Appropriate Materials?

6. Source location The timber for the kindergarten was sourced from the supplier at Matunggong, which had previously been transported there by vehicle from a nearby forest. The sand and aggregate for the concrete foundations were also sourced at Matunggong, although the cement was sourced from a Kota Kinabalu quarry, 160km by road. For the bio-composite walls the hydrated lime was sourced from Kota Kinabalu, while the coconut fibres were sourced from nearby coconut palms, harvested by hand. Coconut tree posts were sourced from nearby palm groves. The Nipa palm roof panels were also locally sourced.

7. Production The cement and lime for the Cococrete have a high embodied energy through production, though much less is used than in normal concrete. While cement produces CO2 in production, Lime absorbs it during the settling process. Many of the materials were sourced naturally (Nipa roof, coconut posts, first floor walls, coconut fibres), and had no additional embodied energy in production.

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‘Cococrete’ The ground floor walls were part of a research experiment into bio-composite concrete using coconuts, or ‘Coco-crete’ as it was named. Lime/natural fibre composite concrete walls were trialled, using different mixes of coconut fibres with lime, sand and cement. The fibres act like an aggregate, and are free and locally available. Arkitrek believe that bio-crete could help to counteract the environmental problems of embodied carbon and high energy consumption of air-conditioned concrete housing (Hall, 2012).

As well as good thermal insulation, the lime/natural fibre composite is a low carbon building material with good hygroscopic properties (ability to absorb moisture), helping to passively regulate the building’s internal environment. The bio-crete has a much lower embodied energy than standard concrete due to the lack of processing and transportation of aggregates that comes from using locally available fibres.

For walls which were not directly in the sun (only a few internal walls), mud bricks were used instead of Coco-crete. Mud-bricks were used because they were absolutely free of cost - made from earth, sand and water around the site - but could only be used out of direct sunlight due to their high thermal mass.

fig.27

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Appropriate Materials Below is a list of the materials used within the case studies, in descending order of embodied processing energy (before transportation). It is generally the materials sourced nearby in the environs of Tinangol that have the lowest embodied processing energy and CO2 emissions, as well as by nature having much less embodied energy in transportation

Materials

Sourced

Embodied Processing Energy/CO2

Cement

Kota Kinabalu from neaby quarry, c.160km vehicular transportation.

High, with high CO2 production.

Lime

Kota Kinabalu from neaby quarry, c.160km vehicular transportation.

Relatively high embodied energy through heating process, but around 20% less CO2 than cement due to lower temperatures. Also absorbs CO2 in curing process.

Supplier timber

Matunggong from Kudat area, c.40km vehicular transportation.

Medium - use of heavy machinery for processing and cutting timber.

Sand

Matunggong from Kota Kinabalu, c.40km vehicular transportation.

Medium - sand crushed and sieved by machinery.

Aggregate

Matunggong from Kota Kinabalu, c.160km vehicular transportation.

Low-Medium - same source as sand but less processing.

Forest timber

Tinangol from local domestic forest, c.2km by foot.

None, other than that from nature.

No machinery used.

Bamboo

Tinangol from local fields, c.1km. by foot.

None, other than that from nature.

No machinery used, stripped by hand.

Nipa Palm Panels

Tinangol from local palm trees, c. 0.5km. by foot.

None, other than that from nature.

No machinery used, panels made by hand.

Coconut fibres

Tinangol from local palm trees, c. 0.5km by foot.

None, other than that from nature.

No machinery used.

Embodied energy general statistics - (Greenspec, 2013). fig.28

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Case Study 1 The Western-style house (no principles from vernacular) Aspect 1. Ventilation 2. Direct sunlight 3. Solar glare 4. Low thermal mass 5. Rain protection

Environmentally Appropriate?

No. No. No. No. Yes.

Reason No passive ventilation, air-conditioned.

Direct sunlight allowed to enter.

Windows at eye-level, allows glare from sky to enter.

Concrete walls store and conduct heat.

Sealed building protects from the rain.

6. Source location

No.

All materials sourced from Kota Kinabalu, where they had already been sourced fom elsewhere. Great deal of vehicular transportation.

7. Production

No.

The cement of the concrete has a high embodied energy through production and releases much CO2.

Additional:

Case Study 1 - due to its lack of natural ventilation and its lack of protection from solar heat gain and glare - requires the use of air-conditioning to cool down the internal space. This has a high operational energy due to the huge heat build-up inside the space, and a high carbon-footprint.

Case Study 2 The Tourist longhouse (replication of vernacular) Aspect

Environmentally Appropriate?

Reason

1. Ventilation 2. Direct sunlight 3. Solar glare 4. Low thermal mass 5. Rain protection

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes.

Passive, underneath and through walls, floor and roof.

No direct sunlight allowed to enter Low-level walls and trees shield from sky-glare.

Lightweight construction and high thermal insulation.

Overhanging roof prevents even driving rain penetrating.

6. Source location

Yes.

All sourced from local forest and no vehicular transportation involved.

7. Production

Yes.

Natural materials, no machinery involved and therefore no additional embodied energy than that through nature.

fig.29

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4.2 - Case Study Conclusions 4.21

From the analysis we gained the following insights about the case studies; see figs.29 & 30.

Conclusions Title

Vernacular inspired?

Environmentally Appropriate?

CS 1

The Western-Style House

No vernacular principles

CS 4

The Village Kindergarten

Many Vernacular Principles Yes.

CS 3

The Village Longhouse

Many Vernacular Principles Yes.

CS 2

The Tourist Longhouse

Replication of vernacular

Increasing appropriateness

No.

Yes.

It would seem from this analysis, that the more the modern intervention was inspired or took principles from the indigenous vernacular, the more appropriate it was to the environment and the climatic conditions of Tinangol.

4.22 - Discussion Vernacular responses in modern design Analysis of the case studies prompted a question; if the vernacular responses are so well-suited to the climate - then should modern buildings not incorporate these traditional principles in order to be more environmentally appropriate? Vernacular design theorist Paul Oliver believes that this is the case; “We have much to gain as students and architects from the study of indigenous precedents and current practices.” (Oliver, 2006, p.15) Vernacular buildings are the source of a wisdom built up over the years, an indigenous knowledge about the local climatic conditions and how to respond appropriately to them through design. The indigenous vernacular responses of Tinangol - principles seen in the Rungus longhouse - have the ability to passively provide climatic comfort and shelter from the extremes of the tropical weather. These traditional sources have the potential to offer great guidance in the development of more appropriate - and environmentally sustainable - modern architecture,. They in themselves were sustained over centuries of change, adapting to modern influence without notable impact on the environment.

Why then is the vernacular rarely used in modern developments - as a set of design principles rather than aesthetics - to create more environmentally appropriate architecture? This links back to a previous discussion in Part 3 of this dissertation, where we discussed how the vernacular is widely seen as outof-date and irrelevant to the modern day, and while it is enjoyed as a picturesque style of the past it is viewed as static and unchangeable. The creation of this ‘tradition-modernity’ dialectic is preventing the discussion of using the vernacular for sustainable design from becoming realistic or sincere for many.

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Case Study 3 The Village Longhouse (many principles from vernacular) Aspect

Environmentally Appropriate?

Reason

1. Ventilation 2. Direct sunlight 3. Solar glare 4. Low thermal mass 5. Rain protection

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes Yes & No.

6. Source location

Yes.

Passive, underneath and through walls, floor and roof.

No direct sunlight allowed to enter Low-level walls and trees shield from sky-glare.

Heat is not stored or conducted, save for the roof.

Protects from rain but noisy and not conducive to comfortable internal environment.

All materials sourced from Matunggong, 10km away.

Timber sourced from nearby forests in the Kudat Peninsula.

7. Production

No.

Machinery required for processing and cutting of timber has a high embodied and operational energy.

Case Study 4 The Village kindergarten (many principles from vernacular) Aspect

Environmentally Appropriate?

1. Ventilation 2. Direct sunlight 3. Solar glare 4. Low thermal mass 5. Rain protection

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes Yes & No.

6. Source location

7. Production

Yes.

Reason Passive, through walls.

No direct sunlight allowed to enter Low-level walls shield from sky-glare.

Heat is not stored or conducted by walls or roof.

Protects from rain but on the first floor driving rain can enter due to the height of the slatted walls.

Many materials sourced from local area; Nipa roof, coconut posts, coconut fibres and first floor walls. All timber from Matunggong and nearby forests.

No.

The cement and lime used for the concrete was sourced from Kota Kinabalu, 139km away.

Yes.

Natural materials used have no additional embodied energy than that through nature.

No.

The cement of the concrete has a high embodied energy through production and releases CO2. fig.30

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Oliver below speaks of sustainability and the lack of regard for the possibilities vernacular design may bring; “Although it is a much used term in the discussion of the design of future, notably urban, environments, ‘sustainability; is seldom employed with any reference to the inheritance of the vernacular architecture traditions of the past and present”. (Oliver, 2006, p.420) This making static of the vernacular - or the ‘reifying’ of the vernacular - is therefore restricting understanding of the possibilities of using its adaptable principles in modern design.

As the analysis in this section of the dissertation has shown, the buildings which drew inspiration from the principles of the indigenous Rungus longhouse were the most suited to the environment, and provided the most successfully moderated internal environment for the users, while those that didn’t acknowledge vernacular responses were completely unsuited to the environment and were environmentally unsustainable.

While uncritically copying vernacular responses is not the answer - innovating equally or more appropriate modern responses is better - this study has shown that drawing from vernacular responses provides the basic lessons and solutions to attaining more environmentally appropriate and sustainable architecture. Oliver believes that it is the definite answer to the building needs of the future; “Vernacular traditions, recognised and encouraged, appropriately supported and serviced, augmented and complemented, may prove to be the only realistic and sustainable solution to the housing and building demands of the future, throughout much of the world.” (Oliver, 2006, p.424)

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Chapter 5

Conclusions Ethical Architectural Intervention in Tinangol Finding the most ethical approach to architectural intervention has taken two necessary routes of analysis, looking at the sociological and environmental appropriateness of existing modern buildings in Tinangol. Sometimes these have correlated with one another, while sometimes they have been in complete disagreement. While a definitive answer to the question of ethics would demand further investigation into the buildings and theories surrounding them, this study has given some insight into how to intervene appropriately in the context of modern day Tinangol.

5.1 - Key insights - The uncritical adoption of Western models of design creates buildings which do not respond appropriately to the environment and are unsustainable. Moreover they are sociologically inappropriate, reflecting cultural values of the west and not the socio-cultural needs of the local people today.

- The vernacular responses to design provide many valuable lessons which should be utilised in modern design to achieve environmentally appropriate architecture. However the vernacular should not be replicated for purposes of defining or reinforcing a regional identity, for this would be inauthentic and may create a conflict between the supposed static traditional identity and the aspired-to modern identity. Replication of tradition also masks the true nature of the vernacular - as dynamic principles which can be applied to modern design - resulting in a disregard and stigmatising of traditional architecture.

- However tourist architecture may be appropriate as a commercial enterprise, though as long as it is obviously touristic and inauthentic, a way to bring in money and not a true traditional identity to represent the Rungus people.

- Buildings which make use of local labour and craftsmanship, and aid in the sustaining of local livelihoods are more sociologically appropriate.

- The critical adaptation of vernacular responses to modern opportunity creates buildings which are an accurate reflection of the people’s contemporary culture, providing necessary cultural continuity while maintaining relevance to the needs of the present. These buildings, which adapt traditions to modern day opportunity, are also more environmentally sustainable than other modern counterparts.

In both sociological and environmental routes of analysis, the commonality surfaced that drawing influence from the vernacular was necessary for appropriate and ethical design. Whether this was due to the need for cultural continuity, a true understanding of cultural needs, or the embodied vernacular knowledge of climate and environment, a critical continuation of vernacular design was necessary for appropriate intervention.

However the routes of analysis differed with regards to modernity. Environmentally, it was shown that Case Study 2, the indigenous style building, was the most appropriate and most environmentally

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a.

Mari Mari Cultural Village near Kota Kinabalu takes this approach of overtly inauthentic touristification. It showcases five different tribal architectural styles and cultures within one village, and although it displays true historical heritage it doesn’t pretend that this identity is true today, or that the village is an authentic tribal settlement.

b.

Disneyland is a good example of extreme touristification of the vernacular, to the point where it loses seriousness and pretence of authenticity. The entrance to ‘Adventureland’ in Florida as seen above uses the Toraja vernacular of northern Sulawesi - an island east of Borneo - to depict a sense of adventure, excitement and exoticism. While the eclecticism and lack of context within Disneyland does make it quite superficial compared to Tinangol, it is an approach to the vernacular which - through not striving for authenticity - may help to break negative identity attachments to a static traditional identiy in the Rungus community. fig.31 66 - Culture, Environment and Architectural Ethics: Tinangol, Borneo

sustainable intervention. However, this same intervention was shown to be highly inappropriate sociologically, an inauthentic replication of the past and unresponsive to the contemporary reality and needs of the present Rungus community. It became obvious that the design which met the modern socio-cultural needs and desires of the people was more sociologically appropriate than a building of the past.

To balance the sociological and environmental viewpoints on modernity, what has surfaced in this study is an understanding that the vernacular and modern must be combined; that design must be progressive and current, but use design principles from earlier vernacular buildings. Widening the understanding of the intrinsic possibilities of vernacular architecture to achieve sociologically and environmentally appropriate modern buildings is needed, if we are to de-reify the vernacular as a static concept and begin using it to create sustainable architecture in indigenous villages such as Tinangol in modern times.

5.2 - A Possible Way Forward However, even if this understanding of vernacular’s potential were to be spread, the notion that the vernacular is static and unchanging would still be difficult to dissolve; it is highly unlikely - due to the thriving tourist industry - that traditional built heritage will be spared this replication for commercial purposes. One possibility would be to paradoxically make the reified vernacular even more touristic, static and obviously inauthentic. This way, as has happened in Mari Mari Cultural Village, the exaggerated traditional identity is not taken as a representation of the truth or authenticity, but instead is understood as a purposefully constructed tourist attraction by both locals and tourists. The static vernacular is retained and made into something of a Disneyland, a non-serious place created for enjoyment and economic benefit, not striving to be seen as authentic or as a true local identity.

A perhaps controversial conclusion, and in spite of claims that overtly tourist architecture is falsifying the vernacular, destroying authenticity, and resulting in a “cultural Chernobyl� (Berger, 2002, p.2), this dissertation proposes that tourist architecture cannot be ended, and that emphasising its touristic nature may be the way to actually de-reify the notion that the static vernacular is the authentic vernacular. With a knowledge of its make-believe nature, and feeling less attached to a static traditional identity, this may allow the Rungus people a more receptive attitude towards the true vernacular principles, and give them scope to realise the potential of tradition to create sociologically appropriate, sustainable modern buildings.

5.3 - Reflection Reflection on Limitations There have been some limitations imposed upon this dissertation, largely due to the distance between the field and place of study. To allow a more empirical analysis of sociological appropriateness I would like to spend more time with the Rungus people themselves, looking at how they use the buildings, how well the buildings accommodate their activities, and through conversation gain greater insight into how they affect or are affected by identities and aspirations. However, the analysis and discussion throughout this dissertation - based on thorough reading, analysis and field observation - have provided some valuable insights into such issues, and have defined a starting point from which more in-depth analysis and investigation could be taken forward on a second trip to the village of Kampung Tinangol.

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Images fig. 1

Ian Hall, Director of Arkitrek.

fig. 2

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fig. 3

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fig. 19

Ian Hall, Director of Arkitrek.

fig. 21

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fig. 31 a.

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b.

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