Lewis Kelly Marcus Rothnie ATR Generic Report
Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
[Contents] 1.0 [Introduction] 2.0 [Social Context] - The Caste System 2.1 What is Caste and where did it originate? 2.2 How is Caste linked to water? 3.0 [Physical Context] 4.0 [Scales of Water Management] 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4
[Dams] [Village scale] [Individual Property Scale] [Case Study Summary]
5.0 [Reflective Thoughts] 5.1 The Rural Village Condition 5.2 The Urban Condition 6.0 [The Edge Condition] 7.0 [Bibliography] 8.0 [List of Figures]
fig. 1 Water wheel (Noria) and aqueduct at Hama
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
1.0 [Introduction] “Water is the brutal delineator of social power which has at various times worked to either foster greater urban cohesion or generate new forms of political conflict.� (Gandy, 2008) Water has always historically held a position as grand connector between urban infrastructure and citizens rights. Ever since the earliest democratic forms of governance, it has realised its status as the scalespanning subject for municipal managerialism and urban cohesion, most easily realised through the cleanliness aspirations of the bacteriological city infrastructures. It seems water plays an interesting role both as the basis for historical social setups and as an indicator of prosperity. On the other hand, given the basic tribal psychology individuals are encumbered with, people feel a sense of community within their group and perceive antagonisms with outsiders (Bros and Couttenier, 2010). It is therefore safe to assume social antagonism impairs the pervasive provision of any public service. Water infrastructures and the nuances of social setups are traditionally intertwined. This report sets out to explore how this rapport can be successfully managed under the assumption that any water management system strives for ubiquitous provision.
fig. 2 Building a large vitrified pipe sewer system, New York
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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Lewis Kelly Marcus RothnieMarcus Lewis Rothnie Kelly
2.0 [Social Context] In order to explore this idea in more detail we chose to select Indian society as our general context, where organised social inequality and segregation in the ‘caste’ system is innately tied to water infrastructures. 2.1 What is Caste and where did it originate? The caste system is a traditionally rooted hierarchy present in India’s society, which corresponds to the trades and occupations of those subsumed by it. An individual’s position on the hierarchical ladder is acquired hereditarily, and the family’s caste remains the same through generations. The system has existed for around 2 millennia - first defined by the Hindu text ‘Rig Veda’ as a suitable way of stratifying the population - and despite being outlawed by the government in recent years it continues to persist in modern society. A deeply-rooted tradition, it perhaps survives due to several factors; endorsement by religion, its ability to maintain social order under the control of an oligarchy, and socioeconomic rules which ensure its continuation. Caste has structured Indian society around the premise of inequity, described by one observer as “the most thoroughgoing attempt in human history to introduce absolute inequality as the guiding principle in social relations.” (Hays, 2009)
fig. 3 Caste System in India
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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There are four main castes; - Brahmins, - Kshatryas, - Vaisyas, - Sudras. The Brahmins have the highest status in society, filling occupations such as priests and teachers, while the Sudras represent the lowest level on the hierarchy with occupations such as servants and manual labourers. The Dalits are a social strata below even the Sudras, considered unworthy of inclusion in the caste system itself. These are further sub-divided in accordance with specific occupations, numbering the castes in the thousands (Joshi & Fawcett, 2006). fig. 4 Caste Hierarchies
fig. 5 India’s Traditional Corporate Ladder
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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2.2 How is caste linked to water? In Hinduism water is sacred, a medium through which an individual can be purified and cleansed of their sins. The human body is believed to carry a certain inherent level of pollution, however the relative level of an individual’s purity is rated in accordance with their position within the caste system. Brahmins unequivocally are the purest, while the Sudras and Dalits are the greatest ‘pollutants’, “as a result of the defiling activities they have been socially obliged to engage in” (Joshi & Fawcett, 2006). If a member of a high caste comes into contact with someone of a low caste, they must spiritually purify themselves through ritual bathing. Water is also said to transmit the pollution of a lower caste member to a higher caste member, and due to this belief there is a deliberate separation of water sources and bathing areas for different castes across the country. There is a fundamental tie between water, religion and social hierarchy in India, and conditions of water usage have become a key signifier of caste purity and symbol of caste statuses and relationships to one another (Joshi & Fawcett, 2006). As is quoted below: “Access to water and water bodies is one of the most concrete ways in which caste ideology is operationalised.” (Routray, 2007, p.736)
fig. 6 Indian Kumbha Mela in Allahabad
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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3.0 [Physical Context] For this study we were keen to keep climate as a non-variable for an easier cross-comparison of the specific influences of social hierarchies. We will focus predominantly on semi-arid areas within Western India, primarily Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and the Deccan Traps inland from the Western Ghats Mountain range.This area has been deliberately chosen as a climate of strain which applies discomfort on the rural economy. Receiving typical monsoon seasonal rainfall patterns, this area is inherently unfair and so is a location where the extreme nature of water scarcity means that the associated problems with water provision are polarised, simplifying our identification of the specific influences of social constructs.
fig. 7 Deccan flood basalts and location of the associated carbonatites, lamprophyres, alkaline rocks and kimberlites.
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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Generic Study
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4.0 [Scales of Water Management] To explore the relations between water infrastructure and social hierarchy we look at case studies on three different scales; - [Dams] - [Village Scale] - [Singular House Scale]
4.1 [Dams] The governmental stance on dam projects is most succinctly defined by India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Nehru who described them as “... secular temples of modern India.”(Polkowske, 2007) Dams have been generally encouraged by India’s elite ruling castes and government who favour such modernisation projects and assimilation with western technology. The value of dam projects should not be underestimated. For the most part they are a much-needed resource within the areas of agriculture, economy, irrigation, electricity generation, industrial development and so on. Their social considerations involve disadvantaged dam opponents who generally consist of subsistence farmers, lower castes and local adivasi tribes who are dislocated from fertile lands by created reservoirs. “The problems [of] development-induced displacement and consequent aggravation of an already skewed social structure are massive.”(Basak, 2009)
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
fig. 8 Pandit Shri Jawaharlal Nehru
fig. 9 Kadana Dam, Kheda
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The biggest dam projects within our area occur in the Narmada basin where over 30 large scale hydroelectric dams have been built to exploit the water source for use within nearby Mumbai. Reading through government documents about this series of infrastructures, their topdown attitude in startlingly. Locating and directing these dams has become the sole responsibility of engineers and technical experts with little input from anthropologists. Here, social aggregation from dislocation has begun to affect inherent social structures, with displaced men moving to cities to find work and women receiving more hostility and discrimination from upper-caste host communities who are unhappy with the sudden influx of untouchable refugees. These projects do not take into account any spiritual, historical or emotional ties to land nor the struggle of caste assimilation. Instead, they are completed and written about in an emotionally cold way where the elitist ruling castes perceive lower castes as backwards, unworthy and anti-progress who are unable to negotiate. “Yes, the conflict revolves around the building of dams, but the oppression felt by lower-powered caste from the higher-powered upper Hindu caste and government is where the true struggle exists.� (Polkowske, 2007)
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
fig. 10 Hydro Meterological Observation Stations Map
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This particular case study is exceptional because it has garnered the attention of several NGOs which have founded Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement). This is noteworthy because it educated lower caste Indians, particularly women, on the antidemocratic nature of dam projects and has resulted in women breaking caste molds to be part of resistance movements without traditional male consent. Here it seems, the ubiquity of water provision is beginning to transcend caste boundaries.
fig. 11 Narmada Bachao Andolan poster
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
fig. 12 Jeevanshala
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The vast majority of other dam projects also follow this trend. For example the Surya Dam in Maharashtra was built in the name of local tribes, but went on to serve Mumbai. The Upper Krishna Irrigation Project became a failure in spite of its more considered relocation and compensation scheme because the displaced Lingayats and Kurbars could reinvest compensation money in land purchase and real estate, making the most of their position as project affected persons, whereas low caste Dalits were pushed into migrant labour and construction work. Despite best efforts, displacement still aggravated poverty. Another example is the Kadana dam which was built to quench the thirst of the industrial tobacco-growing area of the Kheda district. It flooded the natural flood plains relied upon by the local scheduled castes, with the majority of those displaced now living poorer lives as migrant labourers on irrigated farms and nearby industrial towns. There are several other examples that continue this trend of social division, even within those being displaced, exacerbating the inequality between the rich and poor.
fig. 13 Surya Dam, Maharashtra
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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Marcus Rothnie
4.2 [Village Scale] Water systems on the village scale show us how integrally tied social hierarchy is to the planning, management and use of rural water sources in India. Community wells can be found in most villages across the states of Rajasthan and Gujarat, yet despite their potential as public spaces for fostering social cohesion, the management traditions surrounding such wells have actively promoted segregation. Traditionally village committees of water management have comprised senior high-caste males, who would plan and manage the wells, and establish rules surrounding their usage. Even from the outset a sense of inclusion & exclusion would be created; location planning of the water sources would always ensure higher castes had greater privileges and advantages over the lower castes; “a source intended for the upper/dominant castes is located not only at a site that is physically convenient but also largely in use by these castes alone.” (Singh, 2006, p.8) It would be ensured that the sources for lower castes were outside the village grounds, so as not to ‘pollute’ sources for higher castes. The committee would also impose ‘entry and exit rules’ upon the village wells, entirely based on caste hierarchies. Access to sacred sources - for religious purposes - would be reserved for the upper castes only (Brahmins), common community water sources for the upper/ middle level castes, while the lowest castes would have no access at all (Singh, 2006, p.8). This tradition can be still observed today. “The scheduled caste groups have different bathing spaces in the tanks and are still not allowed access to communal water bodies like communal wells or tube wells” (Routray, 2007, p.736)
fig. 14 Chand Baori Abhaneri India
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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{Case Study} - Chand Baori step well, Abhaneri, Rajasthan The step well in Abhaneri is an example of one such village-scale water source, designed to cope the stark seasonal fluctuations in rainfall through its multilayered stairways, permitting access to the water whatever depth it may be. Built between 800 and 900 AD, the well was a place for the middle to upper castes to collect water and acted as a public space for social congregation. Such an important amenity in the village, historical management rules would exclude the lower castes from its use, forcing them to collect water from sources outwith the village bounds (fig.16) (Discoveringstone, 2008).
fig. 15 Chand Baori
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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Marcus Rothnie
fig. 16 Burdened Under: Dalit Women
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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Generic Study
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4.3 [Singular House Scale] Social hierarchy in India can also be seen through the water politics of the singular house scale. Tubewells in villages across Gujarat - despite being owned by individuals - are part of large nexuses of politics and economics which cover wider localities and which, unsurprisingly, favour the higher castes.
{Case Study} - Virsad village, Gujarat The tubewell in Gujarat was invented following a severe drought in 1899, which lowered the water table and rendered traditional harvesting devices unusable. Tubewells were a way of digging deeper from the bottom of existing wells, and required a pump to assist in the lifting of water over such a depth. These pumps were expensive, and so became solely available to the wealthier higher castes (Hardiman, 2007). A realisation that the higher castes had a monopoly over groundwater harvesting led to the commodification of water, exploiting the groundwater to sell to those who had less or no access. “Those who have sufficient resources construct deep tubewells with submersible pumps to sell water to their neighbours.� (Hardiman, 2007, p.40) fig. 17
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Virsad Village
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Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
This resulted in a ‘tragedy of the commons’, whereby the uncontrolled exploitation of this groundwater resource led to its further degradation. The water table dropped significantly, giving the richest families with the deepest wells economic hegemony over the area, benefiting from the wider water scarcity. With lower castes forced to buy water from these wealthier, higher castes, the high castes were able to exercise control over who recieved the water and when. In Virsad Village the highest caste group were the ‘Amins’, an elite descended from the Leva Patidars. By the end of the 20th Century they owned most of the village pumps and so had a monopoly over water. They sold it to the rest of the community, though gave the highcaste ‘Patels’ precedence over the lower caste groups, ensuring that when it came to water for agriculture the Patels had supply when they needed it and the lower castes didn’t, as voiced below; “The Patels, they complained, always had priority of access to water from the wells owned by the Amins. As a result, their cash-crops were always inferior to those grown by the Patels.” (Hardiman, 2007, p.49) This economic advantage meant that disparities of wealth between castes were worsened; while highcastes would climb the business ladder, lower castes would be helpless to improve their quality of living.
fig. 18 Mapping Aquifers
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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Generic Study
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Marcus Rothnie
Moreover, even when the lower castes did have enough capital to construct a tubewell, the higher castes would ensure that they couldn’t progress economically through refusing to purchase their water. In the Vankar community of Dalits in Virsad this was the case; the Patels would not buy their water based on the premise that it was ‘polluted’ (Hardiman, 2007, p.49). The economic inequality has implications for the future; when the water finally disappears - or becomes too salty the rich higher castes will be able to relocate their wealth into other businesses, while the low castes will have to stay on the land and suffer the associated struggles or move to urban slums. In this particular scale, the politics of water distribution and management have caused a vast divide between rich and poor, high caste and low.
fig. 19 Water Collection from an Open Dug Well
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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Generic Study
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4.4 [Case Studies Summary] All of these examples illustrate both the existence and influence of social hierarchy across a variety of scales and within both urban and rural contexts. What they describe is an incumbent pervasiveness within all these systems of the tragedy of the commons. Exploitation of the lower castes at the hands of the ruling castes. We ask the question, where can progress be made? Where can India look for progressive solutions to water access given the assumption that it strives for blanket water provision. To do this we will now focus our thoughts on two seemingly antipodal conditions in India, the traditional village and the megacity.
fig. 20 The two sides of India
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
5.0 [Reflective Thoughts] 5.1 [The Rural Village Condition] In the rural villages of north-west India,water management traditions have resulted in social segregation and inequality. Beliefs in the caste hierarchies and the Hindu ideas of purity and pollution have led to a mal-treatment of the lower classes of society, whereby divisions and priorities in the water management system have resulted in isolation and disempowerment of those considered ‘impure’. The fact that, despite the out-ruling of the caste system by government the traditions have continued unchallenged and unquestioned, shows their tenacity and their deeplyrooted nature in the cultural psyche of Indian society. With the phenomena of globalisation bringing freer metropolitan values to India this may change in years to come, though it may take many generations before the systems, apparatuses and social tendencies present in traditional villages begin to relax and allow social equality in the provision of water.
fig. 21 Thirst for Water,WEF India
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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Marcus Rothnie
5.2 [The Urban Condition] If in the rural village traditional politics are valued higher than and overcomes economic rationality then the opposite can be said to be true in cities. This city as a system is as equally a failure. For proof of that you need look no further than the slum; the epitome of city deconstruction and deurbanisation. It represents an inability of the city to keep up with its own rapid industrialisation. Arguably, the city is best equipped with the provisions to break down the traditional social hierarchies of caste division through its incumbent liberalism and metropolitanism but the evident squalor of the slums prove the city condition is unable to sustain its own magnetic effect on the rural populace. The city system is as equally an unreliable and unsustainable water-providing environment.
fig. 22 Dharavi Slum, Mumbai
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
6.0 [The Edge Condition] We say that it is neither in the traditional communities of rural areas not the industrial consumerist centres that progressive opportunities can be found but rather within the physical and political middle ground; newly established communities on the urban fringe. Its a simple psychological issue. People are more willing to share water in places with fewer social divisions, and those divisions are only exacerbated by water’s corruptibility at either extreme. Neither social dynamics of the city or the rural village are appropriate as it is the community scale that these rigid structures can be broken down most easily. Neither of the extreme alternatives of scale offer a setting in which the particular restricting boundaries of social dynamics can potentially be overcome. We tentatively conclude with a proposal of an ‘indigenous modernity’ as a route to which rigid caste structures surrounding water control are best broken down and where metropolitan values can override traditional social structures. The protests surrounding the Narmada dam project would not have come about without the injection of metropolitan values the NGOs provided. This geopolitical middle ground offers a situation close enough to be liberally influenced by cities, but far enough away to establish cohesive inter-caste communities for the provision of water. fig. 22 Dr Barbarit Singh advises farmers on water management techniques
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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{Case Study} Savda Ghevra - the beginnings of an ‘indigenous modernity.’ Savda Ghevra is a slum resettlement colony, which beginning in 2005 took a cross-section of people from the inner Delhi slums and transported them to the city outskirts. Savda Ghevra is within Delhi Metropolitan Area, however it is peripheral to the extent that its location in fact lies in the neighbouring rural state of Haryana. It is the extreme ‘edge condition’ of India’s globalised capital city (MHT, 2011). Water sourcing in the colony is through a community tank, which is accessible to everyone and all inhabitants have equal rights to the water. (King, 2013). There is a communal wastewater system which connects houses together regardless of the inhabitants’ caste, and each family has the same level of access. Furthermore, this system is not managed by an oligarchy of high-caste males (as would be found in traditional villages), but in fact a female from every household involved takes on partial responsibility, not only breaking down gender inequality but involving a cross-section of society with no relation to caste hierarchies (King, 2013). It seems that the traditional caste inequalities are levelled or weakened within this setting; a semi-rural settlement imbued with the metropolitan values of a globalised city.
fig. 24 Patchwork of Housing Types
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
7.0 [Bibliography] Books Donald W. Attwood, 2007. Small is Deadly, Big is Wasteful, in: Waterscapes - The Cultural Politics of a Natural Resource. Himalayana, Ranikhet, Uttaranchal, pp. 11–39. Anindita Basak, 2009. Environmental Studies. Dorling Kindersley, India. David Hardiman, 2007. The Politics of Water Scarcity in Gujarat, in: Waterscapes - The Cultural Politics of a Natural Resource. Himalayana, Ranikhet, Uttaranchal. Sanjeev Khagram, 2004. Dams and Development: Transnational struggles for water and power. Cornell University Press. Ithica, New York. John Leslie, 2005. Deep Water: The epic struggle over dams, displaced people and the environment. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. New York. Anjal Prakash, 2005. The Dark Zone- Groundwater Irrigation, Politics and Social Power in North Gujarat. Orient Longman, New Delhi.
Articles/ Papers Banerjee, Iyer and Somanathan, 2010. History, Social Divisions and Public Goods in Rural India. Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. 3 Issue 2-3. 639-647 Bros and Couttenier, 2010. Is Blood Thicker than Water? Untouchability and Public Infrastructure. Maison des Sciences Economiques. Paris. Ernst & Young Pvt. Ltd. 2011. Water sector in India: Emerging Investment Opportunities 2011. India. William Fisher, (1995). Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley. Towards sustainable development? Struggling over India’s Narmada River. Armonk, New York. 3-46. Michael Gandy, 2008. Landscape of disaster: water, modernity and urban fragmentation in Mumbai. Environment and Planning A 40(1), 108-130 Government of India Planning Commission, 2012. Dams, Displacement, Policy and Law in India. New Delhi, India.
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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Caroline Hadley, 2008. Form follows Function: Stone step wells are a prime example of Indian medieval architecture. Deepa Joshi, Ben Fawcett, 2006. Water, Hindu Mythology and an Unequal Social Order in India. A History of Water 3, 119–36. Mahila housing SEWA Trust, 2011. Rethinking Resettlement Colonies - Savda Ghevra. Sunita Narain, 2006. Community-led Alternatives to Water Management: India Case Study. UNDP Human Development Report 2006. Amrita Patwardhan, 2008. Dams and Tribal People of India. World Commission on Dams (WCD). Berkeley, California. Fred Pearce, 2012. Beyond Big Dams: Turning to Grass Roots Solutions on Water, Environment 360.Yale. Stacy Polkowske, 2007. Dam Development Generates Intercultural Conflict in India. Professional Science Master’s Program 2008.Yale. Nandita Singh, 2006. Water management traditions in rural India:Valuing the unvalued. Sailen Routray, 2007. Social Dynamics of Water Management: Tradition and Change. Presented at the The 4th Asian Regional Conference & 10th International Seminar on Participatory Irrigation Management, Tehran, Iran.
Websites Jeffrey Hays, Hindu Caste System, Rules, Purity and Identity - World Topics | Facts and Details [WWW Document], n.d. URL http://factsanddetails.com/world.php?itemid=1341 (accessed 10.13.13).
Lectures Julia King, 2013. Incremental Urbanism.
Personal Communication Julia King, 2013. Savda Ghevra and Water systems.
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
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Generic Study
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8.0 [List of Figures] fig.1. Macdonald, G.M. (2008) Water wheel (Noria) and aqueduct at Hama [Photograph] At: http://gmmacdonald.wordpress.com/page/2/ fig.2 Building a large vitrified pipe sewer system, New York [Photograph] At: http://thisdayinwaterhistory.files.wordpress.com/2013/08/0809-large-vitrified-pipe-sewer.jpg fig.3. Caste System in India [Photogaph] At: http://motsaidant.blogspot.co.uk/2011/09/sociology-5-caste-system-in-india.html fig.4. Caste Hierarchies [Diagram] At: http://pandavchronicles.blogspot.co.uk/2012/09/the-model-student-myth-in-asian.html fig.5. India’s Traditional Corporate Ladder [Diagram] At: http://ccsc-india2011.wikispaces.com/Indian+Society+%26+the+Caste+System fig.6. Indian Kumbha Mela in Allahabad [Photograph] At: http://www.dw.de/kumbh-mela-festival-begins-in-india/a-16518998 fig.7. Deccan flood basalts and location of the study [Map] At: http://www.largeigneousprovinces.org/sites/default/files/2010Mar-fig-1a.jpg fig.8. Pandit Shri Jawaharlal Nehru [Photograph] At: http://archives.dailynews.lk/2011/11/14/fea03.asp fig.9. Kadana Dam, Kheda [Photograph] At: http://photos.wikimapia.org/p/00/02/69/64/45_full.jpg fig.10. Hydro Meterological Observation Stations Map [Map] At: http://india-wris.nrsc.gov.in/wrpinfo/index.php?title=Narmada fig.11. Narmada Bachao Andolan poster [Poster] At: http://pioneerspress.com/catalog/posters-postcards/2739/ fig.12. Jeevanshala [Photograph] At: http://aidindia.org/main/content/view/176/74/ fig.13 Surya Dam [Photograph] At: http://desipedia.desibantu.com/files/2012/12/Srisailam-dam-with-gates-open-2.jpg fig.14. Chand Baori Abhaneri India [Photograph] At: http://www.shkabaj.tk/wallpaper/?page=1&ipp=All&id=292
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
Architectural Technology Research
ARCH11075
Generic Study
Lewis Kelly
Marcus Rothnie
fig.15. Chand Baori [Photograph] At: http://zanimljivostidana.com/zanimljivosti/1417-chand-baori-u-indiji-je-najdublji-bunar-na-svetu.html fig.16. Burdened Under: Dalit Women [Photograph] At: http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/dalit-women-at-the-receiving-end/article3934877.ece fig. 17. Gujarat Map [Map] At: http://slowbuddha.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/Gujarat_map_with_Gir_Nat_Park.png fig.18. Mapping Aquifers [Photograph] At: http://www.livemint.com/Page/Id/2.0.2704218185 fig.19. Water Collection from an Open Dug Well [Photograph] At: http://users.physics.harvard.edu/~wilson/arsenic/conferences/Feroze_Ahmed/Sec_3. htm fig.20. The two sides of India [Photograph] At: http://i.imgur.com/jztMkNj.jpg fig.21. Thirst for water,WEF India [Photograph] At: http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2010/11/15/wef-india-thirst-for-water/#axzz2iFsqpo9Z fig.22. Dharavi Slum, Mumbai [Photograph] At: http://kumu.poff.ee/uploads/product/cache_/02482d745a9bc7d192b6126ce990c35df3ce4ef1.jpg fig.23. Dr Barbarit Singh advises farmers on water management techniques [Photograph] At: http://farm4.staticflickr.com/3129/5785090179_ e07773fe71_o.jpg fig.24. Julia King. (2012) Patchwork of Housing Types [Photograph] http://incrementalcity.wordpress.com/2012/09/18/unthinking-housing-for-the-urban-poor/
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Hydro-Political India: In search of a Social Equality
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