Immigrant muslim female triple paralysis

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Anya Hart Dyke and Lucy James

Quilliam is the world’s first counter-extremism think tank. Located in London, our founders are former leading ideologues of UK-based extremist Islamist organizations. Quilliam aims to generate new thinking through informed and inclusive discussion to counter the Islamist ideology behind terrorism, whilst simultaneously providing evidence-based recommendations to governments for related policy measures. Our strategic communications work involves research projects, public events, specialist roundtables and media campaigns to empower civil society to work towards improved community cohesion, Muslim integration through respect for scriptural diversity, and encouragement of political pluralism.

For further information contact: Quilliam Email: information@quilliamfoundation.org Tel: +44 (0)207 182 7280 www.quilliamfoundation.org

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Quilliam, July 2009 © Quilliam 2009 – All rights reserved

ISBN nu mb er: 978-1-906603-07-6

Disclaimer: The views of individuals and organizations used in this report do not

necessarily reflect those of Quilliam.

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements This survey would not have been possible without the hard work of those researchers

who conducted the telephone poll: Mevish Awan, Anshua Ghosh, Rabia Khatun, Shahneela Shehereen and Romana Tabassum. We also want to thank Sabera Ahsan,

Parvin Ali, Samina Hussain, Tehmina Kazi and Tulip Siddiq for their invaluable input

into our research. And thank you to all the colleges and the following organizations, for taking the time to talk with us: All Women’s Centre (Luton)

Amina - Muslim Women’s Resource Centre (Glasgow) An-Nisa Muslim Women’s Group (Slough)

Birmingham Asian Resource Centre (Birmingham)

The British Asian Muslim Association (Birmingham) British Asian Women’s Organization (Birmingham)

Community Multi Services (Slough)

The Creative Muslim Network (Luton)

Enterprise4all (Blackburn)

Faith Associates, The Muslimah Women’s Project (High Wycombe)

The Islamic Men and Women’s Association (Bradford) The Muath Trust (Birmingham)

Prowess (London)

Tower Hamlets College (London) Trescom (Bradford)

Women’s Business Centre (London)

Finally, we’d like to thank the 634 women who took the time to help us undertake this survey, without whom we would not have been able to conduct this research.

1

Contents

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Contents Glossary

3

Executive Summary

5

4

Foreword

7

Introduction

12

Methodology

Chapter 1 Significant findings

Chapter 2 Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage Prevailing stereotypes

16

24

24

25

Marriage patterns

28

Domestic responsibilities

30

Formal childcare

33

Increasing uptake

Financial constraints

Chapter 3 Improving skills and building confidence: women as role models Demand for English

34

38

38

42

Access to ESOL

44

Reaching learners

Path to employment

Chapter 4 A two-pronged approach: engagement and exposure Engagement

47

49

49

52

Courses and mentoring

55

Work experience

57

Recruitment practices

63

Conclusion

65

Recommendations References

Appendix A — Profiles of the Six Areas Surveyed Appendix B — Survey Questions and Answers

2

71

79

80

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Glossary

Glossary BIS

Department for Business, Innovation and Skills

CSR

Corporate Social Responsibility

DAG

Diversity Action Group

BME

BNP

Black and Minority Ethnic

British National Party

DCSF

Department of Children, Schools and Families

DWP

Department for Work and Pensions

ESOL

English for Speakers of Other Languages

LSC

Learning and Skills Council

DIUS EOC IES

Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills Equal Opportunities Commission

Institute for Employment Studies

NDLP

New Deal for Lone Parents

OSI

Open Society Institute

ONS

POEM PVE

hijab izzat

Islamism

Office for National Statistics Partners’ Outreach for Ethnic Minorities Preventing Violent Extremism

Head cover applied in some interpretations of the Islamic dress code

Honour of an individual, family or group according to South Asian cultural codes

Islamism is the belief that Islam is a political ideology. It claims that sovereignty belongs to God, that Shari’ah is state law, and that it is the religious duty of all Muslims to create and pledge allegiance to an Islamic state that reflects these principles. Despite its claim that up until the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in 1924 Islam had always existed as a political system, Islamism is in fact a modernist movement influenced by products of modernity such as socialism.

3

Foreword

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Foreword I was born in Dewsbury, West Yorkshire to Pakistani Muslim parents and over the years I have come to know many successful South Asian Muslim women from across the UK. Many have started with little, have overcome innumerable obstacles and shattered glass ceilings. I had the pleasure of meeting many of them recently at the launch of the CEHR Muslim Women Power List – celebrating the achievements of 100,000 professional Muslim women in Britain today. Sadly these successful women are still in a minority.

I welcome this timely report by Quilliam and its survey, the largest poll of predominately first generation unemployed South Asian Muslim women to date. This shows that 57% of the women polled wanted to work. I suspect that the real percentage is much higher, but these women may feel the obstacles to employment are too great for them to be able to articulate a desire to work.

Members of different communities from all backgrounds face multiple barriers to entering the labour market. This report highlights some of the particular challenges migrant women face. For those striving to be working mothers it focuses on the skills gap, the need for better English language training and the need to boost the confidence of these women and improve their understanding of the support services available, especially childcare.

Faith informs many cultural practices and traditions, but as this study shows, Islam neither puts a cap on these women’s aspirations nor hampers their efforts to learn and work. Not a single woman surveyed believed that Islam played any role in preventing them from working.

There is huge scope for Muslim women in the UK to make an economic, social and political contribution to our country and that contribution is vital if we are to undermine the separatist narratives peddled by extremists of all hues. These women represent a significant untapped resource.

I am grateful to Anya Hart Dyke and Lucy James for highlighting the experiences of the often misunderstood ‘South Asian Muslim woman’, and echo their call that we need more role models.

The future for South Asian Muslim women in Britain is to be leaders in their professions and ambassadors for the communities from which they come. This report is an important contribution to that vision.

Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, Shadow Minister for Community Cohesion and Social Action 4

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Executive Summary

Executive Summary Given that South Asian Muslim women have the highest rate of unemployment in terms of both religion and ethnicity in the UK, this research was conducted in order to establish what the employment aspirations of this group actually are. In so doing, this report establishes the reasons why this group suffers from such high unemployment and also identifies possible solutions. The survey reached 634 unemployed British South Asian Muslim women of working age, the vast majority of whom were first generation South Asian, and hence immigrants. This report is therefore crucial in reaching out to a particularly inaccessible social group. Whilst the report aims to examine negative assumptions about British Muslim women — assumptions that are detrimental to their integration into British society — it acknowledges that something has gone fundamentally wrong for there to be such such high levels of unemployment among these women. This report recognizes the value of these oft-overlooked women as role models for their children, as earners for their family, as contributors to communities, as bastions against far-right extremists (be they Islamists or white supremacists) and, ultimately, as individuals in their own right. This report seeks to make tracks towards putting things right.

The key finding of this report is that 57% of the women surveyed want to work. This goes a considerable way in dispelling common assumptions about poor aspirations among these women. However, it still leaves 39% who do not want to find work, a significant number for whom this report tries to establish what is holding them back.

Findings reveal that Islam plays no role in preventing these women from working: not one single respondent believed that working was against their religion. Moreover, a mere 2% believed that working was against their family honour (izzat). That said, ‘cultural’ inhibitors persist: 49% of women said that their domestic responsibilities prevented them from working and the most frequent response to what would help these women get a job was more support from their husband and/or family at 24%. On a practical level, lack of English language skills was revealed as the biggest skills-based barrier. If, as found, 70% of these women said it was their choice not to work, there is substantial scope to empower these women into the workforce to overcome the practical barriers and negotiate their futures with their families. This report explores the ways in which to do this.

Researchers conducted a telephone poll of 634 unemployed British South Asian Muslim women between February and April 2009. Respondents were overwhelmingly immigrants, many of whom had come to the UK through marriage, although the majority had been here for over ten years. 265 of these were Bangladeshi women and 369 were Pakistani women. Interviews were inevitably detailed and, where relevant, individual excerpts are included. Researchers also conducted interviews with a range of relevant public, private and voluntary sector organizations: Jobcentre Plus offices, English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) colleges, private companies, local authorities, social enterprises and voluntary women’s support groups.

5

Executive Summary

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Our research concludes that these women are hindered in gaining employment less by insurmountable religious or cultural influences and more by a fundamental lack of training, appropriate childcare facilities, tailored engagement and a basic lack of confidence. Targeted at the Third Sector, the Government and businesses, our recommendations conclude that policies need to be more specific — they need to take into account the particular barriers faced by unemployed, immigrant British South Asian Muslim women.

6

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Introduction

Introduction In January 2009, the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) launched its Muslim Women Power List to celebrate the estimated 100,000 Muslim women who are currently working in Britain. Chair of the Commission, Trevor Philips, said ‘there aren’t many groups I can think of who are more stereotyped yet less understood by the wider community than working Muslim women’.1 No doubt Philips is correct, but what of the unemployed Muslim women who are too often sidelined, within polarized communities, without powerful public voices? In order to counter this imbalance, Quilliam conducted a survey of more than 600 unemployed Muslim women — the largest survey of unemployed British South Asian Muslim women in the UK to date.2 South Asian Muslims suffer from the highest rate of unemployment in the UK compared to all other faiths: in 2004, 13% of Muslim males were unemployed compared to other religious groups (between 3% and 8%), and 18% of Muslim females (other religious groups were between 6% and 9%).3 Moreover, British-Pakistani and British-Bangladeshi Muslim communities4 are also burdened with the highest unemployment rates in terms of ethnicity: in 2004, Pakistani unemployment was 1314% and Bangladeshi unemployment 11%, compared to 5% for White-British men, and Pakistani women had the highest unemployment rate at 20%.5 Within these communities, as these figures show, it is the women who fare worst. According to a 2007 Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) report, working-age Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, for example, were four times more likely to be unemployed than their white British counterparts.6 Black and minority ethnic (BME) women in general often face particularly difficult challenges in accessing employment and securing positions appropriate to both their skills and their aspirations; whilst being realistic, and taking into account the local labour market, these women should aim higher than poorly-paid, relatively unskilled work. As well as personal expectations, South Asian Muslim women also suffer considerably from negative stereotyping — that they are unable to work due to their religious beliefs and the cultural restrictions imposed on

1 2

3 4 5 6

Trevor Philips (March 2009), ‘EHRC Honour Professional Muslim Women’.

Hereafter, this report for ease of reference will refer to ‘British South Asian’ women as ‘South Asian’ women.

These figures are based on the 2001 census. Office for National Statistics (2004), Focus on Religion: Labour Market.

Hereafter referred to as Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities respectively.

Figures were not available for Bangladeshi women. These figures are based on the 2001 census. Office for National Statistics (2004), Focus on Ethnicity and Identity: Labour Market.

H. Bradley, G. Healy, C. Forson & P. Kaul (2007), ‘Moving on up? Ethnic minority women and work. Workplace cultures: what does and does not work’ (London: EOC), p.9. Also, ‘the economic activity rate for Bangladeshi women aged over 25 is extremely low at 19 per cent’.

See Gareth Piggott (2004), ‘2001 Census Profiles: Bangladeshis in London’, DMAG Briefing, 2004/16 (London: The Greater London Authority), p.6.

7

Introduction

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

them by their family. While there have been recent reports that have sought to undermine popular stereotypes of British Muslim women and their employment aspirations, these notably focus on the younger, second generation immigrants who tend to be better educated and are often employed.7 Given these figures and observations, it is clear that something has gone fundamentally wrong with the system in its attempt to integrate these women into the employment market of the UK. This report focuses specifically on unemployed South Asian Muslim women, particularly those who are immigrants — i.e. those who were not born in the UK.8 Only 14% of respondents in our survey were actually born in this country. Furthermore, a significant proportion (63%) of our respondents immigrated due to chain migration through marriage, and hence this proportion at the very least migrated as adults. The numbers of immigrant South Asian women are not, as many assume, dwindling as second and third generations establish themselves in the UK. According to Dale (2008), transnational marriage between British South Asians and those born in South Asia was very high between 1998 and 2005: 50% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women married men from overseas, and approximately 40% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi men married women from overseas.9 Given the disproportionately high number of under-16 year olds among the South Asian communities, increasing numbers will be reaching marriageable age over the next few years — a pattern that will only continue to grow given the high fertility rates of South Asian families. In addition, immigration statistics as a whole remain high for the Indian subcontinent. The UK Border Agency’s Visa statistics for 2006/7 reveal that Pakistani immigration accounts for the second highest application for settlement visas, second only to a ‘South Asian’ category which does not in this instance include Pakistanis, but does include Bangladeshis as well as Indians.10 Marriage to spouses from the subcontinent, together with high levels of immigration as a whole, means that the needs of immigrant South Asian women will remain. Are these women sidelined? As they are ‘hard to reach’, do authorities and employers alike, perhaps, regard them as a ‘lost cause’? The neglect of these women certainly appears 7

8

9

10

The Equal Opportunities Commission’s 2007 report, for example, provided an invaluable and extensive survey of young (16-35 year old) Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black-Caribbean and WhiteBritish women who were in employment. Bradley et al (2007), ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC). The Young Foundation 2008 report, researched 50 second generation British Muslim women who were both in and out of employment. Zamila Bunglawala (2008), ‘Valuing Family, Valuing Work: British Muslim women and the labour market’ (London: The Young Foundation).

We define ‘immigrant’ as ‘a person who comes to live permanently in a foreign country’. See C. Soanes & A. Stevenson (eds), Oxford Dictionary of English, 2nd edition, revised (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

A. Dale, ‘Migration, marriage and employment amongst Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi residents in the UK’, CCSR Working Paper 2008-02 (Manchester: University of Manchester), pp.9-11. According to Migration Watch, spouses and fiancés from the Indian subcontinent doubled between 1996 and 2001, and reached 20,000 a year in 2004. Migration Watch UK (Sept 2004), ‘Immigration and marriage: the problem of continuous migration, 10.8’.

Pakistani figures were 14,115 compared to South Asian applications which were 23,500.

However, there was a high refusal rate, particularly among Pakistanis. UK Border Agency (2008), ‘UK Visas, Entry Clearance Statistics Financial Year 2006-07’, p.8.

8

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Introduction

to reflect this attitude in terms of both Government and employer initiatives, as well as by those conducting research.

Given the current economic climate with record levels of unemployment, there may be a perception that seeking to improve employment prospects is mistimed. Yet, ‘even in, or especially in the worst economic recession for a generation’, declares the 2009 Equality Bill, ‘equality profoundly matters’.11 Moreover, Britain — its Government, local communities and businesses — desperately needs to start improving the socio-economic status of its Muslim communities as a whole, without neglecting a silent minority. In a recession it is more than likely that Islamist extremism may rise. This may be directly related to increasing poverty rates. Given the proportionately high poverty levels among Muslim families, rising unemployment could have devastating economic repercussions and potentially fuel a deeper disenchantment with society. However, it is more likely that a rise in Islamist extremism would also be in direct response to the inevitable rise of the far-right. In September 2008 The Times reported that violent crime, burglaries and far-right extremism, including ‘hostility towards migrants’, could rise in Britain’s economic slowdown.12 As predicted, by February 2009 the British media was reporting the alarming growth of the British National Party (BNP).13 This became reality when they won two seats in the EU Parliament in the June 2009 elections,14 and three seats in county council and unitary authority elections, held at the same time.15 Manipulating grievances, the BNP may encourage a binary struggle with Islamists through an increased ‘us versus them’ mentality. This rhetoric must be challenged.

Muslim women are an untapped resource in the fight against all shades of extremism within their communities. In their capacity as mothers, they are the first line of defence against Islamist extremism among their children. A more informed, engaged mother, sister or aunt is better placed to challenge a more integrated male family member who has come under the influence of Islamist extremists. Nor should we forget the sad truth that women themselves have been involved in suicide bombings under the instruction of terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah in the Middle East, and the Black Widows in Chechnya.16 This is not scaremongering, but an eventuality that we must endeavour to prevent at all costs in the UK. Empowering these women and integrating them into society is a positive step in this process.

These women also have the capacity to improve the economic standing of their own family and, at the same time, Britain’s economic output. Pakistani and Bangladeshi families have the lowest incomes, with over half of their households living in poverty.17 11 12 13 14 15 16

2009 Equality Bill, quoted in S. Woolley, ‘Seeking equality’, New Statesman, 1 May 2009.

S. Kennedy & N. Hines, ‘Tony McNulty: ‘Blindingly obvious’ that crime and extremism could rise in recession’, The Times, 1 September 2008.

N. Morris, ‘Alarm over rise of BNP’, The Independent, 21 February 2009.

BBC, ‘BNP secures two European seats’, BBC News, 8 June 2009.

BBC, ‘Elections 2009: Councils A-Z’, BBC News, 7 June 2009.

Associated French Press, ‘Female suicide attackers kill 58 near Baghdad shrine’, Associated French Press, 24 April 2009.

9

Introduction

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Often with only a single wage-earner per household, the capacity of the wives to supplement their husband’s salary is vast. Moreover, with the mother in work it is more likely that the children will adopt a similar attitude towards employment and hence break the cycle of deprivation that is seen in impoverished communities. Furthermore, increasing women’s participation in work and enabling them to get better jobs would substantially benefit the UK economy.18 Considering that Bangladeshi and Pakistani women have the highest rate of economic inactivity among all ethnic minority groups in the UK (78% and 72% respectively),19 improving their employment rates would be particularly beneficial. An Open Society Institute (OSI) report calculated that ‘between 1999 and 2009, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, who are predominately Muslim and who make up almost 60% of the UK Muslim population, will account for over a quarter of the growth in the working-age population’.20 Hence, by setting a precedent among these immigrant South Asian Muslim women, the Government could be ensuring greater productivity among a future Muslim workforce.

What is currently being done to address the root causes of unemployment among these women? The Government has acknowledged the potential resource that Muslim women are in the fight against extremism, allocating some of the £70 million of the Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) Government fund towards courses and training.21 Various local councils and police forces have also designated a proportion of their PVE budget to targeting these women. The long awaited Equality Bill that was introduced in the House of Commons in April 2009, is also intended to improve employment opportunities for ethnic minorities (and women), making it a duty for public sector companies to reduce the socio-economic inequalities faced by ethnic minority groups.22 Further, the DIUS23 has initiated a new approach to English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) provision that intends to ensure that priority learners are reached.24 Although the DIUS are well aware that this will most likely see an increased number of 17

18 19

20 21 22 23 24

Lucinda Platt (2007), ‘Poverty & Ethnicity in the UK’, for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (Bristol: The Policy Press), p.38. This is because these ethnic groups have the lowest household incomes. Office for National Statistics (2002), Ethnicity: Low Income (London: DWP).

Ruth Kelly quoted in D. Hencke, ‘Kelly helps women juggle work and family’, The Guardian, 11 September 2006.

Economic inactivity refers to those who are out of work but do not satisfy the criteria for unemployment because they are either not seeking work or are unavailable to start work.

Those who are economically inactive are therefore on the supply side of the market because they have the potential to move into the labour market at some point in the future. See ONS, Ethnicity and Identity: Labour Market.

Open Society Institute (2004), ‘Aspirations and Reality: British Muslims and the Labour Market’, p.8.

BBC, ‘Course offer “to fight extremism”’, BBC News, 6 January 2008; M. Woolf, ‘Muslim women to curb terror’, The Times, 6 January 2008.

Government Equalities Office, ‘Equality Bill 2008-9’.

Now called the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS).

ESOL courses are for those whose first language is not English, and hence would be the correct language course for immigrants who make up the majority of our respondents.

10

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Introduction

ESOL students, they want this to take place within existing ESOL budgets.25 Regarding childcare, the Government’s Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) has most recently been involved in an initiative to increase the uptake of formal childcare

by BME communities, working with 12 local authorities, with a view to freeing up parents to consider work. But what has been the success of these pilots and have local authorities and service providers factored lessons learned into their work? What’s next for other local authorities with sizeable BME communities? Moves towards change should not and cannot be restricted to Government policy. This report examines what local organizations, businesses and communities (particularly Muslim community leaders), as well as the private sector are already doing, and what further roles they can and should play — especially in terms of those initiatives that are tailored specifically towards unemployed immigrant South Asian Muslim women.

This report, then, seeks to unravel assumptions about unemployed British Muslim women, who are all too often overlooked or overshadowed by those Muslim women already in employment. Typically, they are stereotyped as not being able or willing to work owing to cultural and religious constraints — assumptions that may have led to reluctance on the part of the authorities to engage with these women for fear of offending their sensitivities. There is also an assumption that owing to low educational achievement, poor English, and a lack of understanding of the UK labour market, these women may not want to or be able to work. This is somewhat understandable given the reality of their unemployment and economic inactivity rates. Our findings, however, show that many do want to work. Moreover, whilst conservatism within South Asian culture (informed by Islam, identity issues, settlement and education but also experience engaging with mainstream society) plays a role, significantly, our poll revealed that overwhelmingly it is practical obstacles to these women entering the work place that are of the greatest concern. This report thus concludes with solid recommendations for each sector on what can be done to improve work opportunities for these all too-frequently overlooked (primarily) immigrant, unemployed South Asian Muslim women. We desperately need to translate the desire and ambition of these women into activity because employment can only have positive effects: to empower these women as individuals, to improve the economic situation of their families, to give back to their local community, to benefit the UK economy and potentially serve as bulwarks against extremism, especially Islamist extremism.26

25 26

Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (May 2009), ‘A New Approach to English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL)’, p.9.

Islamism is the belief that Islam is a political ideology. It claims that sovereignty belongs to God, that Shari’ah is state law, and that it is the religious duty of all Muslims to create and pledge allegiance to an Islamic state that reflects these principles. Despite their claim that up until the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in 1924 Islam had always existed as a political system, Islamism is in fact a modernist movement influenced by products of modernity such as socialism.

11

Methodology

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Methodology Researchers conducted a telephone survey of 634 South Asian Muslim women in the UK. This poll did not include all British Muslims, but was restricted to those of South Asian origin.27 Although this may be decreasing,28 (in recent years, for example, Britain has seen an influx of the Somali community), South Asian communities still represent the majority of Britain’s Muslims. By ‘South Asian’ this report specifically refers to Muslims with Pakistani and Bangladeshi backgrounds, as it is from these South Asian countries in particular that the majority of Britain’s Muslim population originate.29 Researchers spoke to fewer Bangladeshi respondents in order that the poll was roughly proportionate to the demographic ratio of the South Asian Muslim communities: 265 Bangladeshi women and 369 Pakistani women.30 On collating the findings we found that there was very little difference between the findings from each community and therefore, when analysing and drawing conclusions, we have done so as a totality.

Calls were made between 9am and 5pm, Monday to Friday, from 18th February to 1st April 2009. Eligibility for participation in the survey was that the women were Muslim, of South Asian origin, that they were between the ages of 16 and 60 and that they were unemployed. Urdu/Punjabi-speaking researchers29 and Sylheti-speaking researchers30 (all of whom also spoke English) were employed to make the telephone calls — all the researchers were women. They were given a set of questions with multiple choice answers that they input into a spreadsheet. Sylheti speaking researchers called Bangladeshi women; Urdu/Punjabi-speaking researchers called Pakistani and Indian women.31 This was not only for those respondents who were unable to speak 27

28 29

30

31

According to the last official statistics from the 2001 census, there were 1.6 million Muslims living in the UK. 68% of Muslims in Britain were South Asian. Of those 68%, 43% were Pakistani, 17% Bangladeshi and 8% Indian. The remaining 32% were made up of a diverse mixture of Eastern European, Middle Eastern, Black African and White British. Figures cited in Philip Lewis (2007), Young, British and Muslim (London: Continuum), p.19.

South Asian Muslims made up 80% of the UK Muslim population until 1981. Lewis, Young, British and Muslim, p.19.

Because their nationality was established on the basis of their name and language spoken, some Indians were included with those who spoke Urdu/Punjabi—i.e. within the Pakistani category—as a large proportion of British Indians originate from the Punjab and therefore also speak Punjabi. Most Indian Muslims in the UK are based in Leicester and Coventry — not among the areas that we targeted. Whilst only a very small percentage were therfore included in the survey, it is important to be aware of their inclusion given that Indian Muslims often have a higher economic status. We will therefore analyse the data overwhelmingly in terms of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis.

Sylheti is the language of Sylhet in north-eastern Bangladesh. It is a dialect of Bengali, but significant linguistic variations mean that they often cannot be mutually understood. For this reason, we will refer to it as Sylheti rather than Bengali.

Given that the majority of Pakistanis in the UK are from Mirpur in the Punjab and consequently their first language may well have been Punjabi, researchers spoke Punjabi.

That said, Urdu is spoken widely throughout the subcontinent, learnt in schools and used by the media, so researchers also spoke Urdu.

12

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Methodology

English; given the sensitive nature of the questions, many women were more likely to feel comfortable talking to someone in their first language. Telephone conversations were usually conducted in Urdu, Punjabi or Sylheti rather than English. Names and contact telephone numbers were obtained from the free online directory available on 192.com. The researchers conducting the poll established which women to call on the basis of their names — those that were female, South Asian and Muslim. Names were ascertained from a mixture of intrinsic knowledge and research — the researchers conducting the poll, given their own South Asian backgrounds, had a sense of what names would match the criteria. Our poll did not, therefore, use a method of random sampling and is not necessarily representative of all unemployed South Asian Muslim women across the UK. 92% of Britain’s total Pakistani and Bangladeshi population is Muslim,32 although researchers clarified that the respondent was Muslim at the outset of the conversation. It was intentionally unspecified whether these women needed to be immigrants or born in the UK to participate. However, as the results overwhelmingly reveal, the vast majority were immigrants (see chapter 1, Q.8).

South Asian communities tend to be concentrated in particular geographic regions, in part due to original immigrant settlement patterns. Telephone calls were made to women in London, Bradford, Birmingham, Luton, Slough and High Wycombe. The towns and cities were chosen on the basis of their sizeable South Asian Muslim communities. According to an ONS (2006) report, there are four major conurbations of South Asians in the UK — Greater London, West Midlands, Yorkshire and the Humber and the North West — although proportions differ according to Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities.33 This poll therefore managed to reach respondents in three of these key regions, concentrating proportionately on London and the surrounding areas. Places polled also displayed an appropriate geographical spread — with areas in the North of England, the Midlands and the South. The socio-economic status of Muslim communities varies considerably according to local area.34 ‘While many British Muslim communities are languishing at the base of the economic pyramid, there are significant inter- and intra- ethnic differences’, writes Philip Lewis. ‘Different economic trajectories depend on a number of variables: pre-migration histories, educational and class profiles, whether migrating communities were urban or rural, and the opportunities and constraints of the different urban contexts in which they find themselves’.35 A poll of six different areas therefore ensured that there was a spread of socio-economic levels. Given the already complex nature of the survey, results are not presented here according to region. Instead, individual regional situations were established during interviews with organizations in each of the cities/towns covered. These key demographic variations can be found in Appendix A. 32 33 34 35

Department of Work and Pensions (2009), ‘Equality Impact Assessment: The Partners’ Outreach for Ethnic Minorities Programme of Pilots’, p.8.

J. Dobbs, H. Green & L. Zealey (eds), ‘Focus on Ethnicity and Religion’, for Office for National Statistics (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan), p.51.

Lewis, Young, British and Muslim, chapter 1; J. Tinsley & M. Jacobs (2006), ‘Deprivation & Ethnicity in England: A regional perspective’, Regional Trends 39, (London: ONS).

Lewis, Young British and Muslim, p.23.

13

Methodology

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Respondents were asked to give one answer to each of the eight questions (see Appendix A for the questions posed and answers given). Most did not answer all of the questions, either because they were not relevant given their answers to previous questions, because they had no answer for the question, or for personal reasons (see below). Questions were read out and responses given therefore indicate the answer that women felt best reflected their situation. It is more than likely that other answers could also have been contributing factors of lesser significance; to give one answer precedence is not to say that all other answers were irrelevant. Hence, the figures are based on the answer the respondents gave the highest priority to.

Various problems were encountered. In the first instance, it was sometimes difficult to get through to the relevant person in the household. Possible reasons for this include: 1. The husband answering the telephone and being unwilling to pass the phone to his wife, often requiring reassurance that we were calling to conduct a survey not place them in employment.

2. Some women had had negative experiences with hoax callers so were reluctant to talk.

3. Some women believed that we were calling from the Government (for example the Inland Revenue) and were therefore afraid to talk openly in case we were trying to cut their benefits, among other fears/concerns.

Once our researchers had obtained consent from respondents, the women were sometimes reluctant to answer some of the questions. Possible reasons for this include:

1. An unwillingness to discuss personal details.

2. Not having a lot of time to participate in the survey for various reasons, often children.

3. Not feeling that a particular question was relevant to them personally.

It must be borne in mind which kinds of respondents a poll would be reaching given that the phone calls were undertaken to home addresses during the working day.

Limitations include, among others, the inability to reach those women who are not registered with a telephone (who would most likely be those in particularly poor economic situations), as well as those in temporary accommodation. Also, by taking names at random from a free online directory, our results were not systematic and therefore not representative of all unemployed South Asian Muslims as a whole. Given the complicated nature of the issue, taking respondents’ first answer may miss out finer nuances — particularly since an individual’s faith and cultural beliefs are deeply internalized — but where possible we have attempted to draw these out in other interviews conducted, or in case studies. Finally, we must be aware that due to natural human error, particular views held by the researchers conducting the survey may have had some influence on the responses they collated.

Initially, researchers conducted a thorough literature review of previous reports on the subject or similar subjects. Incorporating significant findings from previous research is one of the particular strengths of this report, given that it has not been done thoroughly

14

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Methodology

elsewhere. As well as the survey, researchers also conducted telephone interviews with relevant public, private and voluntary sector organizations: local authorities, JobCentre Plus offices, colleges running ESOL courses, social enterprises and private companies in each of the areas polled as well as elsewhere. In addition, researchers also contacted relevant South Asian women’s support groups in order to gain their insight into these issues. Given the sensitive nature of their funding, a few organizations/individuals requested anonymity when being quoted in this report. In these cases we have been as specific as possible. Once results had been collated, Quilliam held a review of the findings with a group of individual experts.

15

1. Significant findings

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

1. Significant Findings Between 18th February and 1st April 2009, we succeeded in reaching 634 women through our phone poll. Here are the questions posed along with the significant findings (see Appendix B for full results):36 Q.1 Would you like to have a paid job? 37

57%

Yes 57% No 39%

39%

Not sure 2%

Not able 1%

2% 1% Having established that the respondent was unemployed, they were asked whether or not they would like a job.

Over half — 57% — answered that, given the opportunity, they would like to be employed. This is contrary to the common perception that most Muslim women have no career aspirations and see their role as purely domestic.

The most recent figures released by the ONS, from 2004, said that ‘about seven in ten (69%) Muslim women of working age were economically inactive, compared with no more than four in ten women of working age in each of the other groups’.38 This was reinforced by a Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) (2005) report that states, specifically in terms of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, that ‘less than one third are actively engaging with the labour market’.39 Thirty one per cent of Muslim women in the UK were economically inactive, yet 57% of South Asian Muslim women in our poll expressed a desire to work.40 There must be tangible reasons to explain why so many women want to work yet are not doing so — the central premise of this report. Thirty nine per cent said that they would not like a job. This said, many of these respondents may have felt that they could not overcome the obstacles to employment, rather than being unwilling to work.

36 37 38 39 40

Percentages have been rounded up or down to the nearest full number.

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, all answered this question.

ONS, Focus on Religion: Labour Market.

H. Barnes et al (2005), ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach: An evaluation’ (London: Department for Work and Pensions), p.18.

Note the ONS figures looked at all British Muslim women whereas the DWP statistic refers to those of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin.

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Q.2 What sort of job would you like? 41 22%

20% 7%

31%

7%

7.3%

6%

Childcare 31%

Teacher, teaching assistant, social worker 22% Hospitality, retail, beauty 20% Administrative/ secretarial 7% Professional career 7%

Would like to own business 6% Other 7.3%

To establish what kind of professions South Asian Muslim women felt comfortable in and driven towards pursuing, we asked those respondents who wanted to be employed to describe what kind of job they would be interested in doing. Out of these responses, the highest proportion — 31% — said that they would be interested in working in a job that involved looking after children. The second highest answer was teaching or social work at 22% and working in hospitality, retail or beauty received 20% of responses. After that came administrative or secretarial jobs at 7%. This illustrates not only a wide range of ambitions among the women, but ones that are perhaps, more often than not, more women-centric. They are jobs that these women evidently feel more comfortable in doing.

Additionally, they are also those that are less well paid than other professions.

41

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 359 answered this question.

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1. Significant findings

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Q.3 Why would you like a job? 42

30% 43% 0.3% 0.8% 7%

19%

To have more money/ financially support my family 43% To be more independent 30%

To relieve boredom/ get out of the house 19% To meet people 7%

To have a career 0.3% Other 0.8%

When those who wanted to have a job were asked why this was the case, 43% — nearly half — declared that it was to financially support their family. Given that Muslims are proportionately the most economically deprived of all religious groups in the UK, as well as having the largest households with the most dependants,43 this response is perhaps somewhat unsurprising. That said, it would probably be a common answer among many people regardless of ethnicity and religion. Encouragingly — in terms of empowering these women to challenge the status quo — 30% of respondents answered that they would like a job in order to be more independent. A further 19% said that they wanted to relieve boredom or get out of the house and 7% in order to meet people. A mere 0.3% said that they wanted to gain employment in order to pursue a career; hence respondents were not ‘career-driven’ as such.

42 43

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 367 answered this question.

ONS, Focus on Religion: Households.

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1. Significant findings

Q.4 What is the main reason you don’t work? 44

20%

49%

7%

14.2%

6% 2% 2%

I have to bring up my children /other domestic responsibilities 49% My English isn't very good 20% I don't believe I have the skills/ qualifications to work 7% Too ill to work 6%

It is against my culture ('izzat') 2%

Looking for a job but cannot find one 2% Other 14.2%

South Asian Muslim women have the highest rate of unemployment in terms of both religion and ethnicity in the UK. When the respondents were asked why they were unemployed, the answers were quite revealing. It is commonly perceived that British South Asian Muslim women are disinclined to work for religious or cultural reasons. According to the DWP (2005) report, ‘for South Asian women the difference in unemployment rates was found to display a Muslim/ non-Muslim pattern. The reasons are likely to include social networks and cultural and religious preferences regarding employment, as well as anti-Muslim discrimination’.45 Contrary to that perception, however, not one single respondent out of the 616 that answered the question said that working was against their religion, and only 1% that they felt that they would be discriminated against for their religious beliefs and dress.

Although ‘cultural racism’ is held to be responsible for the deprivation of British Muslim communities,46 it is likely that this may not have been experienced by these women given their limited contact with the workforce. Also, only 2% said that working was against their izzat. Izzat refers to a person’s reputation, or the reputation of a person’s family or group; basically, an honour code derived from traditional South Asian patriarchal culture. This is highly significant. After all, if these women do not articulate there to be a cultural or religious impediment to working, there must be more tangible reasons for their unemployment.

What, then, were the reasons given?

By far the highest proportion, at just under half (49%), answered that raising children and other domestic responsibilities were behind their lack of employment. The second highest response, at 20%, was that they didn’t feel that their English was good enough.

44 45 46

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 616 answered this question.

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.20.

Tariq Modood (2001), ‘Difference, Cultural Racism and Anti-Racism’, in Race and Racism, ed.

by Bernard Boxill (Oxford University Press: USA), pp.245-47; 250-51.

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Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

As the two greatest impediments to work, childcare and English language provision are explored in depth in this report (see chapters 2 & 3).

Other than language and domestic responsibilities, answers were diverse and proportionately low. Of significance is that 7% said that they did not have sufficient skills or qualifications, and 6% that they were too ill to work. In terms of the latter, according to the last census in 2001, South Asian women were reported to have the worst health rates in terms of short and long term health conditions.47 This may be to do with a lack of exercise among women in South Asian communities, as well as poor diet and/or high rates of mental health problems.48

However, there is a difference between what the articulated and actual hindrances to these women working might be. The extent to which religiously informed cultural attitudes influence these women’s attitudes towards employment is a theme that will run throughout. This report will assess the extent to which these attitudes require women to shoulder the burden of domestic responsibilities, hinder uptake of childcare, prevent them from developing their skills (particularly English) and restrict the nature of their engagement with the labour market and wider society.

Q.5 Whose choice was it for you not to work? 49

70%

My choice 70%

My husband's/ family's choice 22%

22%

I have tried to get a job and not succeeded/ don't know how 8%

8%

When asked whether or not it was their choice that the respondents were unemployed, an overwhelming 70% said that it was their own personal choice.

Contrary to common perception, only 22% said that this was their husband’s or family’s choice; that is, family restrictions and expectations prevent them from working.

However, that such a high proportion declared it to be their own choice is not to say it was an informed choice. Instead, it may have more to do with low levels of confidence (quite aside from issues related to the requisite practical support detailed in Q.4). Only 8% said 47 48

49

The ‘Black Caribbean’ and ‘Other Black’ categories were of nearly similar proportions. ONS, Focus on Ethnicity and Identity: Health.

South Asian women in the UK suffer from a high rate of mental illness. See A. S. Anand & R. Cochrane, (2005) ‘The Mental Health Status of South Asian Woman in Britain: A review of the UK literature’, Psychology and Developing Societies 17, 2, 195-214.

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 549 answered this question.

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1. Significant findings

that they had tried to gain employment but had not succeeded or that they didn’t know how to go about getting a job—i.e. that it was not a choice either the respondent or her family had made. (This is not to say that none of the other respondents had tried to access the labour market, but that it was not their first response.) If 70% of women have actively chosen not to work themselves, then we need to both support these women in practical terms, and to challenge the cultural inhibitors holding them back.

Q.6 What would most help you to get a job? 50

More support from my husband/ family 24%

20%

22%

14% 24% 8%

5%

9%

Better childcare 22%

Better English language skills 20%

Better education/qualifications 14%

More information on getting jobs 9% Not sure 5% Other 8%

Finally, the women were asked what could be done to help them to gain employment.

The most frequent answer — at 24% — was that they needed more support from their family or their husband. Whether this was financial, practical or emotional support remains unclear. There were also some more practical recommendations. Twenty two per cent of women said that they needed better childcare, which is particularly interesting when, referring back to Q.4, 51% attributed their unemployed status to childcare and domestic responsibilities. This discrepancy could be explained by the fact that those who found childcare to be an obstacle did not necessarily want to work or give up their childcare and domestic responsibilities. Alternatively, these women wanted to work, but did not see, or were not aware that childcare could be an option.

Another concrete recommendation was that 20% of respondents said that they felt better English would help their employment prospects. (Again, this is in direct proportion to the answer given in Q.4 — that 20% blamed poor English skills for their unemployment.) A further 14% said they needed better qualifications or education, and 9% felt that they needed better information on getting jobs. The combined total for those respondents who cited that childcare assistance, English language, education and qualifications, and employment information would help them get a job, was 65%.

Regardless of changing attitudes within families, policy-makers and service-providers could take concrete and positive steps in helping 65% of respondents to gain employment.

Moreover, as this figure exceeds the 57% of women who expressed a desire to work (and given that nearly all respondents answered this question), one can assume that — as mentioned previously — the actual number of respondents who want to work is likely to be much higher.

50

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 600 answered this question.

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1. Significant findings

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Q.7 How long have you been in the UK? 51 16% 18% 11%

16%

0-5 years 11%

5-10 years 18%

10-15 years 16%

38%

15-20 years 16% 20 years+ 38%

When asked how long they had been in the UK, by far the largest proportion of respondents — 38% — said that they had been resident here for 20 years or more.

Combining the figures, 70% of respondents had been living here for ten years or more.

18% had been here for 5-10 years and a mere 11% had been here for less than five. This means that the vast majority of these unemployed women have been resident in this country for a substantial length of time, which is important to bear in mind when exploring the reasons behind their unemployment.

51

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 563 answered this question.

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1. Significant findings

Q.8 How did you come to the UK? 52

63%

Married and came to the UK 63% Immigrated 21%

21% 3%

Born here 14% Other 3%

14%

The primary reason that respondents gave for being in this country was that they married and subsequently came to the UK (63%). A further 21% declared that they came here through immigration. This means we can deduce that, despite the majority having been in this country for more than ten years, 84% of those surveyed were not born in the UK.

If ‘first generation immigrant’ is defined as those who were born abroad and moved over here during their lifetime, then 84% of unemployed British South Asian women in our poll were immigrants. It is therefore a significantly high proportion of immigrant women that make up the unemployed respondents of this survey. At least 63% also migrated as adults, given that they came over as spouses. Moreover, referring back to Q.7, the majority of these women have been living here for at least ten years — a considerable amount of time. Only 14% of respondents answered that they were born here, and hence were second generation. 3% responded ‘other’.

This report will now assess in greater detail the current provisions for, and success of, initiatives aimed at addressing the two main practical obstacles to these women entering the workforce: childcare and English language tuition.

52

Out of 634 respondents that participated in the poll, 528 answered this question.

23

2. Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

2. Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage Prevailing stereotypes

As evidenced in the introduction, South Asian Muslim women’s economic activity is disproportionately low, particularly within the Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities.

Of these women, the ‘hardest-to-reach’ are those who were not born in the UK, occupy the lowest socio-economic brackets, have limited education and qualifications, and who have had limited experience of mainstream society because they remain primarily in the home. Stereotypes that treat the South Asian community both as monolithic and, significantly, as unchanging, are misleading and dangerously divisive — assumptions about Muslim women not being able or willing to work are particularly pervasive and are in need of addressing. Muslim women have a key role to play in challenging restrictive gender roles within their communities, as well as prejudice and stereotypes in wider society where misconceptions about the place of women in Islam, and also in South Asian culture, are perpetuated. They are both role models and ambassadors and the strongest messages will come from the women themselves, expressed primarily through their actions — be it working, studying or a form of community engagement.

These women are an invaluable resource in the fight against extremist elements in our society; namely in challenging erroneous stereotypes about an Islam that ‘oppresses women’ which is a staple of far-right groups and political parties such as the BNP. Moreover, where the most marginalized members of the Muslim communities in Britain (i.e. South Asian women) speak for themselves, they can speak for a ‘British Islam’ that challenges the ‘us versus them’ narrative peddled by highly organized and articulate Islamists. So are these immigrants in a position to be ambassadors for their communities, and for their faith?

In terms of faith, in response to Q.4 ‘What is the main reason you don’t work?’ not a single respondent in our survey articulated that working is incompatible with their religious beliefs. However, religious views will have been internalized to inform outlooks on all aspects of life, including attitudes towards the family and to work. A recent Ipsos MORI survey (2009) of Muslim women in the UK addressed just this and revealed that 75% of all respondents ‘think it possible to balance a successful career with a family’.53 Sarah Joseph, editor of the Muslim lifestyle magazine Emel, is reported by The Guardian in September 2006 as saying that ‘the importance placed on family in some communities need not stifle women’s ambition. This is very controversial in the Muslim community because it is very valued to stay at home... That’s not negative, but it can sometimes lose the balance in that the only role women can play is as mothers. I am not saying employment is the only way to achieve, but I do think the benefits of having women out there, talking, discussing, being engaged — it’s important’.54 There are indeed many examples of successful Muslim women working across a range of sectors (see the Muslim

53

54

The survey was commissioned by the EHRC on the career aspirations of Muslim women, reaching 414 individuals, 135 of whom were in employment whilst 279 were not working.

Equalities and Human Rights Commission (2009), ‘Muslim Women Survey’ (London: Ipsos MORI).

L. Smith, ‘My manager said I looked like a terrorist’, The Guardian, 7 September 2006.

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2. Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage

Women Power List 2009),55 but these women are in a minority. The extent to which a ‘Muslim penalty’ determines the level and nature of South Asian Muslims’ economic activity is difficult to quantify because religious views are intertwined with cultural values. Certainly, as evidenced above, many will agree that Islam as a faith does not necessarily discourage women from working. Indeed, in Dr Tahir Abbas’s research (2003) into the influence of religious and cultural norms and values on South Asian women’s educational prospects, one of his informants notes that ‘patriarchy rendered many if not all of the positive virtues that Islam has towards women completely redundant’.56 But whilst there are other equally important variables, chiefly education, it is essential to bear in mind the wide variety of religiously-informed cultural attitudes within South Asian Muslim communities that exist and therefore focus on the scope for pushing back against restrictions on women’s participation in the workforce.

In January 2007 the Equal Opportunities Commission57 published its findings from a twoyear study looking at Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Black Caribbean women and employment. One of its major findings was that prevailing stereotypes of South Asian women held by employers do not necessarily correspond with reality. ‘An approach continues unchallenged, whereby ethnic minority women are seen as hard to reach, or held back by their own culture, a drain on resources rather than a source of potential’.58 Another stereotype is that ‘[South] Asian women are not interested in a career once they get married’.59 Undoubtedly, these assumptions stem at least in part from the large numbers of South Asian Muslim women, particularly mothers, who are not working. The ONS reported in 2008 that 57% of all women in the UK with a dependent child under the age of five were in employment, jumping up to 71% for those whose youngest child was aged five to ten and to 78% whose youngest child was aged 11 to 15.60 Unfortunately this was not broken down by ethnicity or religion but it is likely from what we know about South Asian Muslim women’s economic activity rates, that these figures would be substantially lower for South Asian Muslim women. But to what extent do these women feel that working is not ‘appropriate’ for them both as women and as mothers?

Marriage patterns

Encouragingly, in response to Q.1 ‘Would you like to have a paid job?’ our survey reveals that 57% of these women want to work. It is worth remembering here, that only 14% of respondents were born in the UK and 63% arrived in Britain via marriage and so migrated as adults, meaning the majority are immigrants. These findings are thus hugely significant since it is immigrants who face the greatest number of (internal and external) barriers to employment, both perceived and real. Some of these barriers apply

55 56 57 58 59 60

The Muslim Women Power List 2009, <http://www.thelist2009.com/en/>.

Tahir Abbas (2003), ‘The Impact of Religio-cultural Norms and Values on the Education of Young South Asian Women’, British Journal of Sociology of Education 24, 4, p.420.

Now called the Commission for Equality and Human Rights.

Bradley et al, ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC), p.29.

Bradley et al, ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC), p.24.

Office for National Statistics (2008), ‘Work and Family. Two-thirds of mums are in employment’.

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2. Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

to other minority communities as well; others are specific to the South Asian Muslim community. Yet still such a high number want to work. And crucially, these are attitudes mothers will convey to daughters and to other family members. It is the mother and other female relatives who are often the driving force behind marriage plans for their children so it is they who must lead the way for their daughters, steering them away from leaving school early and marrying at a young age. It is surely no coincidence that a study of successful ethnic minority women undertaken by the Government Equalities Office in 2007 revealed that most of the South Asian women interviewed had parents who held high expectations of them, particularly with regard to their education.61 “There are problems also with the [South Asian] women who were born in the UK – they don’t necessarily finish their GCSEs, are married to men back home and then just have families”. Women’s Business Centre, Newham (London), 2nd June 2009

Mothers also influence sons and, crucially, daughters-in-law, a disproportionately high number of whom come from the Indian subcontinent as there is a continuing trend for British South Asian men to find wives from ‘back home’. It is not yet known how the shake-up to immigration law announced in November 2008 will affect this pattern — changes that saw the age of those who can apply for a marriage visa raised from 18 to 21.62 There are definitive figures neither on the number of South Asia-born women marrying into British families, nor on the number of South Asia-born men marrying women born in the UK. However, Dale (2008) conducted an analysis of transnational marriage patterns between 1998 and 2005 which revealed the following: only a quarter of Indian women married men from overseas, but this figure rose to 50% for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, and about 40% for Pakistani and Bangladeshi men marrying women from overseas. The study concluded that there is no statistical evidence supporting the widely-held view that women who marry men from ‘back home’ are less likely to be economically active owing to cultural constraints imposed on them by their husbands, than those who marry men born in the UK. Rather, the key factor is ‘whether or not a woman is UK born/ brought up, not whether her partner is’, because qualifications and education play a far more pivotal role in rates of economic activity.63 However, anecdotal evidence of restrictive, traditional views about the role of women persists, and there are some generational trends worth noting.

“There are two categories of first generation Asian Muslim women. Broadly speaking, those who arrived 15 - 20 years ago came with the attitude that women don’t work; they came to look after their husbands and their families. They never

61

62 63

This study conducted 23 in-depth interviews as well as three focus groups with ‘senior’ ethnic minority women in London and Birmingham between July and October 2007. Z. Moosa (ed.)

(2008), ‘Ethnic Minority Women: Routes to Power’ (London: Government Equalities Office), pp.26-29.

UK Border Agency, ‘Marriage visa age to rise later this month’, 4 November 2008.

These figures are derived from the findings of the Indian, Bangladeshi and Pakistani male and female respondents to Labour Force Surveys conducted between 1998 and 2005. Dale defines an individual as being from overseas if they came to the UK at aged 18 or over. Dale, ‘Migration, marriage and employment’, pp.9-11. See also the research conducted by Katharine Charsley on South Asian marriage migration.

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2. Challenging stereotypes and reducing disadvantage

tried to find work and never learned English. Those women who are immigrating into the country as spouses now, are slightly better educated, try to find training opportunities, get enrolled on English courses and are open to working. There are even a few women who are coming to the UK independently as highly-skilled economic migrants”. Muhammed Idrish, Coordinator, Birmingham Asian Resource Centre, 14th May 2009

“A stereotype about the South Asian communities is that they are stuck in a time warp and can’t think beyond setting up a corner shop. Twenty or 30 years ago they may have not had much money, being newly arrived, but now their aspirations and confidence have grown along with the maturity of the community, an increase in resources and a feeling that they are more established in the UK”.

Ilyas Munshi, Enterprise4all, Lancashire, 9th June 2009

So for those women who immigrated two or three decades ago, there is scope for attitudes to change. However, it may be the case that these women have experienced less freedom in the UK compared to their home countries, because husbands, families and the wider community may fear they will become ‘westernized’ through exposure to British social and working life. There are also complex issues surrounding identity and the desire of individuals and families to retain their South Asian identity and values through asserting norms that reflect South Asian society of 20 or 30 years ago, particularly in contradistinction to mainstream society, of which they may not wholly feel part.

“Bengalis [Bangladeshis] in this country feel that they have to protect both their cultural and religious identities in a way that they wouldn’t in Bangladesh. This means that some families are more conservative in the UK than they would be back home”. Tulip Siddiq, Women’s Officer (of Bangladeshi origin), London Young Labour, 11th May 2009

Encouragingly, in response to Q.3 Why would you like a job? of our survey, 30% said so as to be more independent, demonstrating a desire for change. Moreover, according to the Birmingham Asian Resource Centre, “it is often the children who are influencing the parents. They encourage their mothers, who may be sitting at home with a limited amount to do whilst their children are at school and their husbands are working, to get out and be active”.64 This paints a complex picture of two-way inter-generational influence, contrasting cultural attitudes and adapting to changing circumstances.

The South Asian Muslim community is by no means homogeneous, and simplistic generalizations about the views held by people who are born and brought up in South Asia, whether it was 20 or 40 years ago, and the extent to which they pass these on (and why), cannot be made, and are subject to a range of factors, not least education and socio-economic status. South Asian countries have certainly modernized over the past two decades and offer more educational opportunities now to women than before.

However, it is not known the extent to which, for example, South Asian men have wives chosen for them from South Asia as they may be perceived to be more willing to shoulder the burden of childcare and care for ageing or sick relatives and where this is the case, whether less well-educated women from rural areas are sought accordingly.

64

Interview: Muhammed Idrish, Coordinator, Birmingham Asian Resource Centre, 14 May 2009.

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Certainly, there are many factors that will influence a choice of spouse. These include the existence of a large pool of eligible individuals in South Asia (especially relevant given the low rate of marrying outside of the South Asian communities) and the practice of choosing a cousin to marry because it’s ‘safe’ or strategic. But by far the most significant trend, as identified in Dale’s 2008 study is that ‘better educated [South Asian] women are more likely to marry a UK-born partner’.65 Unfortunately Dale does not analyze the possible reasons for this but arguably a better educated woman has more say in who she marries and she may feel that a UK-born spouse would be a more compatible partner — for any number of reasons, including being supportive of any decision she makes to study or pursue a career. So what did our survey reveal about cultural attitudes towards a woman’s role in family life?

Domestic responsibilities

Seventy per cent of the women polled have been in the UK for more than 10 years (38% for more than 20 years). These women may be a mixture of ages and backgrounds, but they are almost certainly all mothers or mothers-to-be, given the high rate of marriage and childbirth among South Asians. Of significance, in response to Q.4 ‘What is the main reason you don’t work?’ only 2% of respondents said that it is against their culture (i.e. that it would be a breach of ‘honour’ (izzat)). But is this the true picture? In response to the same question, 49% stated that they do not work because of their domestic responsibilities, including raising their children. This response needs to be unpacked because it incorporates both cultural attitudes towards women in the labour market as well as their role as primary carers in the family. If most women want to work and given that in response to Q.3 ‘Why would you like a job?’ 43% said that it was to financially support their family, suggesting there may be a need for them to work, what kind of cultural barriers do these women need to overcome, both within the family and vis-à-vis the wider community?

In response to Q.5 ‘Whose choice was it for you not to work?’ 70% of women said it was their choice, although ‘their’ decision will undoubtedly take into account the views held by the women’s family members. What must not be overlooked is that these women are likely to have their own traditional views of the role of their husbands (and sons) as the breadwinners in the family, which in turn inform their understanding of their roles as wives and mothers. Where the woman goes out to work (out of need or otherwise), this may be read as a sign of failure on the part of the male family members to provide for them. Status and reputation are of course bound up with the behaviour of all family members whether it’s the man who bears the brunt for ‘failing to provide’ (is unemployed or working but not earning enough) or the working woman for ‘shirking her domestic responsibilities’, or both. Needless to say, when we talk about challenging norms and attitudes within the family and the wider community, this includes challenging the women themselves to think beyond the prescribed roles that they have been given. This is particularly challenging given that many of these families are likely to be surrounded by others of a similar socio-economic status and with a similar family structure, leading to social inertia and greater acceptance of the status quo.

65

Dale, ‘Migration, marriage and employment’, p.10.

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In response to Q.6 ‘What would most help you to get a job?’ the most frequent response was more support from my husband and/or family, at 24%.

“There are very few Bangladeshi husbands and families that support women working. This is not just the case among Bangladeshis, but is also prevalent among Pakistanis and Indians”. Women’s Business Centre, Newham (London), 2nd June 2009 “I do not want to work without my husband’s consent. He is happy with me staying home and looking after the children and cooking, and dropping the children off to school”. Pakistani woman, Bradford

The DWP also found this in their outreach work with Pakistani and Bangladeshi women (2007 – 2009): ‘arguably positive family support is beneficial for any jobseeker. However, given the target characteristics and demographic profile of many of the POEM [Partners’ Outreach for Ethnic Minorities] client group, the support of the wider family was often critical in ‘making or breaking’ a client journey. This was particularly the case for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, some of whom were reluctant to proceed with the programme without the support of their partners, who needed to be convinced of the wider benefits to the family if they were to proceed’.66 So support can be gained from the husband and family, but any service provider or outreach worker must factor into their engagement strategy, explaining ‘the wider benefits’ of the woman working to the family.

But this is also about practical support being forthcoming from the family to enable these women to work — not just about ensuring that families consent to the woman working but also about negotiating how the woman will need to manage her domestic responsibilities. Firstly, an insight into the structure of families in Bangladeshi and Pakistani Muslim communities in Britain. According to the DWP’s Ethnic Minority Outreach: An evaluation (2005), in 2000–2002 ‘compared to 32% of Indian women, 17% of Black Caribbean women and 25% of white women, 47% of Pakistani and 54% of Bangladeshi women had a partner and a child under the age of 16’.67 Moreover, ‘Pakistani and Bangladeshi family sizes are characteristically larger than white families, which will tend to mean longer periods outside of the labour force’.68 Both these points imply a higher and longer-lasting level of childcare responsibilities for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women. Indeed, according to figures from the DWP (2004), ‘52% of economically inactive Muslim women are looking after the home’.69 What kind of support is needed for these women to balance work and domestic responsibilities? According to the DWP (2005), ‘Pakistani and Bangladeshi women tend 66

67 68 69

POEM’s pilots began in March 2007 and have run for two years. They have focused on a few cities in the UK where there are high levels of deprivation, economic inactivity and a large ethnic minority population. The initiative aims to support non-working partners who are not in contact with Jobcentre Plus services or claiming out of work benefits, by focusing on outreach. J. Aston et al (2009), ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM): Interim report’ (London: Department of Works and Pensions), p.100.

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.19.

Bradley et al, ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC), p.15.

OSI, ‘Aspirations and Reality’, p.18.

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to have larger families and to be fully responsible for childcare and housework, sometimes without the support networks they would have found in their home countries’.70 The Birmingham Asian Resource Centre emphasized, however, that the presence of support networks is greater now: “those South Asians immigrating into the UK 20 years ago didn’t have extended families to rely on for support. Those immigrating and marrying into established families now, have in-laws and grandparents”.71 The DWP’s report goes on to say ‘it is worth noting... that for many female POEM clients, their cultural family and caring responsibilities did not necessarily prevent them from considering employment, but merely constrained the circumstances in which they would be able and willing to work’ (author’s emphasis).72 Working with husbands, as well as the women who want to participate in the training programme, from the outset ensures that the woman’s family better understands the nature of the training, what commitment is involved, what the longer-term benefits will be for the entire family and what kind of support these women will need from their families.

“Mostly families are supportive of women working. Any reservations come from concern over how their work will impact on caring for the children and looking after the home. But husbands are more willing to help out nowadays, picking the children up from school and even feeding them”. Mubarik Iqbal, Chairperson, the Islamic Men and Women’s Association, Bradford, 15th May 2009

But even where support networks exist, be it immediate family or a broader base, are they sufficient for a mother working full-time? The Muath Trust in Birmingham works to improve the employability of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) women, mostly of immigrants. The Development Manager at the Trust says “I don’t think it’s fair to expect parents to hold down jobs depending solely on wider family support to meet childcare needs”.73 So is formal childcare a possible solution?

Formal childcare74

In response to Q.6 ‘What would most help you to get a job?’ better childcare was the second most frequent answer at 22%. Respondents were not asked how many children they have and of what ages, which means that we cannot here discuss for which age groups these women need ‘better childcare’. But it is noteworthy that the number of respondents wanting better childcare to enable them to work is quite low given that 49% said that they could not work because of their responsibilities in the home, including caring for their children. Whilst women should be supported in choosing whether they are stay-at-home or working mothers, those who want to work should be provided with 70 71 72 73 74

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), pp.20 -21.

Interview: Muhammed Idrish, Coordinator, Birmingham Asian Resource Centre, 14 May 2009.

Aston et al, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.92.

Interview: Ali Al-Rawni, Development Manager, The Muath Trust, 18 May 2009.

Formal childcare provided by the Government includes: Sure Start Children’s Centres (children up to age five); crèches (children under eight); toddler groups (usually children who are under five); pre-schools and playgroups (children under five); day nurseries (from birth to four or five years of age); out-of-school or ‘kids’ clubs (school-aged children); childminders (usually children under 12); and nannies. See Direct.gov, ‘Parents: Type of Childcare’.

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adequate childcare arrangements where needed to facilitate this. Bradford District Council’s Childcare Sufficiency Plan (2008–2011) found that among South Asian and other communities in Bradford, ‘placing children with strangers in a formal childcare setting is frowned upon, both by family members and the community in general’.75 These findings suggest a degree of cultural unacceptability of using formal childcare but is this the full picture — are there other factors involved preventing its uptake?

According to the DWP (2005), ‘for both parents and young women themselves, ensuring the integrity of family honour (i.e. ‘izzat’) seemed to be a pre-condition of any change in common practice and, in most cases, family and parents continued to have considerable influence on educational and employment choices’.76 As we have seen above, it is likely that this influence also extends to the use of formal childcare.

Although the parameters of ‘izzat’ are fluid and influenced by a range of factors — crucially, educational attainment and socio-economic status — there are some key concerns, which may have translated into barriers, that need to be addressed.

There are various formal childcare initiatives available, divided between care for preschool children and care for school-aged children. Care for pre-school children includes free early years provision for three and four year olds as well as for disadvantaged two year olds – the DCSF has found in its work with local authorities and increasing BME uptake of formal childcare, that it is easier to pitch the free provision and less easy to encourage uptake of childcare for which there are tax credits available.77 But there are still impediments that would apply to both free and tax credit-covered childcare. The perception, and for some the reality, among South Asian Muslims may be that what is available does not meet their cultural and religious requirements. The Institute for Employment Studies (IES) (2007) concluded that ‘[Pakistani and Bangladeshi] women usually felt that caring for their own children, or using informal childcare was preferential to using nurseries and childminders. They wanted their children to be cared for by people who would uphold their own cultural values and beliefs’. The study qualifies what is meant by ‘cultural values and beliefs’: this covered halal food and prayer facilities but also learning their parents’ first language and about their faith.78 Whilst parents may have specific practical requirements (halal food and prayer facilities) for their child, it may store problems up for the future if children are placed only with minders or childcare staff who are from within the child’s community. Selection of a childcare provider would therefore be better for the child if it is on the basis of the qualifications of the staff member(s) and the resources available in that particular facility. Where childcare facilities are mixed, they also afford the child an opportunity to speak English outside the home and become accustomed to children from other faiths and backgrounds.

75 76 77 78

Bradford District Council (2008), ‘Childcare Sufficiency Plan for the Bradford District 20082011’ (Bradford: Bradford City Council), p.8.

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.21.

C. Oppenheim & R. Hill (May 2008), ‘Increasing the take-up of formal childcare among Black and Ethnic Minority Families’ (London: Department of Children Schools and Families).

J. Aston, H. Hooker, R. Page & R. Willison (2007), ‘Pakistanis and Bangladeshi Women’s Attitudes to Work and Family’, Research Report DWPRR 458 (London: Department for Work and Pensions), p.113.

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Slough’s Borough Council found that ‘in comparison to the national study, it appears that in Slough the Asian community has a greater take-up of formal childcare than the national average (33% compared to 20% respectively)’,79 but in other parts of the country there may be less cultural acceptance of formal childcare. Birmingham’s Childcare Sufficiency Assessment80 found a similar pattern — that the South Asian community in two constituencies in Birmingham ‘are relatively low users of childcare’. Only 21% of South Asian communities use some form of childcare, possibly because ‘they are opting to use informal forms of childcare, in particular the extended family’. The report goes on to state that Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities were particularly low users of childcare with only 19% of Pakistani children accessing childcare and 18% of Bangladeshi children, as compared to 31% of Indian children.81 Where South Asian Muslim parents would prefer not to send their young children to external premises (i.e. a nursery, play group or school) or are unable to get to these premises, there are alternatives.

The IES (2007) report went on to say that some women said they would feel better about their children being with someone they knew, rather than a stranger,82 so an option may be to train up a relative83 who has current childcare responsibilities to become a registered or approved childminder.84 This of course could include South Asian Muslim mothers since in response to Q.2 ‘What sort of job would you like?’, 31% want to work in childcare. The Government recognizes the lack of uptake of formal childcare by BME communities and the DCSF has been working with 12 local authorities across the UK to tackle this problem. The London Borough of Camden had a project called ‘First Steps’, which sought to ensure that the childcare workforce reflected the diversity of the local area. They offered ESOL and childcare training to unemployed 25–49 year olds, but ‘resource [sic] is not available to track clients’ progress once they leave the project, and, as such, it is not known how many have entered employment in the borough’.85 If the 79 80

81 82 83 84

85 86

Slough Borough Council (2008), ‘Slough Childcare Sufficiency’, p.18.

As part of the Childcare Act (2006), the Government required that all local authorities complete, by March 2008, a Childcare Sufficiency Assessment. This is reviewed annually and a full assessment carried out every 3 years.

Birmingham City Council (2008), ‘Birmingham Childcare Sufficiency Assessment’ (Birmingham: Birmingham City Council), p.16; 24-25.

Aston et al, ‘Pakistanis and Bangladeshi Women’s Attitudes to Work and Family’ (DWP), p.62.

Defined as a parent, grandparent, aunt, uncle, brother, sister or step-parent.

Defined as someone who is ‘approved under the home Childcare Approval Schemes in England, Wales and Northern Ireland who provides childcare in your child’s home or in domestic premises’. For more information, see Direct.gov, ‘Money, Tax and Benefits: Help with childcare costs—do you qualify?’

Department for Children Schools and Families (Oct 2007), ‘Early Years and Childcare: Local Authority Developing Practice - Improving workforce diversity and supporting skill development’.

ChildcareLink, <http://www.childcarelink.gov.uk>. Alternatively, users can find a contact number for an area’s Children’s Information Link via the National Association of Family Information Services’ (NAFIS) website. These Children’s Information Links are based within local authorities across the UK. See National Association of Family Information Services (NAFIS), <http://www.familyinformationservices.org.uk/>.

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council does not know how many trainees went on to work in childcare, they will not know why those who failed did. They will therefore not be able to review the success of their training nor be able to set up alternative arrangements for other avenues of learning and work for unsuccessful trainees by coordinating with educational and other service providers. For already vulnerable individuals, this may lead to a real sense of failure and reluctance to participate in similar programmes in the future.

Increasing uptake

Given that it may well be the case that South Asian Muslims, as well as other minority communities, are not aware of the range of childcare options available in their area, how does the Government promote its availability and their eligibility for state support to cover childcare costs? Childcare Link, an on-line service, allows the user to search by region, town and then area within a town for all types of childcare. It also allows the user to narrow the search to those places which have vacancies, which again saves the user time because they can focus on those facilities that are not at full capacity.86 However, callers can’t always specify requirements specific to their child’s needs.

Birmingham City Council’s Childcare Information Bureau explains how their information service to callers works. “We search for childcare options by postcode and then give a list of all the options in the area. If any of these groups [childcare providers] were to specify that they offer halal food for example, the council would include this in their profiles. But we do not hold information on staff because of equal opportunity issues so callers wouldn’t be able to specify that they wanted a female Muslim childminder for example. We advertise our services via English-language leaflets doctors’ surgeries, libraries and schools”.87 Luton Borough Council’s Children and Family Information Service goes a step further and provides help in several languages including Urdu and, crucially, where needed “offers a Brokerage Service for parents who request for the adviser to call nurseries, childminders etc on their behalf, usually because they don’t have the requisite proficiency in English. The council tries, where possible, to work with parents face-to-face and would even try to make the necessary arrangements to accompany parents on visits to check out nurseries/ crèches or to meet prospective childminders. We distribute information leaflets (on types of childcare, tax credits available and the benefits of childcare) in a variety of languages and also doing outreach at events and in children’s centres and job centres. We have also utilized the local press including a local South Asian-language radio station”.88

Luton Council’s use of local South Asian language broadcast media is key — these women may not necessarily be literate in their first language. However, the council’s efforts reflect a worrying reality: that these communities are shut off from wider society and lack the channels through which to tap into essential community services. It points to the main cause of this — lack of proficiency in English. As English improves, there is necessarily an attendant increase in self-confidence, which better equips these women to navigate an unfamiliar and rather complex state system. This is discussed in greater

87 88

Interview: Information Adviser, Birmingham City Council’s Childcare Information Bureau, 1 April 2009.

Interview: Early Years Childcare Commissioner, Slough Borough Council, 1 April 2009.

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detail in chapter 3. However, even where these families are reached, it is likely that many South Asian Muslim families may have limited understanding of the purpose, ethos and benefits of formal childcare, largely through lack of experience of any formal childcare system. It is therefore essential to go beyond merely informing parents of available childcare, and there needs to be a determined effort to encourage interested families to see childcare as a stepping stone towards integrating into wider society.

So how can the Government sell the benefits of childcare to both the child and the family — where does the emphasis need to be? Families may have limited awareness of the educational and developmental benefits of childcare for children (particularly concerning pre-school facilities), and should be made more aware of the benefits it affords their children to mix with other children from different backgrounds to prepare them for mainstream education and British society more generally. In Luton Borough Council’s Childcare Sufficiency Assessment, they concluded that the council needed to “promote formal childcare and its benefits to existing and new BME [Black and Minority Ethnic] communities, especially those whose first language is not English”.89 Bradford Council has been working to address precisely this issue. Engaging primarily with Pakistani and Bangladeshi families using bilingual outreach workers, they offered home-based learning to engage parents in their child’s learning and also adult education to explain child development to them (promoting the ‘value of learning through play’).90 Where parental confidence in pre-school nurseries is improved, children may have less difficulty settling in, and this is best achieved by explaining the benefits to the child of such pre-school care. ‘Taster’ sessions for families and their children whereby parents can accompany their child to the nursery could also prove an effective confidence-building tool. There may also be direct, unforeseen benefits for the mother, with the successful placement of their child in a nursery.

“These women lack exposure to formal childcare. Such exposure can be transformative. These women may indeed find that they themselves can also benefit from a couple of hours away from their children, having some time for themselves”. Samina Hussain, Employment and Enterprise Manager, Slough Borough Council, 13th May 2009

Financial constraints

Aside from the aforementioned free childcare provision available, there is also the question of affordability for care that goes beyond entitlements for disadvantaged two year olds and early years provision for three and four year olds. Given that, according to the DWP (2002), ‘three-quarters of Pakistani and Bangladeshi children live in households earning less than half the average income for the UK’,91 what financial support is available? The Government offers several ways in which parents can reclaim

89 90 91

Luton Borough Council & the Daycare Trust (2008), ‘Childcare Sufficiency Assessment: March 2008 Report’, pp.35-36; 50.

DCSF, ‘Early Years and Childcare’.

OSI, ‘Aspirations and Reality’, p.28.

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costs for childcare.92 Whilst affordability of childcare is of concern to many families, not just ethnic minority communities, specific to South Asian communities are large families — the Government offers no additional assistance to families with three or more children.93 Moreover, according to Slough Borough Council, ‘the public is clearly confused between Child Tax Credit, Working Tax Credit and the Childcare Element of Working Tax Credit’. If there is confusion among the general public, are there additional hurdles to accessing tax credits for childcare among the South Asian Muslim communities? Slough Borough Council goes on to say that 42% of Asian residents are ‘less likely to say they receive tax credit for childcare’.94 So why is this? According to the DWP’s outreach work with Pakistani and Bangladeshi women (2007–2009), ‘there are harder-to-reach groups of people within local communities who have never accessed benefits, or services from Jobcentre Plus or elsewhere, and are generally unaware of what they are entitled to’.95 It is likely to be due in large part to a combination of linguistic incompetency (see chapter 3) and unfamiliarity with ‘the system’. As already mentioned, the DCSF has funded 12 local authorities in the UK to increase the uptake of formal childcare among BME families. In the interim evaluation report of the DCSF’s initiative in six local authorities (May 2008), it was acknowledged that ‘promoting free early education is easier than paid for childcare which requires access to advice about WTC [working tax credits]. The latter requires the parent to jump two hurdles — their child attending formal childcare and often a claim for tax credits for the first time’ (author’s emphasis).96 To reiterate, an unfamiliarity with the tax credit system poses an additional obstacle to considering childcare when there exists a lack of awareness or understanding of the financial assistance available. The DCSF’s initiative heavily emphasizes the working tax credit available to families as part of its strategy to get more women working to reduce child poverty. But given that families are only eligible if both spouses work a minimum of 16 hours per week97 — where the mother is unable to find work she will be without the financial assistance to give her child the educational benefits that formal childcare offers. Moreover, these women may be better off taking advantage of the Government’s ‘Free Childcare for Training and

92

93 94 95 96 97

Child Tax Credits offer financial support where total household income is less than £58,000 or less than £66,000 and you have a child under the age of one. Working Tax Credits cover up to 80% of childcare costs if parents work more than 16 hours each per week whereby the lower their income, the more money the parent is able to claim back, but there is a maximum of £175 per week for one child or £300 per week for two or more children. In order to qualify for Tax Credits on childcare costs, the childcare used must be registered. See HM Government (2009), ‘Real Help Now for Women: Where to find help when you need it’, pp.6-7.

Bradley et al, ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC), p.28.

Slough Borough Council (2008), ‘Slough Childcare Sufficiency’, p.34.

Aston et al, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.133.

Oppenheim & Hill, ‘Increasing the take-up of formal childcare among Black and Ethnic Minority Families’.

HM Revenue and Customs, ‘What are tax credits?’.

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Learning for Work scheme’,98 given the likelihood of their having minimal qualifications, but there is no mention in the interim report of its promotion among BME communities.

There are other benefits available for individuals who are involved in different kinds of ‘caring’ for family members. The Carer’s Allowance for individuals caring for an elderly, sick or disabled relative is where the carer is entitled to certain tax credits, benefits and other financial support.99 Is this a hidden barrier for South Asian women to employment? According to Bradford District Council’s Childcare Sufficiency Plan (2008– 2011), ‘there is a significant South Asian population, and statistics produced by the Children’s Development Centre at St Luke’s Hospital, strongly suggests that disability is more prevalent within this [the South Asian] community’.100 Caring for a relative is also particularly relevant among Asians given the ‘strong culture of caring for older family members and in-laws’, where this responsibility usually falls ‘on the eldest daughter, the wife of the eldest son, or in some cases, any unmarried daughters,’ found by the IES in their research into Pakistani and Bangladeshi women’s attitudes to work and family in 2007.101 In terms of caring for the elderly, the Institute states that day care centres may be a possibility for alternative care for older or infirm family members but nursing homes are ‘unlikely to be culturally acceptable’ to South Asian Muslim families.102 The extent of the impact of caring for relatives would depend on the nature of the illness (short or long term). Given that ‘Bangladeshis have a particularly high rate of illness, leading to many women having additional caring responsibilities beyond looking after children’,103 quite aside from the women themselves suffering from ill-health, the issue of women caring for sick relatives is of concern and warrants further inquiry.

Another issue is lone parents. According to a BBC Radio 4 programme broadcast in 2006, anecdotal evidence indicates that the divorce rate among Asians is on the increase. It is especially important that these women have access to the work that fits around their childcare responsibilities given attitudes towards divorce within these communities: ‘the community’s disapproval of single parenthood means that divorcees frequently find themselves outside the tight-knit community and family structures’.104

98

99

This scheme offers flexible courses for anyone who is 20 years old or older, has a spouse who is in work, is in a household earning less than £20,000 p.a. and has one or more children aged 14 or under. See Direct.gov, ‘Free Childcare for Training & Learning for Work Scheme’.

HM Government, ‘Real help now for women’, p.10.

100 101 102 103 104

Bradford District Council (2008), ‘Childcare Sufficiency Plan for the Bradford District 20082011’, p.7.

Aston et al, ‘Pakistanis and Bangladeshi Women’s Attitudes to Work and Family’ (DWP), p.107.

Aston et al, ‘Pakistanis and Bangladeshi Women’s Attitudes to Work and Family’ (DWP), p.68.

Department of Work and Pensions (2009), ‘Equality Impact Assessment: The Partners’ Outreach for Ethnic Minorities Programme of Pilots’.

BBC, ‘They look straight through me’, BBC News, 1 February 2006.

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“I am trying to get back into employment but I’m finding it very difficult as I have a child with a hearing-impairment to look after on my own. I have no alternative childcare arrangements and the crèches that are available have long waiting lists”.

Bangladeshi lone parent, London

The New Deal for Lone Parents (NDLP) scheme set up by the Government was established to help lone parents get (back) into work by offering training, advice and help with childcare costs.105 But this package does not reach lone parents from the immigrant community who have been in the country for less than two years. 63% of the women we surveyed married and then came to the UK. These women would be given two-year spousal visas before they gain permanent residency and then further down the line take the citizenship test. The spousal visa allows the woman to work but does not entitle her to any state support for the first two years.106 With no access to benefits, if the marriage breaks down these women are extremely vulnerable. Moreover, in a review of ethnic minority lone parents’ experiences of the NDLP (2002) by the DWP, ‘among the non-English speakers and lone parents with limited English skills, there was often a complete lack, or very limited awareness and understanding of the NDLP programme, as communications had not been understood’.107

It is evident that religiously-informed cultural attitudes towards a woman’s role in the family are best challenged by presenting the practical and developmental benefits of childcare to the family as a whole and the community more widely. A woman’s potential to negotiate possible learning, training and employment opportunities will be greatly enhanced if she and her family understand the benefits (and are aware of how costs can be offset by tax credits) of childcare as an alternative to informal support networks.

Without this possibility, the woman risks remaining confined to the home. It is also clear that a lack of proficiency in English severely limits particularly those women with childcare and other caring responsibilities, who cannot rely on informal networks of support. Simultaneously they are forced to rely on their immediate family, council outreach workers or South Asian-language media for information on what childcare support they can access to get them actively involved in the community, in training and in work. Without English these women will not know about the availability and benefits of formal childcare or what state support they are entitled to.

105 106 107

Department for Employment and Learning, ‘New Deal for Lone Parents’.

Home Office UK Border Agency, ‘Spouses and civil partners’.

Nick Pettigrew (2002), ‘Experiences of lone parents from minority ethnic Communities: Research Summary’ (London: Department for Work and Pensions).

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3. Improving skills and building confidence: women as role models Demand for English

Women play central roles in the lives of their children — primarily as mothers. And as mothers they have the potential to exert a great deal of influence in the household, particularly since the mother plays a central role in South Asian Muslim families. But how is the credibility of the mother as a transmitter of cultural values compromised where she has both a limited understanding of mainstream society and its value system, owing to limited experience of it, and lacks insight into the issues and demands, particularly surrounding discrimination, racism and sexism, faced by her children in mainstream society? In short, she lacks the knowledge to be able to guide her children in how to address them, as well as the confidence to deliver her advice. These women must be supported to be mothers as well as mentors and role models to their children, other family members, neighbours and peers on the basis of their additional (professional, educational, social) achievements outside the home.

Where these women lack basic English they are more likely to be unemployed, confined to their home and their immediate neighbourhood, unable to engage with their children’s teachers at school and unable to access English-language media to discuss current political, social and economic issues, as understood by British society. As The Muslimah project in High Wycombe states on its website, in its work to empower Muslim women to participate in the counter-terrorism agenda, it is about Muslim women playing a ‘more active role in the development process of family members’ and increasing awareness of the ‘importance of engagement and integration with society at large’.108 Quite aside from accessing services, not least the emergency services, speaking English is fundamental in securing understanding and integration between communities. Learning and using English demonstrates to the wider community an individual’s commitment to adapt to life in the UK, not to mention the contribution individuals can make to the UK’s economy where they enhance their employability.

More concretely, these women are less able to aid their children’s integration and advancement in British society as the cycle of deprivation persists down the generations.

Women will not be able to impart ‘soft skills’ (from job hunting to networking) on employment in particular, but also essential qualities of determination, resourcefulness and resilience more generally, where they have not experienced the challenges of the labour market and of wider society for themselves.109 It is the Government that controls immigration, specifically the issuance of spousal visas, and so it is the Government that may wish to take a lead on addressing these women’s 108 109

Muslimah, ‘Making Muslim Women and Girls An Emerging Force’ (London: Faith Associates).

The Government Equalities Office (2008) report on ethnic minority women and employment made recommendations for families and communities to help their children achieve, including instilling a belief in them that they can succeed, teaching them effective strategies to handle bullying and discrimination and exposing them to a broad range of experiences to broaden their horizons. Moosa (ed.), ‘Ethnic Minority Women: Routes to Power’, (Government Equalities Office), p.80.

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(English language) learning needs, with the support of the relevant professionals. It is not known how much money is spent in public services on translation for those without adequate English, but it is surely wise to invest in a longer-term strategy of improving English language proficiency, which would see an eventual reduction in the need for translation and interpretation services. It is also the case that employers, be they public, private or voluntary, have a role to play in supporting the learning needs of potential recruits. Indeed, Muslim communities themselves, beyond community organizations, have a key role to play. A representative from the Muslim Public Affairs Council (UK), interviewed about ESOL cuts on the BBC’s Politics Show in June 2009, stated that some of the money invested in mosques might be better spent on supporting community members’ English language needs.110 The role of communities, the voluntary sector and businesses is explored in greater detail in chapter 4, but it is the Government’s contribution to improving English proficiency that is the focus of this chapter. As 84% of our survey’s respondents are immigrants, we can assume that English would not be their first language. Hence, it is these women who should form one of the priority groups for ESOL courses. This chapter deals primarily with ESOL but it should not be assumed that those whose first language is not English would only be interested in learning English to a level of day to day interaction.111

Eight colleges that we spoke to between April and June 2009 from across the country, that run ESOL courses, were full until September 2009.112 The Adult Community Learning in Luton explained that “ESOL outlets are over-subscribed. This could be for a number of reasons, including lack of space to teach in or lack of tutors to teach the courses”.113 What is of grave concern is that the Government, in its new approach to reach priority learners announced in May 2009, expects this to result in ‘an increased number of people from the locally identified priority groups’, but that ‘this will need to happen within the existing budgets for ESOL’ (author’s emphasis).114 Is the Government aware of the number of priority learners there are, on what basis has it defined a priority learner as such, and does it know what their specific learning needs are? According to the National Institute of Adult Continuing Education’s (NIACE) (2008) research looking at Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Somali women and learning opportunities, ‘in the 1970s and early 1980s there were fewer ESOL classes’ and for many learners ‘suddenly it stopped’.115 So there may well be, in effect, a backlog of 110 111 112

113 114 115

BBC, a representative from the Muslim Public Affairs Committee (MPACUK) interviewed about ESOL cuts, Politics Show, BBC One, 21 June 2009.

‘Skills for Life’ have courses that are aimed at further improving adults’ English literacy and numeracy skills.

Birmingham City Council, Lambeth College (London), Amersham College (High Wycombe), Adult Community Learning (Luton), East Berkshire College (Slough), College of North West London (Brent), JGA Group Adult Learning (Harrow) and Tower Hamlets College (London).

Interview: Adult Community Learning (Borough Council), Luton, 30 March 2009.

DIUS, ‘A New Approach’, p.9.

J. Ward & R. Spacey (2008), ‘Dare to dream: learning journeys of Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Somali women’ (Leicester: National Institute of Adult Continuing Education (NIACE)), p.43.

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individuals from 20 or 30 years ago who might still be categorized as priority learners: those without proficient English, over and above new arrivals to Britain. And these are overwhelmingly women. This chapter will highlight how priority learners can be identified, reached and successfully supported to increase their chances of success on ESOL courses with examples of best practice and suggestions for improvement. It also makes the case for immigrant women, many who are entry-level ESOL, to be considered as priority learners. If these learners’ needs are not adequately met, the backlog will grow further still.

“Tower Hamlets College will see 50% of ESOL courses cut from September as well as the use of community outreach centres for ESOL classes. There have in fact been systematic cuts to ESOL funding for years, and we already no longer have courses for absolute beginners. This round of cuts will affect entry-level learners as the Government prioritizes funding for higher ESOL levels. Currently we have 800 learners on our waiting list — mostly for entry levels — and this will rise to 2,000 in September with the proposed cuts”. Wojciech Dmochowski, ESOL Programme Coordinator, Tower Hamlets College, East London, 17th June 2009

According to the DWP (2005), ‘Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are less likely to have good language skills or higher qualifications’.116 There don’t appear to be up to date statistics on this: an OSI report (2004) claimed that ‘the degree to which language fluency is a barrier to employment for Muslims is uncertain’.117 But back in 1993-1994, the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities (FNSEM) collected data on spoken language proficiency for individuals in England and Wales and fluency in English was present in ‘among women, 46% of Indian [among Indian men, 58%], 31% of Pakistani [among Pakistani men, 46%] and 20% of Bangladeshi females [among Bangladeshi men, 40%]. This compares with 66% of African women. Those fluent in English were more likely to be economically active and had lower unemployment rates’.118 It is of course not always the case that those with limited English necessarily lack skills, and individuals who lack good English may have experience and skills they want to apply to a job in the UK. Moreover, individuals may want to increase their earning power by improving their English so that they can aim for better-paid work (according to the UK Border Agency’s paper on English for spouses new to the UK, fluency in English ‘increases a migrant’s likely earnings by 18-20%’).119 “I would like to work full-time but feel that my lack of English is holding me back.

I have been offered jobs in cleaning but turned them down as I want to make the most of my experience in cooking and dress-making.” Pakistani woman, Slough

Given that 84% of women surveyed were not born in the UK, so do not have English as their first language, is better English the solution? In response to Q.6 ‘What would 116 117 118 119

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.19.

The report in fact specifically referred to the Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities. OSI, ‘Aspirations and Reality’, p.40.

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.22.

United Kingdom Border Agency (July 2008), ‘Marriage Visas: The Way Forward’, p.8.

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most help you to get a job?’ 20% of respondents felt that better English language skills would help them. Such a relatively low number could be explained in a number of ways.

Firstly, since 70% of the women surveyed had been in the UK for 10 years or more, their level of English may be better than those new to the country. It may also reflect respondents’ desire and/ or expectations to work within their local community (the ‘ethnic labour market’) where the use of English may be minimal and not beyond a basic level at which respondents already feel comfortable or may not be necessary at all.120 Moreover, where (particularly older) women have spent most of their lives raising their children in their homes, their confidence may be low in terms of gaining the requisite oral and written proficiency in English to be able to work, so learning English may not feel achievable.

“I have been unemployed for the last nine years due to looking after children. I have worked previously and want to go back to work, but feel nervous and apprehensive.

I haven’t made an attempt to look for employment or courses that could improve my chances because I don’t feel confident”. Bangladeshi woman, London

This lack of confidence is key. In the DWP’s POEM pilots (2009), one of the four outcomes of their work to improve the employability of ‘hard-to-reach’ Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Somali women, was ‘greater confidence’ among participants. ‘Low levels of confidence stemmed mostly from high level support needs, a lack of previous work experience, and language difficulties’ (author’s emphasis).121 Proficiency in English is an essential skill to impart to these women, which will both enable them to function in a work environment and broaden their horizons beyond working in specific sectors where many South Asians are concentrated. Sheffield University’s study looking at ethnic minority women and access to the labour market (2006) refers to the dangers (vulnerability to ‘shifts and changes in the labour market structure for example in manufacturing’) as well as limits (‘low pay... poor working conditions, and limited opportunities for career development’) of these women aiming only for ‘unskilled and low status occupations’.122 Breaking out of this mould also serves to challenge stereotypes about women from these ethnic groups only being willing or able to work in particular jobs. However, ethnic minorities are unevenly distributed across Britain with communities concentrating in certain areas alongside members from their own ethnic or religious communities for a variety of reasons including cultural practicalities and support. This has resulted in access to specific local labour markets, a disproportionately high number of which offer poor employment opportunities. As a result, aspirations must be realistic and take into account what work is available locally.

120

121 122

It is worth noting that there are individuals currently employed in jobs where English is not required (e.g. as a chef in an Asian-run restaurant) who may feel that such work does not match their skills or is not what they want to do, who would also benefit from English language training to break into the job market at large.

Aston, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.97.

S. Yeandel, B. Stiell & L. Buckner (2006), ‘Ethnic Minority Women and Access to the Labour Market. Synthesis Report’ (Sheffield: Sheffield Hallam University, Centre for Social Exclusion), pp.33-34.

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Access to ESOL

So what is being done to improve the level of English among South Asian Muslim women? The Learning and Skills Council (LSC) is the Government’s department in charge of ESOL classes, which are largely administered through local colleges and voluntary organizations. Colleges conduct assessment interviews to put prospective students on the right course — it is crucial that colleges get students onto the right ESOL level.123 This may be the first contact these women have with the ‘system’.

Moreover, entry-level students who are new to learning English, who have not been in a learning environment for many years and who lack confidence, may be put off learning English altogether if at this early, delicate stage they feel it is beyond them and it is not meeting their needs. Colleges need to take into account the level of literacy of students in their first language.

“I have been here a year and enrolled on the ESOL course to improve my English though I speak it quite well already. But I don’t have a piece of paper to say that I do. I was given an assessment but was placed in a class with others who don’t speak English. It’s very frustrating.” Pakistani woman, Luton

The British Asian Women’s Association said of those Pakistani Muslims immigrating into the UK and settling in Birmingham, “most only have primary school education”.124 But assumptions about educational background cannot be made and correlations between education and proficiency in English will not necessarily be accurate, particularly because well-educated, highly-skilled migrants do not necessarily have correspondingly proficient English. Slough Council’s Employment and Enterprise Manager explained how they offer a service using NARIC software,125 to convert academic and professional qualifications that these migrants have from their home countries into a UK equivalent.

“This is essential for giving them a sense of direction”.126 Such a service would greatly assist colleges in the ESOL assessment process. However, given that these women may not have a ‘piece of paper’ stating their level of English, and colleges may know little about how, and the extent to which English is taught in these women’s home countries, a great deal rests on the quality of the assessment. Colleges must also, crucially, consider the women’s reasons for wanting to improve their English, i.e. the level of competency and usage they are aiming for (e.g. to read to their children or for different types of employment). This is important for motivating women, but also to be realistic about their expectations. It cannot be assumed that students will always achieve their goals and expectations need to be managed accordingly.

Where these women are deterred from accessing ESOL owing to actual or perceived prohibitive costs, the question of who qualifies for state or other sector subsidies is an important one. The Government decided to abolish universal entitlement to free ESOL in 2006, going on to introduce a system whereby ESOL is only subsidized for those on

123 124 125 126

There are six levels in total: pre-entry, entry 1, entry 2, entry 3, Level 1 and Level 2.

Interview: staff member, British Asian Women’s Association, 13 May 2009.

See UK NARCIC’s website for more information. UK NARIC, < http://www.naric.org.uk/>.

Interview: Samina Hussain, Employment and Enterprise Manager, Slough Borough Council, 13 May 2009.

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income-related benefits. Amersham and Wickham College in High Wycombe explained how students are charged: “there are home student fees which apply to individuals who have either been in the UK for more than three years or are married to a British citizen and have been in the UK for more than one year. If the student is on certain benefits (housing etc) then they do not have to pay these fees and instead only have to pay for exam fees. If students are on jobseekers’ allowance, they don’t have to pay anything at all” (author’s emphasis).127 In addition there exists a discretionary Hardship Fund available for those who do not qualify for fee remission, but whose household earns a low enough income. A concern raised by the General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress in February 2007 was that ‘very few people with English language needs claim tax credits’,128 implying that many may be eligible but for any number of reasons may not be accessing these benefits — they may simply not be not aware of them. The catch 22 is that this could well be because they don’t have the requisite language skills to know about their entitlements.

But it is also worth remembering here that individuals in the UK on spousal visas are not entitled to state benefits for their first two years in the country (see chapter 2),129 so they do not qualify at all for state-subsidized ESOL courses. However, the UK Border Agency’s paper on Marriage Visas (July 2008) states that ‘no public funding is available for spouses before they have been here for twelve months’ (author’s emphasis), rather than two years. This statement was made in a paper proposing toughening up on migrant spouses who don’t speak (adequate) English and in the immediate term requiring that they both have the means, and will demonstrate the intention to learn English within a specified time upon arrival in the UK. They state that migrants must honour ‘the promise made to us [the Government]’ and failure to prove that they are learning English ‘could be grounds for leave to stay in the UK being cancelled’,130 but for the women migrating as spouses, it is the husband and his family who are likely to hold the purse strings and it is they who will need to agree to pay for the wife’s English tuition as well as allow them the time away at classes and sufficient time to complete necessary homework. This leaves these women almost completely in their husband and his family’s hands.

“If in the first year of arriving, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are not engaging in learning, they tend to start a family and look after their relatives. This becomes a downward spiral. About 15 years later these women resurface and really want to get active”. Samina Hussain, Employment and Enterprise Manager, Slough Borough Council, 13th May 2009

127

128 129

130

Charges vary according to how many levels students want to study and whether they do the course(s) part- or full-time. Interview: Administrator, Amersham and Wickham College (Priority Road Centre), High Wycombe, 30 March 2009.

Brendan Barber, ‘Mind the language’, The Guardian, 14 February 2007.

According to Dale, concerns surrounding the use of marriage as a route into the UK for economic migrants led the Government to revise the Immigration Act in 1997 so that all applicants joining a spouse in the UK must now demonstrate that they will both live together as husband and wife but also have no need for recourse to public funds. Dale, ‘Migration, marriage and employment’, p.3.

United Kingdom Border Agency (July 2008), ‘Marriage Visas: The Way Forward’, p.8.

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The NIACE’s (2008) research looking at Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Somali women and learning opportunities states that ‘it is more prevalent for these women... to choose to care for their children themselves when they are young and to prioritise mothering over studying and working’.131 Moreover, coming back to learning later in life is often difficult, as illustrated by the NIACE’s research. They found that these older women felt that they ‘have missed their time to learn, feel they have no need, are no longer capable, or it is not appropriate for older women to learn. In contrast some older women who are learning are very positive about it although they regret waiting’.132 Given the high number of women from the Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities who marry at an early age — about three-quarters of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women were married by the age of 25 according to a study conducted by Berthoud (2005)133 — these women returning to learning and work may be additionally disadvantaged given the limited qualifications and professional experience that they may have gained prior to marrying.

Reaching learners

How do prospective students find out about these classes? ESOL’s national helpline refers callers to colleges and other bodies in their local areas, which run ESOL courses.134 The colleges and community organizations advertise their activities in a variety of ways.

The JGA Group in Harrow said they “advertise their activities by distributing leaflets in libraries, care homes and so on, available only in the English language” (author’s emphasis).135 The East Berkshire College in Slough advertises via its website and via leaflets, which they distribute to the council, schools, libraries, police station, women’s and refugee support groups and explained that “where non-English speakers call, staff are very patient and we get there in the end, or students ask a friend or someone they know to call up on their behalf. Tutors don’t necessarily speak the mother tongue of the students”.136 But encouraging women, particularly those who have very little English, goes well beyond simply informing them through local media channels or flyers in their first language. At a minimum ESOL needs to be advertised through South Asian language outlets, be they national or local in scope, with an emphasis on broadcast media which is more popular than print. But there is no substitute for explaining to individual women and their families about ESOL. Outreach for an East London community centre is a time-consuming but essential part of what they do.

131

132 133 134 135 136

(J. Aston, H. Hooker, R. Page, and R. Wilson, 2007) quoted in J. Ward & R. Spacey (2008), ‘Dare to dream: learning journeys of Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Somali women’, (Leicester: National Institute of Adult Continuing Education (NIACE)), p.26.

Ward & Spacey, ‘Dare to dream’, p.69.

(Berthoud, 2008) quoted in Dale, ‘Migration, marriage and employment’, p.2.

Direct.gov, ‘English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL)’.

Interview: Project Coordinator at JGA Group provides Adult Learning in Harrow, 31 March 2009.

Interview: Administrator, East Berkshire College, 30 March 2009.

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“The engagement process with our client is a crucial aspect to our work. Some clients may require help with learning how to catch the bus, engage in a class with strangers; sometimes we have to go door-to-door to accompany women across the road to the project’s centre”. Training & Development Programme Manager, community centre in East London, 20th May 2009

But how do colleges and organizations know who to target? In May 2009 the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (DIUS) stated that they will be asking local authorities to ‘work with a broad mix of partners to identify their priority groups for targeting ESOL provision’ to ‘reflect differing circumstances in each area’.137 This came out of a consultation with service providers, and appears to be long overdue.

Birmingham City College explained that they do not advertise with the local authorities and are “not sure whether the authorities refer enquiries on to the College”.138 Coordination between the local council, colleges and the community organizations that often deliver the courses in partnership with colleges, is crucial. This coordination is not only essential in as far as it ensures that the demand for ESOL can be monitored and the supply organized accordingly, but these women must be put on ‘progression routes’ which involve ‘individual action plans’ that involve coordinating with all service providers in the locality to ensure that the student progresses on to the most appropriate courses, else it is wasted money, time and energy for all those involved.

The DIUS itself states that ‘local authorities are well placed to lead these partnerships to ensure ESOL is focused on priority groups’.139 In much the same way that local education authorities map children passing through the schools in a given area, ESOL courses, a fundamental stepping stone for migrant communities into British social and working life, should also be managed in this way.

For students who are mothers, childcare availability is a major factor in whether these women enrol on an ESOL course. There are funds available to contribute towards these costs, although without proficiency in English, access to the internet and indeed the knowledge that such facilities are out there, these women are greatly hindered in accessing them. Moreover, all of the funds available are applied for once the student has enrolled. This is true of the Discretionary Support Fund (DSF) and Free Childcare for Training and Learning for Work scheme,140 as well as additional external grants such as the Educational Grants Advisory Service (EGAS).141 The College of North West London in Brent explained that “there’s a Hardship Fund within the College, which is there to help students with covering childcare costs. They can apply for funds once enrolled on the course. The same means-tested benefits eligibility criteria apply”.142 If students can 137 138 139 140 141 142

DIUS, ‘A New Approach’, p.3.

Interview: Staff member, Birmingham City College, 30 March 2009.

DIUS, ‘A New Approach to English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL)’, p.8.

Direct.gov, ‘English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL)’.

Interview: Staff member, Educational Grants Advisory Service, 30 March 2009.

Interview: College of North West London, Brent, 30 March 2009.

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only apply for support once they have enrolled on the course, and indeed may not qualify, mothers may be deterred if they cannot be sure they will receive help with childcare. The JGA Group in Harrow explained that “childcare is organized by the jobcentre and there are no facilities on-site”.143 This is likely to be a major problem for South Asian Muslim students who are mothers as, given they are new to the system of strangers caring for their children, they are unlikely to be comfortable with their children being in a crèche that is not on the same premises as their place of study. It may be the case that there simply aren’t adequate facilities in the locality for the jobcentre to organize childcare in. At the East Berkshire College in Slough, “some of the venues which the college uses to run the ESOL language courses have crèche facilities (e.g. schools) but others don’t. And in the schools, the families of children enrolled there have priority over ESOL students’ children so it’s subject to availability”.144 “I enrolled in English course [sic] and at first was told there was a crèche facility available as I have children. A few weeks into the course I was then told there were too many children in the crèche and I would need to arrange alternative childcare. I managed to find another course with complimentary childcare, but it was too far to travel. I have found nothing nearby and a lot of my neighbours and friends have the same problem”. Bangladeshi woman, Birmingham

Many of these women may also prefer single-sex classes. The JGA Group in Harrow said they “only have mixed classes on-site but work with local community groups and can provide single-sex classes off-site”.145 According to the website of the Adult Community Learning in Luton, they offer some single-sex classes for beginners but not for those at intermediate level.146 Community organizations may be more able to meet the needs of students who require single-sex classes and/ or prayer facilities. Spaces used by community organizations, such as community centres, mosques, and schools are also spaces in which these women feel more comfortable than in an unfamiliar environment such as a college. Local organizations may also be more physically accessible than larger colleges located away from residential areas, which is an important consideration for potential students. The Bangladeshi Women’s Research Project in Bradford found that many women reported that ‘distance to services and transport were barriers preventing women from participating in activities. The women were also fearful of travelling alone’.147 It is also important to remember that these women may never have attended any kind of training before. An East London-based community centre runs ESOL courses on its premises and has adapted a pre-entry level class to accommodate these women.

“We have developed holistic training — personal development courses to build confidence, explain the role of student and teacher, recognize the alphabet etc.

A familiar, relaxed, friendly environment rather than a college is a good place for

143 144 145 146 147

Interview: Project Coordinator, JGA Group — Adult Learning, Harrow, 31 March 2009.

Interview: Administrator, East Berkshire College, High Wycombe, 30 March 2009.

Interview: Project Coordinator, JGA Group — Adult Learning, Harrow, 31 March 2009.

Luton Adult Community Learning, <http://www.lutonacl.ac.uk/skillsforlife.html#esol>.

BEAP Community Partnership, ‘Bangladeshi Women’s Research Project’ (Bradford: BEAP).

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these women’s first point of contact with the ESOL course. Ideally these women will be exposed to different tutors and be taught in different venues as they progress with their English and as their confidence grows”. Training & Development Programme Manager, community centre in East London, 20th May 2009 “I think it would be of great help if there was a local community centre opened in the area for women, which perhaps provided a crèche and also courses and activities available to women within the area”. Bangladeshi woman, Birmingham

Path to employment

Given that proficiency in English is now a requirement to pass the citizenship test, this is a real opportunity to speak to a captive audience of newly-arrived migrants and to get them thinking about possible work opportunities, and being productive, confident community members. According to the East Berkshire College’s website, students can combine ESOL with other courses (e.g. business)148 and according to the JGA Group in Harrow’s website, they have ESOL for the Workplace as well as ESOL for Citizenship.149 Such combined courses would be useful given the need of those women who have been out of the labour force for considerable periods of time to learn, for example, basic IT skills. This may also serve to encourage women enrolled on the course to start thinking about possible avenues of work, which is especially important where women have only enrolled on ESOL in order to pass, for example, the citizenship test or the driving theory test. Once the test has been passed what is the incentive and where is the encouragement for these women to go on improving their English?

According to research done by NIACE (2008) on learning patterns among Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Somali women, ‘women who attend provision [courses] that offers vocational information and advice and encouragement supported by bridges to progress tend to aim higher than others’.150 Colleges and other ESOL providers should encourage students to visit, and perhaps even accompany them to the nearest Jobcentre Plus to see what skills they may need to do what kind of jobs. This will also enable the women to get a sense of what is available — to encourage them to think about new areas of work but also to be aware of what is not available in their locality.

Vocationally-focused ESOL courses were provided by the DWP’s POEM programme — an approach that all ESOL colleges could learn from.151 There should be no bias in who these work-focused ESOL courses are aimed at. Even women in their forties who have limited work experience and minimal qualifications may be keen to work, but may not have the confidence or even language skills to articulate that interest, but they should still be encouraged to consider it. The Muath Trust in Birmingham explained the difficulty in such combined ESOL courses.

148 149 150 151

East Berkshire College, <http://www.eastberks.ac.uk/courses/course_area_detail.asp?pid=119>.

Amersham & Wycombe College, <http://www.amersham.ac.uk/index.cfm?page=COURDETA&id=568>.

Ward & Spacey, ‘Dare to dream’, (NIACE), p.70.

Aston et al, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.47.

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“ESOL courses don’t take into account an individual’s skill set. But it is difficult to be creative with how the ESOL course is taught because of the way the funding is structured”. Ali Al-Rawni, Development Manager, Muath Trust, Birmingham, 18th May 2009

Linguistic competency of course has a significant bearing on gaining work-related skills and qualifications, which may explain why, in response to Q.6 ‘What would most help you to get a job?’ only 7% of respondents in our survey felt that better qualifications/ education would help them get a job, because as we have seen, these women perceive English language, access to childcare and family support as far greater barriers. In response to the same question, 9% of respondents felt that more information on jobs would help them. Since not all jobs require fluency in spoken and written English (e.g. unskilled work such as cleaning), what language-support are job seekers provided with to get them into such work? According to the Jobcentre Plus’ City and East London District Office, “job centres have terminals for job seekers to search their jobs database online, as well as phones for them to call up and request job applications. They have an in-house translation service, but so many of the staff are South Asian and speak the languages of job seekers, who are not proficient in English, that advisers can manage without this service”.152 The advantage of having South Asian staff who speak the first language of job seekers whose English is either very poor or non-existent, is that job seekers won’t feel that they have been singled out for special treatment or that they are being a burden or feel embarrassed about needing an interpretation service, especially if they have been in the UK for some time. That said, East London has the largest concentration of Bangladeshis in the UK, a disproportionately high number of whom are either in need of work or of an ESOL course — Bangladeshis are otherwise quite dispersed outside of London so job centres in other parts of the country may well not be able to recruit an adequate number of Bangladeshi staff or justify providing an in-house interpretation service. This would especially be the case in more rural areas.153 However, most of these women are several steps away from approaching job centres for work. These women are likely to lack the confidence and support to even leave their homes and their immediate surroundings so there is much work to be done before they are ready to say ‘I feel able to work’. As we have seen, acquiring adequate English language skills is a fundamental and all-important first step towards empowering these women to be ambassadors for their communities and the importance of a holistic approach to educating these women cannot be overstated. Such an approach necessitates trust-building through developing personal relationships with prospective students to get them onto a ‘progression route’ towards improved prospects. But what are these women’s prospects in the work force? Arguably the most difficult aspects in this process are in the first instance engaging these women and getting them onto a training programme, and then what to gear these women for. In short, it is essential to identify who is best placed to reach this target group and then what their employment aspirations but also prospects are, once they get on to a progression route.

152 153

Interview: Recruitment Adviser, Jobcentre Plus, City and East London District Office, 3 April 2009.

See the research done with ethnic minority women in the rural county of Somerset, England

by Sheffield University. Yeandel, Stiell & Buckner, ‘Ethnic Minority Women and Access to the Labour Market’, p.28.

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4. A two-pronged approach: engagement and exposure Engagement

As we have seen in chapter 3, those best placed to reach these women are communitybased organizations that have the contacts, insight and capacity to do the outreach.

Such outreach should involve making contact with the whole family, but must also engage the woman one-on-one. According to Tulip Siddiq of London Young Labour, “a door to door approach may be more time-consuming but when women engage in this process, it could really lead to results, especially since there may be women who are at home alone and unwilling to open the door to a man. These same women are more likely to talk openly to another woman about their needs and ambitions especially in the absence of their husbands” (author’s emphasis).154 Follow up to this door-to-door approach could take the form of a befriending scheme, possibly involving women who have already been through the training or course that the organization is trying to get the women on, which is also an exercise in confidence-building for the mentors. Such befriending may reduce the isolation felt by those women who lack the support of their family and constitute a lifeline for encouragement into learning. ‘Word of mouth’ should not be underestimated and could also be employed where those who sign up to ESOL or other courses could be incentivized to encourage their friends to do likewise, by offering them a financial incentive such as a discount on their course fee (where they are required to pay). Another tried and tested method is to encourage women into learning by way of creative activities that match their interests. Such activities could easily be combined with ESOL courses (e.g. Crisis, the homelessness charity, runs ‘ESOL and film’ courses in London).

“By using a ‘hook of creativity’, getting these women to study photography, to paint, or to go on trips (somewhere that they feel safe and can enjoy themselves), they will gain confidence and can then be encouraged to make career choices”.

Samina Hussain, Employment and Enterprise Manager, Slough Borough Council, 5th June 2009

Moreover according to Enterprise4all in Lancaster, in their work getting women into business, “for housewives, a business interest often stems from a leisure interest or hobby”.155 Such activities can thus be a confidence-building tool as well as stimulate business ideas and generate an interest in a particular line of work. In the DWP’s experiences conducting their outreach with ethnic minorities, ‘in the majority of project locations, there were various community organisations... which were offering some similar services to POEM, such as advice and ESOL courses’.156 Such organizations, or indeed enterprises, need to be both sourced for guidance as well as supported where necessary, especially where they may lack the expertise to deliver any of the necessary learning activities or training programmes. The Government should consider using local 154 155 156

Interview: Tulip Siddiq, Women’s Officer, London Young Labour, 11 May 2009.

Interview: Ilyas Munshi, Enterprise4all, Lancashire, 9 June 2009.

Aston et al, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.46.

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bodies more and redirecting available funds to build their capacity. However, a note of caution: community-based organizations across the country offer various advice services and training opportunities to Muslim (South Asian) women (the BME community at large or specific migrant communities), that the local authorities and job centres offer to the wider public. Whilst the work of these organizations is invaluable, they should work with mainstream women’s organizations to avoid (further) ghettoizing minority communities and to facilitate women-to-women networking and sharing of best practice across communities. For example, Community Multi Services in Slough provide training to the BME communities to help them get into employment. They initially targeted BME women but have since expanded to meet the needs of BME men as well.

Moreover, they explained that “although we cater specifically for the BME communities’ needs, we don’t turn away those who are not from an ethnic minority. If we can, we provide them with training too or we’ll refer them on to another organization if we don’t offer what they are looking for”.157

But beyond community organizations, what can other members of the South Asian Muslim communities do? The charity British Muslims for Secular Democracy (BMSD), working both with, and on behalf of Muslims in the UK, recently issued a press release calling for Muslim communities to do more for Muslim women: ‘society and in particular close knit Muslim communities must go one step further and pro-actively enable Muslim women to seek employment and manage a healthy work-life balance’.158 But how much room is there for manoeuvre? Sabera Ahsan of PREVENT’s Delivery Unit159 believes that what may work is the model that a PREVENT team in Cambridgeshire are currently using. “Where Asian communities are tight-knit and rigid in structure, practitioners who want to reach into such communities should employ individuals who have legitimacy in the local community. They will share the same ethnic background, speak their first language and understand community structures and codes, and where the target group are women, be female. But, crucially, these individuals will have more freedom to challenge the existing order headed by influential elders, if they are not bound by personal networks within the community. Such individuals are likely to be from outside of the target community. In terms of working with mostly male community elders and leaders, this relationship has to be carefully managed”.160 In short, these leaders may act as gatekeepers, speaking and acting on behalf of the community, rather than facilitating access to the community for outreach workers to hear what individual community members think and want. In terms of gaining their support in promoting learning and employment opportunities for women in their communities, a range of community-based organizations should be sourced for their

157 158

159 160

Interview: Urusa Ahmed, co-Director, Community Multi Services, Slough, 12 June 2009.

‘British Muslims for Secular Democracy (bmsd) response to the BBC / ICM poll results on British Muslims’ allegiance to the UK’, British Muslims for Secular Democracy, 25 June 2009, <http://www.bmsd.org.uk/articles.asp?id=29>.

Part of the Government’s Office for Security and Counter-Terrorism (OSCT) department.

Interview: Sabera Ahsan, PREVENT Delivery Unit (Incorporating National Community Tension Team), London, 11 May 2009.

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guidance on which community (and particularly religious) leaders to target, who may be sympathetic and supportive of such aims. Otherwise, certain leaders may push their own (often conservative) views on the issue.

So let’s assume for a moment that these women are successfully engaged by local organizations to improve their English, their ambitions grow, they decide on a line of work and they have organized their domestic and childcare responsibilities to accommodate taking that next step. How then do we increase the employability of these women? In response to Q.2 ‘What sort of job would you like?’ the most frequent responses were: 31% of respondents interested in childcare, 20% in hospitality, retail or beauty, 22% in teaching or social work and 7% in administrative or secretarial work.

Given that all of our respondents were unemployed, although we do not know about levels of previous work experience, it may be the case that these women are thinking about professions that they feel are women-friendly, that already employ South Asian Muslims, that offer flexible working arrangements, that will enable them to utilize skills they have acquired in their domestic responsibilities and home life and, crucially, offer ‘acceptable’ working environments, i.e. on the basis that they are women-only spaces and/ or do not contravene appropriate behavioural norms for women (e.g. working in a bar may not be acceptable). Whilst these are valid reasons, it may also be the case that these women feel they cannot aim higher for careers in, for example, law, medicine, politics or finance. In short, we cannot assume that these women only want to work in the professions they specified a preference for. An important argument for encouraging these women to broaden their horizons is illustrated in a study undertaken by Sheffield University looking at ethnic minority women and the learning (2006). ‘Holding a higher qualification [to get a more skilled job] helped to make women in these groups [Pakistani and Bangladeshi] more confident, more determined and more motivated to withstand traditional views’ (author’s emphasis). In short, getting out there will enable these women to find the confidence to push against cultural barriers that does not necessitate breaking them.161 So what is currently available to these women?

The Government’s DWP is responsible for helping ethnic minorities into employment and it does so primarily through Jobcentre Plus offices. Jobcentre Plus combine jobs advice, the opportunity to sign up for jobseeker’s allowance and helps with applications for ESOL courses. According to the former Minister for Employment, Stephen Timms, ‘the vast majority entering employment each year do so through Jobcentre Plus’,162 but this may not be the case for ethnic minority communities. In June 2008, the House of Commons’ Committee of Public Accounts reported on the DWP’s efforts to increase employment rates for ethnic minorities. It found that the essential work of personal advisers in Jobcentre Plus offices is being undermined with the scaling back of outreach work — direct, and indirect through local organizations — and advisers are under too

161 162

Yeandel, Stiell & Buckner, ‘Ethnic Minority Women and Access to the Labour Market’, p.4.

Stephen Timms MP (3 June 2008), ‘Improving ethnic minority employment shared commitment’.

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much pressure to spend sufficient time interviewing ethnic minority customers163 as well as access training and good practice to help them in their work. The report states that the DWP’s own research shows that the ‘ethnic minority client’s relationship with personal advisers is crucial’.164 Sheffield University’s study looking at ethnic minority women and access to the labour market (2006) reported on these women’s experiences with jobcentres: ‘to them [ethnic minority women], these were agencies [Jobcentre Plus] focused on long-term unemployed people and people whose lives were in crisis.

They complained that staff in these agencies had failed to listen to what they wanted or to explore with them what they were capable of doing’.165 Evidenced in the number of organizations in the voluntary sector that offer jobs advice for community members, including the BME community, job centres may be failing to adequately provide for BME job seekers. Unless personal advisers are given more support, and outreach to hard-to-reach groups is continued, where it is not already the case, service provision within the voluntary sector may become over-burdened.

Moreover, the same report describes a shift in Government towards area-based initiatives which address inequality more generally in target areas, rather than target ethnic minority disadvantage specifically. It is hoped that the Government will factor the lessons learned from their ethnic minority outreach work into these new programmes.

According to the report, the City Strategy does contain targets for ethnic minority employment, but the Deprived Areas Fund, with double the amount of money, does not.166 It is promising to see that the Ethnic Minority Employment Task Force, reporting to the Government, has set up an Area Initiatives Project Group ‘to assess the strategy, policy and delivery of area-focussed investment — including the London 2012 Olympics — and identify opportunities to improve the benefits for ethnic minority employment rates’.167 It is hoped that they will source guidance from a range of BME employment initiatives to guide the Government in their new approach.

Courses and Mentoring

Community-based organizations and social enterprises are doing commendable work.

There are courses and training programmes out there which are specifically geared towards women who don’t have fluent English and may lack skills or qualifications. An East London-based community centre runs various courses.

“One such course is called the Passenger Assistant course (assisting on buses that transport the elderly and children). Out of 12 people who applied for jobs after

163 164

165 166 167

We have seen the multiple barriers ethnic minority job seekers face so more time is needed, not least because of language difficulties, to address all their support needs.

House of Commons Committee of Public Accounts (2008), ‘Increasing Employment Rates for Ethnic Minorities: Thirty-fourth Report of Session 2008-08’ (London: The Stationary Office Limited), p.11.

Yeandel, Stiell & Buckner, ‘Ethnic Minority Women and Access to the Labour Market’, p.27.

House of Commons, ‘Increasing Employment Rates for Ethnic Minorities: Thirty-fourth Report of Session 2008-08’, p.9.

Ethnic Minority Employment Task Force, ‘Area Initiatives Project Group’, <http://www.emetaskforce.gov.uk/pdf/emag/emag_terms_of_ref.pdf>.

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the Passenger Assistance course, 10 people were successful. We also have a Football Coaching course and a Lifeguard course. With the Lifeguards course it was about identifying a gap which needed to be filled — Muslim women wanting to swim but there being no female lifeguards to supervise their women-only swimming sessions”. Training & Development Programme Manager, community centre in East London, 20thMay 2009

Such an approach, where a need for female lifeguards, passenger assistants and female football coaches was identified, is an important one. And it is worth pointing out that these jobs may just be the beginning of a woman’s working life, even where she is in her forties, and as her confidence grows her horizons may be broadened. Similarly, although not geared exclusively to South Asian Muslims, a social enterprise called Community Cleaning Services in Tower Hamlets (London) employs South Asian Muslim women as cleaners but trains them on the job and allows them to fit ESOL classes around their work. Registered as a company, it reinvests its profits. The ‘social’ dimension to the enterprise addresses the root causes of their economic exclusion by training up their staff, and of their social exclusion by teaching them English.168 But it can also make business sense to train up staff — one company, Oakwood Builders and Joinery (which employs five women out of a team of 35) in Oxfordshire, recognizes that individuals may lack certain skills, namely language skills, but they may have qualities that are hard to find and not easily instilled in new recruits. As a result, they have hired staff with the right qualities, but for those who lack proficient English, they fund them to go on ESOL courses.169 Community Cleaning Services also offers networking opportunities with other women’s organizations.170 Networking with the wider community to open up doors to alternative learning and employment opportunities is essential if we are to avoid entrenching the segregation of communities in working life as well as social life. NIACE’s research into learning patterns among Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Somali women (2008) revealed that ‘encouragement from community organizations’ plays no small part in getting women actively involved in (especially mixed) community activities.171

The Social Enterprise Coalition, based in London, is working to strengthen networks of social enterprises led by, employing, or serving Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) communities. Social enterprises are laudable because they are sustainable — they generate profits that minimize the need to rely on external (often public) funding — and because they (partially) invest the profits into meeting a social or community need.

Where social enterprises are led by BAME members, they may be more likely to address the concerns of their own disadvantaged communities e.g. Ummah, a halal food company creates commercials that address misrepresentations of Muslims in the

168 169 170 171

Communities and Local Government (2008), ‘Empowering Muslim Women: Case Studies’ (Wetherby: Communities and Local Government Publications), p.14.

Chamber of British Industry/ Trades Union Congress (2008), ‘Talent not Tokenism. The business benefits of workforce diversity’, pp.40-41.

Communities and Local Government (2008), ‘Empowering Muslim Women: Case Studies’ (Wetherby: Communities and Local Government Publications), p.14.

Ward & Spacey, ‘Dare to dream’ (NIACE), p.71.

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media.172 What the female lifeguards course, referred to above, and Ummah have in common are that they meet a demand for a service and product respectively, from the South Asian community that a member of that community is better-placed to deliver or provide. Social enterprise Future Health and Social Care Association CIC (Future HSC) is so concerned with retaining a high quality service delivered by staff drawn from the community that the company serves, that it has developed a ‘programme of lifelong learning and workforce development to maintain the skills necessary to support its business objectives’.173

But what about companies or organizations that are not driven by meeting a specific need of the Muslim communities? How can women be supported into employment where it may not immediately or obviously be in the employer’s interests to recruit a South Asian and/ or a Muslim female over a similarly qualified candidate from a ‘more familiar’ background? Certainly the women themselves have a role to play in this process, and need to be supported in challenging the status quo and changing mindsets. Given that, according to the DWP (2009) ‘increased confidence... enabled them [BME women] to think about other, longer-term possibilities that they might not have considered before, whether it be plans to study, plans to open their own business, or simply to gain their first job’,174 mentoring schemes are an essential enabler. The Birmingham-based British Asian Women’s Association explained that “some women have initiative but others give up easily”.175 “Often women don’t recognize their own talents. They have many skills which they can use and build on. Women also need to be creative — they can work from home if they don’t want or aren’t able to leave the house”. Shah-Banor Razvi, Project Manager, ‘An-Nisa’ Slough Muslim Women’s Group, 12th May 2009

With greater confidence these women are more likely to think both creatively and laterally, and at a very fundamental level, without English these women cannot even read or hear about what opportunities are out there. Having suitable role models is an essential part of building confidence and a ‘can do’ attitude. Role models, where they are able to, can provide an invaluable service by making contact with the more disadvantaged members of their community to both motivate them and to offer practical guidance. These role models should include successful business women (perhaps drawn from the Women’s Enterprise Ambassador Network)176 so that women aim high, but also local-level professionals from different sectors whom women may feel better able to relate to. Tulip Siddiq, of London Young Labour, has been trying to get a mentoring scheme off the ground in her local area. “As a community activist, I have been trying to set up a mentoring scheme in my borough where first generation 172 173 174 175 176

Social Enterprise Coalition, ‘Examples of BAME Social Enterprises’, <http://www.socialenterprise.org.uk/pages/examples-of-bame-social-enterprises.html>.

Future Health and Social Care Association, <http://www.futurehsc.com/welcome.asp>.

Aston et al, ‘Evaluation of Partners Outreach for Ethnic Minorities (POEM)’ (DWP), p.97.

Interview: Staff member, British Asian Women’s Association, 13 May 2009.

See Women’s Enterprise Taskforce, <http://www.womensenterprisetaskforce.co.uk/ambassadors.html>.

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Asian Muslim women can approach other Muslim women if they require help with both personal and professional issues. I would like to help Asian women with applications and interviews for universities or jobs. Recently I helped a lady by running through a mock interview with her before her job which she said helped her self confidence greatly”.177 The Creative Muslim Network in Luton believes mentoring is key.

“We run coffee mornings with second and third generation South Asian women who are professionals in a variety of fields. If we teamed up with the All Women’s Centre that works a lot with first generation women, the latter could really benefit from the encouragement, and to practically see that the hijab, marriage and children are not barriers for today’s successful Muslim woman”. Shemiza Rashid, Director of the Creative Muslim Network, Interfaith art consultant and Visiting Lecturer at Bedfordshire University, Luton, 26th May 2009

Work experience

A lack of work experience plays a role in these women’s employability, over and above having the necessary skills and qualifications as well as English proficiency. According to the DWP (2005), among those without significant work experience were ‘women wanting to enter the labour market after assuming full-time responsibility for childcare for a number of years’.178 Work experience is important for easing these women back into working life as well as to gain experience in a working environment that may be quite different to how it was 10 or 15 years ago. It is equally important for women who have never worked before. The Millennium Cohort Study (2007) of babies born in the year 2000/2001 found that of those not in work during pregnancy, 68% of Bangladeshi and 58% of Pakistani women had never had a job, compared with 15% of white women.179 Work experience also allows individuals to improve their working knowledge of English ‘on-the-job’ as well as offering contact for the employers with community members they may have had minimal exposure working with. And it would allow the women to build up a network of professional contacts, which they may lack, at least outside of their own community. Moreover, a trial period of work experience would enable women and their families alike to experiment with formal or informal childcare where it is not being used, and for the women to see whether the work force is something they could, and would want to participate in, or to prepare for employment when they no longer have childcare responsibilities. But for those women who are on benefits, getting involved in voluntary work is not straight forward.

“When job seekers engage in voluntary work they need to let the job centre know and even though it is unpaid work the centre must re-evaluate their benefit entitlements which necessitates halting their benefits. This process can take several weeks and for many, these benefits are a lifeline”. Urusa Ahmed, coDirector, Community Multi Services, Slough, 12th June 2009

But what about the kind of more highly skilled jobs where these women are competing with better-qualified, better-educated graduates? These women need to gain a 177 178 179

Interview: Tulip Siddiq, Women’s Officer, London Young Labour, 11 May 2009.

Barnes et al, ‘Ethnic Minority Outreach’ (DWP), p.130.

Bradley et al, ‘Moving on up?’ (EOC), p.28.

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competitive edge through work experience. However, it would also be productive if employers did not specify a minimum number of months or years work experience and rather emphasized the skills required to succeed in the job. They could go one step further and conduct competency-based assessments which can capture ‘attitude, outlook, the ability to learn and grow, and motivation... their local knowledge and commitment to their community’.180 This would open up positions to those who may not have already been employed in that particular role before, but who have developed the requisite skills in other capacities. Whilst work experience is beneficial in a number of ways (e.g. learning new skills, acquiring confidence, making contacts), an unpaid position that lasts for more than a one or two week ‘placement’, so more like an internship, may not be practicable for these women given that in response to Q.3 ‘Why would you like a job?’ 43% of respondents stated that their primary motivation for working would be to financially support their family versus 0.5% who want to pursue a career. However, where work generates only a salary based on the minimum wage, women may actually be better off staying on benefits, i.e. after a ‘better off calculation’ has been carried out, the takehome salary may be sufficiently low as to not be deemed worth the drawbacks of working full-time. Flexible, part-time unpaid work to improve prospects and avoid losing benefits may therefore be an interim solution for those only skilled for minimum wage employment. Longer-term voluntary placements may only be productive where the work is flexible and many of the staff are volunteers, i.e. in a not-for-profit organization. If the volunteer is working as hard as other staff members yet is the only individual not being paid, this risks impacting negatively on their self-confidence.

Referring back to chapter 2, volunteering may also minimize the perception that the woman is ‘working’ because her male family members are failing in their breadwinner role(s) to support the whole family. What is essential to promote, is an image of working (paid or unpaid) whereby the benefits are more than purely financial. According to OSI (2005) ‘there is a sizeable number of first generation Muslims who are now in the 50-65 age range who are out of work’.181 This age group has skills that they can employ, even if not through paid work, that would benefit their community as well as wider society.

Keeping active is beneficial for the individual’s sense of self-worth, as well as for wider social integration, and crucially may act as a positive influence for younger members of the Muslim community and encourage them to be active in economic and social life.

However, volunteering is not always sustainable and there must be an emphasis on any work placements, traineeships or internships geared towards paid employment, i.e. there must be a progression plan in place that doesn’t just allow organizations and companies to see as their targets only the number of placements that they offer, but also the number of placements that lead to paid work as well. The Muslim Women’s Resource Centre (Amina) in Glasgow offers incentives for volunteering.

“Women who sign up as volunteers, ideally as ‘active’ volunteers (doing a minimum of two hours per day for three days per week) have access to free courses run by the centre. These courses include childcare training and administrative skills. The centre also refers volunteers and others who drop in,

180 181

CBI/TUC, ‘Talent not Tokenism. The business benefits of workforce diversity’, pp.26-27.

OSI, ‘Aspirations and Reality’, p.230.

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onto other organizations who are running courses and are recruiting”. Staff member, Amina – Muslim Women’s Resource Centre, Glasgow, 27th May 2009

These women will undoubtedly find the resource centre far less daunting than their nearest job centre, and thus it serves as an invaluable ‘job search’ drop-in centre, where the organization uses its network of contacts to source the latest jobs available, particularly jobs suited for the kind of women catered for by the centre. This may be in marked contrast to the experiences these women have with job centres.

“Job seekers [if signed up for job seekers’ allowance] are obligated to attend courses [‘New Deal’ programmes] run by job centres’ partner organizations. The problem with this is that the courses are not tailored to the needs of job seekers – a woman over 50 may not need IT skills training [or other generic employability skills] for the kind of work she wants to do”. Urusa Ahmed, co-Director, Community Multi Services, Slough, 12th June 2009

Recruitment practices

‘Positive Action’ recruitment and retention strategies have been introduced, though are largely the preserve of the public services. Positive action aims to ensure that people from previously excluded (minority) groups can compete on equal terms with other applicants. Such positive action should target those who are the most disadvantaged in any one locality — whatever their ethnicity, gender, age or class. But this is not positive discrimination — it is about aspirational targets rather than quotas. So selection must still be based on merit and all applicants must be treated equally. Birmingham City Council has developed a number of Positive Action Training Schemes for BME people under their ‘Bridges into the Future’ programme. This includes a youth training scheme for Bangladeshis and Pakistanis aged 16 to 34 but the two-year professional training scheme and 12-week paid work experience programmes do not differentiate between ethnic minorities.182 This may run the risk of ticking the BME box but failing to reach the most deprived ethnic minorities because they are harder to reach and need more support. Moreover, any calculation of the BME population in a given area must take into account the specific demographics of each minority to factor the proportion of those who are of working age into a recruitment strategy.

Whether it is in healthcare, social work, education, law enforcement or a local authority, there is an obvious gain for service providers in that services better understand the needs of their beneficiaries where their staff reflect the diversity of users. But what about the benefits of employing a diverse work force in the private sector? There are of course examples of companies that similarly benefit from having front-line staff deal with clients and customers from the same ethnic minority backgrounds (e.g. call centres, bank clerks and specialized retail and food industries) and also having staff from previously untargeted communities, who may be able to spot market opportunities.

There may also be a more practical benefit of Muslims being more willing to work during holiday periods such as Christmas. But there is, unfortunately, a risk that BME community members may be hired primarily to appeal to a hitherto unexploited BME 182

Birmingham City Council (2005), ‘Annual Employment Monitoring Report 2004/5’ (Birmingham: Birmingham City Council).

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client base, to the detriment of their being recognized (and utilized) as individuals with specific skills, talents and qualities. Such ‘tokenism’ leaves the staff member feeling undervalued and being taken less seriously by colleagues, and the company concerned with a de-motivated and under-utilized employee.

But where members of minority groups from disadvantaged backgrounds, irrespective of their talents, are competing with applicants who have English as their first language, a degree and previous work experience, what are their chances, particularly in gaining employment in companies that don’t have a diverse client base? In the current economic climate, this is an even taller order. Section 37 (1) of the Race Relations Act (1976) allows companies to ‘encourage’ and/ or ‘train’ under-represented minority groups.183 But what is actually happening in the private sector? Often, when large companies participate in Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) schemes within their local community, this is in terms of their own employees volunteering within, or the company donating money towards those communities. Allen and Overy, one of the UK’s biggest law firms, has its London offices in Spitalfields and therefore dedicates its charitable donations to those organizations in the surrounding areas. On its ‘Charitable giving’ webpage, it cites some of the criteria that those applying for donations must meet.

One of these is that the organization ‘be small and not as high profile or well-funded as many others’ and that they ‘provide a high quality service and be greatly in need of our support to continue its service’.184 It is commonplace among firms to designate a certain amount of time that employees can spend volunteering each month. In terms of the target group of this report, employees would be particularly well placed to mentor these unemployed South Asian women: help provide insight into workplace environments, and help develop basic skills such as interview techniques, writings CVs and workplace etiquette. Mentors need not be limited to employees with a South Asian background. Mentees would benefit from relations with a wider range of people than those in their family and close-knit communities. Companies also often have unused conference rooms at weekends, which could be beneficial for community organizations seeking to undertake events or training. Clifford Chance, for example, stated that ‘sometimes it’s simply the use of our

183

184

Examples could be ‘explicit encouragement in recruitment adverts, mentoring, support networks, open days, career fairs, outreach events, working with community organisations, and positive action statements of encouragement in job advertisements, the use of minority ethnic media, use of employment agencies, community organisations and careers offices in areas where these groups are concentrated. The training aspect ‘could include trainee posts, and outreach training, or classes in preparing CVs, interview and assessment skills. Trainees are not paid, although they may be offered an allowance, and such training is more like a work placement than a short-term employment contract. This needs to be made clear to existing staff as well as potential trainees’. All public authorities have a duty to promote race equality under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, which could include taking positive action. Lifelong Learning UK, ‘What is Positive Action? Skills for Learning Professionals’.

Allen & Overy, ‘Corporate Responsibility: Community’, <http://www.allenovery.com/AOWEB/Community/AdditionalPage.aspx?pageID=44477&prefL angID=410>.

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facilities and resources that’s most valuable’.185 PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP for example provides opportunities for its cleaning staff who want to improve their English.

Tutors are funded by the Government and the company has allowed them to use their offices to run the classes. “These staff members, who work irregular shifts, would otherwise find it difficult to access standard ESOL classes at fixed hours and days of the week”.186 The possibility of funding ESOL for employees from a company’s training budget has not been explored here but where companies provide training and continuing professional development for all staff, ESOL could fall under this.

Although all of the above are undeniably important, there often appears to be far less of a focus on recruiting employees from, and providing training schemes for members of the local community, and even less on ensuring a diverse range of employees from differing ethnic backgrounds. In 2001, Abbey National plc established Diversity Action Groups (DAGs) in major Abbey National sites such as Bradford. At the Bradford District Race Review, it was said that ‘Abbey National operates within the community, draws its workforce from the community and sells its products and services to the community.

Thus the well being of the community and engagement with the community impacts directly on the well being of the business’.187 Although a 2001 report stated that 7% of their workforce were from ethnic minority backgrounds,188 unfortunately there is no evidence of the impact that these DAGs had on these figures and they have long since evaporated. Abbey now employs schemes at much higher levels which are less specific, focusing on preventing discrimination in the workplace: 2008-09 was concerned with women, the following years with disabilities, sexual orientation and, in 2010, religion and faith. The DAGs were schemes that ran during the 1990s and, according to the CSR department were run by “local employees rather than centrally managed”.189 “Pret A Manger and Waitrose are good examples. But social conscience is out.

You talk to an employee not a company and it’s their job to get the right person for the job. They don’t have targets [for minorities] — that’s not how they measure success. They just need the job done. Companies don’t reach out effectively — you have to go to them. Most work placements we set up in the private sector are through personal contacts”. Employment Adviser, community centre in East London, 20th May 2009

Moreover, according to a source at one of the UK’s largest professional services companies, the schools and organizations that they team with, they now have “long term relationships with that are set in stone” and most “programmes are at full capacity

185 186 187 188 189

Clifford Chance LLP (2008), ‘How can we build a better firm? Corporate Responsibility report 2008’ (London: Clifford Chance LLP), p.18.

Interview: Internal Communications (Corporate Sustainability), PricewaterhouseCoopers, London, 1 July 2009.

Abbey National plc (13 March 2001), ‘Bradford District Race Review Meeting with Sir Herman Ouseley’.

Abbey National Group (2001), ‘Corporate Citizenship Report 2001’, p.1.

Interview: Staff member, Abbey National Headquarters, 21 May 2009.

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in the regions”.190 Long-term partnerships are important, but there needs to be an ongoing re-evaluation of partnerships reflect changing priority groups and needs in any one locality. Local organizations therefore need to raise awareness of the important work that they do, the potential voluntary opportunities that they have and why such an affiliation would benefit the companies themselves. Local organizations must build relationships with staff who work both at the operational level (human resources but also decision-making managers) and at a more strategic level (executives) since it is the former who will do the hiring but the latter who will need to agree to the strategy in principle. Whilst the companies mentioned are among the largest in the UK, smaller companies can learn from the experiences of these better-resourced outfits and adjust their ‘give-back’ to the community accordingly.

As part of the Government’s ethnic minority outreach work, and in addition to the POEM pilots referred to earlier,191 the Government has also piloted an innovative scheme with companies in Bradford, Brent and Birmingham called the Fair Cities Pilots (2007), which has shed some light on what incentivizes companies to support ethnic minority communities into employment. In addition to the aforementioned benefits to a company of having a diverse workforce or to be seen as ‘socially responsible’, companies were unsurprisingly primarily motivated by an ‘ongoing recruitment need’ where they saw ‘much advantage in marketing company vacancies to communities which did not tend to apply’ (the under- or un-used labour supply). This applied in particular to companies with a high staff turnover. However, the vacancies pitched to ethnic minority communities did not necessarily offer flexible working hours or parttime work, thus deterring if not excluding most of the unemployed women of the project’s target population (nearly two in three job entrants were men) and reached only the most employable of the target groups — a mere 14% of successful job entrants had no prior qualifications.192 It is evident, then, that much rests on training schemes that meet a business need among companies in a given local area. Any scheme needs to be driven by what the recruitment needs of employers are but also what skill sets the ‘supply pool’ can offer, so that training schemes and packages are geared accordingly.

For example, a community organization in Leicester received funding from local businesses to train women for recruitment into the hosiery manufacturing sector.193 Over and above the barriers faced by these women, specific to their background as South Asians but also their experiences as immigrants more generally, are the impediments faced by women across the board who want to balance work and family responsibilities. By law, an employer must consider an employee’s request to work

190 191 192 193

Interview: Social Corporate Responsibility department, professional services company, 22 May 2009.

The DWP has also run other short-term projects targeting ethnic minorities including the Ethnic Minority Flexible Fund (EMFF).

J. Atkinson et al (2007), ‘Evaluation of the Fair Cities Pilots 2007’ (London: Institute for Employment Studies for Department for Work and Pensions), pp.111-114: 123.

Yeandel, Stiell & Buckner, ‘Ethnic Minority Women and Access to the Labour Market’, p.27.

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flexibly.194 But employers can be flexible in other ways too. It is important for women with childcare responsibilities to find work (this also applies to traineeships and work experience), as close to their child’s pre-school or school as possible so employers should consider prioritizing those women who are either resident in, or have a child going to (pre-) school in the local area, provided they have the same merits as other applicants.

Chapter 2 explored attitudes towards, and affordability of childcare, but the onus of managing childcare responsibilities need not fall entirely on the family’s shoulders. In January 2009 against the backdrop of the current economic downturn, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) stated that ‘women may also face particular barriers to finding new jobs.... It is more important than ever that employers increase access to flexible working’.195 Flexible working may be particularly important for South Asian women.

“A flexible working package is what these women need. So that they can still be the primary carers for the family without undermining their social status or their commitment to family values, in the eyes of the community”. Parvin Ali, Founder of the Forum for Advocacy, Training and Information in a Multicultural Area (FATIMA), 12th May 2009

Finally, it is important to touch on the issue of self-employment, which might offer the ideal flexible working arrangement for working mothers. In response to Q.2 ‘What sort of job would you like?’ 6% of respondents stated they would like to set up their own business. Although this is a very low number, it may well be that these women lack the confidence and the ambition to aim as high as setting up on their own. The Government has stipulated that ‘the number of women from BAME communities receiving business support/ social enterprise assistance should be proportionate to their representation in the relevant local/ regional population’.196 The extent to which this is the case is not known. According to Prowess, an association that supports women to start businesses, 21% of women cite family commitments as a reason for becoming selfemployed and 54% of women start a business so they can choose what hours they work, and many may choose to work from home. However, the costs of care can be higher for business owners who have no option but to work flexibly and travel to develop their business and, unlike other essential business costs, caring is not tax deductable.197 It is not known the extent to which childcare costs are prohibitive and act as deterrents for women seeking to set up their own business. The Women’s Business Centre in Newham, East London, counts a large number of immigrant South Asians in its client base and offer bespoke training to accommodate these women’s specific needs.

194

195 196 197

The Employment Rights Act 2002 and the Work and Families Act 2006 set out the procedures. Employees qualify if they have a child under the age of six, a disabled child under the age of 18 or are caring for an adult.

Trade Unions Congress (2009), ‘Women and Recession: How will this recession affect women at work?’ (London: TUC), p.3.

Prowess (2008), ‘Rationale: Start-up Support Standards’.

Prowess, ‘Facts and Figures: Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) Female Social Entrepreneurship’, <http://www.prowess.org.uk/start/socialenterprise.html#factsfigures1>.

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“To qualify for free business training and workshops run by our centre (including mentoring, ‘benefits to business’, negotiation skills, course on Value Added Tax (VAT), and mock interviews) women must be residents of Tower Hamlets or Newham, be unemployed or economically inactive and be able to communicate in English. They may have few or no qualifications and only know that they want a change. Travel expenses and childcare costs are covered for eligible clients and operating as a social enterprise, we are going to establish a commercial arm and charge those who can pay for their training so that we rely less on external funding”. Women’s Business Centre, Newham, East London, 2nd June 2009

Of all the initiatives profiled in this chapter, arguably it is the Women’s Business Centre that gears women to aim the highest. But the support and subsidies offered by the centre are large — the programme runs part-time for two years and it is not only free, but travel and childcare costs are covered. Whilst the centre hopes to bring in income by developing a commercial arm, dependency on funds from the London Development Agency (LDA) and the Social Development Fund (SDF) is likely to remain. Undoubtedly a long term solution is to improve the employment prospects of these women by getting more into further and higher education. However, targeting women who are currently unable to continue on to, or return to further or higher education, is essential if attitudes are to change, as these women learn for themselves the benefits of working life, and encourage their daughters and daughters-in-law to likewise gain in innumerable ways from participating in the labour force and society at large.

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Conclusion

Conclusion This report does not advocate that South Asian Muslim women must be in employment but is in favour of supporting those who want to work and encouraging others to consider the benefits of a minimum level of community engagement. The necessary support needs to come from the Government, the private and voluntary sectors, but also the communities themselves, particularly families but also community leaders.

Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim women are a huge resource for reducing socioeconomic disadvantage and poverty levels within their communities, which suffer the lowest rates of employment in terms of both ethnicity and religion. They do, however, pose the greatest challenge given their extremely high economic inactivity rates.

Crucially, this social group remains a significant part of British society as the trend continues for British South Asians to select spouses from overseas. So the needs of immigrant women persist down the generations, in spite of improving educational and socio-economic prospects in South Asian countries. Alongside longer-term thinking about improving education levels among South Asian Muslims and reducing race- and faith-based discrimination in the labour market, these immigrant women have key roles to play. They are instrumental in selecting marriage partners for their children and are an ongoing important influence over daughters-in-law. As role models to their children, families and friends, and as active participants in their communities, these women can and must play an active role in bridge-building across communities and tackling extremism, particularly for the generations to come. And as individuals, these women deserve more than to be pigeonholed by those that underestimate both their aspirations and the pivotal role they can play in family life.

This report has shown that service providers must recognise that the support required by unemployed (largely economically inactive) immigrant women is significantly different from that required by unemployed second and third generation women, or those already in the workplace. The majority of these women want to work, but our findings have revealed that issues of childcare, English proficiency and the need for culturally-sensitive engagement are the biggest obstacles to them realizing their full working potential. Certainly, there are conservative elements within these communities, where South Asian culture has been informed by different strands of Islam and influenced by issues of identity and migration. But where these women experience the multiple benefits to themselves and their children but also their family and the wider community, of learning and working, it can be transformative. Exposure to a world beyond the confines of their homes and immediate surroundings can empower these women to push back against restrictive, gendered roles in the family and the community.

In terms of English support, it is critical that the Government considers how it is both defining and identifying its priority learners and recognizes the need for ESOL for beginners. Service providers therefore need to not only extend pre-existing initiatives, but to make them directly relevant to a specific social group and tailor outreach accordingly.

In terms of childcare, a sharing of best practice between local authorities engaged in addressing the uptake of childcare by BME communities with those with a significant BME 63

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population is essential to keep the momentum going. Institutional changes are slow to take effect and should not be relied upon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is much that communities themselves have the power to change. Role modelling and mentoring is a critical part of this process to overcome pockets of social inertia. Role models must come from both within and outside South Asian Muslim communities. It is a shared responsibility.

To attempt to meet these ends, this report concludes with recommendations for service providers and local organizations, particularly those engaged in skills-training, English language provision and childcare support, but also crucially employers. There is a need to facilitate bridge-building between different groups in the locality through â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;available to allâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; jobs advice, mixed childcare, improved English, mentoring schemes across communities and training/ work placement opportunities that encourage women to aim higher than low-paid positions and specific sectors where they are typically concentrated.

By implementing concrete, realistic, sensitive and coordinated policies across a range of sectors and service providers, then we can push forward further change.

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Recommendations

Recommendations Childcare

ESOL Colleges / Voluntary Sector:

1.1 Work with local community organizations to identify suitable venues for tuition and on-site crèche facilities. Where crèche facilities cannot be on-site, ensure they are in close proximity to the ESOL outlet.

1.2 Do not rely on schools having facilities as school children have priority access to these facilities over ESOL learners’ children.

Government/ Local Authorities:

1.3 Where the Government plans to repeat its initiative to increase the uptake of childcare among BME communities, participating local authorities should source local community-based organizations to ensure any programme devised successfully addresses the specific concerns held about childcare by the target community, and to devise an appropriate engagement strategy accordingly.

1.4 Local authorities must map areas where the uptake of formal childcare is low and be able to identify individual families to target, combining both hard data (e.g. census data, registered births) and soft data (e.g. from community organizations, nurseries).

1.5 Any initiative to increase the uptake of childcare among the South Asian Muslim communities must target husbands as well as the women, given the importance of family support in accessing childcare, whether it’s to explain the educational benefits to children of formal childcare, to offer ‘taster’ sessions or anything else.

1.6 Childcare providers should need to demonstrate that they have tried to reach all families in the community, especially those in the most deprived areas.

1.7 Local authorities should also capture data on the uptake of the childcare tax credits available, especially the working tax credit, to identify those women who would want to work if they knew that there were tax credits available for childcare.

1.8 The local authorities should also be promoting the ‘Free Childcare for Training and Learning for Work scheme’ rather than just the availability of working tax credits to enable under-qualified South Asian Muslim women to improve their chances of getting a job in the first place.

1.9 The Government should research the extent to which childcare costs, which are not tax deductable, are financial impediments for women looking to set up their own business.

1.10 Explore how affordable formal childcare is, even with the tax credits available.

1.11 Re-evaluate feasibility of financial assistance for childcare for families with three or more children.

1.12 More information, in appropriate languages, needs to be made available to South Asian Muslim women on tax benefits /credits for caring for elderly and sick relatives given the rate of chronic illness in the South Asian community and the fact that care responsibilities fall on women.

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1.13 When promoting ESOL, ensure that in all leaflets the availability of childcare and funds to cover costs are included, and these should be available in other languages.

Consider using South Asian language broadcast media for those not literate in their first language (i.e. Channel S, Venus TV, Sunrise radio or ARY Digital).

1.14 Revise ‘Hardship Fund’ system and other funds available for childcare support so prospective ESOL students can determine their eligibility for help with childcare costs before enrolment on a course.

Skills Training

ESOL colleges / Voluntary Sector:

2.1 Ensure a holistic approach to pre-entry level ESOL which is likely to make or break a new learner’s journey towards proficiency in English, which includes confidencebuilding and combining ESOL with creative activities.

2.2 Ensure there is provision of women-only ESOL courses and female tutors, where women express a preference.

2.3 Examine the extent to which bilingual ESOL teachers, at least for the pre-entry and entry-levels of ESOL, would be better suited for some learners.

2.4 At the assessment stage take into account the educational background of the prospective student and their literacy in their first language (use relevant software to determine British equivalency of qualifications held by students from their home countries). Classes should also be tailored according to the level of English they are aiming for and how it will be used.

2.5 Explicitly encourage feedback from learners, who may feel reluctant to criticize a state-subsidized service.

2.6 Where colleges have other courses (e.g. IT), determine feasibility of, and demand for combined courses.

2.7 Provide information on the nearest Jobcentre Plus and encourage learners to identify what skills they need for what kinds of work, and crucially, to familiarize themselves with what work is available in the locality.

2.8 Coordinate travel arrangements among the learners so that where possible, women can organize themselves to travel together to classes, which minimizes concerns about travelling alone, which may be held by both the women themselves and their families.

2.9 Improve outreach and advertising of ESOL provision as per recommendations 2.11 – 2.13.

Government:

2.10 Re-think what support can be made available to those women on spousal visas, especially in the event that their marriage breaks down, given that currently they are not entitled to fee remission on ESOL courses for at least their first 12 months in the UK.

2.11 Given the financial dependency of spouses on their husbands to cover ESOL courses in at least their first 12 months in the UK, ensure that outreach and advertising of ESOL provision targets husbands as well as women, to gain their support.

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Recommendations

2.12 Provide information on ESOL in languages other than English and consider other means of outreach. Utilize South Asian language broadcast media for those not literate in their first language (i.e. Channel S, Venus TV, Sunrise radio or ARY Digital).

2.13 Consider producing a leaflet combining ESOL, Tax Credits and Childcare, available in languages other than English. Again, use South Asian language broadcast media.

2.14 Develop a more critical evaluation process which moves beyond simply monitoring ‘bums on seats’ and the pass rate of examinees. There needs to be greater emphasis on individuals’ progression onto other courses and on the importance of taking exams, even where students fail, as it is a good learning experience.

2.15 Re-structure how ESOL funding is allocated and facilitate applicants’ endeavours to create combined courses.

2.16 Job centres and their partner organizations should consider diversifying the courses provided for job seekers and tailoring them to reflect the specific skills requirements of job seekers in the locality.

2.17 Commission research on the educational backgrounds of South Asian women who are immigrating into the UK so as to tailor appropriate training schemes to support particularly those in the lower socio-economic bracket, to enter the work force.

2.18 Those providers who worked with the DWP’s POEM initiative should be encouraged to work more with local youth, faith and women’s groups who are offering similar support to disadvantaged groups to get them into employment (be it confidence-building, English language and other skills, or setting up work placements), in order to improve their outreach – both in terms of identifying target individuals and gaining the support of the families and community for the initiative.

2.19 Examine how to provide the same basic support for South Asians coming from Europe who fall through the net because they arrive from Europe and fail to qualify for the support given to those emigrating from under-developed countries.

Local Authorities:

2.20 Establish the local authority as a coordinating body for mapping ESOL needs in a given locality, utilizing the relationships the Local Strategic Partnership (LSP), where it exists, has already developed.

2.21 Immediately put in place a structure to coordinate partnerships with colleges, Jobcentre Plus, the LSC and the voluntary sector to ensure priority groups are reached, in a given locality. Again, where an LSP exists, draw on the relationships it has developed.

2.22 Where the local authority lacks the relevant experience with ESOL, source guidance from more experienced local authorities in terms of organizational structure but crucially, from the voluntary sector to better understand their priority groups.

2.23 Evaluate the feasibility of reducing translation services and reinvesting the money into ESOL provision.

2.24 Reach these women via schools, women’s groups, mosques, community centres, hospitals, doctors’ surgeries etc but also, with the guidance of community-based 67

Recommendations

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organizations, identify sympathetic imams and other community leaders who should promote training and employment opportunities for women.

2.25 Outreach may be more successful where the staff employed are from the same background as the target group, at least at the point of initial contact, but who are not necessarily from the area and so are less likely to be constrained by personal networks in the community.

2.26 Target local language newspapers to promote local training and education initiatives that are aimed at members of the community who don’t have access to English-language media.

Employers:

2.27 Where companies have staff who would benefit from ESOL courses, particularly those who work irregular or atypical shifts, consider providing the space in which ESOL courses can be given.

2.28 Where companies have staff who would benefit from ESOL courses, consider incorporating this into their continuing professional development and any other training entitlements.

Employment

Government/ Local Authorities:

3.1 The Government should put in place a mechanism for local Jobcentre Plus offices to do more outreach to economically inactive members of ethnic minority communities (directly or via the voluntary sector) and this should be proportionate to the rate of economic inactivity among these groups.

3.2 Similarly, the Government should ensure that personal advisers in Jobcentre Plus offices should be given sufficient time, according to the number of economically inactive ethnic minorities who reside in the area they serve, to interview ethnic minority customers and also to be trained on diversity and cultural awareness.

3.3 Any future training initiatives focused on getting more members of the BME communities into working in childcare need to ensure that trainees’ progress is tracked and where they fail to gain employment, supported into other areas of related work.

3.4 Lessons learned from the Government’s Fair Cities Project for ethnic minority communities should be passed on to the Government’s area-based initiatives, and should include ensuring an adequate number of vacancies that meet the specific requirements of women who are likely to need flexible, sessional or part-time work.

3.5 Where there are Positive Action strategies in place, differentiate between ethnic minority groups so as to reflect the ethnic make-up of the locality, thereby including even the hardest to reach groups who may require more soft and hard skills training. Targets must be disaggregated by ethnic group and focus on those who are underrepresented.

Also, ensure a calculation of those of working age is reflected in the targets devised.

3.6 Work with community-based organizations and sympathetic community and religious leaders to raise awareness, particularly among the more disadvantaged South Asian Muslim communities, of the benefits to the entire family of women participating 68

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Recommendations

in the work force. These ‘hard to reach’ communities may be difficult to communicate with via the conventional approach of targeting service providers (local surgeries, schools and job centres).

3.7 Specifically target South Asian Muslim women who are lone parents, who may be ostracised by their families and communities because of their status, and may have a greater need to work with limited support networks.

3.8 Consider feasibility of factoring voluntary work into the citizenship test requirements.

3.9 Review the impact and cost of making childcare costs tax deductable for selfemployed business women.

Employers:

3.10 Where applicants are equal in merit, employers should give priority to those women who are either resident, enrolled on a training course, or have a child going to (pre-) school or a crèche, in the local area.

3.11 Recruiters should consider emphasizing the skills required for a post rather than the number of years of work experience as applicants may not have worked in a specific role before for a particular (recognized) institution but may have the requisite skills.

3.12 Introduce more flexible working hours and a part-time work option, since there is a strong socio-cultural emphasis on South Asian Muslim women bearing the burden of childcare and domestic responsibilities.

3.13 Encourage employers to set up an ‘introduction to the work place’ placement for minority women to accrue experience and contacts, and to experiment with balancing work and family life.

3.14 Create work placement opportunities for South Asian women to gain an insight into office environments. Ensure that there are a range of placements available in order to incorporate women with varying skills backgrounds.

3.15 Create mentoring schemes with professional working women (South Asian or Muslim professionals as well as others), in order that they not only gain insight into an office environment, but that they also have someone to whom they can turn with employment questions.

3.16 Companies need to raise awareness of funding and facility-sharing opportunities available for local community organizations and provide simple and clear application processes.

3.17 More companies should learn from the schemes run by larger corporations in order to make them more appropriate to the size and resource availability of their company.

Where beneficial, they should partner with larger companies who have less of a presence in local communities themselves.

3.18 Start-up business grants should tailor packages to women setting up businesses in, and working from home.

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Local communities:

3.19 Source advice from the Community Service Volunteers (CSV) on how volunteering opportunities work, particularly in the private sector, and ensure your organization knows about basic allowances and working conditions that a volunteer can expect from an employer.

3.20 Where under-representation exists in local businesses, pressure them to carry out their ‘monitoring’ duties as part of a positive action strategy to improve diversity in their companies.

3.21 Push for meetings and build relationships with companies in the area, especially those who may not have targeted minority communities in their recruitment strategies and those with a high staff turnover and thus ongoing recruitment needs.

3.22 Actively seek out what companies are near to their localities, find out what revenue and other initiatives are available to them, and take the time to fill out forms and chase applications.

3.23 Help facilitate work experience placements by acting as mediators between companies and applicants.

3.24 Community-based organizations should identify sympathetic community and religious leaders who can promote the benefits of employment and skills training in their communities, especially among women, be it via the mosques or local South Asianlanguage media.

3.25 Find role models to inspire women at all levels e.g. on women’s sub-committees in mosques, among Muslim women professionals and local Muslim women journalists.

3.26 Facilitate award schemes for companies that promote good practice, as a positive incentive for companies to show that they value diversity and gender (e.g. ‘Where women want to work Top 50’ but for BME Muslim women or Muslim women in particular).

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References

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References

Briefings

Abbey National plc (13 March 2001), ‘Bradford District Race Review Meeting with Sir Herman Ouseley’, <http://www.aboutabbey.com/csgs/StaticBS?blobcol=urldata&blobheader=application %2Fpdf&blobkey=id&blobtable=MungoBlobs&blobwhere=1118928049749&cachecon trol=immediate&ssbinary=true&maxage=3600>, [accessed 2 June 2009].

Department for Employment and Learning (2005), ‘New Deal for Lone Parents’, <http://www.delni.gov.uk/index/finding-employment-finding-staff/fe-fs-help-to-findemployment/newdeal/new-deal-for-lone-parents.htm>, [accessed 7 May 2009].

Department for Children Schools and Families (Oct 2007), ‘Early Years and Childcare: Local Authority Developing Practice — Improving workforce diversity and supporting skill development’, <http://www.dcsf.gov.uk/everychildmatters/resources-andpractice/EP00365/>, [accessed 9 June 2009].

Direct.gov, ‘Money, Tax and Benefits: Help with childcare costs — do you qualify?’, <http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/MoneyTaxAndBenefits/TaxCreditsandChildBenefit/TaxCr edits/DG_073803>, [accessed 31 March 2009].

Direct.gov, ‘Parents: Type of Childcare’, <http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/Parents/Childcare/DG_10037375>, [accessed 31 March 2009].

Ethnic Minority Employment Task Force, ‘Area Initiatives Project Group’, <http://www.emetaskforce.gov.uk/pdf/emag/emag_terms_of_ref.pdf>, [accessed 2 July 2009].

Direct.gov, ‘Free Childcare for Training and Learning for Work Scheme’, <http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/EducationAndLearning/AdultLearning/FinancialHelpFor AdultLearners/DG_172003>, [accessed 16 June 2009].

Government Equalities Office, ‘Equality Bill 2008-9’, <http://services.parliament.uk/bills/2008-09/equality.html>, [accessed 2 May 2009].

HM Revenue & Customs, ‘What are tax credits?’, <http://www.taxcredits.inlandrevenue.gov.uk/Qualify/WhatAreTaxCredits.aspx>, [accessed 15th June 2009].

Home Office, UK Border Agency, ‘Spouses and civil partners’, <http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/policyandlaw/immigrationlaw/immigrationrules /part8/spouses_civil_partners/>, [accessed 13 May 2009].

Lifelong Learning UK, ‘What is Positive Action?’, Skills for Learning Professionals, <http://www.lluk.org/documents/FS-_Positive_Action.pdf>, [accessed 19 May 2009].

Muslimah, ‘Making Muslim Women and Girls An Emerging Force’, (London: Faith Associates), <http://www.faithassociates.co.uk/media/FAMuslimamakingadifference.pdf>, [accessed 18 May 2009].

Prowess, ‘Facts and Figures: Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) Female Social Entrepreneurship’, <http://www.prowess.org.uk/start/socialenterprise.html#factsfigures1>, [accessed 7 June 2009].

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Prowess, ‘Facts and Figures’, <http://www.prowess.org.uk/facts.htm>, [accessed 2 June 2009].

Prowess (2008), ‘Rationale: Start-up Support Standards’, <http://www.prowess.org.uk/flagship/documents/Template-StartUpSARationalev2.pdf>, [accessed 1 June 2009].

Social Enterprise Coalition, ‘Examples of BAME Social Enterprises’, <http://www.socialenterprise.org.uk/pages/examples-of-bame-socialenterprises.html>, [accessed 3 June 2009].

Timms MP, Stephen (3 June 2008), ‘Improving ethnic minority employment shared commitment’, <http://www.dwp.gov.uk/aboutus/2008/03-06-08b.asp>, [accessed 30 April 2009].

Media articles/Press releases

Associated French Press, ‘Female suicide attackers kill 58 near Baghdad shrine’, Associated French Press, 24 April 2009, <http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gv2IqgmxBtqEWjB3rdLHoU A6o0Ew>, [accessed 28 May 2009].

BBC, ‘They look straight through me’, BBC News, 1 February 2006, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4669284.stm>, [accessed 30 April 2009].

BBC, ‘Course offer ‘to fight extremism’, BBC News, 6 January 2008, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7174079.stm>, [accessed 6 May 2009].

BBC, ‘Elections 2009: Councils A-Z’, BBC News, 7 June 2009, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/bsp/hi/elections/local_council/09/html/region_99999.stm> [accessed 22 June 2009}.

BBC, ‘BNP secures two European seats’, BBC News, 8 June 2009, <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8088381.stm>, [accessed 28 May 2009].

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BMSD, ‘British Muslims for Secular Democracy (BMSD) response to the BBC / ICM poll results on British Muslims’ allegiance to the UK’, British Muslims for Secular Democracy, 25 June 2009, <http://www.bmsd.org.uk/articles.asp?id=29>, [accessed 1 July 2009].

Barber, B., ‘Mind the language’, The Guardian, 14 February 2007, <http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/feb/14/thegovernmentsproposaltocu>, [accessed 1 July 2009].

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Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

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Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Appendix A — Profiles of the Six Areas Surveyed

Appendix A — Profiles of the Six Areas Surveyed

Birmingham — South Asians constitute roughly 35%, and South Asian Muslims 25% of the total population of Birmingham. Of these, the majority are Kashmiri Pakistanis. There are also Bangladeshis and Indians. The Bangladeshi community in Birmingham is Britain’s second largest and is almost exclusively from the rural-Sylhet region. Most Indians in Birmingham are Sikh, but those who are Muslims are mostly from Gujarat.

Bradford — Nearly 20% of Bradford’s population are of South Asian origin, and of these around 85% are Muslim. The majority of Bradford’s South Asians are from various areas of Pakistan — mostly Mirpur and Attock. There are also small communities of Bangladeshis with roots in rural Sylhet.

London — Composition varies across the boroughs. Since 1991 the numbers of Bangladeshis have overtaken the numbers of Pakistanis in London. Over 55% of Bangladeshis in the UK are based in London, particularly in East London boroughs. In 2004, 23% of the total Bangladeshi population, for example, lived in Tower Hamlets.

Tower Hamlets is the most densely populated borough in terms of South Asian population — 58% is BME, 33% of which is Bangladeshi. Only one fifth of the UK’s Pakistani community lives in London. The borough with the highest percentage of Pakistanis is Newham (roughly 8%); the next highest boroughs are all in Outer London.

Luton — Nearly 20% of Luton’s population is of South Asian origin, at least half of which is Pakistani. There is also a significant Bangladeshi community too, as well as an Indian community.

Slough — The South Asian community in Slough predominantly consists of Pakistani Muslims. It contains the highest percentage of Sikhs in the UK (who originally came from the Punjab region), as well as sizeable Muslim and Hindu communities.

High Wycombe — South Asians constitute roughly 7.5% of the total population of High Wycombe. As with Bradford, most of the South Asians in High Wycombe are Pakistanis, mostly from Mirpur.

79

Appendix B â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Survey Questions and Answers

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Appendix B â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Survey Questions and Answers 199 Q.1 Would you like to have a paid job? 634/634

Yes 363/634 (57%) No 248/634 (39%)

Not sure 15/634 (2%) Not able 8/634 (1%)

Q.2 What sort of job would you like? 359/634

Childcare 113/359 (31%)

Teacher, teaching assistant, social worker 78/359 (22%) Hospitality, retail, beauty 71/359 (20%) Administrative/ secretarial 25/359 (7%) Professional career 26/359 (7%)

Would like to own business 21/359 (6%) Anything available 11/359 (3%) Interpreter 1/359 (0.3%) Not sure 13/359 (4%)

Q.3 Why would you like a job? 367/634

To have more money/ financially support my family 158/367 (43%)

To be more independent 111/367 (30%)

To relieve boredom/ get out of the house 69/367 (19%) To meet people 25/367 (7%)

To have a career 1/367 (0.3%) Other 3/367 (0.8%)

199

Percentages have been rounded up or down to full numbers accordingly.

80

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Appendix B — Survey Questions and Answers

Q.4 What is the main reason you don’t work? 615/634

I have to bring up my children/ other domestic responsibilities 304/615 (49%) My English isn’t very good 122/615 (20%)

I don’t believe I have the skills/ qualifications to work 42/615 (7%) Too ill to work 38/615 (6%)

It is against my culture (‘izzat’) 10/615 (2%)

Looking for a job but cannot find one 13/615 (2%)

Never considered working/ never interested in doing a job 12/615 (2%)

I think I will be discriminated against because of my religion/ religious dress 6/615 (1%) I don’t know how it will affect my benefits if I work 6/615 (1%)

My family do not think it is right for a woman to work 1/615 (0.2%) Other 61/615 (10%)

Q.5 Whose choice was it for you not to work? 549/634

My choice 386/549 (70%)

My husband’s/ family’s choice 119/549 (22%)

I have tried to get a job and not succeeded/ don’t know how 44/549 (8%) Q.6 What would most help you to get a job? 600/634

More support from my husband/family 145/600 (24%) Better childcare 129/600 (22%)

Better English language skills 118/600 (20%)

Better education/ qualifications 83/600 (14%)

More information on getting jobs 51/600 (9%) Not sure 29/600 (5%) Other 45/600 (8%)

81

Appendix B â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Survey Questions and Answers

Immigrant, Muslim, Female: Triple Paralysis?

Q.7 How long have you been in the UK? 563/634

0-5 years 64/563 (11%)

5-10 years 103/563 (18%) 10-15 years 92/563 (16%) 15-20 years 89/563 (16%) 20 years+ 215/563 (38%)

Q.8 How did you come to the UK? 528/634

Married and came to the UK 330/528 (63%) Immigrated 109/528 (21%) Born here 75/528 (14%) Other 14/528 (3%)

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