The Manila Collegian Volume 33, Issue No. 2

03Duterte, Marcos, walang pinag-iba Spot the difference: Critics draw parallels between Marcos and Duterte NEWS

Breaking the Karmic Cycle of Philippine Democracy

THE OFFICIAL STUDENT PUBLICATION OF UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES - MANILA VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 JANUARY - FEBRUARY | MARCH 3, 2021

CULTURE | 08

Walang Bakuna sa Kagutuman LATHALAIN | 11

Stop the attack s The alleged “rescue operation” by state forces resulted in the illegal arrest of 26 Lumads and volunteer teachers who were seeking refuge at a Lumad Bakwit Schools in Cebu on February 15. This was dubbed by human rights groups as a blatant attack against IPs. At a time where state atrocit y remains widespread, we are urged to stand up with the Lumads and fight against state t yranny and oppression.

KAPANGYARIHANG TAGLAY EDITORYAL | 02

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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

Officer-in-Charge: Tammy B. Habal | Associate Editor for Internals: Christina Michaela D. Cambiado | Associate Editor for Externals: Bianca Ysabelle M. Baldemor | Managing Editor: Pauline Mae F. Magsino | Assistant Managing Editor: Natasha Beatrice D. Carolina | News Editor: Angela Vanessa V. Manuel Features Editor: Shanin Kyle C. Manuel | Culture Editor: Gwyneth C. Cruz | Graphics Editor: Vince Julius V. Balaga News Correspondents: Ma. Rowz Angela F. Fajardo • Sean Gere V. Pascual • Elaine Joyce C. Diaz • Rochel M. Floron IV | Features Correspondents: Irish Jem R. Bantolino • Danna Carissa R. Gonsalves • Marianne Zen Therese O. De Jesus | Culture Correspondents: Sophie Mireille R. Echivarre • Mikaela Marie Santillan | Illustrators: Justine Vince A. de Dios • Abigail Beatrice O. Malabrigo | Layout Artist: Trevor Phoenix Lomotos

Kapangyarihang Taglay SA PANAHONG HINDI sigurado kung kailan matatapos ang pagdami ng lumalalang kaso ng nagkakasakit na dulot ng isang virus, patuloy ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan sa pag-aalsa kasama ang bayan laban sa estadong pilit na kinikitil ang kalayaang patuloy na ikinukulong sa kamay ng mga mapangsamantala

Panahon na upang ituwid ang mga baluktot.

Maging parte ng kasaysayan na kung saa’y kolektibong pupuksain ang kasalukuyang virus sa Malacanang, na siyang nakakahawa’t nakamamatay para sa sambayanang Pilipino.

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ILLUSTRATION BY VINCE DE DIOS Saksi ang pambansang minorya sa kasaysayan ng panliligalig sa masa, ilang siglo na ang nakararaan bago pa man dumagundong ang aspalto ng EDSA. Ngunit hindi lamang sila mga saksi na nasa isang tabi. Hindi nagmaliw ang masikhay nilang pakikibaka, at patunay dito sina Macli-ing Dulag at iba pang mga bayaning katutubo noong panahon ng Batas Militar.

Ngunit hangga’t nananatiling dugo, luha, at takot nila ang nagsusulat ng kanilang kasaysayan ay mananatiling mahigpit ang kanilang tanikala. At hangga’t nananatiling nakagapos ang mga katulad nilang mga nasa laylayan ay mananatiling bihag pa rin ang sambayanan.

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Maraming nagsasabi na ang Rebolusyong EDSA ay mapayapa. Sa paggunita nito, madugo’t magulo ang pag-aalsang naganap bago pa man ang nasabing pagkilos sa Ortigas mula ika22 hanggang ika-25 ng Pebrero taong 1986. Walang tigil na tiniis ng sambayanang Pilipino ang pasismong dulot ng rehimeng Marcos hanggang sa tuluyang mapabagsak ito mula sa pwesto.

Sa taunang anibersaryo ng People Power, tatlumpu’t limang taon nang nakalilipas, makikitang binubuhay ng estado ang kapanahunan ng diktadura sa bansa. Isang de facto Martial Law ang binibigyang hininga sa kamay ng administrasyong Duterte. Patuloy ang lumalalang kaso ng korapsyon, pagsasawalang-bahala sa minorya, at pagbubuo ng mga komite at pagpasa ng mga batas laban sa karapatan ng mga Pilipino. Maituturing isang parallelismo ng rehimeng Marcos ang kasalukuyang administrasyon, na kung saa’y iwinawangis nito ang mga kabalintunahang ginawa ng nasabing rehimen.

Naitala ng Task Force Detainees of the Philippines ang bilang ng human rights violations sa loob ng administrasyong Marcos mula 1972 hanggang 1986. Humigit-kumulang 9,000 ang naitalang kaso, kabilang dito ang 5040 na inaresto at/o ikinulong, 1290 na pinaslang (massacre at salvage), 402 kataong nakaranas ng panliligalig , 352

mga desaparecido , 165 mga biktima ng physical assault at sa mga ari-arian. Ilan sa mga nasabing napaslang ay sina Antonio Tagamolila, Wenceslao Vinzons, Liliosa Hilao, Archimedes Trajano, Edgar Jopson, Juan Escandor, Emman Lacaba, Ishmael Quimpo Jr., at Maria Lorena Barros, mga natatanging lider-estudyante, mamamahayag, at martir na ang tanging hangarin lamang ay ang ipaglaban ang karapatan ng mamamayang Pilipino. Sa pagpapasa ng Anti-Terror Law, na kung saan maaaring bansagang terorista ang sinumang magkilos-protesta, o kahit lamang na magsabi ng saloobing salungat sa kagustuhan ng estado, ay maaaring hulihin ng mga pulis kahit walang warrant of arrest. Hindi malabong mangyari muli ang karumaldumal na dinanas nila .

Ang malala pa’y hindi lamang pang-aabuso sa kapangyarihan ang pinararanas, kung ‘di pati ang pagsasayang sa kapangyarihang ito . Matapos ang termino ni Duterte, kagimbal-gimbal na 13.7 trilyong piso ang kanyang iiwang utang. Taliwas sa ipinagkaloob na mga emergency powers ay ang kawalan pa rin sa bakuna, na siyang pangakong ipagkakaloob noong ika-18 pa ng Pebrero. Salungat sa karapatan sa pangkalahatang pangangalagang pangkalusugan ay ang hindi mawaring pagkawala ng 15 bilyong piso mula sa PhilHealth, na

maaari sanang makatulong sa mga taong apektado ng COVID-19. Ang epekto ng mga ito’y mararanasan ng susunod na henerasyon sapagkat sila ang magbabayad ng utang ng bansa bago pa man sila ipanganak.

Kaakibat ng mga pang-aabuso’y ang repleksyon ng kung ano pa ang mas malalang pwedeng mangyari sa nalalabing taon ng panunungkulan ni Duterte. Hangga’t may katiwalia’y patuloy pa rin na may mag-aalsa, isang patunay na buhay pa rin ang diwa ng People Power hanggang sa kasalukuyan. May kapangyarihang taglay ang sambayanang puksain ang mga maling aksyon kung sama-samang kikilos laban sa mga mapang-api. Hindi masasayang ang mga sakripisyo ng mga martir ng Batas Militar kung ipagpapatuloy natin ang laban tungo sa tunay na kalayaan ng bansa. Limitado man ang pagkilos dahil sa quarantine protocols at social distancing, nariyan ang internet upang maging daan upang paingayin ang mga isyung panlipunan.

Sa paggunita ng Rebolusyong EDSA ng 1986, panahon na upang ituwid ang mga baluktot; pababain na ang mapang-abusong rehimen. Maging parte ng kasaysayan na kung saa’y kolektibong pupuksain ang isang virus sa Malacanang, na siyang nakakahawa’t nakamamatay para sa sambayanang Pilipino.

CARTOON | CHRISTINA MICHAELA CAMBIADO

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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

Spot the difference: Critics draw parallels between Marcos and Duterte

By Alexandra Kate Ramirez and Melissa Allauigan

CRITICS AND EXPERTS drew several parallels between the late Ferdinand Marcos regime and the current Rodrigo Duterte administration. From human rights violations to severe economic crises brought about by regressive policies, the ghost of Marcos’ dictatorship continues to haunt the Philippines under the watch of Duterte. More than three decades after the People Power Revolution, in which democracy was supposedly restored in the country, Filipinos are urged to resist the twin fascists’ tyrannical rule as well as continue the struggle for the next generation of youth.

THE STRONGMEN LEGACY Ever since a demagogue, who came across as a father figure and an antithesis to the political elite, rose into power, the Philippines yet again witnessed an authoritarian resurgence. Straight out of the strongman’s playbook, the late dictator Marcos and the reigning populist leader Duterte both mastered the art of conceiving enemies of the state in an attempt to justify their use of threats, force, and violence.

The Marcos regime was a far cry from the trappings of peace and order, let alone the so-called golden age—it was rather an era of impunity that crippledthe country’s democracy and claimed thousands of innocent lives.

Even before he assumed his position, Marcos actively campaigned for the promotion of his favorite officers in the Congress and proceeded to increase the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP) budget upon becoming president.

Today, the Philippines is in the throes of an administration that is eerily reminiscent of the Marcos regime. Despite the lack of an official declaration, the Filipinos are enduring a de facto martial law under Duterte’s watch. Apart from the unmistakable parallel of ballooning budgets for the AFP and the Philippine National Police (PNP), Duterte also has a penchant for appointing retired military generals to government posts.

As Filipinos urged the government to combat the COVID-19 pandemic with medical solutions, Duterte never heeded the public’s demands and carried on with his militaristic approach to a health crisis.

“It is only the people’s organizations in the progressive mass movement that could be relied upon to pursue the struggle against historical revisionism and the Marcos legacy of tyranny and fascist populism that is now embodied by the Duterte regime,” Bonifacio Ilagan, former chairperson of Kabataang Makabayan, remarked.

HUMAN RIGHTS CRISES The horrors of Martial Law were so widespread that human rights watchdogs lost no time in denouncing the abuses in the Philippines.

According to Amnesty International, the ten years of Martial Law saw about 70,000 people imprisoned, 34,000 tortured, and 3,240 killed.

The military’s primary function under the Marcos regime was to

quell political dissent and actions that could threaten his dictatorship.

Moreover, most of the cruelest attacks transpired in rural areas as the military wreaked havoc in communities suspected of being communist infiltrated despite the lack of substantial evidence.

While becoming conscious of the human rights violations during Marcos’ rule is indeed one thing, putting an end to the cycle of abuses is quite a much more difficult task.

“A great many of the politicians and opportunists who hitched to the broad anti-Marcos front and rode in the bandwagon of ‘people power’ forgot all about the obligation to sustain the anti-dictatorship struggle and its ramifications in the culture of the people, that it had not ended with the expulsion of Ferdinand and Imelda and General [Fabian] Ver and the Marcos cronies,” Ilagan asserted.

Presently, various human rights groups revealed that the real number of Duterte’s bloody war on drugs reached at least 27,000 killings as of Nov. 30, 2020. Among these deaths, only one case came to a conviction—the murder of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos.

As if the dictator blueprint is not obvious enough, the Duterte administration is also hell-bent on tracking rebel presence in rural areas, which leaves defenseless farmers and indigenous peoples (IPs) as vulnerable victims of state persecution. With policies in place that are a pretext for abuse, a total of 22 peasant massacres and 317 peasant death toll were recorded.

The Philippines also saw countless indiscriminate red-tagging of activists, journalists, lawyers, and community leaders, which became a prelude to their incarceration and death. Emboldened by Duterte’s constant espousal, even a public health crisis did not prevent the AFP and PNP to violate the human rights of ordinary Filipinos, all the while serving the interests of the rich.

EDIFICE COMPLEX Both Marcos and Duterte are reliant on infrastructure projects to assert power, maintain public support, and justify their respective regimes’ credibility.

Emmanuel S. De Dios, a former dean at the University of the Philippines (UP) School of Economics, along with his colleagues, argued that Marcos’ infrastructure projects were not very productive and many were outright wasteful.

ART | TREVOR PHOENIX LOMOTOS

per capita was only able to recover 21 years later, while the average income was still not at par with neighboring countries.

Moreover, underemployment shot up to 33% and poverty incidence at 59%. Inflation also exceeded a whopping 50% in 1984, while external debt ballooned from $8.2-billion to $24.4-billion dollars.

While Marcos’ debt would potentially be paid by 2025, the current Duterte administration’s increased borrowing due to the pandemic would last the country a few more years. Economist JC Punongbayan said that borrowing amid the economic crisis was not necessarily the problem, but sheer incompetence.

Experts claimed that the Philippines is experiencing the worst economic downturn since World War II, as last year’s GDP contracted by 9.6%. In January 2021, the inflation rate rose to 4.2%.

While incomes dwindled, unemployment was also at a record-high of 17.6% in April 2020 and the number of Filipinos living in poverty this pandemic amounted to at least 62 million, according to independent think-tank IBON Foundation.

Due to excessive foreign borrowing for such projects, the Philippines’ debt piled up to the point where the country could not keep up. Worse, Marcos’ pocketed 33% or more than $8 billion of the country’s total borrowings.

Meanwhile, Duterte’s PhP 8.4 trillion touted legacy project Build Build Build (BBB) which he believes would boost the economy is far from finished and can only have 56% of its total flagship infrastructure projects completed by the end of his term in 2022.

The recently signed 2021 budget also allotted a gargantuan amount for infrastructure spending with PHP 666.47B for the Department

of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) and PHP 128.79B for the Department of Transportation (DOTr), all while cutting down immensely on the health sector.

SICK MAN OF ASIA AGAIN Contrary to the claims of economic prosperity or a so-called ‘golden era’ during Martial Law, there were undoubtedly several economic hardships that the country faced, most especially during its dying years.

There were nine consecutive quarters of negative growth from 1983-1985 as well as a 15% decrease in average income. The country’s gross domestic product (GDP)

THE PEOPLE HAVE POWER As Marcos’ legacy remains to unfold under Duterte’s rule, it is all the more necessary to be critical of the government and combat historical denialism and revisionism.

Despite the administration’s rabid crackdown on all forms of dissent, as well as incessant attempts to amend the constitution in accordance to their interests, progressive groups continue to echo various calls to denounce the atrocities of the government.

“Now that we face another threat at the hands of the current administration where our democracy and human rights are at a standstill, let this serve not only as a reminder, but a call to action to all youth nationwide to stand firmly against all abuses by our government,” insisted the National Union of Students Philippines–High School.

Meanwhile, Anakbayan National Secretary General Vinz Simon stressed that this necessitates a mass movement reminiscent of the ones which challenged and eventually toppled the Marcos and Estrada regimes.

“Unless we show up in full force, we don’t stand a chance,” he concluded.

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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

UPM OKs in-person classes for medical, allied health programs during midyear WITH REMOTE LEARNING failing to compensate for the real world lessons earned through clinical practice and hospital exposure, the University of the Philippines Manila (UPM) officials are now pushing for the return of face-to-face classes during the Midyear term of Academic Year 2020-2021.

By Emil Escudero and Ethan Galvan In separate virtual college town halls held between the administration and the undergraduate batches, University officials laid out their plans for the resumption of laboratory, clinical, and hospital duties of the students from the College of Medicine (CM), College of Dentistry (CD), College of Nursing (CN), and College of Pharmacy (CP) whose rotations were suspended at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic due to the heightened risk of contracting infection.

STATUS OF THE DECISION In the said meetings, it was revealed that the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) already approved the University’s application for a return to limited faceto-face classes for students of the medical and allied health sciences.

According to Dr. Antolin Serraon, Chair of the Department of Clinical Dental Health Sciences, the go-signal from CHED is just the first step in finalizing the universities plans for face-to-face classes as they are still awaiting the approval of the Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF).

Prior to this decision, face-toface rotations for the CM interns and clerks in Philippine General Hospital already began on November 26, 2020 and January 18, 2021 respectively, with all being RT-PCR tested for free before in-person hospital duties resumed.

In contrast, for the CD, CN, and

CP, the administration mentioned that before face-to-face classes resume, students would be asked to answer a survey aimed at gauging the number of enrollees to better manage the scheduling of classes during the Midyear.

The IATF, in coordination with CHED, are the main agencies responsible for gauging whether universities and colleges have met the necessary requirements for in-person rotations to resume.

PREPARATIONS BY THE COLLEGES Originally scheduled for the second semester, University officials said that it was postponed to the Midyear to make time for retrofitting facilities, training personnel, procuring Personal Protective Equipment (PPE), and ironing out protocols to assure students’ health and well-being.

In terms of the preparedness of facilities in the UPCD, Sandra Batua, Dentistry Student Council (DSC) Chairperson, said that the laboratories are ready to receive students while the clinics, where resident clinicians treat outside patients, only began being retrofitted weeks ago.

There is also on-going retrofitting in the CP right now but whether it is for the preparation for the implementation of the face-to-face classes is uncertain. Meanwhile, CN’s postponement of face-to-face classes had been welcomed by the Nursing Student Council (NSC) as it would give more time to finish engineering work, create vaccination

faculty, and employees.

The CM students are required to accomplish a health declaration form

plans, and procure PPE. IMPLEMENTATION OF HEALTH AND SAFETY PROTOCOLS To limit community transmission, University officials stated that there would be a triage area prior to entering the camp u s

daily which checks the temperature, symptoms and exposure checks. There are also assigned students per block who will check their classmates daily for symptoms.

Moreover, PGH already disseminated an algorithm which students should follow in case they experience any symptoms of COVID-19 and when they think that they had significant exposure to people who are COVID-positive.

Hence, students would be tested only as deemed appropriate if they are suspected to have COVID-19 based on symptoms or possible exposure to the virus from COVID-positive patients, and not be tested on a regular interval.

On the other hand, the CP students with a thesis that requires laboratory use are the only ones who will possibly have face-to-face meetings, however, there are no concrete details yet regarding the implementation of this set-up.

The number of people inside the laboratories will be limited to maintain the physical distance of each thesis group that is composed of three students.

For all colleges, lectures will continue to be conducted virtually while laboratories would only be operating at 50% of their original capacity.

wherei n foot-traffic would be strictly one-way. To aid in this effort, an application named Bayanihan Na! Employee Symptoms Tracking System (BESTS) would be tapped to monitor the health status of students,

R E L AT E D S T OR Y

Resumption of virtual classes, once again concerns UPM student body

By Ysabel Marie S. Vidor After implementing less stringent regulations amid the ongoing threat of the pandemic, several establishments obtained the permission to operate from the government. However, universities and colleges, especially in Metro Manila, have yet to conduct face to face classes. The University of the Philippines Manila, the health sciences center of the UP System, are settling once again for a virtual learning setup for their second semester.

ADJUSTMENTS ON CURRICULUM The compression of the semester concerns colleges as it is deemed daunting for the students. Prior to the health crisis that coerced schools to administer virtual classes, the usual semester runs for 18 weeks. Currently, the university made adjustments and decided to reduce the semester to 13 weeks in the first semester and 15 weeks in the second semester.

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Although, some students find the compression of the semester acceptable, they are still worried that the weeks allotted may not be enough for them to truly learn the lessons.

Students from the white colleges also oppose the idea of cutting the semester short as it impedes their capacity to learn the necessary skill set for their course. They purport it as more tedious as they would have to go through with the virtual lab classes and at the same time a compressed curriculum.

READY OR NOT Despite the students’ worries, they have no choice but to prepare for what’s to come. Students from the UP College of Dentistry voiced out their concerns regarding the expenses required in their college. Beatriz Frondoso, a dentistry student pointed out the need of students to look for jobs just to pay for the instruments

that they need for the semester.

Students also drew attention to the fact that the number of requirements does not equate to the knowledge that the student would acquire.

Noel Villatura, a second year BA Political Science student, emphasized that the administration should also address that not everyone has the privilege of having a fast internet connection and a conducive learning environment at home.

Moreover, they highlighted how it is essential to demand accountability from the government as to inhibit the students’ academics from being jeopardized. “[We should] demand the government for a safe resumption of face to face classes! A shorter time period for a semester will give professors an incentive to bombard its students with a lot of requirements to be done online,” Villatura added.

INFOGRAPHICS | TREVOR PHOENIX LOMOTOS

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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

UP off icials seeks to strengthen UP-DND Accord, UP-DILG Accord Students, faculty across different units rally to defend academic freedom

WITH THE UNILATERAL termination of the University of the Philippines - Department of National Defense (UP-DND) Accord by the latter party, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana stated that they are open to reconsidering the abrogation. Meanwhile, UP officials stood firm that they do not acknowledge the DND’s decision and reiterated their desire to further strengthen the said Accord. As the University and its constituents face new forms of intimidation, such as red tagging through social media, UP officials ensured the community that they are making efforts to address these security issues.

By Elaine Diaz ACCORDS ARE DEMOCRATIC RESPONSES Currently, the UP System is engaged with two accords, namely the 1989 UP-DND agreement and the 1992 UP-Department of Interior and Local Government (UP-DILG) Accord, which prohibits the entry of state forces within the UP campuses. The former prohibits the unauthorized entry of military personnel, while the latter prohibits the unauthorized entry of the Philippine National Police (PNP). Atty.

Theodore O. Te, a UP College of Law professor, explained that while the UP-DND Accord was “revoked,” the UP-DILG Accord is still in place.

In the town hall meeting, organized by the UP Diliman (UPD) Community Security Committee and the Office of the Chancellor last Feb. 15, UPD Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo revealed that both parties have not yet reached an agreement and that the University’s legal council are currently preparing legal arguments to back the Accord.

Amidst the UP-DND termination, the DILG also raised “constitutional issues” within the 1992 UP-DILG accord. Last Feb. 5, in a dialogue between the UP and DILG, no commitments were stated by the former party.

DEFEND ACADEMIC FREEDOM A month after the unilateral abrogation was made public, the whole UP community stood united

PH Red Cross collaborates with UP Manila, launch saliva-based COVID-19 testing

By Rowz Fajardo PHILIPPINE RED CROSS (PRC) started administering its cheaper, faster, and easier saliva testing for COVID-19 last January 25 after the Department of Health (DOH) approved its use. The project was made possible through the collaboration of the PCR with the University of the Philippines Manila (UPM) and University of Illinois (UI).

PHOTO | JO MALINE

PROCESS AND ACCURACY According to Senator Richard Gordon, PRC Chairman, the COVID-19 saliva testing is priced at 2,000 pesos, which is 1,800 pesos cheaper than swab testing.

Unlike in swab testing, the saliva test does not require specimen collectors to wear personal protective equipment and reagents. Saliva testing is also less invasive than swab tests where specimens are obtained by swabbing the nasopharyngeal area.

in condemning the said decision, with all eight constituent universities’ (CUs) chancellors releasing statements to express their dismay. Chancellor Nemenzo insisted that all chancellors acknowledge the consequences of the termination of the accord, particularly the intensified red-tagging in regional campuses.

The UP administration emphasized that the UP must remain a safe space for criticism, free thought, expression, and dissent. Additionally, they stated that academic freedom will only be possible if there are no fear and threats against it.

“Ang dagok sa UP ay dagok sa lahat, ” UPD Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Loujaye Sonido noted, as she explained that academic freedom is not only for UP but for all

educational institutions.

ADDRESSING SECURITY ISSUES As red-tagging of UP faculty, students, and organizations by the Duterte Administration continues, the University publicized their plan of action to address these concerns.

First, Nemenzo specified his plans to strengthen the UP Police as questions on their capability of providing safety to the community arise.

Nemenzo added that they plan to proceed with the series of sectoral consultations to better recognize what the community truly needs.

Meanwhile, Atty. Te emphasized the importance for the University’s constituents to be aware of their rights, be observant in the implementation of laws, and be patient in reporting and documenting all suspicious encounters with state

forces.

He then clarified that even though the UP-DND Accord was revoked, the community should not fear and allow warrantless arrests to be done by the military. In terms of powers, he said, the AFP is only permitted to act as “support” and not delve into law enforcement as only the PNP has the right to carry out either search or arrest warrants issued by the court.

When asked about what support can the University give to redtagged individuals and organizations, officials stated that they will provide quick action response and legal support. They also reiterated that the community’s best defence during this time is public information to make people aware of the dangers of red-tagging.

According to Gordon, individuals would only have to spit inside a sterile 1-millimeter vial that is sealed and documented for results.

They must not eat, drink, gargle, smoke, or vape 30 minutes before the test.

Moreover, the processing time of the saliva test will only take around three to four hours compared to the 24 hours turnaround time of swab tests, according to the PRC. As for the accuracy, like the nasopharyngeal swab tests, the saliva tests also undergo the Reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) technique, which is the gold standard for COVID-19 testing.

According to PRC lead researcher Michael L. Tee, the PCR’s initial saliva-based testing yielded a 98.23

percent accuracy compared with the pilot saliva-based test of the UI which yielded a 99.99 percent accuracy.

the quick action in evaluating the proposal submitted by the team of scientists from the PRC, UP, and UI Urbana-Champaign, and for guiding the team in conducting the research that can pass scrutiny of health regulators.

Moreover, Padilla expressed her gratitude to the research team which was composed of Tee, Paulyn Jean R. Ubial, Diana Rose E. Ranoa, Cherica A. Tee, Aedrian A. Abrilla, Lawrence John Paulo L. Trinidad, Charlotte M. Chiong, Regina P. Berba, Ryner Jose D. Carillo, Maria Cecilia F. Lim, and Leslie Michelle M. Dalmacio.

Individuals can now avail of the test by booking an appointment at the PRC website. The test is offered by all the laboratories of the PRC.

UP MANILA’S CONTRIBUTION UPM Chancellor Carmencita Padilla lauded the approval of the new saliva testing for COVID-19 as a major contribution of the health sciences center in combating the pandemic.

In the launching of the saliva test at the PRC Main Headquarters last January 25, Padilla narrated that the team adopted the protocol developed by Dr. Diana Ranoa and the already operational Sansure systems in conducting the research.

Padilla also acknowledged the UPM’s research infrastructure for

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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

CAMPUS NEWSLINE

General Election not substantiated, says UPM UEB

By Alexandra Kate Ramirez UNIVERSITY ELECTORAL BOARD (UEB) conducted a public consultation to resolve the issues surrounding the conduct of university and college student council elections in the University of the Philippines Manila (UPM). As the country grappled with the public health crisis on top of the government’s negligence, university-related pursuits were either modified or not carried out at all since activities were now practically confined to digital platforms. Moreover, the UEB denied the motion to conduct General Elections and only specified electoral and/or appointment procedures.

BEHIND THE DECISION In the wake of quarantine restrictions brought by the COVID-19 pandemic, the majority of university-related activities inside and outside of the institutions were cancelled for the time being. Accordingly, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed on May 9, 2020 in order to settle the legal predicament of extending the terms of incumbent University Student Council (USC) and College Student Council (CSC) officers without violating the authority of the Constitution and the Elections Code.

The decision to postpone the elections was due to the aforementioned conditions, alongside concerns on the sustainability of online platforms as mediums for discourse as well as accessibility of both internet connection and electronic devices.

The MOU, originally, was only expected to cover certain months of the year 2020. However, the circumstances remained unfavorable for all of the stakeholders, if not worse, thereby prompting the UEB to redeliberate its previous recommendations and further resolve the issue correctly and inclusively at an opportune time.

In a resolution, the UEB declared that the move to conduct the General Election is denied, further reiterating that a General Election is not substantiated back then and until now.

ADJUSTED PROCEDURES Along with its decision to deny the conduct of the General Election, the UEB handed out orders regarding the selection of the new set of USC and CSC officers.

As indicated in the resolution, there shall be election and appointment procedures in the CSCs. Along with the College Electoral Boards, they will be given independence in deciding which method shall be enforced in selecting the new set of CSC officers, provided that they shall brief the UEB on the selection process specifics and that all procedures shall be made public once the appointment process is favored.

The UEB also specified that the

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procedures in the selection of CSC officers shall be done prior to the selection of the new officers of the USC. Therefore, the selection and declaration of new CSC officers shall be conducted no later than March 26 and April 8, 2021, respectively.

For the selection of the new USC officers, a separate appointment procedure shall be conducted. Ensuing this resolution’s promulgation, the UEB, together with the USC and the UPM LCSC, shall further discuss the final details of the appointment procedures in order to streamline the appropriate legal review of such procedures.

After all, even with the unprecedented measures brought about by the pandemic and calamities, electing student leaders remains a service to the student body.

CAMPAIGNS AMIDST ONLINE CONSTRAINTS Since traditional on-ground campaigns would not be witnessed in the coming selection processes, ensuring the student body’s participation would be all the more strenuous. With the unfavorable decline in voter turnout during recent years, students being confined to digital screens would only possibly contribute to this decreasing trend.

Incumbent USC Vice-Chairperson Allan Aron Sandiego stressed the importance of having ample time to conduct campaign activities in order to reach students through different channels, especially those who have little to no access to online platforms.

Furthermore, Sandiego noted that the Duterte administration’s indiscriminate red-tagging of universities and student leaders amidst the pandemic made election campaigns much more challenging to launch.

“I think this time of political unrest and public health emergency, mahalaga na ma-rejuvinate ‘yung mga councils through elections para mas mapaigting pa yung mga kampanya, ma-realign yung mga proyekto, at mas bigyang buhay ‘yung mga student councils,” Sandiego insisted.

SPECIAL REPORT

Barriers upon barriers: Active student formations in UPM declines

By Christel Castro DURING THE 50TH General Assembly of Student Councils on January 11-12, 2021, the University of the Philippines Manila University Student Council (UPM USC) reported that there is a decline in active student formations within the university. The shift to online setup caused student organizations in UPM to be at a disadvantage as issues regarding the digital divide, mental health, and personal matters were rampant among students. Prior to the pandemic, student formations were already struggling due to the lack of spaces on campus where they can freely organize.

DIGITAL DIVIDE The sudden transition to online setup was detrimental not only to the continuing of classes but also to the student formations within the university. For the academic year 2020-2021, the UPM USC announced that there are 45 accredited university-based organizations in UPM. Since everything was shifted online, organizations were forced to compromise and adjust to the current situation which affected the consolidation of its members.

The online setup prompted the digital divide which affected most, if not all, student formations in UPM. Moreover, new problems arose stemming from the lack of proper and stable access to the internet and gadgets, as well as the absence of proper workspace and resources for students.

According to some student leaders, conducting meetings, general assemblies, and activities were difficult due to fewer resources and time restrictions. This caused both student leaders and members of the organizations to feel less empowered.

The UP Organization for Shiftees and Transferees Chairperson Lloyd Esteban emphasized how online interaction dehumanizes people in such a way that it affects students’ empathy for others. Since the digital divide has prompted a lesser and more restricted interaction, Esteban asserted the need for communication, consideration, and compassion among members of the organizations.

To battle the detrimental effects of the digital divide on student formations, student leaders are being more considerate and understanding amongst members.

Organizations also developed a working scheme that is flexible and suitable to their needs and capabilities.

NEED FOR SAFE SPACES Prior to the pandemic, students were already rallying and demanding the UPM administration for safe spaces where organizations can freely conduct their activities. The lack of student spaces and org tambayans, amplified by the construction happening inside the universi-

ty, greatly affected the functioning of student formations on campus.

Now, with the online setup, safe spaces where students can safely organize are threatened due to state-sponsored attacks and rampant red-tagging online. Onground peaceful protests are also often interrupted by the military and police forces.

The controversial passing of the Anti-Terror Law and the unilateral termination of the UP-Department of National Defense (DND) Accord further perpetuated harassment and red-tagging among members of the community creating another barrier that seeks to repress activism.

The safety of the organizations, student leaders, and members of the UP community will always be challenged as state forces and the administration continues to quell activism and repress the academic freedom inside the university.

Despite this, students continue to clamor for free and safe spaces where they can organize and exercise their right to free speech and dissent.

ILLUSTRATION | TREVOR PHOENIX LOMOTOS

signos 07

VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

TAON PA R I N NG PA K I K I B A K A 2021

Mga salita ni Barbara Herondale

Bagong taon, panibagong pagkakataon muling isulong ang mga batayang karapatan ng masang Pilipino.

Nagtapos man ang taon at nagbukas ang isang masalimuot na yugto ng kasaysayan, ito ay higit pa ring pinagtibay ng pambansang demokratikong tipo.

Ang kapabayaan ng gobyerno— ang nakadidismayang pagtugon sa pandemya ay ang siyang nagpa-alab ng nagpupuyos na damdamin ng taumbayan. Lahat para sa isang nasyonalistang adhikain.

Patuloy pa rin ang ang pagtutol sa marahas at hindi makataong EJK—ang kampanya laban sa droga na pawang kumukumpuni sa kamay na bakal ng administrasyon at kapulisan. Resist until the fascist is no longer in the Malacanang.

Natatangi ang Pilipinas sa buong mundo--sa ilalim ng pandemya,

KUHA NINA JO MALINE AT BARBARA HERONDALE

militarisado ang mekanismo ng pagsugpo sa isang sakit na hindi kailanman ay malulunasan ng pananakot at baril.Bagong taon, karagdagang armas para supilin ang mga estudyante, aktibista’t progresibo. Ito ang mukha ng Terror Law. Hindi na bago ang administrasyong takot sa mulat na Pilipino, ngunit hindi na rin bago ang damdaming nasyonalismo ng sambayanang Pilipino. Dalawang presidente na ang napatalsik sa pwesto, handa na tayo para sa pangatlo.

MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT

Memento Mori

Breaking the Karmic Cycle of Philippine Democracy

By Christina Michaela Cambiado, Gwyneth Cruz, Sophie Echivarre, and Natalie Luning

THE FUTURE IS a massive blackhole of uncertainty where plans do not end up sailing as intended. It features a series of trials and errors and a combination of luck and prowess. The divine action of picking cards stimulates the indecisive characteristics of most people, as humans have the tendency to seek validation. They pray for the stars to align, the universe to conspire, and the string of fate to appear. However, a major display of corruption has awakened the power of Filipinos — an iridescent light broke through the monopolized curtain of the current regime. It was a uniform response for all the injustices tolerated and liberties snatched altogether.

“All hail the ruler, for he shall neither concede to empty threats nor yield the crown upon his head!”

The prophecy was blatantly challenged, the promise of another reign was strongly rejected, and the laws written by the highest body were rendered null and void. And before the last day ended, a set of Tarot cards adamantly shifted according to the desires of the mass — a manifestation of free will and principal values.

THE EMPEROR “ The Emperor has grown drunk on power, The order of his realm that he champions Is but an excuse to Snuff out the stars above.”

Martial Law was proclaimed in 1972, under the pretext of national security. The Emperor played on the anxiety of his subjects, painting artificial enemies like prop demons for them to fear. He blew up threats of a communist insurgency in the countryside, of secessionist movements in the southern reaches of the kingdom, made them seem graver than they really were. These, he said, meant that the people had to be more watchful than ever. If ordinary people were to be watchful, then the state forces would be doubly so. Thus, the kingdom was plunged into darkness for the next two decades.

During those years of darkness, shadows in the night came to take away the people’s sons and daughters at the slightest cry against the Emperor’s regime. Prisons struggled to hold the sheer number of souls crammed into them. Not for them a judge or jury or due process. Not for them an arrest warrant, or a crime at all. One didn’t have to deserve Hell disguised as “a way to maintain peace”. All it took was a word from the Emperor to land one in a prison or military camp and put one through tor-

A cry for sovereignty will echo once again As five cards of the past will come To knock the present And realign the future — A memento of the multitude.

THE TOWER “In the city of Manila, A historical uprising is coming — To put an end to the Greedy Emperor.”

The implementation of the infamous Martial Law was the first straw. Any act of opposition was suppressed. It was followed by the abuses of innocent people, as they were branded as “collateral damage” or “just another casualty”. The Greedy Emperor imposed violence as a weapon of control and obedience, a warning that any person who dared to object will have his life discarded.

Although some progressive groups did not back down, most of them experienced a chilling effect, and so, a period of silence ensued.

However, the faux peace did not last as the assassination of Ninoy Aquino broke out — it served as a catalyst, it caused the bottled-up resentment of Filipinos to leak and overflow. Led by the grieving Corazon Aquino, the fight for the long-denied independence was set in motion. Marcos tried to cease the uproar by holding a snap presidential election, but there, his deception was exposed through the discrepancies in the official count by the COMELEC (Commission on Elections) and NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections).

The Filipinos started a demand to oust the ruler, and with the withdrawal of the dictator’s then royal knights Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos, fueled by the support of Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin and the rest of the Catholic Church, said bloodless Epifanio de los Santos Avenue’s (EDSA) People

WHEEL OF FORTUNE

tures fit for the damned, under the gun, the cigarette butt, or the electric wire.

The darkness felt all-consuming, and indeed, wisps of it linger even today. But even the darkest of nights comes to an end, for nothing - not cronies, not generals, not emperors can extinguish the light from the stars that strains to break out and shine forth once more.

“Alas, listen carefully to the tolling of the bells, As people from down under sing, To pull the ropes and open the doors For the Righteous Tower — Is where the people belong.”

Power Revolution had begu It was a battle of endura cos did not entirely back do ous attempts to keep the p troops to mobilize the sit lined along EDSA together cort. Even faced with a m spirit of the Filipinos did n gans, songs, friendship to prayers, linked arms, hu flowers, the hunger for libe The card was once pitch transpired that led to an form; colors began to fill Little by little, a picture wa by the hearts of the people days bore the fruit — at las the Filipino people had won

culture 08-09 other leaders who did nothing but to milk money from the wealthy cows and to worsen the yawning gap amongst the rich and poor. To make matters worse, we never got rid of the traces of the Marcoses.

In retrospect, it takes more than disrupting an autocrat’s course of action and reformation for us to attain real transformation; we must face the death of the structure that perpetuates these monstrosities. Simply replacing the elites who occupy the office will not fix the society. Although unsettling as it seems, the only way is to completely eradicate this already rotten system and replace it with one that truly nurture the masses.

The events that will follow through this genuine revolution are still uncertain and it is just right to be afraid of this precarity; after all, we could never get used to ending a part of our past. However, death is an inevitable force that propels us to a transition that we are bound to face. Death obeys no tyrant’s orders and accepts no bribery from the opulent, and we shall embrace it. Only those who dread death are the ones who are afraid of change — people who’ve been the predator in the system that preys on the weak and poor, longer than they should.

DEATH “Shed your fears and embrace death — This enables metamorphosis to End the vicious cycle” For a short while, The Wheel of Fortune has finally acknowledged the dissent of the people. Its spin landed on the direction the masses desired and finally eliminated the top echelon that devoured our freedom for two decades. However, the system that still enables the few to control the wheel itself has yet to come to an end.

Indeed, it was a failed revolution — an undeniably impactful one. Though this event had left a huge mark on our history, the country is still plagued with covetous monsters that permeated the cycle of atrocities. Not long after the ouster of the infamous dictator, the Philippines was ruled by the imposter mother of democracy, and several

STAR

“And like humans whose lives experience, An endless sleep without waking, a decline of existence at one point —Like how a Star crumbles On the hands of Death. And joins the universe, A world without The Greedy Emperor.”

un. ance and faith, as Marown and staged numerposition. He ordered his tuation: armored tanks r with a battalion as esmechanical obstacle, the not falter. Through sloo soldiers, Laban signs, uman barricades, and erty was appeased. h black, until one event nother. Lines began to the once empty visage. as formed, it was ignited e vying for freedom. The st, The Tower was built, n.

It was a long and tiring battle. A battle that took years to wage, blood to spill, and everyone, friends and enemies alike, to unite for one common goal — to end the dictatorial rule of the Emperor and reignite the flames of democracy.

And while it took certain key players to win the battle, the bravest heroes can be found in the front lines. They were made up of students, journalists, activists, peasants and workers, who have been struggling for the fight for genuine freedom and justice even long before the Marcoses seized the country. Battle scarred and bruised, no ounce of doubt ever crossed their conscience, for they were keen on securing their grip on the Wheel of Fortune.

The Wheel of Fortune, in what once was in a reversed state that signalled the suffering and violence endured by the masses, was finally now in upright position. An era of peace, freedom, and transition. The transition allowed for the birth of a new belief system that would replace old prac-

ILLUSTRATION | VINCE DE DIOS

Just as stars crumble and fall for the universe’ constant renewal, the revolution of the society must ensue once it has come to terms with death — a total decimation of everything of what once was and a total reconstruction of what there ought to be. A true and genuine revolution with the interests of the people at its core.

No amount of fake deaths branding itself as a star will ever light the way out of the never-ending tunnel of suffering, slavery, and violence. As long as the system remains as it is, with its rope switching from the hands of a fascist to another political elite, the people will never taste the fruits of its victories. The time has come for our metempsychosis to begin. The people are famished, and anyone who dared deprive them of justice shall be devoured.

Once our rebirth begins, the Filipino people shall never again go hungry nor suffer another day. After centuries-long protests, mass movements, and resistance, the fight will have been worth it and all of the pain and suffering will be forgotten. A world where dictators, tyrants, and pretenders control the fate and destiny of the people will cease to exist.

Instead, a world where the people, fueled by their interest and purpose, will emerge.

Just as the people hold on to their Faith and God for hope, the Filipino people will never grow tired of fighting for justice. So long as the people remain true to their Faith, the stars will guide them to the path of freedom and liberation. Because in the end, the only power that could determine their fate is the power that emanates from them.

tices and unveil the stench of state propaganda. No longer did the people believe that the “Best President the Philippines Ever Had” was the cause of the fraudulent “economic boom” that robbed the people not only of their present but of the future as well. No longer was it held true that the people should cower before the government — for it is now the government who should be scared of the people.

Prophecies, fate and destinies — not even the most powerful man in the land, after viciously keeping the executive, legislative and judiciary under his grip, can rewrite the history that has already been written. The people will always win. And no amount of pretenders spinning the Wheel of Fortune will stop it from pointing towards the ultimate direction: truth and justice.

The problem now, however, lies in securing the Wheel of Fortune in the hands of the righteous and the honorable people — for in the hands of the few elites, no genuine democracy would ever prevail.

Tarot cannot know the ultimate endpoint; it does not provide a solution nor an answer to a question we are still unaware of. This deck of cards is just a window, a reflection of whatever decision and energy the Filipinos made and are about to make. Disillusionment with Philippine realities should never obscure their vision on what kind of country they want to have, as this would only push everyone to rely on superficial means to find a way for the betterment of the country. No cards, no oracle could ever tell the fate of the Philippines—the people are the ones who could ever do.

PAGE DESIGN | VINCE JULIUS BALAGA

MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT

10 features

VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

RELIVING EDSA MEMORIES

By Marianne De Jesus and Danna Gonsalves Footprints of Marcos Ouster It is as they say; oppression breeds resistance. The meager freedom that was once enjoyed by the people was terminated when Marcos imposed Martial Law. However, despite weapons of anti-democratic US-backed policies to curtail the mass movement, worsening living conditions paved the way for the opposition to grow in numbers.

In the countryside, the people’s army waged an armed struggle against reactionaries; journalists, despite the banning of deemed subversive materials, circulated publications.

Student leaders put up councils; and various workers’ strikes occured nationwide.

Such proves that as the state deprives the people, they will resist no matter the dangers awaiting them.

Ninoy Aquino’s assassination has been a pivotal role in the mass movement. United fronts under the banners like Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) and other groups have been established.

Due to the growing opposition, the US is slowly veering away its support for Marcos. In an interview with David Brinkley, Marcos declared a snap election to prove to them that he still has the immense Filipino support which would later backfire.

As expected, Marcos inaugurated himself as the winner of the election, but the people had chosen Corazon Aquino.

Filled with agitation, Filipinos responded to Cardinal Sin’s call. They formed human barricades in EDSA as a symbol of defiance. On the 25th, national democratic activists encircled the Palace and within a few hours, Marcos, with Washington’s help, flew to Hawaii marking the victory of People Power.

The hijacking of people’s narratives The pseudo-restoration of democracy after EDSA led to various interpretations of Corazon Aquino’s role in the uprising.

To an extent, it was hijacked by political narratives that have branded EDSA as an Aquino VS. Marcos battle; marking the former as the savior.

Meanwhile, as the children of the late dictator clinch political power, narratives glamorizing Marcos arise, which has said that had Corazon Aquino not disrupted what Marcos left, the Philippines would have been richer by now.

THE 1986 EDSA Uprising signals the people’s collective cry against the 21-year fascist ruling of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

Slogans stating “ Tama na, Sobra na, Palitan na” and “Suko na! Marcos, Layas na!” are proof that Filipino people have had enough and are aspiring for change in the system after a reign of terror.

With the imposition of Terror Law in today’s times, it is vital to relive the struggle the Filipinos fought for to remind them of the power they possess as Duterte brews the nation into a cauldron.

While it is true that Corazon Aquino has imposed reforms such as changing the Constitution and negotiating with the CPP-NPA-NDF, branding her as the sole reason for Marcos’ ouster is a slap to the face of the Filipinos who offered their lives for the country.

EDSA would not happen without the legal and underground forces -the peasants, workers, students, leader-organizers, IPs, and other forces.

To discredit the mass movement and the armed struggle is to erase the fact that many petite bourgeoisie have left the comfort of their homes to join the people’s army in liberating the country.

The uprising is a battle won due to decade-long organizing. It was never about Aquino and Marcos, but it is about the Filipinos’ will to unite against the Despot.

The Rekindling of Old Promises: A Faux Restoration of Democracy Once More At Hand 35 years later, the 1986 EDSA mobilization is still commemorated worldwide; largely recognized as the bloodless revolution that dismantled a long-reigning, and corrupt administration in the Philippines. Yet, with all that has already been said and done in the nation’s history since, one wonders whether the relevance of such an event lingers still. Just how powerful has the lesson of the legendary “People Power” been?

While there are those who claim Marcos the best president the nation has ever seen, there are also those who vehemently disagree—- and while there are those who believe that Duterte’s radical methods are creating a safer, richer nation, there are also those who would describe him as elitist and power-hungry; a man who cowers behind unconstitutional acts of violence.

It is a difficult spectrum to be placed in: especially as one extreme end houses fanatics and idolatrous worshippers, while the other houses staunch and unforgiving critics, no longer willing to accept nonviolent means to a resolution (although with our nation’s history, who can blame them?). Undoubtedly, much of the political discourse today revolves around whether or not Duterte’s presidency is still worth supporting. Yet, given the outline of events since he first assumed the seat, the morally aligned stance seems very clear.

Since Duterte first assumed a seat in 2016, at least 313 peasant deaths and 22 peasant massacres have occurred. An unclear investigation still hovers over the issue of EJKs. Although Martial Law in Mindanao has been lifted, a military-led “state of emergency” still lingers-- keeping activists and environmental defenders’ lives at bay; and as the pandemic ravages, our nation’s debt plunges into Php 9.8 trillion as recorded by the end of 2020. Without having to mention it, Duterte’s methods rival even that of Marcos’s, albeit with an arguably worse and more transparently war-like approach to critics and dissenters.

Never mind that the real war exists within hospitals, to be faced by healthcare frontliners. Never mind that PhilHealth still has Php 15 billion worth of funds hidden away. Never mind that China continues to rape our seas and islands. Never mind the outstanding inadequacy of government response towards the pandemic--- for far more pressing issues seem to be at hand: the unconvincing urgency for charter change, the need to protect corrupt and incompetent officials, and the directives to attack all of the administration’s “unbelievers.”

It is depressing to think that as we relive EDSA memories today, the result of our elders’ activism on the streets has led us back to where they had originally begun: in the midst of another macho-fascist and wholly anti-poor regime. Yet with the reliving of these memories, comes a glimmer of hope.

For every history serves us not only with a story, but a lesson: that if we could do it once, we could do it again. As another false leader attempts to brew and force-feed the nation another cauldron filled with empty promises, we know better than to drink it down. The relevance of People Power is in that it serves as a crucial reminder still; that collective action can always topple a fascist dictator.

@mkule

PAGE DESIGN | VINCE JULIUS BALAGA

lathalain 11

VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

HANGO SA PINAKATANYAG na talinghagang “the invisible hand” ni Adam Smith na isinapuso ng administrasyon, nagmistulang kontrolado ng mga dayuhan at lokal na oligarkiya ang makapangyarihang kamay ng merkado sa Pilipinas.

Habang pasan ng mga pesante’t ordinaryong manggagawa ang produktubidad ng ekonomiya, pinasisigla ng admin ang lokal at dayuhang pamumuhunan.

WALANG BAKUNA SA KAGUTUMAN Ni Shanin Kyle C. Manuel Sa likod ng mga pinakamatitigkad nitong proyektong imprastraktura, nakatambad ang mukha ng nagdaralitang sambayanan. Sa mga pinakamaralitang komunidad, suntok sa buwan ang makakumpleto ng agahan, tanghalian, at hapunan. Sa pagtaas ng presyo ng mga batayang bilihin, bihira maging ang makapaghain ng pagkain sa hapag. Salat na sa ayuda, karamihan pa’y nawalan o tinanggalan ng trabaho. Ang iba nama’y walang kasapatan ang sahod para makaraos.

May mga drayber ng jeep na tumigil sa pasada. May mga maliliit na tindahang permanente nang nagsara. May mga migranteng manggagawang napipilitang umuwi pabalik ng bansa. May mga magbubukid na wala nang makain. May mga taong tunay na namamatay sa gutom at kahirapan, higit na may pandemya. Pero hindi ito ‘yung sakit na naiibsan ng gamot. Walang bakuna sa kagutuman.

Sa Timog Silangang Asya, nangunguna ang Pilipinas sa mga bansang may pinakamalalang pag-urong ng ekonomiya. Mula sa praymer ng IBON, nag-negatibo ang paglago ng GDP nito na umabot nang -9.5 porsyento nitong 2020 mula 6 porsyento noong 2019.

Ito na nga raw ang pinakamalalang pagguho ng ekonomiya matapos ang ikalawang digmaang pandaigdig.

Isa sa mga manipestasyon ng papabagsak na ekonomiya ay ang malawakang kawalan ng trabaho na pawang hindi kontrolado ng gobyerno—marahil dahil wala ito sa kasalukuyang prayoridad ng pamahalaan. Ayon sa datos, lumiit ang lakas paggawa sa bilang na 33.8 milyon noong Abril 2020. Ito na rin ang naitalang pinakamababang antas ng empleyo sa loob ng isang dekada.

Gayunpaman, hindi pantay-pantay na naaapektuhan ang

ILLUSTRATION | GIAN CATIBOG

mga sektor ng ekonomiya sa usapin ng krisis sa trabaho at produktubidad. Bagaman isa ang sektor ng agrikultura sa may pinakamalaking lakas paggawa, ito naman ang may pinakamababang kontribusyon sa GDP sa mahigit isang dekada.

Sa kabilang banda, namamayagpag ang kontribusyon ng sektor ng serbisyo sa GDP na halos 54.7 porsyento ang inabot. Wika ng mga eksperto, ang paglobo ng serbisyo ay maiuugnay sa hindi nagagaping atensyon ng pamahalaan sa kalakalan, pagbabangko, turismo, business process outsourcing (BPO), at pasugalan. Kalimitan, tangan ng mga lokal na oligarikiya’t dayuhan ang mga kompanyang nakikinabang dito—habang walang pasubaling tinatanggap ng mga ordinaryong mangagagawa ang mababang pasahod at bulnerableng kondisyon. Para sa iilan, mas mainam iyon kaysa malagot sa gutom.

Sa kabuuan, historikal ang krisis sa trabaho. Nangyari lamang na higit na pinalulubha ng pandemya ang dagok ng kontraktuwalisasyon, mababang pasahod, at hindi makatarungang kondisyon sa trabaho. Ngunit, hindi rito natatapos ang mga krisis na nagpapabansot sa ekonomiya.

Sa nakagigimbal na daluyong ng implasyon, sumabay ang kagyat na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga batayang bilihin. Kabilang dito ang presyo ng karne, isda, at gulay. Kung

maggagawi man sa pamilihan, kapansin-pansin na halos kakaunti na lamang din ang nais magbenta ng mga ito. Karamigan sa kanila’y napilitan nang magsagawa ng “pork holiday.” Ito ang kondisyon kung saan pansamantala silang tumitigil sa pagtitinda dahil hindi sila nakasasabay sa inatas na 60-day price cap ng pamahalaan.

Ang pagtalaga ng regulasyon sa presyo ng mga karne nang walang karampatang subsidiya sa mga nagtitinda ang paunang tugon ng administrasyong Duterte sa price hike. Ang malubha pa’y higit na mas mababa ang ipinataw nitong price ceiling kaya’t palugi nang palugi ang mga producer. Sa presyong umaabot ng 400 pesos per kilo ng baboy, ibinaba ito ng pamahalaan sa presyong humigit kumulang 300 pesos. Datapwat maganda ang layong matamo ang seguridad sa pagkain, mahalagang maintindihan na ang grupo ng mga producer, kabilang ang mga magsasaka’t manggagawa, ay mga consumer ding nangangailangan ng nakabubuhay na sahod.

Ayon kay Nay Zen Soriano ng Amihan Peasant Women, kulang na kulang ang kinikita ng mga magsasaka dulot ng napakamurang presyo ng mga produktong pang-agrikultural na binibiling mas mahal sa merkado. Sa pagtitipid, napipilitan silang kumonsumo ng hindi masusustansiyang pagkain. Bunsod nito, marami sa kanila ang hindi na nag-

tatanim at ibinebenta na lamang ang lupa sa mga korporasyon.

Kung pag-uusapan naman ang ilang programang pautang at ayuda para sa mga magsasaka, iginiit ni Nay Zen na ang mga lisensyado’t miyembro ng kooperatiba lamang ang mga benepisyaryo nito dahil karamihan sa mga magsasaka’y hindi rehistrado. Kung magpapatuloy nga raw ang pagsasawalang-bahala ng gobyerno sa panawagan ng mga napag-iwanang magsasaka, patuloy na manganganib ang seguridad sa pagkain ng bansa.

Mula naman kay Xandra Bisenio ng IBON Foundation, imbes na palakasin ang lokal na produksiyon, gusto pang palalain ng pamahalaan ang pag-aangkat kung saan ang mga lokal na oligarkiya lamang ang nakikinabang. Sa kadahilang kontrolado nila ang galaw ng merkado, malaki ang kakayahan nilang diktahan ang presyo ng mga batayang bilihin.

Sapagkat karamihan sa kanila’y nagmamay-ari ng mga pinakamalalaki’t malawak na palayan at pabrika, tila inaasa na rin ng pamahalaan sa mga pampribadong sektor ang pagtutugon sa pangangailangang pangkalusugan ng mamamayan. Dulot nito, hindi nakapagtataka kung bakit parang bahag ang buntot ng pangulo sa kaliwa’t kanang panawagan ng masa laban sa mga patakarang neoliberal.

Wala na ring kasapatan ang ayuda o social amelioration program

upang mapunan ang pangangailangang pangkalusugan ng pinakamahihirap na pamilya sa bansa. Walang katatagan maging ang iilang patakarang pangkabuhayan na inaasahan ng nakararaming makapag-aangat sa kanila sa kahirapan.

Sa kasalukuyan, todo pagpapasikat pa rin sa pag-angkat ng bakuna ang inaatupag ng pamahalaan.

Bukod sa hindi naging matagumpay ang distribusyon nito, wari wala na silang ibang maihaing paraan para makontrol hindi lamang ang pagkalat ng virus kundi maging ang panganib ng kagutuman.

Serbisyong panlipunan ang sagot na matagal na nilang isinasantabi. Ito ‘yung lunas na hindi kailangang hingin sa mga karatig-bansa o ipaubaya sa mga eksperto. Pero sa halip na dinggin ang panawagan dito, pilit nilang isinasalang ang anu-anong atrasadong panukalang hindi naiintindihan ng masa.

Sa halip na magsulong ng tunay na reporma sa lupa, pilit nilang pinagsasangga ang kapakanan ng mga mamimili sa mga pesante’t manggagawa. Ipinauubaya nila sa lokal na oligariya’t dayuhan ang istabilidad ng pamilihan, habang pinababayaan ang seguridad sa pagkain.

Ngunit sa kahit anong anggulo mo tignan, hindi likas o natural ang kagutuman. Nililikha ito. Nang pinili ng pamahalaang paglingkuran ang iilan, binitiwan nito ang mandatong mamuhay, lumaban, at tumindig kasama ang taumbayan.

MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT

12-13 features

A Day in the Life of the Press unde the Anti-Terror Law Ni Bianca Baldemor and JV Ulep WITHOUT A HINT of subtleness, the Duterte Administration has been blatant with their message: to be critical of the means to put oneself closer to the gates of the prison, or worse, to the hands of death.

Even without the Anti-Terror Law (ATL), they have been shattering press freedom through imprisoning journalists like Maria Ressa of Rappler, killing journalists like Ronnie Villamor, Virgilio Maganes, Jobert Bercasio, and Cornelio Pepino; and even shutting down the media giant, ABS-CBN. An indirect

threat to those who chose the same path shall suffer it as well – ironically an explicit strike to press freedom.

In their series of hiding their corrupt activities and smothering dissent, ATL was born – cloaked in a blanket of assurance and safety from terrorists but beneath it, a kill-

ing machine for those who oppose and at some point further inducing damage to press freedom. Despite the clamor of activists, journalists, and lawyers to junk the law, it is yet to be decided in court. If it ends up being executed and implemented, there will be dire outcomes for the alternative press.

Here are the premises that can give the government the power to bestow the ATL consequences upon the press, specifically the alternative press who have been at the forefront in amplifying the clamor of the dissenting masses… and it’s proven because these have successfully caused media giant ABS-CBN to shut down.

Offense #1: “Biased Reporting” Everything is fine in the Philippines. Laws are implemented and followed, no questions asked. A whole citizenry of robots and blind followers; yes ma’am and yes sir.

A rotten system built on illusion, lies, deception, and state-paid trolls; to tell reveal these injustices requires courage, and that’s the job of the alternative press.

Their contents are composed mainly of the experiences of the marginalized along with an analysis of laws or activities the government enacts. Reckon they have started to release a series of comprehensive analyses on the inefficient and dismal responses of the government to the COVID-19 pandemic while suggesting more comprehensive ways.

Because of this move, it has spread in multitude and raised awareness of what every Filipino is being denied, of what they deserve, and starts joining in the call for a better pandemic response. A huge strike would wound Duterte’s barely

smooth illusionary government. Again, would undeniably enrage the incompetent president, followed by a tantrum and a series of curse words on live television.

Afterward, the alternative press would then be called out as “biased” for only telling the mishaps of the government, and why not report the good of their subpar policies. Shockingly, Duterte then would command his armies and police officers to capture those who’ve written such an article and justify it as a writing and proclamation that have incited resentment and mistrust to the government, might as well be equal to encouraging terrorism.

Just like the case of a Philippine Daily Inquirer reporter, Tetch Torres-Tupas, when Army Lt. Gen. Antonio Parlade Jr.

red-tagged her and called her report to be “biased” and “fake” with regards to the two Aetas as the first case of the Anti-Terror Law. Parlade even called her report as aiding terrorists when in fact her story was grounded mainly on court manifestations.

It is certain that such a scenario is probable under ATL considering what this administration has done over the years. Dissent scares and outrages an incompetent government, and the Duterte administration has been displaying this trait by suppressing anyone who calls out the mistakes of his regime. The ATL will only amplify his power to silence and slowly kill press freedom while emanating a blanket of fear for those who haven’t been killed or captured yet.

press, patterned under advocacy journalism, decides to release a powerful statement that incites the Filipino constituents to stand up against the fascist administration. “No classes until #Du30 steps down,” it calls through the platforms, thereby mobilizing the students, leaders, and the oppressed masses to interpret this statement towards doing what they seem fit to finally see #Du30 step-down.

Shortly after, however, the alternative press ends up at the mercy of the authorities because they, apparently, have fallen into the offense of “engaging in acts in-

tended to endanger a person’s life,” intended to “damage public property” or “interfere with critical infrastructure.”

Because of the action-oriented intensity of their released statement which sparked an extraordinary uprising, the authorities have branded the alternative press as “guilty” of inciting an act of terrorism.

The above scenario is a plausible consequence of the Anti-Terror Law, which has indubitably expanded the definition of terrorism as well as what it entails. By the time the Anti-Terror Law finally cements its place in our legal system under

Offense #2: “Inappropriate Program Content” In a snap, the Philippines will see a drastic change of general publicized content.

Expect homogeneous themes and massive blockages on open discourse. The infodemic has begun.

ILLUSTRATION | ELAINE DIAZ

Political attempts to maneuver the alternative press are no longer surprises in this land full of repressive state apparatuses. Take, for instance, the case of The Manila Today journalist Lady Ann Salem. During a crackdown on firearms and criminal gangs, Salem was arrested alongside other trade unionists. The mere fact that she was denied legal counsel during her arrest and was forced to turn her back during the police raid is the first step in impeding freedom and clarity.

Take note that the Anti-Terror Law is not yet in place by this time.

Now, suppose that an alternative

PAGE DESIGN | VINCE JULIUS BALAGA

er the fascist Duterte regime, any form of impactful dissent can be filed under “terrorism.”

Furthermore, the overly broad connotations also essentially criminalize intent. The government can now anticipate media outlets with inappropriate program content under the flawed content-based regulation mechanism that will never be dealt with strict scrutiny. To cite what Molo said in the podcast, The Law of Duterte Land, the Anti-Terror Law is merely going to be a manifestation of “subsequent punishment” — the progressive media won’t be surprised to see authorities going back to the press based on unwanted things they published in the past.

Offense #3: “Political Meddling” In these trying times, subtle misinformation is clear negligence to the people. But in the middle of all the political events, the press will struggle to achieve its purpose of serving the underserved.

Following the remnants of the previous scenario, the drastic change in publicized content will pose challenges for the media to self-regulate. The first changes may be seen in opinion and feature pieces, but for news pieces that are based on factual, on-the-ground information, the change will be gradual rather than immediate.

This time, take the example of Pia Ranada, a Rappler reporter assigned in the Malacañang Press. Last 2018, she was banned from Malacañang complex, and was then banned from covering presidential events entirely. Extensive coverage of relevant political matters remains at the heart of every local press in pursuit of information dissemination.

What happened to Ranada is a wakeup call that our authorities repress us from meddling with them because of the debauchery that remains uncovered by the mainstream media. Given the political climate of the Philippines, the major proponents of the grand atrocities we face are the members of the ruling class

themselves.

Under the Anti-Terror Law, moreover, “wiretaps and lengthy surveillance” measures are authorized. Our progressive leaders, who are prone to becoming victims of red-tagging, will experience this risk — not only on their privacy but also on modification and reframing schemes that would trample their reputations as anti-government. In worse case scenarios, there’s a possible punishment of life imprisonment without parole that leaves no chance for rehabilitation to whoever will be proven “guilty” of inciting terrorism.

It is a job of a journalist to be in the middle of political events, so they shall inevitably meddle. When it’s the authorities who meddle with our freedom as an alternative press, the status quo shall only be tipped towards their own favor.

Power dynamics will continue to be more and more distorted as long as this law, prone to misuse and malpractice, shall only exist to serve the corrupt interests of the privileged oppressors.

What else can the press disseminate if they cannot step into the realities of what we’re supposed to amplify in the first place? The only cease and desist order that we deserve is for this fascist government to stop treating progressive journalists as criminals.

A day in the life of the press under the Anti-Terror Law is already an ample time for injustices to prevail. The alternative press has suffered and will keep on suffering if the ATL will be pushed through.

MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT

14 opinion

VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

Faux feminism: When women empowerment becloud systemic oppression \ Alexandra Kate Ramirez

In a society that reeks of male-dominance, women’s representation in various sectors is quite a step forward. The struggle, however, does not quite end there.

While it is just right to close the gender gap in the workplace, we must also challenge the rotten system itself that brutally enables and perpetuates these gender disparities in the first place.

WHEN ASKED ABOUT the epitome of an empowered woman, one’s train of thought may often lead them to big names and modern girl bosses. More often than not, it lands on various success stories of women who— amidst the patriarchal hegemony—managed to forge their way into a man’s world upon breaking the formidable glass ceiling.

Generally, people might say that their rise to power is already a glorious triumph for women. Having women in places otherwise dominated by men, however, should never be the reason for us to dial down our legitimate calls for genuine change. To limit what we can critique on the basis of gender alone will only inhibit us from seeing the multifaceted challenges that require an intersectional perspective.

Besides, a woman seated in a position of power does not, in any way, warrant the advancement of women’s rights, let alone the fight for collective liberation.

By way of illustration, let us take a look at the infamous legacy of none other than the first female president of the Philippines, Corazon “Cory” Aquino. Also deemed as the beacon of democracy for replacing a dictator, it is somewhat easy to paint Aquino as the female role model. However, with her victory that is supposedly emblematic of women empowerment, did she ever do something—anything—to

advance the interests of women and minorities? And how about Cynthia Villar, who topped the senatorial race during the 2019 midterm elections, ultimately outrunning every other male candidate. Is her win also tantamount to a feminist achievement?

Although this short narrative could not possibly elaborate the policies they enforced, it is not an overstatement to say that Aquino and Villar are a far cry from feminist icons. Their triumphs were only for a select group of privileged women and those who actually benefit from their neoliberal agenda. Moreover, both of them blatantly reinforced imperialist and bureaucrat-capitalist structures, which only shove the underprivileged into the depths of poverty. Instead of upholding the rights of the oppressed, these women deprived farmers of their lands and displaced thousands of families for their economic gains.

In a society that reeks of male-dominance, women’s representation in various sectors is quite a step forward. The struggle, however, does not quite end there. While it is just right to close the gender gap in the workplace, we must also challenge the rotten system itself that brutally enables and perpetuates these gender disparities in the

first place.

Food for thought: replacing male leaders with female ones without actually catalyzing structural change is not exactly an impetus for progress. The trouble with these chains of commands is not found in the leader’s gender identity but in the power structure at its core.

Case in point, a she-Duterte does not make the extrajudicial killings less inhumane, nor does it make the president’s misogynistic remarks less discriminatory. In order to actualize the very essence of feminism, we have to actively denounce these atrocities regardless of the perpetrator’s identity. After all, feminism is not just for women.

While amplifying the voices of minorities is one thing, responding to their calls is another and a much more difficult task at that. Women in authority should start using their power to lift up the marginalized by granting them living wages and not further contribute to their exploitation. It’s high time they pursue an intersectional approach in order to recognize the overlapping forms of oppression that women experience.

As Fannie Lou Hamer, a women’s rights activist, proclaimed, “Nobody’s free until everybody’s free.”

That is the feminism I choose to uphold.

SCRIBBLE

We shouldn’t tag OFWs as new heroes \ Chia Revina “GAGAWIN KO LAHAT para sa pamilya ko.”

These are words often heard from Filipino workers when asked if they could manage to work abroad and leave their loved ones at home.

For some, airport scenery provides a sense of excitement as they would get to travel to different places. For others, particularly Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), their flight marks the start of a long journey away from their loved ones.

The roots of the fourth wave of Philippine migration started when former dictator Ferdinand Marcos implemented the Labour Code of the Philippines on May 1, 1974. Due to poor economic conditions, high prices of goods, and massive unemployment, the new policy sought to reform labour policies and systematize the exportation of Filipino workers to alleviate the domestic unemployment and worsening living conditions. As Marcos harnessed this policy, he was able to get rid of surplus of workers and political and social turmoil somehow subsided.

The supposedly temporary emigration, however, expanded exponentially because of plummeting opportunities in the domestic arena and hopes for better life. Even after his ouster in 1986, the number of migrant workers soared as the succeeding

@mkule

presidents further strengthened the Marcos-crafted export-oriented import-dependent policy as an estimate of 10 million Filipinos work abroad until today.

Ever since, the Philippine government has been reliant on remittances to bring the economy afloat. The money sent back

by OFWs amounts to $31 billion a year or about 10 percent of the Philippines’ gross domestic product. As a result, it has labelled them as heroes of the modern generation.

But they shouldn’t be. OFWs, oftentimes, endure poor working conditions -- low wages, unfair and inhumane treatments, retained passport, long working hours, physical, and sexual abuses are the realities they face in their daily lives. Aside from mentioned, they are bearing emotional scars as they leave their families at home.

Many of them suffer in loneliness and isolation that resulted in broken relationships. Many of them haven’t seen their own children growing up while they serve as nannies to other children. Many of them render their services in hospitals as caregivers or nurses while failing to provide care for their ailing parents. And worst, some of them leave the country full of hopes only to arrive at home in caskets.

Such is the irony that OFWs face. Despite the big balikbayan boxes they send

for their families and the remittances that contribute significantly to the economy, it cannot be denied that their sacrifices have created greater risk for themselves and their families.

Until when will this trend of leaving the country for better opportunities exist?

Had the Philippine government only prioritized the establishment of national industries, creating a pro-people agenda, and eradicating its ties with imperialist countries that hampers Philippine economic growth instead of vilifying a handful of lawmakers pushing for labor policy reforms, Filipinos would not need to seek work abroad only to be abused by their foreign bosses.

Who would want to be separated from their families and loved ones in the first place?

Labelling them as heroes justifies the exploitative labor export policy, which only gives the government the leeway to not change the policies that continuously tor-

ment the Filipino workers, in and outside the country.

It has also justified that domestic workers should endure with the meager minimum wage the government implements because it is the most they can give, but in fact, it’s not.

To glamorize the narrative that OFWs are modern day heroes would only further deepen the Philippines’ commitment to becoming a new generation of slaves to industrialized nations.

ART | TREVOR PHOENIX LOMOTOS

opinion 15

VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 2 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN

KWADRO \ Gregorio Lakanbakod

A subtle misinformation is a clear negligence to the people \ Barbara Herondale

Media shapes public opinion. It is appalling that such a crisis, embedded in the blatant disregard to science and research, refines the story by blaming the people and tagging them “undisciplined”.

The media as a public watchdog is vital in societal development as it ensures that the people’s money are spent objectively by those in power. Media chiefly gives people the food for thought, and there emanates the public’s political participation.

ILLUSTRATION | GIAN CATIBOG

Sandaan.

Nasaan ako?

Lupang nakanganga, Langit ng abong nakatunganga, Mag-isa, Niloko ng sariling mga pangako.

Dalawang daan.

Tumatalsik na kidlat, Bagyong may sampung mata, Alapaap na kumikindat, Dagundong ng kulog na makata, Mga paa’t pakpak ‘kong patpat, Lakas ay hindi pa sapat.

Tatlong daan.

Babagtasin ko ang daanang graba, Madadapa, masusubsob, Mapapadasal nang may halong kaba, Habang bitbit ang diwang kulob.

Apat na raan.

Sa tuktok ng abo’t asupre, Akala ko’y naghahari ang karimlan, Tumambad ang nagiisang sulo, Tanglaw ng mga pulo, Daig ang liwanag ng pagputok ng kalawakan.

Limang daan.

Sumiklab ang aking mga mata, Mga balahibo, tuka’t lalamunan.

At doon ako namulat, Ang dalang init ng aking nakikita, Ng apoy na iskarlata.

Ako na araw, Sanlibong sinag sa silangan.

A CLICKBAIT HEADLINE in the name of likes, shares, or engagements is a sham and irresponsible journalism. There is a media giant who dwells on the “ Walang Kinikilingan, Walang Pinoprotektahan, Serbisyong Totoo Lamang” tagline but ends up blaming the poor for the most part on its news reports.

There is also a media giant who protects the oligarchs and landlords. There is another who reports for a tittle-tattle on the table. All that is the irresponsible revelation of stories, but it is more damaging when conveyed at the expense of the people for profiteering.

The year 2020 was a catastrophe tolling the masses but was even more aggravated by the negligent reporting of stories and news. Conspiracy theories have resurfaced, some have claimed that COVID-19 is just a state of mind, despite the lives it has taken away. Instead of playing games with the public, news must reflect the government’s incompetence to hold them accountable, not by tweaking the story as if it’s the masses’ fault for going outside--

Siklab ng mga Siglo

for their own survival.

Media shapes public opinion. It is appalling that such a crisis, embedded in the blatant disregard to science and research, refines the story by blaming the people and tagging them “undisciplined”.

A public health crisis needs a medical response and sound public policy. A “saltwater steam” won’t save the near-to-death COVID-19 patients. Social media has been the most accessible platform to be updated from COVID-19 development, primarily because of the giant-media shutdown. There arises such unverified information on hard sciences; it is dangerous when people believe it just because it has been “shared” a thousand times. Epidemiologists would, for instance, debunk the idea of using saltwater steam or known as “suob” to cure the virus. To dwell on such a measure is not just the problem of clickbait information but the inaccessibility of the healthcare services in the country.

As people hope for the end of this tragic event in history, an end to a zoonotic disease that is proven lethal to human health is what

the Secretary of Health and the President alike should hanker on.

Although a vaccine won’t save the already rotten Philippines from health hazards, the media must stop oscillating the public from receiving a vaccine by portraying the statesmen are right for choosing a vaccine with 50% efficacy. The media as a public watchdog is vital in societal development as it ensures that the people’s money are spent objectively by those in power. Media chiefly gives people the food for thought, and there emanates the public’s political participation. By all means, it must put an effort to hold the government accountable, including those who mull on the severity of the virus. That will give progress to the country’s dead battle against the COVID-19 pandemic.

It’s high time the mainstream media take sides. It wouldn’t take so much of their profit to side with the public and put an end to neutrality that endangers the life of the 99%.

If we continue the old school journalism of being “unbiased,” it is the rich and the ruling class that is rewarded, leaving the poor in grave danger.

MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT

kultura

ELECZONE: Nina Joanna Pauline Honasan at Mikaela Santillan TOKENS, TOKENS, TOKENS, hanggang sa manalo ay tataya!

Load, swipe, play, repeat! Nawili na? Bigyan ng jacket ‘yan, Kuya Wil! Panahon ng pandemya? ‘Wag mag-alala dahil parating na sila— unti-unti na ngang naglilipana eh!

Tom’s World? TIMEZONE? Wala ‘yan sa kalingkingan ng mga pasilaw dito sa ELECZONE: SWIPE A CARD TO PLAY 2022 BONANZA! Handa ka na ba?

CLAW MACHINE: HAKUTIN ANG HANGIN Insert coins, control, hakot, repeat! UGGGGH! Ang saya manalo ng hangin, ano? Parang ‘yung vaccines na darating daw sa Feb. 14! O ‘yung mga pangakong napako ng mga binoto mo noong eleksyon!

Pero never say die pa rin? Yes!!! DIE HARD magpauto sa nakasisilaw na pangako—este prizesss! Ang galing kaya ng claw machine, siguro pagod lang ‘yung panghakot, kawawa naman. Kita mo naman kung paano sila umaksiyon: napakabagal na, sablay pa! Kaya kahit anong tamang pagmaniobra mo, kahit anong hirap at kayod para lang makapagbayad ng buwis, “CONGRATULATIONS! Please try again!” pa rin ang sasalubong sa’yo. Sa patuloy mong pagtangkilik sa huwad na panghakot, tuwang-tuwa naman ang pipitsuging makinarya sa pagkain ng mga baryang patuloy mong hinuhulog.

POLITIKONSIYERTO ALA KARAOKE Search Song. 2! 0! 2! 2! ELECZONE! Press ENTER to begin.

Whenever I see girls and tarps saying VOTE VOTE on the street, I remember the child NA HINDI RAW TATAKBO? Wherever there are people, giving gifts, exchanging cards, bumibida na siya, DDS, Run Sara Run! Dinner date with running mate, for a bright tomorrow, talu-

nan na candidate singing Bongbong heart Isko~ YOUR SCORE: 00 NEVER SING AGAIN… EVER! Kung malaya lang humatol ang mga karaoke machine sa mga pulitiko tuwing kampanya, ito siguro ang bubungad sa kanila.

Akala yata nila ay entertainment industry ang pinapasok nila at ang botanteng mamamayan ang kanilang fans. Hay, kung ganun na rin lang, bakit hindi mo i-todo ang pagkapanatiko? Gaya ng pagsuyod mo sa latest chika sa personal na buhay ng iyong iniidolo, suyurin mo rin ang bawat kilos, gawa, at karakter ng mga pambato mo sa 2022. Hindi gaya ng karaoke machines, walang STOP button sa pagkakahalal ng pinunong hindi karapat-dapat. Nakakabagot din naman kung maling numero sa songbook ang mapindot mo diba? Paano mo makukuha ang YOUR SCORE: 100 Wow! Best Singer sa maling kanta?

BASKETBOLERO Kung hindi ka pinagpala sa height at ‘di nayaya sa basketball varsity team niyo, worry not ‘cuz arcades gotchu. Shoot your shot!

Shortcut na ito sa basketball star dreams mo! Dito sa ELECZONE, bentang-benta sa mga pulpulitiko ang makinang ito! Biruin mo isang bola niya lang, 3 points na sa pusong Pilipino! Tanda mo pa ba ‘yung mga exhibition shots ni Number 30, DuCurry na drugfree Philippines daw in 6 months?

Anuna bhie? Ngayon, astang sadboi siya gayong pakana rin naman niya ang pagpapaimbestiga kuno sa Dengvaxia—isa sa mga iniuugnay na dahilan ng mabagal na pagdating ng mga bakuna. Ayan tuloy, mas masakit pa sa kagat ng lamok ang dinaranas ng sambayanan. Kaysa ma-Persida Acosta ang mga manufacturers, biglang pinagsumite ang Pilipinas ng indemnification clause kung saan ay hindi maaaring panagutin ang mga parmasyutiko kung magkakaroon ng malubhang epekto ang bakuna.

Kung hindi man Dengvaxia issue ang dahilan gaya ng giit ng DOH, sadyang makupad lang talaga ang gobyerno. Nakikita mo na? Limited time only lang ang mga b o l -

ILLUSTRATION | ELAINE DIAZ PAGE DESIGN | VINCE JULIUS BALAGA

Swipe a Card to Play 2022 Bonanza

ang gugulong sa’yo. Matapos ang shooting spree ay babalik ka sa betlog, ZERO. Kaya heto tayo ngayon, nganga pa rin matapos ang napakaraming pambobolang ginulong sa’tin. Siguro naman ngayon ay hindi na tayo kasing rupok ng dati?

END ‘EM ALL WHACK-A-MOLE Out of this world experience ang nadadala ng panalo sa ELECZONE, kaya they wanna have more, more, more, and more! Gagawin nila ang lahat upang bakuran ang kanilang puwesto at magka-maximum control. Hampas lang nang hampas ng maso; ‘pag may pasaway, whack them dead (Translation: shoot them dead!) to reach the quota! Wala silang pinipiling edad o kasarian. Ito ang mga minimum requirements para targetin ka ng pasistang maso: 1) mahirap ka; 2) may kritisismo ka. Kahit alin sa mga iyan ay sapat upang ika’y i-whack, dahil ‘yan lang din ang basehan nila upang sabihing ika’y kalaban. Mula sa mga mahihirap na dine-demolish ang natatanging tahanan, sa mga magsasakang inaagawan ng lupa’t kabuhayan, hanggang sa mga katutubong binu-bulldozer ang lupang kayamanan, walang pinapalampas ang hagupit ng maso.

Palibhasa, para sa mga grand winners sa ELECZONE, sila’y pawang mga dagang-lupa lamang. Madali lang naman silang i-whack—sa selda man o sa lupa. Kaya naman hindi maiiwasan ang kaliwa’t kanang kritisismo dulot nito at ng overall flop performance ng grand winners (tingnan niyo pa rankings sa ASEAN Pandemic Performance). Hindi naman kasi talaga biro ang mamuhay sa gitna ng walang katapusang kahirap a n .

Pero dahil major threat ito sa maximum control ng mga grand winners, eh better safe than sorry na lang. Whack, whack, whack! Nariyan ang lagatik ng gawa-gawang kaso, red-tagging, at pagpatay!

BARYA-BARYA GALORE Sino ba naman ang makalilimot sa ego-boosting feeling na dulot ng coin machine? Expert sa pang-aakit ng mga tao ang nagniningning na mga barya ng makinang ito— perang lagay? Relief goods na may mukha’t pangalan ng mga pulitiko?

Mga proyektong may pa-photo op? Say no more, dahil lahat ‘yan, makikita rito! Ito ang walang kamatayang gimmick na ginagamit nila; tried and tested sa pagbibigay ng false hope sa masa. Nakawiwili ito dahil sa isang barya lang, may pag-asa nang makatikim ng ginhawa! Let our motto be: Happy now, walang pera later! Ganyan ang plano nila: ang silawin ka sa shining, shimmering, splendid light ng mga coins—sa pangakong napako at litanyang gasgas na. At sa pag-apaw ng mga barya, biglang sambit nila, “Bahala na kayo!” o

“Sino kayo?” Kaya naman sa ELECZONE, siguraduhing ‘wag pasisilaw sa ningning at kilatisin ang paligid, ha? Hanapin ang liwanag—ang katotohanan—ani nga ni Emilio Jacinto!

Oh, kaya pa ba? May balance pa ba ‘yang card mo o need na mag-reload? Ilang beses ka mang ma-bokya, never say die till u get that 2022 BONANZA! Go go go, i-todo mo na ‘to! Dahil for sure, ito-todo rin ng mga makina ang performance nila—syempre, para makalikom ng nag-uumapaw na tokens. Main event talaga ang kapanapanabik na ELECZONE! Iba ang nagagawa ng kumikislap na mga ilaw at masisiglang himno ng musika. Talagang nakaka-excite ang ihip ng hangin dito, taliwas sa madilim at boring na realidad. Load, swipe, and play all you can habang unti-unting binubura ng fake LED lights ang katotohanan, hanggang sa hindi mo namamalayan ang unti-unting pag-angat ng mga makinarya sa matayog na pedestal. Kaya fair warning lang! Huwag masyadong maaliw at magpadala sa kinang at musika, dahil sa pagpatay ng ilaw, ibang realidad na ang makikita mo.