Communists at the PCS Conference May 2012
Redscare
Is unity enough? Over the fouteen years since PCS was formed this question has been asked many times. Communists long argued that the creation of a single civil service union – or at least one representing the majority of employees – could help organised workers defend their conditions as was the case in the first major test on pensions in 2005. But life moves on and employers learn – the threats of one day strikes are no longer enough. Some will argue for paid selective action and it is true that in certain disputes most likely at a Group level such action can be highly effective. We doubt that this is the case in a truly national dispute where government credibility is involved. In Broadening the Battle Lines the Communist Party argued that in order to defeat the pensions’ onslaught public sector unions needed to do much more than organise one day strikes often months apart. The party suggested firstly, a joint policy statement exposing government overall strategy and explaining the political nature of the pensions’ fight. Secondly, that all unions work with the National Pensioners Convention and other campaigning groups. Thirdly that all unions redouble efforts to build local campaigns of resistance and work to maximise unity across all public sector
unions. The party argued that coordinated guerrilla action including rolling programmes and national days of action should be organised, coordinating with private sector strikes and that unions target key dates of a national and industry significance. Can our union deliver on such a strategy? As a union we argue that maximum unity to defeat the government attacks is needed but our experience is that strategic and tactical unity is not guaranteed. Nothing demonstrates this more than the aftermath of the biggest strike for a generation on 30 November. Workers saw what was possible but many believed that was all that was possible. In this situation many PCS members and activists need to be convinced of the need to renew the fight. Some are worried about how they debate the issue with members. This is not surprising given that most lay reps were not elected to lead a campaign of such intensity. This requires PCS to take its organising strategy to a new level – focussing on groups of members and issuing material which goes beyond the general. It requires a high level of political education. Can we ask members to take sustained periods of industrial action without pay– PCS members in the private sector have done it and achieved significant victories. We need to recognise where other unions are
Joint statement from the communists of PCS and UNITE At this stage, PCS and Unite can both be seen as two unions clearly on the Left of the movement. Both were prime movers behind the TUC demonstration in 2011, both have produced material arguing that there is a clear alternative to both the Government’s and Labour's acceptance of the need for austerity. Both work with other outside organisations, such as the NPC etc, and both have rejected the Government’s pension offer. It is therefore natural that both unions should seek to work together in campaigning against policies that are detrimental to members and society as a whole. PCS Conference will welcome these moves in a resolution proposed by its NEC. However, both unions are relatively new. PCS came into being in 1998, so has now largely settled down into a single union, with only minor foibles remaining. But, whatever the legalities of it, Unite actually only gradually formed a new culture in a process that took from 2007-2010. Internally, some in the union may even consider that there are still aspects of unfinished business. Both unions still have right wing factions, which may seem quiescent, but they could once again take control – feasibly even of a new joint entity – leading to a more insular and less optimistic union. Nor will merger be seen as an especially popular project amongst many activists for a major focus of our leaderships to be on organisational integration over the next few years, especially in Unite, which is only now emerging from the rigours of integration. Yet Communists in Unite and PCS strongly welcome the links developed between our two unions – there is a lot to be gained from this. But, if these links move to anything approaching a full scale merger talks over the next three years, as has been rumoured, then this can only happen if the following issues are addressed. Any merger must have industrial and political logic. Unite has members in the public sector – but only a few in the civil service, where the majority of PCS members are. This must inevitably raise questions about the structural character of any more formal approach, which could provide difficulties. continued on page 4
in the struggle and seek to include not criticise. This approach means that sometimes PCS will be in dispute other times it won’t. Communists argue that the pensions battle is unending – workers have been fighting all their lives for decent wages on retirement. We will need both to be involved in sustained action with other unions and on our own. Members need to be prepared for this. Recent statements from the OECD and IMF show that the capitalist class demand we pay more to work longer for less – even after the current cuts. PCS members are already paying more, as they will do in the next two years. The revised pension scheme is due to come in being in 2015. Pension ages could go beyond the existing one of 66. There is still a lot to be done but it requires a significant uplifting of the campaign. Rather than a series of protest strikes (each of which could be smaller than on 30 November, the campaign now has to be based on where and when we can muster industrial strength. This will require new tactics but also a new focus on permanent secretaries and senior civil servants rather than directly on ministers who in many cases are isolated from, or inoculated against, the impact of the strikes. The national mandate must be utilised with more confidence. That means allowing our industrial groups to prosecute campaigns under that mandate – regardless of whether or not individual group specific disputes exist. In that regard, every group secretary should have a clear instruction to draw up proposals for the most effective industrial contribution they can make to the campaign between now and this time next year. Our union and others across the public sector hve real political and industrial power – as demonstrated by our Home Office members. We must be prepared to use it. H Broadening the Battlelines: the pensions struggle by Bill Greenshields ISBN 978-1-908315-07-6 £1.50 from http://tinyurl.com/c8kw3rw
Two steps forward, one step back A note of caution, and of optimism If 30 November was a high point the weeks that followed could have easily become a pit of despair. But the very scale of our mobilisation has blunted the ruling class offensive. This crisis is deep, profound and has not ended. We are not defeated and the Communist Party argues that the continuing, viable and vitally important pensions dispute means that the battle lines must be broadened and that one-day periodic protest strikes, while a legitimate part of the strategy, should not represent the campaign in its entirety. The coalition of unions constructed for N30 was highly impressive. It is to the credit of all involved at the grass-roots – in trades councils, public sector alliances and local union branches – that it was made possible at all. But, as anyone with any experience of the TUC locally, regionally or at General Council level will know, the beast is difficult to shift from its comfortable position of respectful pragmatism. That so much progress on that score appeared wasted by Christmas was difficult to accept or understand. Recriminations were perhaps inevitable but are damaging nonetheless. With battles to come on privatisation, local pay, jobs and welfare any disappointment at the turn of events has to be tempered by the size of the task of rebuilding and the risk to the same of ill-considered outbursts. It is therefore incumbent on all those serious about winning in the long run – including and especially those in leadership positions – to maintain discipline and focus in the face of what might sometimes seem like outright
provocation. In the last two-years the TUC has re-found its relevance and willingness to coordinate activity on the back of apparent consensus from affiliates about what was required. If that consensus has fragmented, urgent action is required immediately to reconstruct it. Clearly, that will not be fully realised if friction amongst and between members of the General Council persists and impedes it. PCS is a union viewed with suspicion – included within the hierarchies of some of the Labour affiliates. As such, we perhaps bear a greater responsibility than most to ensure that we do not provide those, who are cynical enough to wish for it, with the excuse to fatally damage the ability of unions to work together. And it would be a mistake to characterise the leadership personalities of other unions as out of touch with their respective memberships. More subtle, but equally important, is the existence of the curious dynamic which sees, even those critical of their leaderships decision, consistently demonstrate loyalty towards the same leaders and forcibly reject calls for internal rebellion orchestrated from outside. So the task facing us is hugely important and fraught with pitfalls placing an enormous responsibility on the leaderships of all the unions - especially those, like ours, involved in the pensions battle. Regardless of where each union is in relation to that campaign, a clear and credible strategy to win the wider struggle based on unity and on promoting a much more developed level of political understanding amongst members is essential. Ahead of the TUC Congress in September, an agreed joint programme of action would prepare the ground for the restoration of a fully united and renewed struggle in the near future. H
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Take the power Rob Griffiths on a political voice for working people Millions of working people are on the move, demanding change. In Britain millions reject the idea promoted by big business and media, the banks, hedge funds and Con-Dem government that past levels of public expenditure are the main cause of the economic and financial crisis. They reject too, the remedy dictated by City of London financial institutions and the EU Commission and European Central Bank, notably that massive public spending cuts and a savage attack on the wages and pensions of public sector workers are necessary in order to reduce the public sector deficit. The policy of the Labour Party leadership to align itself with this analysis and these remedies is a betrayal of the millions of workers and their families who look to Labour for support and solidarity. In particular, statements by Ed Miliband, Ed Balls and Liam Byrne backing deep cuts in public sector wages and pension entitlements, and in welfare benefits, represent a shameful capitulation to the banks, the Con-Dem regime and the right-wing mass media. Labour's lead in the opinion polls is more the product of government mistakes and reflects a change in public opinion shaped greatly by the resistance to cuts. The refusal of the Labour Party leadership to give a lead on policies that would defend public services, jobs, wages and pensions and so revive
economic growth highlights the extent to which the interests of the labour movement – which are also those of the people of Britain generally – go largely unrepresented in the Commons. Millions of working people, in Labouraffiliated and non-affiliated unions, need a Labour Party that defends their interests, stands up for public services, opposes the whole rotten set-up in corrupt, big business, rip-off Britain – and renounces a British foreign policy that mires us in aggressive war, the mass slaughter of civilians, international kidnapping and torture and a new generation of nuclear weapons. This, in turn, raises the need for the affiliated unions to campaign in a more determined, planned and coordinated way to change the policies and if necessary the composition of the Labour Party leadership. The duty of the affiliated unions to fight for progressive, left and socialist values in the Labour Party could not be clearer. At the same time, this is an important part of an even bigger question: how can the labour movement best ensure that its collective views and interests are represented in the Westminster parliament? This challenge must be faced by the whole movement, including those unions, like PCS, the education unions and others, not affiliated to the Labour Party. The Labour Party was founded by the trade union movement. It receives the support of over one-third of voters and, as shown by recent election results, can reach wider sections. But this support is not guaranteed, is increasingly volatile and could quickly disintegrate if the party's right-wing course is
maintained. The trade union movement, and its members locally, have a duty to intervene to reclaim the party. Three steps to take the power «Affiliated unions should respond immediately to demands from their members and cease paying financial donations to the Labour Party centrally until its leaders and MPs oppose real cuts in public sector services and wages and express solidarity with workers fighting to defend their pensions. «Affiliation fees should be maintained in order to step up the challenge to the Labour leadership's current policies from inside the party as well as from outside. «Affiliated trade unions should meet to convene an all-Britain conference at the earliest opportunity to discuss the current crisis of political representation for workers and their families. Communists believe these actions are the most realistic and effective way of ensuring that the interests of working people are represented. Should the Labour Party continue on a right-wing course, its future will be at risk and the trade union movement will have a duty to re-establish a mass party of labour capable of winning elections, forming a government and enacting policies in the interests of the people not the bankers. Two more steps: H Affiliated unions should also consider demanding that a special emergency conference of the Labour Party be held to consider a fundamental change of economic and financial policy on the capitalist crisis, public spending and investment, public sector wages and pensions, privatisation and taxation. H At some point either at the initiative of the TUC or some other body must result in a special conference of all labour movement organisations to discuss the political representation of the labour movement in parliament. In the face of the current ruling class offensive against the working class and the mass of people generally, the labour movement needs to develop the maximum clarity and unity. For its part, the Communist Party will continue to develop its Marxist analysis, project an alternative economic and political strategy for the working class and its allies and strengthen non-sectarian left unity. H Rob Griffiths is general secretary of the Communist Party. He has written an open letter on the crisis of political representation. H Go to http://tinyurl.com/d93mynv He asks for comments and calls for discussion and action. E mail your comments to openletter@communist-party.org.uk (please indicate whether you wish them to remain confidential).
Dizzy with success Solving our problems of organisation Our pensions, pay and jobs dispute is the most significant industrial battle in a generation and our union – the membership as a whole and our local and national leadership collectives – have played an exemplary role in mobilising the fightback. Our strategy focuses on developing a broad anti-cuts coalition of public service trade unions. We have seen great triumphs but a year of campaigning has taught us that along with great opportunities this strategy is not problem free. The industrial objectives of our sister unions and their strategies naturally differ. It is a coalition not a monolith and whilst we can offer leadership on the crucial strategy of collective co-ordinated action not everything is within our grasp. The question arises: “What happens if at some point in the campaign PCS is on its own?” We naturally prepare for all contingencies and it is clear from recent history those preparations should focus on strengthening our own organisation and on our campaign issues. We cannot lose our sovereign right or ability to take industrial action. Those preparations must include action to tackle the organisational problems that affect our union. A broad and progressive coalition of the left and its allies has held leadership responsibility within PCS for over a decade. In that time culture of the union has been transformed to become one of the most active. There is a great influx of new young activists and an increasing cohort of experienced and battle-hardened local and group leaders yet there are still branches which fail to take up campaign issues, sometimes for political reasons, or that fail to get an effective balance between personal cases and mobilisation and campaigning. Both problems need sorting urgently. There are too many branches that are poorly run, and as a result membership activism is down. High membership density can lead to complacency, and too often long serving
officers on 100% facility time have become rather too exclusively focused on personal cases. High densities take a long time to build and can too easily slip away. Where large branches fail to engage in the campaigns of the union; don’t attend trade councils, or participate in regional briefings or support local town/area committees it is highly likely that ballot and election turnouts suffer. Departmental Facility time has led to many activists taking such time for granted and viewing it as a personal right. If we are to prepare for long term sustained campaigns this culture must change. There are too many activists on 100% facility time. This time should be shared more equally amongst reps. Every rep should have some time at their normal place of work. It keeps activists grounded in the industrial issues members face and it helps members if they see their representatives working alongside them. Equally branches should prepare for a more hostile employer; the inevitable attacks on facilities by the government can and must be countered by extra curricular work: offsite meetings, setting up members private email distribution lists, leafleting entrances of workplaces, and meeting in our own time. Personal cases are vitally important but should not be the exclusive responsibility of key leading officers of the branch to the detriment of other equally vital campaigning work. We should play to the individual strengths of branch officers, allow other activists to take on personal representation and focus the collective strength of the branch leadership on the broader strategic battles of the union. H
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Joint statement continued from page 1 PCS does have a growing number of members in private sector industries, particularly in facilities management and IT and there is some overlap between the two unions. In addition, with Governments treating public sector workers where ever they work in the same way – with pay and pension restraint and cuts – there is a growing logic for merger. But mergers must be for our members’ benefit not for that of leaders, or even to satisfy strategic planners. Any merger must embed lay democracy within any new entity – minimally, that must mean election of all very senior officers by members, especially the GS, DGS and AGSs. All other paid officials must be subject to a clear process of lay democratic control. For us, the prime outcome of any merger must be to enhance lay democracy even further. Moreover, there must be real benefits for members – the union must not become more remote from their needs. All unions face significant organising challenges, but a cursory inspection of the ballot returns in the run up to the pension’s strike of 30th November reveals that larger unions produce proportionally smaller turn-outs. This could be a symptom of dislocation between the respective grassroots and the leadership and any new super-union needs meaningful structures and constitutional commitment to full participation and democracy. Both of these factors are, for Communists in the PCS and Unite, fundamental matters of principle. We urge fellow progressives to consider them and this issue carefully. H
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