European Journal of Mental Health 9 2014/1

European Journal of Mental Health Individual, Family, Community and Society VOLUME 9, NUMBER 1, JUNE 2014 Editors-in-Chief / Leitende Herausgeber Prof. Norbert Mette, Universität Dortmund (Germany) Prof. Teodóra Tomcsányi, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary)

Editorial Board / Beratende Herausgeber Prof. Jerzy Aleksandrowicz, Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie (Poland) Prof. Jacob A. Belzen, Universiteit van Amsterdam (Netherlands) Prof. Jozef Corveleyn, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (Belgium) Dr. habil. Beáta Dávid, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Prof. Valerie DeMarinis, Uppsala universitet (Sweden) Dr. Rita Fóris-Ferenczi, Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca (Rumania) Prof. Skaidrīte Gūtmane, Latvijas Kristīgā akadēmija, Jūrmala (Latvia) Prof. Katalin Horváth-Szabó, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Dr. Gábor Ittzés, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Dr. habil. Pavlína Janošová, Akademie věd ČR, Praha (Czech Republic) Prof. Martin Jäggle, Universität Wien (Austria) Prof. Paavo Kettunen, Joensuun yliopisto (Finland) Dir. Em. Michael Manderscheid, Fortbildungs-Akademie des DCV, Freiburg i.Br. (Germany) Dr. habil. Ilona Pataky, Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, Piliscsaba (Hungary) Dr. Regina Polak, Universität Wien (Austria) Dr. habil. Igor Škodáček, Univerzita Komenského v Bratislave (Slovakia) Prof. László Tamás Szabó, Debreceni Egyetem (Hungary) Dr. habil. Péter Török, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Prof. András Vargha, Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Prof. Andreas Wittrahm, Caritasverband für das Bistum Aachen (Germany) Prof. Siniša Zrinščak, Sveučilište u Zagrebu (Croatia)

INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH Faculty of Health and Public Services Semmelweis University, Budapest

Advisory Board / Wissenschaftlicher Beirat Prof. István Bitter, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Dr. Artur Filipiak, Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu (Poland) Dr. Ede Frecska, Debreceni Egyetem (Hungary) Dr. Gergely Rosta, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster (Germany) Dr. Gyöngyvér Salavecz, Semmelweis Egyetem, Budapest (Hungary) Árpád Sebestyén, BM OKF Krízisintervenciós Csoport, Budapest (Hungary) Prof. Stjepan Staničić, Sveučilište u Rijeci, Rijeka (Croatia) Judith Teszáry, Stockholm (Sweden) Dr. Michael Utsch, Evangelische Zentralstelle für Weltanschauungsfragen, Berlin (Germany)

Manuscript preparation and logistics Binwin Bt. Bartók Béla u. 92–94. B1. lph. VII/65.

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Frontcover: The view of Delphoi (sanctuary, theater, and stadium) Titelblatt: Sicht auf Delphoi (Tempel, Theater und Stadion)

CONTENTS / INHALT STUDIES / STUDIEN Research Papers / Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden: ‘My Special Prayer’: On Self, God, and Prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor: Modern Health Worries, Somatosensory Amplification, Health Anxiety and Well-Being: A Cross-Sectional Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty: Sport as a ‘Tool’ of Socialisation: Correlations between Civil Organisation Activity and Sporting Activity in the 15–18 Age Cohort. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Helene Ybrandt: Ten-Year Trends in Self-Reported Family and Psychological Problems among Swedish Adolescents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Siamak Khodarahimi, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian: Mental Health and Coping Styles of Rural Residents Affected by Drinking Water Shortage in Fars Province: An Ecopsychological Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Short Communication / Kurzmitteilung Željko Burcar: The Role of the Principal in Croatian Education: Manager, Leader or Administrator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 BOOK REVIEWS / REZENSIONEN Robert J. Biel: Zwischen Woher und Wohin der heutigen Pastoral (J. Först & H.-G. Schöttler, Hrsg. (2012) Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Wieslaw Przygoda: Wer befreit mich von meiner Schuld?

(K.E. Müller (2012) Schuld und Sühne) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 ABSTRACTS / ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN (Croatian, Czech, English, German, Hungarian, Polish, Rumanian, Russian, and Slovakian Abstracts / Kroatische, Tschechische, Englische, Deutsche, Ungarische, Polnische, Rumänische, Russische und Slowakische Zusammenfassungen) Apstrakti (109), Abstrakty (112), Abstracts (115), Zusammenfassungen (118), Összefoglalók (121), Abstrakty (124), Abstracte (127), Резюме (130), Abstrakty (134) Contributors to This Issue / Autoren dieses Heftes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

STUDIES / STUDIEN

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 3–19 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.1

Hessel J. Zondag* & Marinus H.F. van Uden

‘MY SPECIAL PRAYER’ On Self, God, and Prayer (Received: 3 October 2012; accepted: 24 April 2013)

In this contribution we will demonstrate the impact of narcissism – an important personality trait in individualistic societies – on religious behaviour. Present-day Western culture is generally characterised as being expressive individualistic. A dominant trait in this pattern is the tendency of people to ascribe divine (godlike) characteristics to themselves. Psychologically speaking, we are dealing with narcissism. The various varieties in the spectrum of narcissism show that these attempts to attribute divine characteristics to the self do not always succeed. These individuals fantasise about becoming godlike, but their self-image is too fragile to enable these attempts to be successful. The success of this narcissistic aspiration has effects on religious activities, like praying. Based on earlier empirical research and a case study we show how self-deification, narcissism and prayer are related. Those who succeed in becoming godlike pray in a different manner than those who fail in this effort. The former address their prayers to themselves or an anonymous higher power, the latter address their prayers to a personal God. Keywords: individualisation, self, overt and covert narcissism, prayer, narcissism „My Special Prayer“: Über das Selbst, Gott und das Gebet: In der Studie wird dargelegt, wie sich Narzissmus, eines der wichtigen Persönlichkeitsmerkmale in individualistischen Gesellschaften, auf das religiöse Verhalten auswirkt. Die heutige westliche Kultur gilt gemeinhin als von expressivem Individualismus geprägt. Dieser zeichnet sich vor allem dadurch aus, dass die Menschen dazu neigen, sich selbst göttliche Charaktereigenschaften zuzuschreiben. In der Psychologie wird dies als Narzissmus bezeichnet. Die Vielfalt von Varianten innerhalb des Spektrums des Narzissmus zeigt, dass die Versuche, dem Ich göttliche Charaktereigenschaften zuzuschreiben, nicht immer erfolgreich sind. Die Betroffenen träumen davon, Gott gleich zu werden, ihr Selbstbild ist aber viel zu fragil, als dass diese Versuche auch zum Erfolg führen könnten. Der Erfolg oder Misserfolg der narzisstischen Bestrebungen hat auch Auswirkungen auf religiöse Aktivitäten wie z.B. das Beten. Auf der Grundlage früherer empirischer Forschungsarbeiten und einer Fallstudie zeigen wir, welche Zusammenhänge zwischen Selbstvergötterung, Narzissmus und Beten bestehen. Diejenigen, die sich erfolgreich selbst vergöttlichen, beten anders als die, die daran scheitern. Erstere richten ihr Gebet an sich selbst oder an eine namenlose höhere Macht, Letztere richten ihr Gebet an einen persönlichen Gott.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Individualisierung, Selbst, offener oder verschleierter Narzissmus, Beten, Narzis­s­mus *

orresponding author: Hessel J. Zondag, Faculty of Humanities, Tilburg University, P.O. Box 90153, 5000 C LE Tilburg, Netherlands; h.j.zondag@uvt.nl

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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1. Individualisation Present-day Western culture is generally characterised as being strongly individualistic (Bellah et al. 1985). Individualism is the belief in the intrinsic dignity of man. It entails that anything that stands in the way of people’s right to think, judge and decide for themselves is morally condemned and sometimes even experienced as sacrilege (Bellah et al. 1985). In practice, this basic idea works out in many ways. Four of these variants are important, and they are known as biblical, republican, utilitarian and expressive individualism. In biblical individualism, the central element is the immediate bond between God and man. Republican individualism is about people taking care of their own public government and the public interest. Utilitarian individualism is about looking after one’s own material interests. Finally, expressive individualism stresses the existence of a unique feeling core, the self, which has to be expressed if one is to realise oneself and lead a meaningful life. It is this latter form of individualism that dominates our Western world today and that determines the climate surrounding the religious and the sacred (Bellah et al. 1985; Dijn 2006; Taylor 2002).

This is why it is this form that we would like to work out in more detail.

The view of the individual as a person possessing a self that needs to be developed and expressed is the result of a gradual development. For the greater part of the Middle Ages, the self did not really matter. The central element in existence was the Christian hereafter and any emphasis on the self was frowned upon. This self was associated with selfishness, weakness and sin, all of which were far removed from the ‘true’ divine principles of Christian morality. In this period, the self was minimised.

Even as late as 1680, it is referred to in the Oxford English Dictionary as an ‘antiChrist’ and an ‘anti-God’ (Baumeister 1991). And yet, in the same 17th century we can already observe a changing attitude toward the self. ‘Suddenly’, the language turned out to be enriched with words like ‘self-love’, ‘self-knowledge’ and ‘self-confidence’. These words are evidence to the fact that the self has gained in importance and that inner stirrings and the self are no longer looked upon with suspicion. With the Romantic Age we enter the next phase: it is here that creativity, passions and feelings, everything that the self experiences, take centre stage. Typical examples can be found in poetry, as in that of the American poet Walt Whitman (1819–1892). The first edition of his 1855 collection Leaves of Grass starts with the poem ‘Song of Myself’, the first sentence of which is: ‘I celebrate myself’ (Whitman 1982). Not that far removed from this are the Dutch poet Willem Kloos’s lines, written in 1894: ‘I am a god in my innermost thoughts, sitting on a throne in my innermost soul’ (p.5).1 In art, Kloos was looking for what he called the supremely individualistic expression of the supremely individualistic emotion. The emotional aspects of life demand expression and it is increasingly in this expression that the meaning of life is experienced. This turns the here-and-now into the place where ‘real’ life is taking place.

1

ur translation. In the Dutch original: ‘Ik ben een God in het diepst van mijn gedachten, en zit in ’t binnenst O van mijn ziel ten troon.’

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At the start of the 21st century, the self has become the cornerstone of society.

That which at the end of the 19th century was still restricted to a literary elite has now become a lifestyle. A nice illustration of this can be found in a survey carried out by the Synovate Interviews NSS research bureau, commissioned by the Dutch quality newspaper Trouw (Velde 2008). One of the questions the 2276 Dutch people taking part in the survey were asked was if they suspected there was ‘a god deep inside of you’, a question that would seem to be directly inspired by Kloos’s famous lines.

Almost 20% of them, mostly highly educated respondents, answered with an unreserved ‘yes’, and 40% answered they sometimes felt that. In short, some 60% of the Dutch participants agreed to a greater or lesser extent.

Today, the central question of our existence is: ‘Who am I?’ (Baumeister 1991) The first and foremost thing to do is to find oneself, to find out who one is and who one wants to be. The meaning of other things in life depends on the answers formulated with regard to oneself. In expressive individualism, people face the task of building a life for themselves, without having recourse to previously defined views on what makes life worthwhile. Everyone is expected to sail by their own compass and to construct such views themselves. Important values in this form of individualism are: 1. autonomy, 2. being unique and different from others, 3. developing oneself, and 4. expressing one’s emotions (Zondag 2009a). It is this last value that this form of individualism derives its name from: expressive individualism.

This concentration on the self is accompanied by a strong suspicion of trad­ itional religion, education, marriage, fixed role patterns, family, school, politics, etc.

In short, it is characterised by a strong mistrust of institutions (Aupers 2004). These institutions are looked upon as obstructing the development and the expression of the self. It is only in the self, existing in a kind of social and cultural vacuum, that fulfilment in life can be found.

Now the way of the self and concentration on the inner man is an ancient and tested way of getting to God, also in traditional Christianity. Augustine already pointed out that people can get to know God through self-awareness. Knowledge of God and knowledge of oneself go hand in hand (Armstrong 1993). ut once the human individual is considered sacred in itself, the journey ‘inward’ is no longer B a journey ‘upward’. There is no more ‘up there’! God, the divine, higher things, or whatever else one might like to call it, can now only be found ‘inside’ and no longer ‘out there’.

(Aupers 2004, 23)

The emphasis on and deification of the self has been expressed in a wide variety of terms by observers of our culture. Aupers (2004) refers to it as the ‘sacralisation of the self’, Elchardus and Lauwers (2000) call it ‘self-religion’, Dekker (2004) calls it ‘ego-religion’ and Van Saane, in an interview, uses the term ‘self-spirituality’ (Velde 2008). The common element in all these authors’ references is man attributing to himself characteristics that in other times and other places were restricted to the gods. The self is deified. Deifying oneself means one is out to maximise oneself, while traditional religions, by contrast, stress the minimalisation of the self.

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2. Narcissism and the self The last few centuries have thus witnessed the emergence of an ever stronger concentration on the self. Psychologically, this concentration on the self is referred to as narcissism. The broadest and most concise description of narcissism is: a strong psychological interest in oneself (Westen 1990). This is an interest that sets little store by the desires of others; is characterised by a strong need for admiration and recognition; harbours fantasies about itself as being strong and almighty (American Psychiatric Association 2000). The narcissistic project is about a boundless involvement with the self, the objective being to arrive at a strong, not to say an excessive appreciation of the self. Increasing and maintaining self-appreciation is the most important task a narcissist sets himself. Whether or not this is always successful is a different matter, which is something we will get to shortly.

When these traits are abundant, narcissists are not pleasant people to be around.

However, narcissism is not necessarily pathological. What we are discussing here is what might be called ‘everyday’ narcissism. Pathological narcissism is a personality disorder, whereby narcissistic behaviour is accompanied by manipulative and antisocial behaviour. In ‘everyday’ narcissism, these latter characteristics are absent.

This contribution focuses solely on the commonplace variant.

In the past few decades, narcissism has become an increasingly important personal characteristic. A telling statistic in this respect is that in 1950 twelve percent of American teenagers felt they were important, while at the end of the eighties this percentage had risen to 80 percent. The scores on the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), the most important instrument for measuring narcissism in the English-language area, between 1979 – the year the NPI was first introduced – and 2006 went up significantly by as much as 30% (Twenge 2006). Those close to posing a narcissistic danger in 1979 now took up an inconspicuous position somewhere in the middle of the scale. Trends like these can be spotted not only in the United States but also in the Netherlands (Brink 2001; Derksen 2007).

Narcissism is a multi-dimensional phenomenon. An important distinction is that between ‘overt’ and ‘covert’ narcissism (Wink 1991). The way those in whom overt narcissism is dominant experience themselves is determined by the effect they have on others. They demand a lot of attention and want to be known and appreciated by others. They look upon themselves as being influential, leading personal­ ities, big and important, and flaunt these qualities, whether true or imagined, openly, unhindered by modesty. To others they may seem interested and concerned, even if they do not really care, which is often the case. They hide any feelings of vulnerability and smallness, from themselves as well as from others. Overt narcissists generally feel good. They are optimistic and self-confident, they are hardly prey to depressive moods and experience life as meaningful (Hickman et al. 1996; Rathvon & Holstrom 1996; Rose 2002; Wink 1991; Zondag 2005).

Those in whom covert narcissism is dominant experience themselves through the acts of others; they feel subjected to them. They experience themselves as in­ EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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ferior, uncertain, inhibited and shy, sensitive to the least bit of criticism or anything remotely resembling it and are quick to think that random remarks of others are about them. They are often so taken up by this that they fail to pay attention to what others are feeling. At the same time, they long for admiration, power and esteem.

They hide these feelings carefully and secretly cherish them. Those in whom covert narcissism is dominant tend to feel anxious and depressed; they are pessimistic, have little self-esteem, and often suffer from feelings of meaninglessness (Hickman et al.

1996; Rathvon & Holstrom 1996; Rose 2002; Wink 1991; Zondag 2005).

These differences between overt and covert narcissism should not conceal, however, that in both cases there is a dependence of the self on others. In covert narcissism, this is obvious: those characterised by it feel immediately subjected to the judgment of others. However, those characterised by overt narcissism also depend on others to position themselves and be somebody. Yet the two forms of dependence are not the same. The difference between overt and covert dependence is probably best described as one of different asymmetry. In overt dependence, the self rules over the other; in covert dependence the other rules over the self. In addition, both forms of narcissism share the characteristic that one’s personal needs dominate those of others and that fantasies about one’s own grandeur play a dominant role. Wink formulates this quite succinctly: ‘Narcissistic fantasies of power and grandeur can equally well lurk behind a bombastic and exhibitionistic facade as one of shyness, vulnerability and depletion’ (Wink 1996, 166).

In all cases, one’s personal needs prevail over those of others. In both cases also, the person in question faces a mental dilemma. For the covert narcissist, the dilemma is that he fantasises about grandeur and fails to realise this (whether it be in reality or in his imagination). He dreams of being God and fails at it. For the overt narcissist, the mental dilemma is that he deems himself great while at the same time being dependent on the admiration of others. If one is as great or divine as the overt narcissist considers himself to be, one should have no need of others. One should be enough unto oneself.

At this point it may be useful to return briefly to the relationship between expressive individualism and narcissism. What is the connection beetween the two?

Expressive individualism relates to the views regarding oneself and society. It can be described as a system of norms and values. Narcissism is a psychological condition closely connected with this (Capps 1993). Narcissism could be termed the psychological correlate of expressive individualism. Expressive individualism is characterised by a strongly normative momentum. One has to be autonomous and unique, develop oneself and express one’s emotions (Sunier 2004). In both variants of narcissism, this ideal is shared and one judges oneself on the extent to which this has been achieved. In both cases, the ideal of expressive individualism is one strived for and it is normative for the way one experiences the self. Somebody with a decisively overt attitude manages – for himself at least – to realise this ideal. His or her life is characterised by involvement, fullness and success; that of the covert narcissist by failure, emptiness and listlessness. Overt narcissists experience lust for life, EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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covert narcissists lose the will to live. In overt narcissism the project of deification succeeds; in the case of covert narcissism it fails (Zondag 2009b).

3. Self and religion As we mentioned earlier, expressive individualism and, by the same token, narcissism is often supposed to be accompanied by indifference towards institutions, trad­ itions and religion (Aupers 2004; Elchardus & Heyvaert 1991). Narcissists are assumed not to believe in God, to have an aversion to any kind of church affiliation, and not to make use of religion to cope with the problems encountered in life. In short, a negative relation is supposed to exist between religion and narcissism. Those who deify themselves or entertain fantasies about it have no need of other gods.

However, this line of reasoning may not be entirely tenable.

As it happens, narcissism and religiosity turn out not to be mutually exclusive at all. A variety of researchers have concluded that people with a strongly narcissistic attitude may very well take a positive attitude to religion. The investigations we are referring to here are concerned with extrinsic religiosity. This is a form of religiosity whereby the functionality and the use of religion are the most important elements for the persons concerned (Watson et al. 1987; Watson et al. 1990). (One should note that the range of these investigations is limited, since narcissism being indicated using the NPI and this instrument only measures overt narcissism.) This means that on the basis of these investigations, nothing can be said about the relation between covert narcissism and religion. Religion first and foremost serves to make their lives better: to provide support in times of trouble, to provide security by providing a place in the universe, a place in the community through affiliation with a particular church, etc. (Allport 1960). People with a strongly narcissistic attitude use religion to make their lives more comfortable.

Another clue that religion and narcissism are not mutually exclusive was provided by some of our own research (Zondag & Uden 2010). (In this investigation, the Dutch measuring instrument ‘Nederlandse Narcisme Schaal’ was used. This allows the user to map both overt and covert narcissism.) It showed that both people with a strongly overt and a strongly covert narcissistic attitude employ ‘religious coping’ strategies to solve their problems. Like all coping strategies, religious coping strategies are meant to regain self-esteem and the feeling of being in control of one’s life (Pargament 1990). These are goals that every person finds important, but particularly those who are characterised by a strongly narcissistic attitude (Morf & Rhodewalt 2001). It turns out that people with a covert narcissistic attitude used a variety of forms of religious coping. They put their trust in a personal, actively intervening God who takes responsibility for solving their problems. But in addition to this, they would also trust in an impersonal, almost abstract and non-acting (divine) providence. We characterised this attitude as receptive (Uden et al. 2004). One way or another, things would mysteriously work out all right. Those with a decidedly EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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overt narcissistic attitude trusted only this providence, opening themselves up to any solutions. God did not play a role in this.

We are not talking about a large number of investigations here, but we do see a pattern emerging. People with a narcissistic attitude do not so much reject religion as they adapt it to their own needs. Research showing that people with few or no narcissistic traits are more intrinsically religiously oriented also points in this direction (Watson et al. 1984, 1989). In an intrinsic orientation, one is oriented toward God, and belief as the ultimate goal, and the objective is not to make one’s life more comfortable, as is the case with extrinsic orientation (Allport 1960). Those who do not have a strongly narcissistic attitude are less likely to use religion for their own good.

Although one can also reason in the reverse direction: intrinsic religiosity curbing a possibly strongly narcissistic attitude. Narcissism or the deification of the self provides a clue as to how one deals with the sacred and the divine outside oneself.

Expressive individualism and narcissism, and religion are not mutually exclusive, as a number of researchers that we have referred to before had suggested. Religion and the sacred are ultimately imagined and experienced in a form compatible with one’s own life project.

4. Prayer It is this particular thought that we would like to explore further. We would like to do this focusing on the theme of prayer. The reason we have chosen this theme is that praying is the most common religious act. The meaning of prayer in people’s personal lives can hardly be overestimated (Hood et al. 2009). There is an infinite variety of events that prompt people to pray, and prayer is not restricted to any time or place.

Even in a culture dominated by expressive individualism and narcissism people still pray on a massive scale. No fewer than 63 percent of the Dutch population say they pray occasionally. Of these, 80 percent pray for solutions to problems and to become aware of themselves (Bernts et al. 2007). Some 30 percent of the people who pray do so a number of times a day; 25 percent pray once a day; 19 percent once a week; 10 percent once a month, and 16 percent pray a few times a year. There are hardly any differences in this respect between older and younger Dutch people. The young still pray; some 61 percent say they pray occasionally (Campiche 1997). One of the explanations for this is that it is a ritual that can easily be carried out, its execution not being dependent on time or place. Praying is a religious act that links up well with the preference for doing things one’s own way. People can pray anywhere they like (at the dining table, in a church, on the beach, in bed); whenever they like (in the morning, in the afternoon, in the evening, at night); in any form they like (formulaic prayer, personally composed prayer); and whichever way they like (kneeling down, standing up, walking slowly, lying down). Many young people pray at night, at home in their beds (Janssen et al. 2000).

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pray, we will first discuss the question what prayer is. In this, we will also go into the various forms of prayer. Research on prayer should not merely be concerned with the question whether or how often people pray. It should also investigate the ways people pray. After all, there are a number of different styles of praying that can be distinguished (Ladd & McIntosh 2008).

Praying is a ritual act consisting of a situation or event that induced it, or a motive for engaging in it (a problem, for instance), an act that comprises the actual prayer, a direction (God, for instance, a higher power, oneself) and a desired effect linked directly to that which induced the person to pray (for instance, the solution to a problem) (Bänziger 2007; Bänziger et al. 2008). These elements are common to all varieties of prayer, and may be emphasised to a greater or lesser extent in concrete prayers. It is on the basis of this emphasis that we can distinguish four forms of prayer: petitionary prayers, religious prayers, meditative prayers and psychological prayers (Janssen et al. 2000; Bänziger 2007).

In petitionary prayers, it is the effect that is central. A concrete and material problem prompts the person praying to direct their prayer to a personal God, asking Him for a solution to that problem. This problem may concern the person themselves (if they are sick, for instance) or someone else (if someone else is sick, for instance).

The desired effect links up directly with the question (either themselves or the other person getting well again) – the desired effect and the question thus mirror each other. This variety of prayer is a form of primary control. It is a form of control aimed at a concrete and material change in one’s living conditions.

The most important element of a religious prayer is its direction. It is directed to God. In religious prayer, people seek to make contact with a personal God, for instance to thank Him or to ask Him for forgiveness. The core element of this prayer is to confirm the belief in this God (Finney & Malony 1985). The objective is to deepen one’s faith and to strengthen one’s bond with God. More so than the other forms of prayer, religious prayer takes place in a church or other religious environment. Besides this, it is often accompanied by the bodily posture so closely associated with prayer, i.e. kneeling down.

The characterising element of meditative prayer is the act, which is cognitive in nature. This form of prayer is predominantly about reflection, contemplation, meditation, focusing one’s full attention on one’s own life and one’s existence as a human being. The person withdraws into himself and thus hopes to become a better man. He longs for self-awareness, insight and inner peace. In meditative prayer, he directs himself to a higher power, often also to himself, rather than to a concrete personal God. Of all forms of prayer, meditative prayer is least bound to a particular place or time.

In psychological prayer, finally, the central element is that which prompts one to pray in the first place. These are often problems that life presents: needs, griefs and sorrows. Engrossed by these problems, the person praying directs himself to a higher power, looking first and foremost for support and for someone to pour out one’s heart to. Psychological prayer is not so much aimed at getting an immediate solution to the EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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problem; rather it is searching for a way to deal with life’s problems and to manage to get through life as best one can. This is an important difference between psychological prayers and petitionary prayers, the latter being aimed at a concrete solution to the problem, to be offered by a personal God. Psychological prayer is a form of secondary control. This is a form of control where the problem remains, but the person changes. He is hoping the prayer will enable him to cope with the problem.

Psychological prayer often takes place in bed at night (Janssen et al. 2000).

5. Self, God and prayer In their research on the relation between prayer and human acting Siôn and Francis (2009) distinguish three trends. In the first trend the subjective effects of prayer are central. Research on the relation between prayer and happiness in life is an example (Robbins et al. 2010). The second trend deals with the objective effects of prayer.

The classic research of Galton (1872) into the relation of prayer and the duration of life of members from the English Royal House is an example. Do they live longer when people pray for their health? (Which proved not to be the case by the way.)

The third trend in research finally deals with the insights that we can gain into the religion, spirituality and life of ordinary people from studying their prayer contents.

As a typical example Siôn and Francis (2009) point at the research of Janssen and colleagues (2000) into various types of prayer. The research reported in this contribution is in line with Janssen and colleagues (2000) and as such situated in this third trend in the research on prayer.

So far, we have distinguished a number of ways in which people can pray and we have subdivided narcissism into two variants. How exactly are these related? Do covert narcissists pray more often than overt narcissists, and do they prefer different types of prayer? Or is it overt narcissists that pray more often? Or does it not make a difference, perhaps?

We answer these questions in two ways: we first provide answers on the ­basis of the outcomes of an investigation that was carried out, and subsequently we produce answers on the basis of a case study. The investigation took place among 99 students of the Radboud University in Nijmegen (for extensive information on this investigation, we refer to Zondag & Uden 2011). The case was taken from an investigation into the role of religion in the mourning process after the death of a spouse (Uden 1988).

5.1. Research We will first discuss the results of an investigation held among students of the Nijmegen Radboud University to see if there is a relation between narcissism and the frequency of prayer. It turns out that no such relation can be established: overtly EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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narcissistic persons pray just as often, or if you like, just as little as covert narcissists.

Thus, being successful or failing at self-deification bears no relation to the frequency with which narcissistic people pray. In other words, the narcissist theme does not cause one to either pray more or less. The next question is whether narcissism, in either its overt or its covert form, might cause one to pray differently. In other words, is there a relation between overt and covert narcissism on the one hand and the four types of prayer that we have distinguished on the other? Does one’s narcissistic attitude predispose one to an affinity with the petitionary prayer, the religious prayer, the meditative prayer or the psychological prayer? We will discuss this on the basis of Figure 1 given below, which presents a summary of the answer to this question.

Overt narcissism

Covert narcissism

Strong self

Weak self

Meditative prayer/Psychological prayer

Religious prayer/Petitionary prayer

God absent from prayer

God present in prayer

Figure 1 The relation between overt and covert narcissism and the four types of prayer

Figure 1 is based on two dimensions. The first dimension is whether one’s sense of self, i.e. the value one attaches to oneself, is strong or weak. A strong sense of self is typical of overt narcissism, a weak sense of self is typical of covert narcissism (Wink 1991). The second dimension concerns the role of God in the prayer.

Is there a personal God at the centre of the prayer, or is there a personal God taking a more marginal place? In religious and petitionary prayers, the person praying is focused most strongly on a personal God: this God is at the centre of it. In meditative and psychological prayer, God takes up a marginal place: in this type of prayer the persons praying are concentrated on themselves (meditative prayer) or on something higher (psychological prayer).

On the basis of these two dimensions, the results of the investigation can be summarised as follows: the stronger a person’s sense of self is, the less their prayer will be directed to a personal God and the more it will be directed to the person themselves or to a higher power. Conversely, the weaker a person’s sense of self is, the EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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more their prayer will be directed to a personal God. In other words: overt narcissists tend toward meditative and psychological prayer, covert narcissists toward petitionary and religious prayer.

5.2. A case To get a more concrete picture of how the religious dimension manifests itself in a life where the narcissistic theme is evident, we take a closer look at the story of Jan Peters. Jan Peters can be considered a narcissist with predominantly covert characteristics. He shows himself to be a person with a weak self and calls upon God through religious and petitionary prayer, almost demanding that God help him.

Jan Peters is 48 years old. A year and a half ago he lost his wife, who was 41 at the time. She died of cancer, having been sick for about six months. They had been married for 22 years and had three kids. About ten years before, Jan Peters had become permanently disabled, after a number of nervous breakdowns.

Jan Peters: ‘No, my childhood years were not very pleasant. By the time I got to be a real boy, I was very introverted. I got anxious easily, had little self-confidence, I was withdrawn, alone a lot. On Sundays, I’d go to the movies two, three times a day. I wasn’t very happy. At elementary school, the strong boys were everybody’s favourites; all the kids crowding around them. I withdrew. I’m a fearful person. When I went to work this changed. There you’re forced to sit next to other people, and you all observe good manners. I got along especially well with the girls, I really understood them. I’d only been at the shoe factory for six weeks, when the boss called me into his office, and I got a pat on the back. Something that took others years to achieve, I’d managed in six weeks. I was esteemed and respected in the shoe factory. I knew my job, I was really good at it. God, I worked so hard there. I’d take soles home with me after work, could work really fast, I was indestructible. I rose to the highest rank in the factory: stitching master. Till I got disabled, that is. I didn’t know when to stop. Once, some of the soles caught fire. I took them right off the hot glowing plate and threw them out. But that didn’t stop me from trying to pull the scissors over my fingers anyway and continue my work. I was inexhaustible. I’m a fast worker. Also in the automobile business that I got into later, where I was highly appreciated as well, but the work turned out to be too heavy for me. And then I collapsed; I had a total nervous breakdown. They concluded that I was hyper-nervous. I got courses of mental treatment, relaxation therapies, all to no avail. That was it then, nothing left that could be done, I flipped my lid, lost it completely.’

Interviewer: ‘And your wife’s death kind of put a stop to that process?’

J.P.: ‘That’s the way I see it, yes. Grief turns people around. When I drink, I’m alive. Up to a point, that is. I’m a man of character and feeling. I’ve been through a lot, worked hard, had to take quite a few blows. I got very little help, had to do it all myself. But I’d say I’m a fighter, in spite of everything. Through thick and thin.

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If it wasn’t for that I might have kicked the bucket long ago. I tend to get along with people quite well. But all I want to be occupied with now is myself. I really need help.

How, I don’t know. That’s for the big shots to decide. My case deserves serious study.

It shouldn’t just be looked at by one man. It’s got to be looked at by a lot of people, lots of different opinions, and then get to the core of that. Not just one man, but more people, specialists in their field. But I don’t think anyone can help me. They try, but they can’t help me. Every time I come here, I go home empty-handed. I walk out just as miserable as I came in. All it’s gotten me is you. You’ve been very kind to me and I appreciate that. But apart from that, I got nothing of it.’

I.: ‘What did you appreciate most about your wife?’

J.P.: ‘That would be her neatness and her chastity. First and foremost. In fact, I can’t think of anything negative about her, nothing at all. Well, if I had to mention something, I suppose it would be that she was a little cold. She wasn’t a very sexy person. It all had to be done very quietly, nothing out of the ordinary. Just plain and simple, down-to-earth. Lights out too, preferably. She’d lock the door when she was taking a shower. I like that. Fine woman. These days, they’ll leave the door ajar.

Hoping you’ll come in. Well, she didn’t. I appreciate that in her. And yet, people’s impression was that she was a bit furtive, being so calm and all. She wasn’t furtive, you know, she really was calm and sweet. That’s the way she died too, without a word, no tears, without saying goodbye. That’s the worst thing. If only she’d said something, something . . . My wife loved me very, very much and that clearly proves she was good to me, to the family. She never cheated on me with another man or anything.

That says enough, I’d say. No need to go into that any further. I miss her, period, in every possible way. She was a tidy little woman. Didn’t need to do anything myself.

Rather like a worker bee, and she was sweet, had a good character, a really rare character. It’s as far as my thoughts take me. She had this nice little pendant. I had cut diamonds inserted in it, with an inscription: brilliant woman. The wedding ring?

I’m never going to take that off. Nobody’s going to make me take that off, not even the prettiest woman in the world. She made no mistakes. She never went out with other men, never looked at other men. Yeah, everything, everything. All the good qualities a woman can have, sweet character. Me, I did make that mistake, I did, I admit it. My wife never did. She never complained, a very sweet woman. Just let things happen to her, good-natured. There’s no other woman that compares, there really isn’t, there can’t be. There’s this one woman, she’ll do anything for me, but it doesn’t make a difference. The girl really tries . . . loves me, takes care of me. When I drink she tries to save me. She knows my problems. But she can’t help me. Nobody can.’

I.: ‘How would you describe your relation to the religious side of life?’

J.P.: ‘I’m a Catholic in that I was raised a Catholic, I was baptised. My folks weren’t observant. We did have to go to church. Until we were old and wise enough and told our parents: You’re not going to church, so we’re not going anymore either.

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went to church much, not during my marriage either. It wasn’t really important to me, nor to my wife either apparently, or else we would have gone. We did get married in church. Being a Roman Catholic, that was what everybody in the family did, right?

And why not? There’s nothing wrong with that. Nothing, absolutely nothing. But lately, I’ve been going to church again to pray for a very special reason. Why now all of a sudden, I wonder. I’m trying to get something out of it. It doesn’t get me anywhere, but it’s more about coming to terms with things for myself, sort of. I’m trying to get some answers that I can be satisfied with somehow. I’m not doing anything wrong now, ­going to church now, I can think of her, I can thank the good Lord and ask him, maybe it was all meant to be this way. Maybe it spared her a lot of vexation, you never know.

And you don’t know all the things you’re thinking. Maybe the good Lord wanted it this way. And it’s all these things that I want to go to church for. I kneel down. I want to impose that kind of support on me, want to get somewhere somehow. If I manage to come out of it somehow, I’ll say to myself: Now that didn’t hurt you, did it? If there is something out there, then I did the right thing. That’s the way I see it. No, I’m just giving it a try. Who can comfort me? Who? Nobody. No matter how much you want to help me, you’re not helping me, you can’t. I go to church. I’m not hurting anybody, doing that. I don’t know . . . If you see that priest standing there, three masses in a row, you sometimes think, you look at that man and you’re thinking: If there was nothing out there, you wouldn’t be standing there, would you? You don’t know what to think of it all, it’s all so mysterious, the church is. I find churches mysterious. Death, life. Life I don’t find mysterious, but death I do find mysterious. Somebody you’ve known very well, somebody you held and then suddenly they don’t talk to you anymore and they just lie there like a block of ice. That’s very different, that is, something very mysterious. But like I say: You’re not harming anyone, they’re not harming anyone. The priest doesn’t harm you. What could happen? Nothing. So you go there! I’ve got nothing against the church. Absolutely nothing. In church, nobody can do any harm. I appreciate what those people are doing; they’re not harming anyone. They’re doing a good thing, trying to keep things together. Sitting and praying in that church for an hour on Sundays I’m not harming anyone. I’m not causing anyone any grief. So what have I got to lose?

Nothing. But suppose there is a God, then he’s got to appreciate my being there in that church. I always say: If there’s a higher power, I didn’t do it for nothing. And if there’s no such thing, and I did it all for nothing, what have I lost? Nothing, have I?! I won’t have lost anything.’

5.3. Some remarks to this case Jan Peters takes a grand view of himself, even in his misery. But his grandness can be looked upon as presenting a tormented soul in turmoil to conceal his essentially weak self. A weak self that goes back a long way: ‘I was very introverted. I got anxious easily, had little self-confidence, I was withdrawn, alone a lot. I wasn’t very happy. I withdrew. I’m a fearful person.’

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It is not until after his wife’s death that the theme of religion becomes explicitly important to Jan Peters. His weak self cannot cope with the crisis of his wife’s death: ‘All I want to be occupied with now is myself. I really need help. How, I don’t know.

But I don’t think anyone can help me.’ Here again, he is grand in his helplessness.

It takes big shots to help him. No wonder the only one that could probably help him would be the good Lord himself.

For Jan Peters, religion has a magical function: it helps to keep his fear and his guilt at bay. By going to church and in prayer, Jan finds a form and a place that allows him to let go of his fear and his unrest for a while. Religion, prayer and the church are offering refuge, they are havens of rest, where he is not being forced to do anything, that do not do any harm, where Jan cannot do any harm either. This is where his ‘prayer for a very special reason’, as he calls it, takes place, ‘My Special Prayer’.2 Losing something is unacceptable. In the religious domain we thus find the same fundamental patterns that we also find in his self: strong–weak, winning–losing, and good–bad. In his efforts in the religious domain, Jan is trying to get support from God through his prayers.

His is clearly a petitionary prayer. The central element of the prayer lies in its effect, the cause that prompts him to pray is concrete, and his prayer is directed to a personal God who is asked for a solution. But the characteristics of religious prayer are also there. The most important element of religious prayer, as we saw earlier, is its direction. It is directed to God. In religious prayer, the person praying seeks contact with a personal God. It is about strengthening one’s ties with God. We also find Jan Peters engaged in this religious prayer, particularly in church, kneeling down.

The weak, losing and bad self is to be transformed, preferably miraculously, into a strong, winning and good self.

It is clear how the narcissistic theme colours the sacred field and at the same time offers something to hold on to. Religiosity is, in a sense, moulded into the individual’s personality structure. In prayer, the same thing happens: the self in prayer gets embedded in the self.

6. Conclusion What conclusions can be drawn about the relation between narcissism and prayer after the presentation of the research and the discussion of the case? Covert narcissists ask a lot from God, and turn to him a lot. Covert narcissism is characterised by a strongly idealising aspect (Kohut 1971). Idealising in the sense that in one’s life one needs an almighty other, God in this case. One experiences oneself as weak, but this weakness is compensated by a relationship with a strong other who offers protection. The basic principle underlying the covert narcissist’s idealisation is: ‘You are great and My Special Prayer’ is the title of a song by soul singer Percy Sledge (1941, Leighton, Alabama) from 1969. He is also famous for the classic ‘When a Man Loves a Woman’. See http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=JnQekVULGBQ, retrieved 5 March 2014.

2 ‘

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perfect and I belong with you.’ Covert narcissists connect to God as an almighty other.

Prompted by their own lack of power, they want to connect to the almighty other and thus acquire social security and support. They experience themselves as weak, but the psychological balance is redressed through a connection with a powerful other. It is in religious prayer and petitionary prayer that this connection is achieved and maintained.

For more overt narcissists, it is the grandiose moment that dominates (Kohut 1971). In other words, experiencing oneself as grand. The basic principle under­ lying the grandiose experience of the overt narcissist is: ‘I am great and perfect.’

One takes pride in the talents (real or imagined) that one considers oneself to have, and one does not need others, except to be admired by them. In any case, one has no need of an almighty God to turn to as in petitionary and religious prayer. This does not mean to say that all prayer is discarded. Rather, there is more of a tendency toward meditative and psychological prayer. These are forms of prayer directed to the self – meditative prayer – or to an anonymous power – psychological prayer. An anonymous power is acceptable because its abstract and impersonal character does not compete with the grandeur one ascribes to oneself. There would be competition in the case of the petitionary or the religious prayer, directed as these are to a God with strongly personal traits. This way, there is no competition between the gods, the god one considers oneself to be and the God outside of oneself.

Overt and covert narcissism are closely linked to ‘god images’. God images are the emotionally strong coloured mental images that are the foundations of an individual’s relation to Divine Attachment Figures (DAF) such as God (and other major religious figures like Buddha, Allah, Jesus or Krishna). Overt and covert narcissism demonstrates the relations between an individual’s self-image and a DAF. This can go in two directions: by making himself subsidiary to the DAF (as is the case of the covert type), or by claiming divine characteristics (as in the case of overt narcissism). In this last variant the DAF and the self coincide.3 In line with the third trend of research distinguished by Siôn and Francis (2009), our research showed how an investigation into the contents of prayer gives insights into the lives of ordinary people.

As was said before, we did not find a relation between overt and covert narcissism and the frequency of prayer. We did, however, find a relation between the two narcissistic dimensions and the various forms of prayer. This shows that the narcissistic theme in itself is no reason to pray more or less, but that it can be a driving force behind the way one prays. Overt narcissism motivates one to address oneself to an anonymous power or to turn inward in prayer; covert narcissism motivates one to address oneself to God in prayer. Those who succeed in the project of deifying themselves – overt narcissists – do not allow another God beside them; they are enough for themselves. Those who would wish to deify themselves but fail to do so – covert narcissists – connect to a God outside themselves, looking for refuge and support.

3

trong comment was given on this coinciding of self and Divine Attachment Figures by Vitz (1994), among S others. It deals with the criticism on the functional way of gaining narcissistic profit from religion or prayer.

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European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 20–33 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.2

Ferenc Köteles* & Péter Simor

MODERN HEALTH WORRIES, SOMATOSENSORY AMPLIFICATION, HEALTH ANXIETY, AND WELL-BEING A Cross-Sectional Study** (Received: 5 October 2012; accepted: 20 February 2013)

The study aims to investigate the relationship among modern health worries (MHWs), somatosens­ ory amplification (SSA), health anxiety, and well-being. Questionnaires (Modern Health Worries Scale, Somatosensory Amplification Scale, Short Health Anxiety Inventory, Positive and Negative Affect Schedule, and WHO-Five Well-being Scale) were completed by 180 patients (mean age = 48.2 ± 15.76 yrs) visiting their general practitioners and by 344 undergraduate students (21.5 ± 2.09 yrs) in a cross-sectional study. According to the results, SSA and health anxiety were independently related to MHWs. Health anxiety was negatively related to indicators of general well-being. MHWs were not associated with well-being and were weakly positively connected to positive affect in the correlation analysis, while positive associations with both constructs were found after controlling for socio-economic variables, negative affect, and health anxiety in the regression analysis. MHWs are usually treated as maladaptive cognitive structures, but in the light of the present results this viewpoint might need reconsideration.

Keywords: somatosensory amplification, health anxiety, well-being, perceived control Krankheitsangst der Moderne, somatosensorische Amplifikation, Krankheitsphobie und Wohlbefinden: Eine Querschnittsuntersuchung: Die Zielsetzung unserer Studie bestand darin, Zusammenhänge zwischen der Krankheitsangst der Moderne, der somatosensorischen Amplifikation, Krankheitsphobien und psychischem Wohlbefinden zu untersuchen. Für die Querschnittsstudie wurden von 180 Hausarztpatienten (Durchschnittsalter = 48.2 ± 15.76 Jahre) und 344 Studenten in den ersten Studienjahren (Durchschnittsalter = 21.5 ± 2.09 Jahre) mehrere Fragebögen ausgefüllt (Modern Health Worries Scale, Somatosensory Amplification Scale, Short *

**

orresponding author: Ferenc Köteles, Institute for Health Promotion and Sport Sciences, Eötvös Loránd C University, Bogdánfy Ödön u. 10., H-1117 Budapest, Hungary; koteles.ferenc@ppk.elte.hu.

This research was supported by the Hungarian National Scientific Research Fund (OTKA K 76880, K 109549) and by the János Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (for F. Köteles).

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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Health Anxiety Inventory, Positive and Negative Affect Schedule und der WHO-5-Fragebogen).

Wie die Ergebnisse zeigen, stehen somatosensorische Amplifikation und Krankheitsphobie auch unabhängig voneinander im Zusammenhang mit der Krankheitsangst der Moderne. Zwischen Krankheitsphobie und Wohlbefinden ergab sich ein negativer Zusammenhang. Den Ergebnissen der Korrelationsanalyse zufolge korreliert die Krankheitsangst der Moderne nicht mit dem Wohlbefinden; sie steht in einem schwach positiven Zusammenhang mit positiver Affektivität, in der Regressionsanalyse ergab sich jedoch nach Kontrolle der sozioökonomischen Variablen, der negativen Affektivität und der Krankheitsphobie ein positiver Zusammenhang mit beiden Variablen.

Die Krankheitsangst der Moderne gilt gemeinhin als maladaptive kognitive Struktur, es ist aber möglich, dass dies aufgrund o.g. Ergebnisse überdacht werden muss.

Schlüsselbegriffe: somatosensorische Amplifikation, Krankheitsangst, Wohlbefinden, wahrgenommene Kontrolle

1. Introduction Clinical hypochondriasis has been conceptualised recently as a pathological extremity of health anxiety, the fear of having an illness (Warwick & Salkovskis 1990; Hiller et al. 2002; Braddock & Abramowitz 2006; Martin & Jacobi 2006; Asmundson et al. 2010). According to this approach, health anxiety is a dimensional entity, ranging from mild concern to severe anxiety, therefore there are considerable individual differences in its intensity even among healthy (i.e. non-hypochondriac) people (Warwick & Salkovskis 1990; Noyes et al. 1999; Bleichhardt & Hiller 2007). Higher levels of health anxiety have a significant negative impact on well-being, on everyday functioning, and on health care utilisation (Conroy et al. 1999; Martin & Jacobi 2006; Bleichhardt & Hiller 2007; Ferguson 2008; ­Asmundson et al. 2010). The cognitive model on the development of hypochondriasis describes a self-enhancing process: when individuals are exposed to ambiguous body symptoms or health-related information (perceived threat), they focus on bodily processes (increased body vigilance) which facilitates the perception of internal stimuli. These stimuli are evaluated as symptoms of a feared and serious illness (somato­ sensory amplification and catastrophisation). Illness-related cognitions increase anxiety and uncertainty, and initialise safety-seeking behaviours that prevent the acquisition of disconfirmatory evidence and reduce tolerance of uncertainty which in turn reinforces perceived threat (Abramowitz et al. 2007; Marcus et al. 2007).

Basically, the same vicious circle was described in a novel category of somatoform disorders: idiopathic environmental intolerance (IEI, formerly multiple chemical sensitivity, MCS) (Witthöft et al. 2006, 2008). IEI was defined as ‘an acquired disorder with multiple recurrent symptoms, associated with diverse envir­ onmental factors tolerated by the majority of people, not explained by any known medical, psychiatric or psychological disorder’ (Staudenmayer et al. 2003a, 235), and its etiology and pathogenesis is still under debate (Staudenmayer et al. 2003a, 2003b; Witthöft et al. 2006; Bailer et al. 2008a). Despite the similar mechanism of development, the relationship between IEI and severe health anxiety is yet to EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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be clarified. Both problems are characterised by enhanced body vigilance and by misinterpretation of visceral stimuli, but IEI as opposed to health anxiety is always associated with some sort of threatening environmental factor which increases body vigilance and trigger anxiety.

A further common characteristic of health anxiety and IEI is elevated risk perception: any factor that is supposed to pose a threat to the individual’s health and thus increases feelings of personal vulnerability can enhance the vicious circle. In the case of IEI, worries about the possibly harmful nature of features of modern life (called Modern Health Worries, MHWs) (Petrie et al. 2001) can serve as such factors (Bailer et al. 2008b). MHWs, enhanced and maintained by stories published in popular magazines and on the Internet (Petrie et al. 2001; Petrie & Wessely 2002, 2004) have been associated with more body symptoms, with worse self-evaluated health status, and with increased health care utilisation among healthy (i.e. non-IEI) people in several studies (Petrie et al. 2001; Kaptein et al. 2005; Filipkowski et al. 2010; Rief et al. 2012).

Another important component of the hypochondriac circle, somatosen­sory ampli­ fication (SSA; the tendency to experience a somatic sensation as noxious and disturbing) was found to be related not only to health anxiety (Speckens et al. 1996; Ferguson et al. 2000) and to IEI (Bailer et al. 2008b) but also to MHWs (Köteles & Simor 2013; Köteles et al. 2011b; Köteles et al. 2012). Interestingly, although the construct of MHWs appears to be conceptually close to health anxiety, no empirical results on this relationship are known. They might be connected through SSA but a direct overlapping is also feasible. The first goal of the present study was to clarify the relationship among these constructs.

As it was mentioned earlier, both health anxiety and MHWs are characterised by more somatic symptoms, by worse health-related quality of life and by increased health care utilisation. According to these results, a substantial impact on general well-being can be hypothesised. The investigation of this negative effect was the second aim of the study.

More specifically, the hypotheses of the current study are divided into groups: 1. there is a positive relationship among SSA, MHWs, and health anxiety; 2. MHWs and health anxiety are negatively related to psychological well-being.

2. Method 2.1. Participants and procedure To improve generalisability of results, two independent groups were included in the study. The first sample consisted of 180 patients (mean age = 48.2 ± 15.76 years; 42.2% male) visiting their general practitioners (GPs) for whatever reason (i.e. no exclusion criteria were applied). The second group included 344 volunteer undergraduate university students from two universities of Budapest, Hungary (mean age EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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= 21.5 ± 2.09 years; 49.1% male). Patients were asked to participate in the waiting rooms of their GP and they received assistance in completing the questionnaires on request. Students completed the questionnaires in groups in their classrooms. Participants filled out the questionnaires anonymously and they did not receive any reward for their contribution. The study procedure was approved by the Ethical Committee of the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary.

2.2. Questionnaires The Somatosensory Amplification Scale (SSAS) (Barsky et al. 1988, 1990) assesses the tendency to experience a somatic sensation as intense, noxious, and disturbing. It consists of 10 self-rated statements that are estimated on a 5-point scale. Its internal reliability was 0.70 and 0.60 for the patient and the student group respectively, which is in accordance with previous results (Köteles et al. 2009, 2012).

The Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) (Watson et al. 1988) consists of two independent scales assessing positive and negative affects on a 5-point Likert scale. The 10-item negative affect (NA) scale measures the general dimension of subjective distress and unpleasurable engagement that subsumes a variety of aversive mood states (e.g. guilt, fear, nervousness), while the 10-item positive affect (PA) scale assesses the extent to which a person feels enthusiastic, active, and alert. The Hungarian version of both scales had excellent internal consistency in a previous study (Rózsa et al. 2008) as well as in the present study (Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were above 0.8 for both scales in both groups).

Modern Health Worries (MHW) (Petrie et al. 2001) is a 25-item scale that measures people’s concerns of modernity (e.g. amalgam dental fillings, overuse of antibiotics or electromagnetic radiation) affecting their health. Items are to be rated on a 5-point Likert scale. The Hungarian version’s factor structure and psychometric properties were similar to the original (Köteles et al. 2011b). In the present study, the internal consistency of the Hungarian version was quite high, 0.96 and 0.92 for the patient and the student samples respectively.

The Short Health Anxiety Inventory (SHAI) (Salkovskis et al. 2002) contains 18 items that assess health anxiety independently of actual physical health status on a 5-point scale. The SHAI has two subscales (Illness Likelihood and Illness Severity) (Wheaton et al. 2010) which were replicated in the Hungarian version (Köteles et al. 2011a). Only the total score (sum of the scores of the subscales) was used in the present study. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were 0.87 and 0.84 for the two samples.

The WHO-Five Well-being Index (WHO-5) (Bech et al. 1996) is a widely used questionnaire that measures general psychological well-being (positive mood, relaxation, activity, sleep quality) on a 4-point Likert scale. The Hungarian version had good internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.85) (Susánszky et al. 2006). In the present study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were 0.83 (patients) and 0.77 (students).

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3. Data analysis The data were analysed using the SPSS version 20.0 software. Questionnaire total scores were calculated as sums of item scores. Participants’ gender and group affili­ ation were coded into binary variables (0 = male, 1 = female and 1 = patients, 2 = students, respectively). As no serious deviations from normal distribution were found, associations among variables were examined by Pearson correlations. To investigate the individual effects of the variables on the MHW scale, step-wise multiple linear regression analysis was applied with the MHW score as dependent variable.

The regression analysis consisted of two steps: in Step 1, control variables (group affiliation, participants’ age, gender and NA score to control for general worrying tendency), then (Step 2) SSAS and SHAI scores (the ENTER method was used in each step) were entered. Variables’ independent contributions to well-being and to positive affect were examined using two multiple linear regression analyses with WHO-5 and PA scores as dependent variables, respectively. In these analyses, Step 1 was the same as in the previous analysis, the MHW score was entered in Step 2, and the SHAI score was entered in Step 3.

4. Results Descriptive statistics of the questionnaires are presented in Table 1.

Table 1 Descriptive statistics (means and SDs) of variables Patients (M ± SD)

Students (M ± SD)

NA

18.88 ± 6.327

20.61 ± 6.254

SSAS

27.61 ± 6.073

29.71 ± 5.327

MHW

68.07 ± 22.518

60.16 ± 16.679

SHAI

34.16 ± 7.579

33.34 ± 6.722

WHO-5

12.89 ± 2.908

14.50 ± 3.042

PA

32.29 ± 6.543

34.86 ± 6.337

Abbr.: NA: PANAS Negative Affect Scale; SSAS: Somatosensory Amplification Scale; MHW: Modern Health Worries; SHAI: Short Health Anxiety Inventory; WHO-5: WHO-Five Well-being Index; PA: PANAS Positive Affect Scale.

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4.1. Relationship among MHWs, SSA, and health anxiety According to the results of the correlation analyses, MHWs showed significant but weak associations with health anxiety in both samples (r = 0.24, p < 0.01 for patients and r = 0.28, p < 0.001 for students) while the connection between SSA and health anxiety was stronger (r = 0.40 and r = 0.43 respectively) (for details, see Table 2).

Table 2 Pearson correlations among recorded variables SSAS

MHW

SHAI

WHO-5

PA

SSAS

1

0.39***

0.40***

–0.15*

0.05

MHW

0.24***

1

0.24**

0.01

0.13+

SHAI

0.43***

0.28***

1

–0.43***

–0.33***

WHO-5

–0.05

–0.05

–0.27***

1

0.57***

PA

–0.03

0.11*

–0.24***

0.56***

1

Upper triangle (marked in italics): patients (N = 180), lower triangle: students (N = 344).

Abbr.: SSAS: Somatosensory Amplification Scale; MHW: Modern Health Worries; SHAI: Short Health Anxiety Inventory; WHO-5: WHO-Five Well-being Index; PA: PANAS Positive Affect Scale. + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

In the regression analysis, MHWs remained significantly associated with both somatosensory amplification and health anxiety after controlling for group affili­ ation, gender, age and negative affect in the regression equation (Table 3). Nevertheless, the final equation explained only 17.9% of the total variance of the MHW score.

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F. KÖTELES & P. SIMOR Table 3 Results of multiple linear regression analysis B ± S.E.

Standardised β

Step 1, R2 = 0.114; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA

1.341 ± 2.826 0.358 ± 0.085 5.887 ± 1.608 0.406 ± 0.0128

0.033 0.293*** 0.153*** 0.134**

Step 2, ΔR2 = 0.066; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA SSAS SHAI

–0.937 ± 2.750 0.298 ± 0.083 3.468 ± 1.607 –0.023 ± 0.140 0.749 ± 0.164 0.382 ± 0.126

–0.023 0.244*** 0.090* –0.008 0.221*** 0.140**

ENTER method; dependent variable: Modern Health Worries.

Abbr.: NA: PANAS Negative Affect Scale; SSAS: Somatosensory Amplification Scale; SHAI: Short Health Anxiety Inventory. * p < 0.1; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

4.2. Relationship among MHWs, health anxiety, and indicators of well-being In both groups, MHWs showed no significant correlations with well-being as assessed by the WHO-5 scale, and very weak positive connections to positive affect.

In the case of health anxiety, low to medium negative correlations were found (for details, see Table 2).

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MODERN HEALTH WORRIES Table 4 Results of multiple linear regression analysis B ± S.E.

Standardised β

0.720 ± 0.432 –0.045 ± 0.013 0.289 ± 0.246 –0.170 ± 0.020

0.111+ –0.230** 0.047 –0.349***

0.710 ± 0.432 –0.048 ± 0.013 0.246 ± 0.249 –0.173 ± 0.020 0.007 ± 0.007

0.109 –0.244*** 0.323 –0.355*** –0.045

0.839 ± 0.422 –0.039 ± 0.013 0.309 ± 0.243 –0.133 ± 0.021 0.014 ± 0.007 –0.099 ± 0.019

0.129* –0.201** 0.050 –0.272*** 0.087* –0.225***

Step 1, R2 = 0.197; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA Step 2, ΔR2 = 0.002; p = 0.278 Group Age Gender NA MHW Step 3, ΔR2 = 0.040; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA MHW SHAI

ENTER method; dependent variable: WHO-Five Well-being Index.

Abbr.: NA: PANAS Negative Affect Scale; MHW: Modern Health Worries; SHAI: Short Health Anxiety Inventory. + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

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In the final equation of the regression analysis using the WHO-5 score as the dependent variable, a negative connection (β = –0.225, p < 0.001) to health anxiety and a weak positive connection to MHWs (β = 0.087, p < 0.05) was found (Table 4).

Regardless of group affiliation, participants’ age and negative affect were negatively related to their well-being. The equation explained 23.9% of the total variance.

Table 5 Results of multiple linear regression analysis B ± S.E.

Standardised β

Step 1, R2 = 0.084; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA

–0.172 ± 0.973 –0.114 ± 0.029 0.602 ± 0.554 –0.155 ± 0.044

–0.013 –0.276*** 0.046 –0.150***

–0.251 ± 0.960 –0.135 ± 0.029 0.252 ± 0.553 –0.179 ± 0.044 0.059 ± 0.015

–0.018 –0.328*** 0.019 –0.174*** 0.175***

0.088 ± 0.928 –0.113 ± 0.028 0.419 ± 0.534 –0.072 ± 0.046 0.077 ± 0.015 –0.261 ± 0.042

0.006 –0.274*** 0.032 –0.070 0.227*** –0.282***

Step 2, ΔR2 = 0.027; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA MHW Step 3, ΔR2 = 0.062; p < 0.001 Group Age Gender NA MHW SHAI

ENTER method; dependent variable: PANAS Positive Affect Scale.

Abbr.: NA: PANAS Negative Affect Scale; MHW: Modern Health Worries; SHAI: Short Health Anxiety Inventory. *** p < 0.001.

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Results of the second regression analysis were similar to the first: positive affect was negatively related to health anxiety (β = –0.282, p < 0.001) and to participants’ age (β = –0.274, p < 0.001) and positively related to MHWs (β = 0.227, p < 0.001) (Table 5). It is worth mentioning however that in this case the β-coefficient of MHWs was of the same magnitude as those of the other two variables.

5. Discussion According to cross-sectional data obtained from a patient and a student sample, somato­sensory amplification tendency and health anxiety were independently related to MHWs. Health anxiety was negatively related to indicators of general wellbeing. MHWs were not associated with general well-being and were only weakly associated with positive affect in the correlation analysis, while positive associations were found after controlling for socio-demographic variables, negative affect, and health anxiety in the regression analysis.

The first group of hypotheses of the present study was supported by the empirical data: a positive relationship among MHWs, health anxiety, and SSA was found in the correlation analysis (Table 2). These findings are in accordance with previous results concerning the association between SSA and various indicators of health anxiety (Speckens et al. 1996; Ferguson et al. 2000) and between SSA and MHWs (Köteles et al. 2011b, 2012). More important is the newly described relationship between health anxiety and MHWs: beyond NA and SSA, health anxiety is the third health-related variable known to be connected to MHWs. The relationship between MHWs and health anxiety remained significant after controlling for SSA which clearly indicates that health anxiety is an independent component of MHWs. Keeping also in mind that the SHAI assesses health anxiety independently from actual physical status, this relationship appears to be essential in the understanding of MHWs: health anxiety reflects heightened risk perception and increased feelings of personal vulnerability that were mentioned as consequences of MHWs (Petrie et al. 2001).

As for the second group of hypotheses, the negative relationship between health anxiety and indicators of psychological well-being is in accordance with our expect­ ations: any form of anxiety is supposed to decrease the quality of life.

More surprising is the absence of the expected negative relationship between MHWs and indicators of well-being. In addition, both positive affect and general well-being were positively related to MHWs in the regression analyses. As similar findings were reported in a German study (Muthny & Schulze Willbrenning 2010) (MHWs were positively related to life satisfaction, hedonistic orientation and psychosocial health status in women but not in men), this connection does not seem casual. MHWs are usually treated as maladaptive cognitive structures, but in the light of the present results this viewpoint might need reconsideration. As many components are partialled out from the original variables, it is not easy to conceptualise EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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what ‘MHWs without NA and health anxiety’ (i.e. MHWs without negative emotional components) mean and how they can contribute to psychological well-being.

First, mild health anxiety can be regarded as an adaptive signal that helps promote survival-related behaviours (Lovas & Barsky 2010), and the same might hold true for MHWs. Environmental factors enumerated among MHWs (e.g. additives in food or contaminated drinking water) do or at least may pose threat to human health (Petrie et al. 2001), what is unknown is only the actual magnitude of this threat. In such an uncertain situation, overestimating the risk can be an adaptive strategy as it can help minimise harmful influences. Empirical findings supporting this conception are known: MHWs were found to be associated with avoidance behaviour during an environmental pesticide spraying (Petrie et al. 2005). In addition, positive health-related effects of MHWs were also reported in a study conducted in New Zealand: individuals with more MHWs had a greater acceptance of functional foods designed to reduce the likelihood of disease compared to participants with less MHWs (Devcich et al. 2007).

Second, MHWs may also help seek and find causes of subjective somatic symptoms (i.e. attribution or labelling process) (Schachter & Singer 1962; Mechanic 1972; Cioffi 1991; Gijsbers van Wijk & Kolk 1996) which increases perceived control over health. Higher levels of hypochondriac worries were found to be associated with increased perceived control which, in part, was achieved by a process of identifying ways in which stressful events could be avoided in the future (i.e. looking for aspects of a situation that are controllable) (Ferguson et al. 2000).

Third, worry (i.e. the cognitive component of anxiety) is also considered to attenuate stress-response and fear-related imagery through verbally structured thought processes (Borkovec et al. 1998). Since verbal information processing suppresses negative emotional responses (Holmes & Mathews 2010), the conceptualisation of possible environmental threats in more abstract terms – such as MHWs – may reduce negative emotional reactions to some extent. Obviously, in case of excessive rumin­ ation such thought processes would be highly maladaptive (Brosschot et al. 2006).

Therefore, MHWs, if they do not reach the pathological range, may indeed facilitate cognitive coping against perceived threats. Of course, the reasoning described above has many speculative elements, as avoidance behaviour and perceived control were not assessed in the study. Moreover, cross-sectional data used in this study are not appropriate to explain hypothesised causal relationships. Although the conclusions were drawn from data of two independent samples, replication of the findings (extended with measures of behaviour change, perceived control, and health-related behaviour) on more (and preferably representative) samples would be necessary in order to judge the generalisability of the results.

As for the practical implications of these findings, rational educational programs and more realistic media reports on environmental threats might be beneficial in order to reduce irrational beliefs about and negative emotional reactions to environmental threats. These interventions may result in improved psychological well-being. Depending on the individual belief system, however, MHWs’ possible EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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positive role in coping with non-specific anxiety should also be taken into consider­ ation, particularly in therapeutic contexts.

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Rief, W., H. Glaesmer, V. Baehr, E. Broadbent, E. Brähler & K.J. Petrie (2012) ‘The Relationship of Modern Health Worries to Depression, Symptom Reporting and Quality of Life in a General Population Survey’, Journal of Psychosomatic Research 72, 318–20.

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Salkovskis, P.M., K.A. Rimes, H.M.C. Warwick & D.M. Clark (2002) ‘The Health Anxiety Inventory: Development and Validation of Scales for the Measurement of Health Anxiety and Hypochondriasis’, Psychological Medicine 32, 843–53.

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EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 34–53 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.3

Bence Takács* & Zoltán Kmetty

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION Correlations between Civil Organisation Activity and Sporting Activity in the 15 to 18 Age Cohort (Received: 17 September 2012; accepted: 20 December 2012)

Several studies pointed out the positive effects of social capital in the last 10 to 20 years. Nevertheless, only minor emphasis was put on the formation of social capital. Most authors implicitly presume an effect of socialisation in the background of the formation of social capital. This is also confirmed by studies, using data of panel research, which have demonstrated significant connections between the civil activity of young people and adults and their general level of trust.

In our study we examine how membership in civil organisations – which we consider an import­ ant indicator of social capital – is influenced by sporting activity in the age range of 15–18. The two surweys examined (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) show that young people practising sports are more likely to participate in the work of civil organisations, moreover, sport proved to be a more important background variable in our models than the access to economic and cultural resources.

Although this is also due to structural reasons, we are convinced that the most important factors for social capital are the participation in a community and the social net deriving from it. And juvenile sporting activity can serve as a good basis for this.

Keywords: social capital, leisure time, 15–18 age range, sporting activity, civil organisation membership Sport als „Mittel” der Sozialisation: Korrelation zwischen Mitarbeit in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen und Sport bei 15- bis 18-jährigen Jugendlichen: In den vergangenen zehn bis zwanzig Jahren wurde in zahlreichen Studien auf die positive Wirkung von sozialem Kapital hingewiesen, jedoch wurde weniger thematisiert, wie dieses entsteht. Die meisten Autoren vermuten, dass sich soziales Kapital auf der Grundlage einer impliziten Wirkung der Sozialisation bildet. Dies wird auch durch Studien bestätigt, in denen auf der Basis von Daten aus Panelforschungen ein deutlicher Zusammenhang zwischen bürgerschaftlichem Engagement im Jugendund jungen Erwachsenenalter und allgemeinem Vertrauen nachgewiesen konnte. Wir untersuchen *

orresponding author: Bence Takács, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Physical Education and Sport C Sciences, Semmelweis University; H-1123 Budapest, Alkotás u. 44., Hungary; ex.t.f.bence@gmail.com.

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

35

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

in der Studie, inwieweit das Engagement in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen – ein wichtiger Indikator für soziales Kapital – durch Sport beeinflusst wird. Zwei Datenerhebungen zufolge (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) engagieren sich Jugendliche, die Sport treiben, mit einer größeren Wahrscheinlichkeit in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen. In unseren Modellen erwies sich Sport sogar als wichtigere Hintergrundvariable als der Zugang zu wirtschaftlichen oder kulturellen Ressourcen. Zum Teil ist dies zwar auf strukturelle Gründe zurückzuführen, wir vertreten aber dennoch die Ansicht, dass der wesentliche Faktor im Hinblick auf das soziale Kapital die Aktivitäten in der Gemeinschaft bzw. das sich dadurch herausbildende soziale Netzwerk ist. Sport im Jugendalter kann hierfür eine gute Grundlage sein.

Schlüsselbegriffe: soziales Kapital, Freizeit, Altersgruppe zwischen 15 und 18 Jahren, Sport, Mitgliedschaft in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen

1. Introduction In the last decade social capital has become one of the (political) sociological expressions referred to most often in international scientific literature. Although the history of social capital as a technical term reaches far back in time, its real success story started during the last twenty years, mainly due to the works of Coleman (1990) and even more to those of Putnam (1993, 2000; see also Füzér et al. 2005).

Putnam considered civil commitment, social networks, general trust and common norms (factors of social capital) as the basic patterns of good governance and effect­ ive decision-making. Accordingly, social capital is positively linked to economic development on a community and social level (Woolcock & Radin 2008), but on an individual level it offers good protection against many negative effects as well (Furstenberg & Hughes 1995), although, of course, certain negative implications cannot be excluded (Coleman 1988, 1990; Portes 1998). In the background of the formation of social capital most authors presume an implicit effect of socialisation (Stolle & Hooghe 2004), but these mechanisms are not completely unraveled. As we will present it in more detail in the theoretical part of our study, civil participation of youth, or the general trust of youth, is highly correlated with the level of civil activity and general trust in later years. Several research results imply that sport has a variety of positive effects on physical/mental health (Bar-Or & Baranowski 1994; Hamar et al. 2009). In our study we try to answer the question whether sporting activity has a connection to civil participation, an important indicator of social capital. In the theoretical part, we briefly summarise the scientific results related to the aspects of socialisation of social capital theories, or rather the other cornerstone of our research, the results regarding the willingness of young Hungarians to engage in physical activity. In our analysis we undertake to reveal the connections between these two pillars on the grounds of two cross-sectional studies about adolescents (15 to 18 age range).

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

36

B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

2. Theoretical basis 2.1. The socialisation aspect of social capital We shall start this chapter by a conceptual clarification. Social capital has various theoretical approaches.1 To put it more simply, there are two main schools in this aspect. One is the macro approach (with the abovementioned Putnam or Fukuyama), the other is the micro approach (Lin, Erickson, Flap, van der Gaag etc.). Furthermore, there are many authors who are not unequivocally classifiable in these cat­egories (for example Coleman or Bourdieu) – see more in Tardos (1996); Lin (1999); Orbán & Szántó (2005); Angelusz (2010); Kmetty (2012). In our study we use Putnam’s macro approach which, in contrast with the micro approach, means that instead of analysing the network resources and the question of how easily they can be mobil­ ised, we put more emphasis on the civil and normative elements of social capital.

This distinction also affects the selection of indicators. Putnam’s theory measures the potency of social capital using variables like organisational membership, general trust and the extent of reciprocity. In our study we will concentrate on membership in civil organisations.2 Research about youth socialisation pointed out that fundamental values and identities evolve already at a young age, and they hardly change later (Sapiro 2004).

The different activities practised by young people simultaneously give a socialisation framework for their future social participation. There are many possible ways of development of which we will highlight two at this time. On the one hand, youth activity (e.g. sport, participation in civil movements) can enlarge the wider social network, which can also create a kind of link to ‘more distant’ groups of society.

These typically weak ties (Granovetter 1973) may reduce prejudices and may lead to the rise of general trust; furthermore, they presume the acquisition of different social norms (Hansen et al. 2003). On the other hand, important relationships might also form within the organisation, which can later function as social network3 capital (for example, they might be helpful in a job search). Naturally, we also have to count with possible negative consequences, but they are less significant. Examining an American sample (young people of 16 to 18 years of age), Hansen and his 1 2 3

he next part is based on Tardos (1996) and Kmetty (2012).

T We only have indicators for this element of social capital.

As we have mentioned above, in our study we use the notion of social capital. However, in certain cases, the notion of relationship capital or network capital seems to be more adequate for the phenomena analysed. A typical example for this is when we analyse the chances of a person to get a job by means of their relationships, thus when it is the resource character of social capital that matters. Sik (2012) analyses the correlation between relationship capital and social capital in detail and suggests the use of relationship capital instead of social capital which he considers much too fragmented and of a diffuse meaning. Angelusz (2010) comes to almost the same conclusion in his posthumous publication on social capital. We agree both with Sík and Angelusz on the anom­ alies perceived in connection with the conceptualisation of social capital. In cases where the resource character of social capital prevails, we apply the notion couple social/relationship capital as well. If, however, the normative element is important, we still have recourse to the use of the expression social capital.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

37

colleagues (2003) observed that doing sporting activity in different organisational frames augmented self-recognition, mental security, but it also had negative effects as participants had to carry out activities that they were reluctant to, or leaders encouraged them to perform actions they considered morally wrong. The relationship between sporting activity, civil organisational membership and general trust has not yet been in the focus of research. Nevertheless, researchers have dealt with the relationship between civil participation in youth and later civil activity. Claiborn and Martin (2000), after the analysis of American panel data, concluded that participation in civil movements during school years has no effect on the level of general trust and membership in civil organisations in adulthood. Smith (1999) demonstrated that the access of youth to some components of social capital raises the likelihood of later political and civil activity. The author also stresses that in order to stop the impairment of social capital it would be necessary to strengthen the institutions/organisations (religious and civil organisations) which have a positive impact on the social­ isation of youth from the aspect of social capital (the author makes reference here to the American situation). Smith’s results were affirmed by the researches of Stolle and Hooghe (2004) who also examined the question using American panel data.

According to their results, there is a strong link between civil activity at an early and at a later age. They also pointed out that these effects will most probably intensify as time goes by (sleeper effect). The link between the general level of trust measured in youth and at the age of 34 was even more intense than the relationship observed in connection with civil activity. They concluded that in order to understand the distribution of adult social capital it is worth returning to the youth and examining this question within their group.

Studies analysing the Hungarian context have also raised awareness to the socialisation aspect of civil engagement. Dávid and her co-authors (2008) examined the family patterns of civil participation in a smaller Hungarian settlement. Their results revealed that parents’ participation in civil organisations significantly increases the probability that their children will also take part in the work of a civil organisation. Nevertheless, the authors themselves remark that the direction of correlation is not evident. It is also possible that it is the children’s civil engagement that exerts an effect on the parents’ involvement. The results, however, show unequivocally that civil participation is deeply embedded on a family level.

2.2. The effects of sport on youth 67% of adolescents aged 12 to 18 in Hungary do insufficient physical activity (Aszmann 2000). That means they live an inactive life. This is also shown in a study on physical activity in the Hungarian society (Mészáros et al. 2002; Tatár 2004) which emphasises that sport consumption is not a regular part of the family need-

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

38

B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

fulfilment process (Hoffmann 2000), but it remains the most important medium of the socialisation of young people (Bauer 2002).4 Engaging in physical activity and doing sports, while being indispensable for the developing body, is extremely useful for several other reasons. On the one hand, it shapes young people’s personality (Bar-Or & Baranowski 1994); on the other hand, regular physical activity and training, commenced at a young age, especially in adolescence (Hamar et al. 2009) improves self-respect and makes the individual more self-confident than their inactive peers. As Aszmann’s (2000) large sample investigation points out, physically active young people consider inner values more important than their inactive peers, they form relationships more quickly, are less stressed and speak about problems and difficulties more easily. Hungarian research (Pluhár et al. 2003, 2004; Aszmann 2000; Kiss 2003) supports the view that physically active young people are more health-conscious, perform better and are healthier. Also, regular physical activity commenced at an early age becomes a lifestyle (Istvánfi 2004; Vanreusel et al. 1997; Perkins et al. 2004) which has a positive effect in adulthood as well.

3. Hypotheses and methodology The present study is based on the secondary analysis of two large sample surveys (Ifjúság 2000 and Ifjúság 2008) conducted in 2000 (Laki et al. 2001) and 2008 (Sza­ bó & Bauer 2009). The survey series, commenced in 2000, aims to examine the situation and problems of Hungarian youth in depth. The youth survey, based on a large sample, examined habits of spending free time, political preferences, media consumption and behaviour towards deviance amongst other things. From the three waves of the survey (2000, 2004, 2008) we use the data from 2000 and 2008. As the method­ology of the 2000 youth survey corresponded to that of the 2008 survey, the results could be placed in a temporal dimension as well, aligned to the variables that were asked in both cases. Alongside the identical questionnaire parts, there were also thematic blocks in the surveys – in the 2008 survey the relationship to doing sports formed a separate block. Besides the demographic variables, we selected the questions referring to civil activity. We also used some of the questions of the detailed sporting block from the 2008 survey. The analysis focuses on the subsample of the Ifjúság 2000 and 2008 surveys of 15- to 18-year-olds. The 15- to 18-year-old subsample of the 2008 survey involved 2,018 people, while the survey in 2000 involved 1,780.

The relationship of the examined variables in our analysis was first tested using cross-tables. As a second step, in order to obtain more reliable results, we applied logistic regression models on the civil activity dependent variables. As the operationalisation of the variables was not plausible in all cases, we will touch upon the exact 4

Acknowledgement: We would like to thank project leader Béla Bauer and his colleagues for granting us access to the data.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

39

process of it in our analysis. We proceed from the hypothesis that, among young people, sports and leisure time civil activities are the most common. We expect a positive relationship between doing sports and participation in youth civil activity.

Sharpening this hypothesis, we also expect that sport will be the most de­cisive motive in civil activity, stronger than the role of access to cultural and material resources. The examination of the relationship using two surveys makes the results more reliable, or rather provides an opportunity for a dynamic comparison. Our ­paper is based on the secondary analysis of the data of these two surveys. We focused on aspects at the level of target groups and cross-relationships previously not examined by researchers dealing with this topic.5 4. Results 4.1. Youth 2000 In the research Ifjúság 2000 (Laki et al. 2001) the incidence of sporting activity of the subsample of 15- to 18-year-olds was measured using the following question: Do you practice sports regularly, do you do sports beside the obligatory PE lessons?

43% of the sample responded that they practised sport. Among those students 40% practised sports regularly, the rest of them did physical activity only occasionally.

The probability of doing sports was larger among young men who lived in better financial circumstances and children whose parents had a higher level of education.

Other earlier studies led to the same results (Perényi 2010).

In our study, social capital was examined measuring the incidence of different organisational membership types. 18% of young people had some kind of an organ­ isational relationship. This percentage is higher than the proportion of voluntarism in Hungarian society – but researches studying civil membership also show that the involvement of young people is above the average (Bartal 2010). Researches focusing on the organisations and the membership both characterise the Hungarian civil sector being sport- and leisure time-centered (Bartal 2005).

Membership in leisure time and sports organisations was 6.6%, but the strongest affiliation was to religious organisations (the difference between the two proportions is not significant). Accordingly, the ‘mobilising’ ability of religious organisations was relatively high in 2000 – this is especially interesting since the religionbased motivation in voluntarism, as regards the whole society, was relatively low (Bartal & Kmetty 2011a, 2011b). As for the nexus between civil membership and sporting activity, see Table 2.

5

erényi (2010) wrote a PhD dissertation on sports in the 2008 youth survey. She examined the relationship P between doing sports and values in the whole sample.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

40

B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY Table 1 Membership in different organisations – percentage (2000) Multiple answer (N = 1,770) Type of organisation

Yes (%)

Religious community

7.8

Leisure time, sports organisation

6.6

Student organisation

4.3

Scout organisation

0.9

Non-political youth organisation

0.6

Other civil organisation

0.6

Environmental organisation

0.2

Trade union

0.1

Political party

0.1

Pioneer organisation

0.1

Local advocacy organisation

0.1

Political youth organisation

0.0

Table 2 Sporting activity – civil membership6 – 2000 (raw percentage)

Not involved in any sporting activity (N = 1,013) Practices sport (N = 757)

6

Member in at least one organisation.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

Not a member in any civil organisation

Member in a civil organisation

88.90

11.10

74.60

25.40

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

41

11% of those who are not involved in some sort of sporting activity are members in some organisation, but among those who do sports, this proportion is 25%. The correlation is significant (p < 0.000), nevertheless, the strength of the correlation based on the Cramer V index is weak (CV = 0.188). This result is modest on its own as there are similar background variables behind both the sporting activity and the civil membership. The results are partly tautological since adolescents who do sports are in many cases obliged to enter the sports organisation they train in. If we separate sporting and leisure time activities from civil organisation membership, 13.1% of the analysed population are members in some organisation. However, young people who do sports are overrepresented even in this narrowed participation dimension; 15.3% are members in a civil organisation which is not related to sports and leisure time (p < 0.02, CV = 0.06).

In the second part of our analysis we test the relationship with a multi-variable statistical model. Since our dependent variable (membership in a civil organisation) is a binomial dummy variable, we used a logistic regression model. In our analysis we applied a hierarchical approach. As a first step, we measured the background impact of demographic variables, then as a second step, we included the variable sport as well. As a third step, we used a narrowed sense of civil participation as a dependent variable where sporting and leisure time participations did not figure (see Table 3).

Although we were primarily concentrating on the effects of sport in our study, it is also worth to take a brief look at our basic model. The higher proportion of female participation is somewhat surprising since a slight majority of men in civil activity can be observed in the adult population (Bartal 2010), but the effect is not strong, the ‘p’ value is 0.038. Higher education level of the parents also indicates stronger civil commitment. Cultural patterns picked up at home certainly have great impact on whether a person volunteers in a civil organisation or not (see also Dávid et al.

2008). Better subjective living standards have the same consequences as the higher educational level of parents; the better someone feels about their family’s financial status, the more likely one is to participate in a civil activity. The influence of the type of settlement someone lives in is not strong, only small towns show a different effect on the general level of civil engagement. The odds ratio of the residents of small towns is only half of that of those living in villages.

We have kept religiosity for the end. The impact of this variable is the strongest on civil activity (this variable accounts for 40% of the explanatory power). The stronger one’s religious engagement is, the more likely one is to become a member of a civil organisation. This effect is not surprising at all if we recall our table above which shows that young people linked to civil organisations by means of religious organisations are in the majority. The model explains 10.6% of the total variance. In the second phase we included our sports variable. The impact of the other variables did not change notably, solely the ‘gender’ effect disappeared from our model. Sporting activity appeared with an odds ratio above two, thus – excluding the influence of the other variables – the chance of a physically active person to become a member of a civil organisation is more than double of their peers’ who are not involved in sports. The model’s explanatory power has also increased significantly, almost to 15%. Although EJMH 9:1, June 2014

EJMH 9:1, June 2014 0.000 0.038 0.001 0.000 0.000

23.872 4.301

12.088

14.365

52.243

�

���

����� � � � ��� ����� � � � ��� � �� � � �� ��

����������� � �

0.40

0.20

0.18

0.09

51.735

10.517

7.427

36.946 0.786

0.000

0.001

0.006

0.000 0.375

–471 –417 10.6% 1.651

38.479

0.34

0.14

0.11

0.00

81.24

6.33

6.39

54.86 0.98

0.00

0.01

0.01

0.00 0.32

2.73

0.80

1.24

0.02 1.17

0.29

4.37

0.04 1.40 –390 –323 16.2% 1.651

0.670 0.11 0.66 0.864 0.11 0.69 0.11 12.6 0.573 0.00 0.51 1.00 1.00

2.052

0.771

1.236

0.070 0.884

0.000 2.359 –471 –397 14.9% 1.651

0.705 0.078 0.899 0.463 0.13 11.435 0.583 0.001 1.00

2.023

0.741

1.300

0.133 0.757

0.09

0.18

0.50

0.12

0.12

0.00

7

We did not use the classical logistic regression model but a ‘Generalised Linear Model’ with a logistic estimative function. We used a robust estimative method to estimate the covariance matrix in order to diminish the chance of distortion originating from the multicollinearity of the variables.

n: the number of variables in the model; wald: Wald statistics to the variables; df: the degree of freedom of the variable; D0: The Log-likelihood quotient multiplied by –2 in the empty model. The formula is based on Székelyi & Barna (2008). ** 1 was the best, 5 was the worst value (for living standards). Chance quotient below 1 means that the relatively better financial status increases the chance of civil participation. *** 1: Not religious, 2: In his own way, 3: According to the instruction of the Church.

*

Practices sport LL – intercept model LL – full model R2LA N

Type of settlement Budapest 0.114 Regional capital 0.582 11.092 Other town 0.001 Village

(Intercept) Gender Parents’ highest level of education Subjective financial status** Religiosity***

Dependent variable Civil activity demographic variables Civil activity including variable sport Civil activity without sports and leisure membership

* Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Chi-square Chi-square Chi-square

Table 3 Logistic regression model based on civil membership7 (hierarchical approach) – 2000

42 B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

43

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

regarding its influence, sporting activity is not the strongest indicator, it is second only to religiosity. This is in line with the fact that following affiliation to Church, sports and leisure time civil activity are the second most popular forms of civil participation.

In the third executing we omitted sports and leisure time membership from the dependent variable. Even in this case, sports figured in our model with an odds ratio over 1, which means that the over representation of young people who do sports in civil participation is not only due to sporting organisations but a mechanism of action can be observed even beyond that. However, the explanatory power within the model of the variable defining the fact of sporting fell back to a level of approximately 10%.

4.2. Youth 2008 According to the youth research Ifjúság 2008 (Szabó & Bauer 2009), sporting activity has increased slightly during the time period between the two surveys: 48% of the children of the 15 to 18 age range were involved in some physical activity beside PE lessons. The background variables of sporting activity were on the whole similar to those of 2000; maybe it is worth highlighting that the proportion of active children in Budapest has diminished significantly while it has greatly increased in other regions.

We do not intend to deal with the reasons behind this in the current paper, nevertheless, it is an important trend in sports psychology. Since a longer sport-related question block was used in one of the sub-samples of the 2008 youth research, we have the chance to understand the background motivations behind sporting activity. The following table presents the background motivations for sporting activity (Table 4).

Table 4 Reasons behind the regularity of doing sports – 2008 (based on multiple answers) in % (N = 727) Reasons Health Fitness Happiness Feeling good Appearance Good company Losing weight Parental constraint Other

% 63.00 57.60 46.80 38.60 26.30 25.80 9.30 8.10 2.80

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

44

B. TAKĂ CS & Z. KMETTY

Motivators are mainly health, fitness, happiness and feeling good. In respect of social capital, social factor (good company) is the most substantial; 25% of the sample considered that factor important. We will come back to that later during the analysis of the results connected to civil membership.

Compared to 2000, civil membership was analysed in a brand new conceptual framework. Twenty organisational types were listed in the survey, and there were 4 different answer options to all of them: formal member, participant in the work, visitor of events, not linked in any way to any such organisation. We summarised the results of civil engagement in the following table (Table 5).

Table 5 Civil organisational engagement â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2008 (N = 2018) Results of engagement Not linked Visitor of events

% 63.2 7.1

Participant in the work

18.4

Formal member

11.3

Total

100.0

11% of the respondents answered that they were formal members of at least one organisation, 18% participated in the work of the organisations (without being a formal member), and another 7.1% were not strongly engaged but sometimes visited the events of the organisations.

According to the 2008 survey, young people principally participated in sports and leisure time organisations and different student organisations. Compared to 2000, religion-related organisational membership has decreased significantly, less than 1% were linked to organisations of the Church or other religious communities (Table 6).

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

45

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION Table 6 Civil organisational engagement – 2008 (raw percentage) Formal membership

Participates in its work

Sometimes visits its events

Is not linked

Sports club or sports association

5.8

10.7

4.6

78.9

Student organisation

4.3

5.9

4.7

85.1

Leisure time organisation/group

2.2

5.5

4.2

88.1

Cultural, folklore or art group/organisation

0.9

3.4

3.7

92.0

Environmental, nature or animal protection organisation

0.8

1.5

2.4

95.4

Organisation of the Church, religious community

0.8

2.1

1.0

96.2

Other youth organisation

0.7

0.9

1.0

97.4

Other organisation

0.6

0.7

0.0

98.6

Political youth organisation

0.4

0.6

0.6

98.4

Organisation dealing with mental, social problems

0.4

0.8

0.5

98.3

Professional association

0.3

0.2

0.3

99.2

Charity organisation

0.3

1.2

1.4

97.1

Civil guards

0.3

0.5

0.2

99.1

Peace movement

0.2

0.0

0.7

99.0

Other advocacy organisation

0.2

0.2

0.3

99.3

Organisation of or for Hungarians living abroad

0.2

0.1

0.3

99.3

Political party

0.2

0.0

0.1

99.7

Civil circle

0.2

0.1

0.3

99.5

Human rights movement or organisation

0.2

0.2

0.6

99.1

Trade union

0.2

0.1

0.4

99.4

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B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

The difference regarding the attachment to religious organisations is so great that it must have some methodological explications (of course, we cannot exclude the possibility that there was indeed some decrease in the past period).8 As this paper does not focus on methodological matters, we do not examine this problem. This undoubtedly makes it more complicated to compare the two databases reliably. Validity also diminishes due to the fact that participation in civil organisations was divided into formal and informal participation. In 2000, membership was subject to exam­ ination; presumably, adolescents without formal relation to the organisation defined themselves as members as well. Regarding social capital, it is less important to be a formal member, as primarily it is the time spent in the organisation that counts, hence we have integrated formal members and the ones participating in the work of the organisations into one category. It is worth re-examining the relationship of civil activity and involvement in sports with a simple cross-table (Table 7).

Table 7 Sporting activity – civil activity – 2008 (raw percentage)

Not member or participant in a civil organisation

Member or participant in a civil organisation

Not involved in sporting activity (N = 1039)

85.2

14.9

Practices sports (N = 964)

54

45.9

The relationship to the 2008 data is even stronger; 46% of the adolescents who practice sports is a member of some civil organisation or participates in the work of such an organisation, while the percentage for those not engaging in any sporting activity is only 15% (p > 0.000). There is a medium correlation between the two variables (CV = 0.36). If we do not take sports organisations into account in relation to civil organisation membership and participation, 20% of the examined population can be regarded as active from a civil aspect. Young people doing sports are overrepresented on this platform as well: 28% of them are active (p = 0.000).

As a next step we apply a logistic regression model to the 2008 civil activity 8

This is supported by the fact that the proportion of non-religious people increased from 42% to 53% in the time period between 2000 and 2008 in the two samples. See also Rosta who claims that in Hungary, like in Poland, ‘the nominal level of religious practices has decreased, but the number of those endorsing religious beliefs has increased’ (2012, 100).

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47

variable (as mentioned above, we have converted the variable into a binary one). The results are represented in Table 8. The structure of Table 8 squares with Table 3. In the first executing we did not include the sporting variable. In the first and the second executing the dependent variable is activity in a civil organisation, while in the third it is a limited civil activity without participation in sports organisations.

The level of education of the parents and the subjective financial status, similarly to the data of the 2000 survey, influenced civil participation in 2008 as well; the access to both cultural and economic resources has positive effects on this form of participation. The settlement type variable was not available for the 2008 data, so we substituted it with settlement size. If we compare the people living in villages or in the regional capital, the civil activity of the second group is higher; this is in contrast with our earlier results, but it should be stressed that the conceptual framework for civil activity is also different. As regards the affiliation to different civil organisations, we have already pointed out the significantly smaller proportion of religious organisations which predicted a diminution of the role of religion in our model. The importance of the religion indicator has sunk back to 0.23 as we had expected, and the setback is even more striking if we consider that the explanatory power of the model also decreased to 7%. However, the sports variable included in the second phase appeared in our model with a stronger impact than expected. The odds ratio of the sports variable has ascended to above four, which is almost the double of the result measured in 2000. With the inclusion of sport, the explanatory power of the model increased to over 20%. Among the indicators we have used, sport had the strongest correlation to civil activity. In our model analysing civil activity without sports organisations the odds ratio of sporting fell back to 2.5, but it still proved to be the strongest indicator in our model. That is, sporting raised the probability even of civil activity examined without sports organisations in both time periods.

As already mentioned, it is quite difficult to compare the two time periods due to the different conceptual elaboration of civil participation. In our last model we attempted to limit the selection of different types of civil activity in a way that the two databases may become comparable. Six organisation types that were included in both surveys could be identified: political party, political youth organisation, trade union, non-political youth organisation, environmental organisation, student organ­ isation. Although religions or Church-related organisations were included in both surveys, we omitted them from the subsequent analyses due to the aforementioned methodical problems. The affiliation to sporting or leisure time organisations was not included in our restricted civil activity variable either. With this restriction, in the case of the 2000 data civil membership was 5.4%, and 12.5% in 2008.9 We omitted the settlement variable from our earlier models as well because of the difference in the query methods. Table 9 shows the results.

9

There still remains a possibility of distortion deriving from the different query methods, but unfortunately we could not remedy this.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

2.220

27.495

10.761

10.747

Gender

Parents’ highest level of education

Subjective financial status

Religiosity 0.001

0.001

0.000

0.038

0.000

1.295

0.801

1.400

0.23

0.23

0.39

0.757

0.223

7.043

3.618

15.909

0.243

46.797

7.0% 1.928

N

2

R LA

–610

LL – full model

–660

LL – intercept model

Practices sport

158.967

Type of settlement Budapest 12.290 0.341 0.827 0.16 12.500 Regional capital 0.020 1.470 Township with more 0.883 0.978 than 5000 inhabitants Township with 2000 to 4999 0.432 1.144 inhabitants Township with less – 1.00 than 2000 inhabitants

17.323

(Intercept)

4.308

1.928

20.3%

–522

–660

0.000

1.00 0.54

52.340

1.136

0.471 –

1.001

5.776

2.789

16.338

21.076

72.866

0.996

0.10

0.06

0.16

1.009 0.16 5.455 1.407

1.241

0.875

1.313

1.056

0.072

0.966 0.050

0.008

0.057

0.000

0.622

0.000

2.527

1.00

1.303

1.182

1.143 1.338

1.243

0.875

1.345

1.748

0.024

1.928

11.8%

–473

–541

0.000

–

0.173

0.328

0.556 0.130

0.016

0.095

0.000

0.000

0.000

0.41

0.11

0.22

0.25

Dependent variable Civil activity demographic variables Civil activity including variable sport Civil activity without sports and leisure membership

Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Wald Sig. Exp(B) Importance Chi-square Chi-square Chi-square

Table 8 Logistic regression model based on civil membership (hierarchical approach) – 2008

48 B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

1.895 9.619

Religiosity

Practices sport 0.002

0.169

0.293

6.1% 1.662

N

2.045

1.225

0.877

1.172

2.028

0.009

Exp(B)

R2LA

–134

1.107

Subjective financial status

0.163

LL – full model

1.943

Parents’ highest level of education

0.002

–147

9.418

Gender

0.000

Sig.

2000

LL – intercept model

42.339

Wald Chi-square

(Intercept)

0.50

0.50

Importance

37.705

0.006

0.406

13.092

22.835

65.604

Wald Chi-square

0.000

0.940

0.524

0.000

0.000

0.000

Sig.

Table 9 Logistic regression model applied to a limited civil activity in the two periods

2.628

1.009

0.939

1.359

2.038

0.013

Exp(B)

1.928

15.9%

–203

–246

2008

0.43

0.24

0.33

Importance

SPORT AS A ‘TOOL’ OF SOCIALISATION

49

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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B. TAKÁCS & Z. KMETTY

Religious organisations, communities and different charity organisations were not included in the simplified civil organisation activity variable. Consequently, religiosity was not related to this civil activity dimension. Sporting activity, however, appeared in both models and proved to be the strongest factor. In the explanatory model of the last model’s civil activity the gender effect seemed to be very strong.

This is not surprising if we analyse the civil organisation forms that set up our narrower civil activity variable – several organisation types of a strong political orientation appear in it which attract men more even at a later age. The sports variable figured in our model in both years with an odds ratio over 2 which underpinned our hypothesis that sport, besides sporting organisation membership, encourages young people to join other civil organisations as well.

5. Summary In our study we proceeded from the concept of social capital. Although not all of its types are favourable, social capital has a positive relationship with both democratic development and economic effectiveness. Therefore we consider it important to highlight the socialisation aspects of social capital formation. As we have mentioned in our references to other authors, civil membership and general trust at a young age determine the strength of the different social capital indicators in adulthood. On this basis, in our study we examined the background social variables that might influence juvenile civil activity. Unfortunately, the analysis framework did not allow us to include social capital indicators other than civil activity; we still believe that the results are relevant. Positive effects of sporting activity at a young age such as better self-esteem or a healthier lifestyle have already been manifested by many scientists.

In our analysis we intended to complement these results by the presentation of their correlation to civil activity. The analysis of the 2000 and 2008 youth research subsamples of the 15 to 18 age cohort supported our preliminary hypothesis. Moreover, the relationships proved to be stronger than expected. In both the two-dimensional and the multi-dimensional analyses, sport was significantly related to civil activity.

This statement remained true even as we filtered civil work for sports organisations from civil activity. With the inclusion of sporting activity, the explanatory power of our models increased significantly in all dimensions, and this sports variable turned out to be the strongest in most cases. This strength of impact is even more interesting considering that our models had been controlled beforehand based on the available indicators of cultural and economic resources. The models have also revealed why sports and leisure time civil organisations are the most popular in the adult cohorts – the first encounter with this type of organisation occurs at an early age, which presumably implies some kind of socialisation effect as well. An absolutely reliable comparison of the two time periods is not possible due to the different conceptual frameworks. This is not necessarily a handicap; it can also be an advantage as sports seemed to be an important background factor in both conceptual frameEJMH 9:1, June 2014

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works. The exact measurement of the effect strength is not possible; in any case, our aim was above all to reveal the correlations.

Although the main strand of our study did not focus on religion, it might be worth including some observations on that subject as well. Besides the sports factor, in the background of a certain kind of voluntary work, the connection to religious communities also seems to be important. On the basis of our study it cannot be determined to what extent religion has an impact on civil engagement at a young age, but it is obvious that in certain segments it can have an important motivating power.

It is no coincidence that Coleman (1990) has included religiosity in the list of social capital indicators. The radical decrease in the proportion of religious people during the 8 years between the two queries will probably exert a negative influence on the strength of social capital in the forthcoming generations. There is no full consensus between social researchers in the question regarding which forms of civil organ­ isation favour economic development and the consolidation of democratic norms.

Bekkers and his colleagues (2008) underlined the ‘merit’ of civil organisations inspiring instrumental activity against expressive organisations. Doing sports primarily increases the participation in expressive organisations. The presented research was based on cross-sectional samples so we need to be careful when interpreting the results. In Hungary, the admission of young people in sports organisations can in many cases be seen as a ‘constraint’ – clubs oblige young people to join (as a legal guarantee for the collection of membership fees, for example). Consequently, a strong structural link can be detected between sporting activity and civil organisation membership within the young generation. But the influence of sports on civil activity can be judged strong even if we neglect sports organisations. In accordance with Putnam, we believe that it is not the nature of the task performed within the civil organisation that is the most substantial from the point of view of social capital but the participation in a community and the social network deriving from it. And for this, youth sporting activity is – possibly – a good basis.

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EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 54–67 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.4

Helene Ybrandt*

TEN-YEAR TRENDS IN SELF-REPORTED FAMILY AND PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS AMONG SWEDISH ADOLESCENTS (Received: 14 July 2012; accepted: 5 December 2012)

The aim of the study was to compare problem severity among Swedish adolescents, using self-reported and interviewer-rated data from 2000 and 2010, gathered with the Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) interview. Data relating to family relationships, psychological status and problems were collected in two samples randomly selected from the adolescent population aged 15–17 years (121 adolescents in the year 2000 and 485 adolescents in the year 2010). The results show that the self-rated and interviewer-rated problem severity of adolescents in 2000 and in 2010 seems to be unchanged, with no increased polarisation for sex and socio-economic groups. There was a difference, however, was of girls reporting more severe problems in family relationships compared to boys. In 2010, compared to 2000, adolescents reported on fewer psychological problems (e.g. experiences of serious anxiety and tension, comprehension and concentration disorder, memory loss and, in addition, problems with relationships in and outside the family sphere – e.g. problems with getting along with siblings, and with trusting other people). In order to promote the mental health of adolescents, it is essential, during the next decade to reveal relationship problems, such as problems of insecurity with people outside the family.

Keywords: Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD), adolescence, mental health, family, relationship problems Zehn-Jahres-Trends bei familiären und psychischen Problemen in Selbstberichten von schwedischen Heranwachsenden: Ziel der Studie war es festzustellen, wie gravierend die Probleme von schwedischen Jugendlichen sind. Hierfür wurden Daten aus Selbstberichten und aus Interviews verwendet, die in den Jahren 2000 und 2010 mit Hilfe der Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, Drogenmissbrauch-Diagnose bei Heranwachsenden) erhoben worden waren.

In zwei Zufallsstichproben aus der Altersgruppe von 15 bis 17 Jahren (121 Personen im Jahr 2000, 485 Personen in 2010) wurden Daten zu familiären Beziehungen sowie zu psychischem Status und psychischen Problemen erhoben. Beim Vergleich zwischen den in Interviews erhaltenen und *

elene Ybrandt, Department of Psychology, Umeå University, Mediagränd 14, D-114, SE-90187 Umeå, H Sweden; helene.ybrandt@psy.umu.se.

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

TEN-YEAR TRENDS

55

den durch Selbstberichte gewonnenen Ergebnissen von 2000 und 2010 konnte hinsichtlich der Schwere der Probleme der Heranwachsenden keine Veränderung festgestellt werden; die Divergenz zwischen den Geschlechtern bzw. zwischen verschiedenen sozioökonomischen Gruppen ist nicht angestiegen. Allerdings betrachten die Mädchen Probleme in ihren familiären Beziehungen als schwerwiegender als die Jungen. Im Vergleich zu 2000 berichteten die Heranwachsenden 2010 über weniger psychische Probleme (z.B. Angstzustände, Spannungen, Probleme mit dem Verstehen, der Konzentration oder dem Gedächtnis sowie Probleme mit Beziehungen innerhalb und außerhalb der Familie – wie Probleme im Kontakt mit den Geschwistern oder fehlendes Vertrauen gegenüber anderen). Eine wichtige Aufgabe für das kommende Jahrzehnt wird es sein, Beziehungsprobleme wie z.B. Unsicherheit gegenüber Personen außerhalb der Familie genauer zu untersuchen, um die mentale Gesundheit von Heranwachsenden zu fördern.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Drogenmissbrauch-Diagnose bei Heranwachsenden (ADAD), Adoleszenz, Mentalhygiene, Familie, Beziehungsprobleme

1. Introduction Adolescents’ self-rated mental health and well-being over the last decades has been generally at a high level in Sweden, and as a whole, Swedish adolescents seem to be experiencing vital mental health. Adolescents are pleased with their families, their school and social activities, and peer relations (Beckman & Hagquist 2010; Petersen et al. 2010; Statens Folkhälsoinstitut 2011; Statens Offentliga Utredningar 2006). At the same time there is an ongoing discussion about a gradual increase in the severity of adolescents’ problems. The media and official reports pronounce that adolescents’ mental health has deteriorated, especially that of girls (of 16 years of age) and of adolescents and young adults between 16 and 24 years of age (Beckman & Hagquist 2010). Symptoms of worry, depression and sleeping problems have worsened together with psychosomatic symptoms such as stress.

The official reports, media, and the research descriptions of the trends mostly show congruency; in that researches also indicate that there has been an increase in the amount of self-reported psychological and psychosomatic symptoms among adolescents during the last two decades (Berntsson & Köhler 2001; Cederquist 2006; Danielsson 2006). However, research also shows that the actual adolescent mental health status could be best understood as a U-shaped curve, with the proportion of those in good and bad condition increased. This makes the mental health spectra polarised due to potential variables such as age, sex, socioeconomic status and geographic region. A general trend found in several studies is girls reporting more in­ ternalised problems such as depression and anxiety than boys (Petersen et al. 2010) and boys reporting more problems with delinquent behaviour than girls (Beckman & Hagquist 2010; Broberg et al. 2001). However, in the last ten years other trend findings have shown a lower rate in externalising problems such as aggression and rule breaking behaviour for both boys and girls. There are also studies showing that the prevalence of some mental health problems, for example self-destructive behaviour and neuropsychiatric problems like ADHD has not changed (Petersen et al. 2010).

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H. YBRANDT

Population-based and health care statistics-based studies on international trends of adolescents’ mental health, particularly in the USA and Europe, also show divergent results (Petersen et al. 2010). For example Achenbach and colleagues (2003) found a decrease in total problem severity at the end of 1990 compared to 1989 and in internalised problems, especially of girls. Tick and colleagues (2008) had contrary findings for the years between 1993 and 2003: an increase in internalising problems, suicidal ideation and self-harm with adolescent girls. Their results show that younger adolescent girls experienced the most increased overall problem severity. Maughan, Iervolino and Collishaw (2005), in their summary of the international trends for adolescents’ mental health during the last fifty years in Western countries, also found a higher frequency in girls’ self-hurting behaviour together with a similar frequency of anorexia nervosa. When it comes to externalised problems, the results show a trend of lower frequency of aggressive and rule-breaking behavioural problems with boys in the Netherlands and a simultaneous increase of externalised problems with girls (Tick et al. 2008).

Accordingly, the data on time trends are incomplete and to the present day there has been a scarcity of solid epidemiological studies based on which we might draw rigorous conclusions about adolescent mental health trends, and there is not enough evidence for making clear statements about the development of specific symptoms over time on both international and national levels. The studies have diverging time perspectives, informants, age groups, and rating methods which make comparisons between studies difficult. There is also a need for updated epidemiological studies on adolescent mental health, and the aim of this study is to contribute to the subject elucidating time trends in self-reported family and mental health problems among Swedish adolescents between 2000 and 2010. Another aim is to present possible variations effected by the age, sex, and socioeconomic status of the parents and to detect possible polarisations related to the sex, age, or the socioeconomic status of the parents.

It is well-known that adolescent mental health is linked to different social and family variables, for example, parental socioeconomic status and family health.

Adolescents with a foreign background are found to be a risk group when accom­ panied by a low socioeconomic status of the parents (Beckman & Hagquist 2010) and this is also the case with adolescents living with a single parent of low income (Hagquist 2010; Jerden et al. 2011; Ringback Weitoft et al. 2008). Parental abuse and adolescent lack of support and trust in family relationships are risk factors for negative mental health (Ybrandt 2010; Ybrandt & Armelius 2010). In a recent study, Swedish adolescents reported that they consider the family to be the most important determinant for their mental health (Johansson et al. 2007).

The focus of this study is the ‘high adolescent’ age group of 15–17. This age group has been found to report more internalising and externalising problems than younger and older adolescents (Broberg et al. 2001). The data for this study were gathered in 2000 and 2010, with the same instrument, a multi-dimensional assessment tool called Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) (Friedman & Utada EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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1989). As for two of ADAD’s nine problem areas, specifically family relationships and psychological status and problems, the results were based both on adolescents’ self-ratings of problem severity and of importance of need for help, and on the inter­ viewer’s ratings of problem severity and of the need for extra help and treatment in the life areas.

The ADAD instrument assesses the negative aspects of the mental health concept (Johansson et al. 2007) and is constructed to facilitate assessment of changes both at individual and at group levels. The ADAD is used in Sweden on a regular ­basis in special youth homes for adolescents detained under the Swedish Care of Young Persons Act and in social services to assess problem severity changes and treatment outcome (Söderholm Carpelan & Hermodsson 2004). Besides this extensive use of the ADAD in groups of adolescents with antisocial problems, the results of a recent normative study of the Swedish ADAD (Ybrandt 2013) support that ADAD has the potential to serve as an instrument for assessing individual adolescents’ self-reported problems in normal groups. Results of the normative study show that the effects of age, sex, and geographic region were small but significant, with older adolescents, girls, and adolescents in cities scoring higher for problem severity.

2. Method 2.1. Subjects The ADAD in 2000 was completed by 121 adolescents (60 boys and 61 girls) and the ADAD in 2010 was completed by 485 adolescents (217 boys and 268 girls) aged 15–17 years (both samples were the total sample of interviewed adolescents). For demographics and other characteristics for the two adolescent groups see Table 1.

The representation of adolescents with a foreign background (i.e. either the adolescent or both parents were born in countries other than Sweden) and parents outside of employment was somewhat lower in both samples than those in the overall ­Swedish population (Statistisk årsbok för Sverige 2011). In 2010, 36% of the adolescents came from the regions of Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö, and the remaining 64% of the adolescents came from other parts of the country, compared to the year 2000 when all of the adolescents came from a small town and its neighbouring region. There was a small effect (partial η² = 0.031) of the geographic region (town versus other parts of the country) in the sample of 2010. 36% of adolescents from the three largest towns show more self-rated and interviewer-rated problems than adolescents from the regions outside these towns. There was also a significant difference (F = 10.22, p = 0.001) between the socioeconomic statuses (SES) of the fathers in the two samples; their SES was higher in 2000 than in 2010. Age, sex, background, and living arrangement were comparable between the two adolescent groups.

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58

H. YBRANDT Table 1 Demographics and other characteristics for the two adolescent groups; 2000 and 2010 2000 N = 121

2010 N = 485

Background (%) Born in Sweden Foreign background Adopted

94 6 5

94 6 2

Adolescents Mean age Girls Boys

16 16 16

16 16 16

Sex (%) Girls Boys

51 49

54 46

Living arrangement (%) (Recently lived with) Both parents Single parent Single/other custodian

68 17 15

66 15 19

Parents Work status, all (%) Employed Unemployed Students Other

90 2 2 6

84 5 2 9

Socioeconomic status (%) Mother Group 1 Group 2 Group 3

16 48 36

43 28 29

Father Group 1 Group 2 Group 3

29 27 44

48 21 31

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2.2. Procedure The adolescents in the sample in 2000 were randomly selected from a register of all adolescents in a small town in the north of Sweden and its vicinity. The selection process went on until an equal number of boys and girls were obtained in the three different age groups (15, 16 and 17 years of age). As soon as an adolescent declined to participate in the study, a new adolescent was chosen at random. The total loss was 43% and the greatest loss was found among 17-year-old boys (76%).

The sample in 2010 was recruited from a Swedish population register from which a randomised sample in the three age groups was chosen. Dropout rate for the total sample in 2010 was 44% (boys 49% and girls 39%). Reasons for declining to participate were disabilities such as autism, moving within Sweden with no new address given or moving abroad, or a decision of parents and their adolescent children not to participate. The participants (2000 and 2010) were contacted by letter. The interviews in 2000 were made at the Department of Psychology at the University of Umeå and in 2010 the interviewer phoned the interviewees. The interviewers, both in 2000 and 2010, were five women, between the ages of 18 and 50, gradu­ating psych­ology students, experienced clinical psychologists, and doctoral students of psychology. All interviewers received a two-day training course to get an understanding of how to administer and perform an ADAD interview. The course was given by a psychologist with extensive experience of ADAD interviews, and before the interviews started each interviewer had to do two approved test interviews.

2.3. Instruments The Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) is a 150-item semi-structured interview with mostly fixed reply alternatives and checklists (Friedman & Utada 1989). Information is gathered in nine separate problem areas categorised as medical status, school history and status, employment, social activities and peer relations, family background and relationships, psychological status and problems, legal involvement, alcohol use, and drug use, and adolescents are mostly asked about problem severity for the last 30 days. Two of these nine problem areas are used in this study. Family background and relationships deals with the quality of the adolescent’s family relations and problems and includes information about family conflicts; psychological, sexual and emotional abuse; positive and negative roles and the adolescent’s behaviour at home; and negative par­ ental reactions to the adolescent’s behaviour. Adolescents answer on a four-grade scale (0 = none/not at all, 1 = a little, 2 = a fair amount, 3 = a lot). Psychological status and problems includes a checklist of common adolescent symptoms and psychological and emotional reactions, as well as an assessment of both current and lifetime psychiatric status in terms of the most common diagnostic categories. Fifty items from checklists were used and the adolescents had to answer whether the items fitted their mental health situ­ ation with yes or no. The separate items in the two problem areas are presented in Table 2.

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Table 2 List of the separate questions in the family relationships and psychological health problem area Area

Family

Psychological health

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

Questions How much conflict is there in your family? How much would you say your parents argue or fight? How much conflict is there in your family over money and finances? How much would you say your family suffered financial hardships in the past year? How much fun or how pleasant is your family to live with? How well do you get along with the members of your family? Mother?

Father? Sister? Brother? Other family members or relatives? How satisfied are you with how well you get along with your family? How difficult do you find it to talk to your mother about things that bother you? How difficult do you find it to talk to your father about things that bother you? How close do you feel to your mother? How close do you feel to your father? How much do you feel you can rely on what your mother tells you? How much do you feel you can rely on what your father tells you?

Here are some feelings and reactions that young people sometimes experience. Tell me if any of them apply to you. Lack of confidence in yourself. Feel lack of problem-solving or decision-making skills. Feel you are too shy. Feel you don’t belong or fit in. Feel lonely. Feel easily discouraged. Feel you are not as smart as others. Daydream a lot. Feel blue or depressed. Feel anxious or worried a lot. Feel you have no interest in things. Feel bored. Get into arguments/fights easily. Can’t go to sleep without drugs. Have nightmares.

Feel people cannot be trusted. Feel you are watched by or talked about by others. Have difficulties expressing your feelings. Do angry things you can’t control. Feel like injuring/hurting yourself. Feel afraid you will hurt someone physically. Are always telling lies. Feel like you’d be better off dead. Feel like your head is going to burst. Get crazy ideas in your head. Feel that something inside you makes you do things you don’t want to do. Feel lonely even when you are with people. Feel others are against you or out to get you. Feel that you should be punished for your sins. Feel that something is wrong with your mind. Feel afraid of losing control of your behaviour or actions. Feel that things are not real. React by slamming doors. Have thoughts of ending your life. Feel hopeless about the future. Your feelings are easily hurt. Feel people are unfriendly/dislike you. Feel inferior to others. Have feelings of worthlessness. Feel very self-conscious (uneasy about yourself when with others). Feel like killing someone. Experienced serious depression. Experienced serious anxiety or tension. Experienced trouble understanding, concentrating, or remembering. Experienced trouble controlling violent behaviour. Experienced serious thoughts of suicide. Experienced hallucination (saw or heard things that may not be there). Taken prescribed meds for psychological or emotional problems. Had anorexia or bulimia. Deliberate hurting yourself.

TEN-YEAR TRENDS

61

In addition to responding to items relating to the specific problem areas, both the interviewer and the adolescent independently rate how much help is needed for each problem area (Interviewer Severity Rating – ISR and Adolescent Rating – AR).

The questions to the adolescents are ‘How troubled or bothered have you been by these . . . problems in the past 30 days?’ and ‘How important to you is the treatment for these . . . problems?’ The question to the interviewer is ‘How would you rate the client’s need for . . . treatment?’ The interviewer’s rating is done on a ten-point scale (0–9) with scoring 0–1 representing no real problems and no need for further help and 8–9 representing extreme problems where treatment is absolutely necessary. The interviewer severity ratings consider the overall problem severity in the area with focus on critical questions and the adolescent’s rating for need of help. The adolescent’s rating for level of concern about each problem area (ARC) and need of help (ARH) is done on a four-point scale (0–3) with 0 = not at all, 1 = a little, 2 = a fair amount and 3 = a lot.

The six-grade scale of the socioeconomic index (Statistiska centralbyrån 1983) in ADAD distinguishes unskilled and semiskilled workers (1), skilled workers (2), assistant non-manual employees (3), intermediate non-manual employees (4), employed and self-employed professionals, higher civil servants, and executives (5) and self-employed other than professionals (6). The scale was divided into three groups; group 1 represents SES grades 1 and 2, group 2 represents SES grades 3 and 4, while group 3 represents SES 5 and 6.

Good inter-rater reliability was shown for the ISR for the Family and Psychological status and problem areas (Pearson’s r 0.70 and 75, Cohen’s kappa 0.57 and 0.61) in the 2000 study (for details see Börjesson et al. 2007). The Swedish ADAD psychological status and problem area show an overall good concurrent validity (0.80 Youth Self Report total score, 0.77 Youth Self Report Internalised problems, 0.55 Youth Self Report Externalised problems and 0.70 Becks Depression Inventory), and low to moderate predictive validity (for details see B ­ örjesson & Ybrandt 2012).

2.4. Statistical analysis Main and interaction effects of year, age, sex and socioeconomic status were analysed by means of the MANOVA design using sex (boys and girls) and age (15, 16, and 17 years of age) and SES divided into three groups and separately for mother’s and father’s SES. When the MANOVA showed at least one significant difference, univariate ANOVAs were performed on each dependent variable. Bonferroni corrections were generally applied to adjust the many comparisons. The comparisons on item levels and frequency comparisons were conducted with univariate ­ANOVAs and with a Mann-Whitney U test for independent samples. The significance level was p = 0.05.

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H. YBRANDT

3. Results 3.1. Interviewer (ISR) and adolescent (ARC and ARH) severity ratings 2000 and 2010 No main effect was found for adolescent concerns about problems, or for adolescent ratings of need for help, or interviewer ratings of need for extra help and treatment in the family, and psychological health problem areas related to the given years. However, there was evidence for main effects for sex (F = 2.89, p = 0.001).

It was a trend that compared to boys, girls reported more concerns about problems in the family area (F = 9.10, p = 0.003) and the importance of getting help with family problems (F = 7.19, p = 0.008). The interviewer also rated girls more in need of extra help and treatment in the family problem area (F = 5.91, p = 0.015).

There was no interaction effect found for sex, for age or for father’s and mothers’ socioeconomic status and year.

As for the adolescents’ self-ratings, the results of the analyses showed that the adolescents were ‘not at all’ worried and it was ‘not at all’ important for them to get help, and according to the interviewers’ ratings the adolescents had ‘no real problems and no need for further help’.

In addition, the results show no significant difference between 2000 and 2010 in the frequency of adolescents being worried or needing help in ranges 3 (‘a fair amount’) and 4 (‘a lot’) or in the proportion of those who were rated to have moderate to extreme problems indicating need for help or being absolutely in need for treatment. The results neither showed significant difference between 2000 and 2010 in the frequency of the following self-ratings: ‘not at all’ troubled and ‘not at all’ important to get help or in the frequency of the interviewers’ ratings of adolescents having ‘no real problems’. Thus there were no conspicuous trends of adolescents having an either increasingly worsening or improving state of mind in 2010 compared to 2000 in the family or psychological problem area. Furthermore, there was no significant difference between the frequency of adolescent girls or boys having more problems or adolescent girls or boys reporting having no problems in 2010 compared to 2000. Thus there was no increased polarisation in sex found in 2010.

This was also true for the mother’s and father’s SES with no increased or decreased problem levels for the lowest and highest SESs in 2010 compared to 2000.

The mean and standard deviation for the problem areas for sex and age are presented in Table 3.

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63

TEN-YEAR TRENDS Table 3 Mean and standard deviation for interviewer severity ratings (ISR) and adolescent ratings (ARC and ARH) for boys and girls of 15 to 17 years in 2000 and 2010 15

16

Boys Area

Girls

17

Boys

Girls

Boys

Girls

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

ISR2000

0.38

0.59

0.32

0.95

0.47

0.84

1.10

1.84

0.95

1.81

0.52

0.87

ISR2010

0.44

1.01

1.18

1.72

0.49

1.22

0.78

1.52

0.33

1.11

1.25

1.97

ARC2000

0.19

0.40

0.21

0.42

0.42

0.61

0.71

0.96

0.21

0.71

0.29

0.56

ARC2010

0.13

0.53

0.31

0.63

0.12

0.44

0.30

0.56

0.13

0.41

0.44

0.77

ARH2000

0.29

0.64

0.16

0.50

0.11

0.32

0.43

0.81

0.16

0.50

0.19

0.40

ARH2010

0.11

0.46

0.42

0.86

0.12

0.44

0.32

0.70

0.13

0.53

0.48

0.90

ISR2000

0.57

0.87

0.89

1.60

0.26

0.56

1.48

1.89

0.89

1.56

1.10

1.41

ISR2010

0.62

1.61

1.40

2.76

0.56

1.33

1.22

1.99

0.58

1.41

1.80

2.25

ARC2000

0.19

0.40

0.42

0.61

0.11

0.32

0.71

0.78

0.42

0.61

0.62

0.74

ARC2010

0.25

0.63

0.49

0.76

0.19

0.49

0.56

0.79

0.15

0.40

0.63

0.85

ARH2000

0.14

0.36

0.21

0.42

0.05

0.23

0.43

0.68

0.11

0.32

0.29

0.56

ARH2010

0.10

0.48

0.31

0.70

0.14

0.42

0.35

0.70

0.07

0.39

0.49

0.88

Family

Psychol

for boys (2000) = 60, n = 21 boys (15 years), n = 20 boys (16 years), n = 19 boys (17 years). N for girls (2000) N = 61, n = 19 girls (15 years), n = 21 girls (16 years), n = 21 girls (17 years). N for boys (2010) = 217, n = 72 boys (15 years), n = 73 boys (16 years), n = 72 boys (17 years). N for girls (2010) = 268, n = 90 girls (15 years), n = 81 girls (16 years), n = 97 girls (17 years).

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

64

H. YBRANDT

3.2. Separate ADAD items in 2000 and 2010 Additional results on item levels in the problem areas show differences between the years in the family and psychological areas. The relations in the family show variation between 2000 and 2010; for example, family conflicts (F = 8.54, p = 0.004) and conflicts related to money (F = 7.52, p = 0.006) are rated by the adolescents as less frequent in 2010. Furthermore, adolescents report that they are closer to their mother (F = 4.63, p = 0.032) in 2010 compared to 2000 (no differences in terms of the father). They get along with her better (F = 7.62, p = 0.006) and they think that it is easier to talk to her about what bothers them (F = 9.14, p = 0.003). On the other hand, they do not get along better with other family members, for example sisters (F = 26.33, p = 0.000) and brothers (F = 10.89, p = 0.001) in 2010 compared to 2000. Adolescents both in 2000 and in 2010 found it equally pleasant to live in their families. Results of the survey on psychological health show that adolescents in 2010 have more feelings of insecurity, they feel more frequently that people cannot be trusted (p = 0.003) and they are more afraid of losing control over their behaviour and actions (p = 0.001) than adolescents in 2000. On the other hand, they have less experience of serious anxiety and tension (p = 0.000) and less experience of troubles with understanding, concentrating or remembering (p = 0.000) in the last 30 days.

Adolescents in 2000 and in 2010 report a similar amount of examples of lack of confidence in themselves, depression and anxiety, serious thought of suicide, anorexia and deliberate self-harm.

4. Discussion The aim of the study was to explore trends of problem severity in 2000 and in 2010 for adolescents between 15 to 17 years of age and present possible variations effected by age, sex, and the socioeconomic status of the parents. The results show that self-rated and interviewer-rated problem severity did not change between the years 2000 and 2010 in the family and psychological area. The problem level seemed to be unchanged for both adolescent boys and girls and for the whole age group. It seems also true that adolescents’ problem severity in a specific socioeconomic group or sex did not have a tendency to change during the ten years. Thus, a polarisation in the well-being of adolescents according to sex or the socioeconomic status of parents was not found in this study. An unchanged trend, however, could be seen with girls experi­encing more intense problem severity in the family relationships area compared to boys. The girls’ report on problem level was confirmed by the interviewers who also rated girls more in need of help with family matters. A recent Swedish total population study shows a higher frequency of boys reporting well-being at home compared to girls (Statens Folkhälsoinstitut 2011). There are several possible explanations for the higher frequency of girls self-reporting feelings of problems in different life ­areas compared to boys, such as that girls are more concerned about their well-being, or girls have higher EJMH 9:1, June 2014

TEN-YEAR TRENDS

65

expectations of positive health than boys, or girls in general are more inclined to report health problems than boys, or that bio­logically, girls have more problems in adolescence than boys (Johansson et al. 2007; T ­ orsheim et al. 2006). Surprisingly, the results showed similar experiences of psychological problems in the groups of boys and those of the girls, which are not in line with the results of other epidemiological studies (e.g. Hagquist 2010; Petersen et al. 2010) where girls reported more mental health problems than boys. However, it is difficult to make comparisons with results gained with other instruments and more studies with the ADAD are needed to confirm the results of this study.

The results showed an altogether positive state of mental health and positive family relationships among the adolescents, and problems in these areas were on the same low level in 2010 as in 2000. In the case of some psychological symptoms such as serious anxiety, distress and concentration problems, an improvement was detectable on item level. The Statens Folkhälsoinstitut (2009) suggests that the negative trend of mental health and that of the psychosomatic symptoms has ceased since the mid-2000s as could be seen in this study. Hopefully, the reduction of the symptoms has been a result of the focus on the area of stress during the last decade (Statens Offentliga Utredningar 2006). Terms and expressions used in this study may have reflected other values and terms in 2010 compared to 2000, and another potential explanation to the lower frequency of examples of serious anxiety may be explained by the fact that the concept has changed its connotation for adolescents by 2010. The adolescents also reported feelings of being better supported by their mothers. This positive development could be fortified by a negative time variation for the adolescents reported experiencing more problems and a lack of trust in relationships other than with their mothers. This negative time trend could be a threat against the adolescents’ mental health when the family members and other people outside the family become less trustable in the eyes of the adolescents. One possible explanation for adolescents experiencing more problems with getting along with other people could be that the adolescents of 2010 compared to the ones of 2000 were probably exposed to handling added relationships both in and outside of the family.

Shortcomings of this study are the small adolescent group of the year 2000 and the high dropout rate, especially for boys. Another shortcoming is the difference in the selection of the samples, the first being taken from a small northern town and the second from a heterogeneous population. The sample of 2010 included a third of the adolescents with higher rates of problems (from the three largest towns).

Consequently, the results may have underestimated problem severity, as well as the need for help and treatment, both self-rated and interviewer-rated, and the effect of the time variation in 2000 and 2010. However, the effect of region was small, and concerning the dropout rate, only very high scores for all dropouts would have substantially changed the results. There were also different data collection methods in 2000 and 2010; face-to-face interviews and telephone interviews which could have affected the results.

Much the same adolescent problems seemed to be in focus that need the attenEJMH 9:1, June 2014

66

H. YBRANDT

tion of parents, school and public health work in 2010 as in 2000. However, it is important to highlight the problems the adolescents seem to have in relationships and the diminished trust they report having in other people, making sure these problems do not counteract the possibilities of a continued health development for adolescents in Sweden. More epidemiological research is needed as a premise for more extensive public health actions exploring the well-being and trends both for the positive functioning and for the problem severity in adolescence.

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Beckman, L. & C. Hagquist (2010) Hur mår barn och ungdomar I Sverige? Analys av den officiella bilden, mediabilden och bilden från forskningen (Karlstad: Universitetstryckeriet).

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Cederquist, Å.V. (2006) ‘Psychiatric and Psychosomatic Symptoms are Increasing Problems among Swedish Schoolchildren’, Acta Pediatrica 95, 901–1003.

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Sverige: En systematisk litteraturöversikt med tonvikt på förändringar över tid (Stockholm: Kungliga Vetenskapsakademien).

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EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 68–86 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.5

Siamak Khodarahimi*, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian

MENTAL HEALTH AND COPING STYLES OF RURAL RESIDENTS AFFECTED

BY DRINKING WATER SHORTAGE IN FARS PROVINCE An Ecopsychological Perspective** (Received: 20 September 2012; accepted: 2 January 2013)

The purpose of this study was to examine, in an Iranian sample, the effect of drinking water shortage on the rural residents’ mental health and their coping styles, and to investigate the influences of gender, location of residence, marital status, job and the level of education on these constructs.

Participants included 1198 rural residents around the Iranian cities of Darab and Eghlid. A demographic questionnaire, the General Health Questionnaire 28 (GHQ-28), and the Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis Scale (CSDWS) were used in this study. The CSDWS is a multi­ dimensional construct with four factors including: (1) optimising water consumption methods, (2) water-free technologies and social changes in life, (3) usage of high-quality technologies in water saving, and (4) emotion-focused avoidant coping styles. Rural residents who had suffered no drinking water shortage had a significantly higher performance of rational coping styles and had a lower psychopathology indicator and a lower performance of emotion focused avoidant coping styles than rural residents who had experienced drinking water shortage. The effect of location of residence, marital status, level of education and occupation on coping styles and mental health was affirmed in this sample.

Keywords: drinking water shortage, coping styles, mental health, demographics Mentalhygiene und Bewältigungsstrategien bei von Trinkwassermangel betroffener Landbevölkerung in der Provinz Fars: Die Ökopsychologische Perspektive: Die Rolle der lokalen Ressourcenwirtschaft: Eines der Ziele der Untersuchung bestand darin, an einer Stichprobe aus dem Iran die Auswirkungen von Trinkwassermangel auf die Mentalhygiene der ländlichen Bevölkerung und auf ihre Bewältigungsstrategien zu untersuchen und im Weiteren zu klären, *

**

orresponding author: Siamak Khodarahimi, Faculty Member, Eghlid Branch, Islamic Azad University, C Eghlid, Iran; khodarahimi@yahoo.com.

T his research was supported by the Rural Water and Sewage Corporation of Fars Province (RWSCFP).

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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inwieweit diese von Geschlecht, Wohnort, Familienstand, Arbeitsplatz und Bildungsstand beeinflusst werden. In der Untersuchung wurden 1198 Bewohner der ländlichen Umgebung der Städte Darab und Eghlid im Iran erfasst. Hierfür wurden ein demografischer Fragebogen, der Fragebogen zum allgemeinen Gesundheitszustand (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) und die Skala Bewältigungsmethoden bei Trinkwassermangel (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS) verwendet. Die CSDW-Skala umfasst die folgenden vier Faktoren: 1. Methoden zur Optimierung des Wasserverbrauchs, 2. wasserfreie Technologien und gesellschaftliche Veränderungen, 3. Einsatz von Spitzentechnologien bei Wassersparmaßnahmen und 4. emotionsorientiertes Coping und Vermeidung. Diejenigen auf dem Land lebenden Personen, die nicht unter Wassermangel litten, waren signifikant erfolgreicher in der Nutzung rationaler Bewältigungsmethoden, wiesen niedrigere psychopathologische Werte auf und neigten weniger zu emotionsorientiertem Coping und Vermeidung als solche, die unter Trinkwassermangel litten. Anhand der Stichprobe konnten die Auswirkungen von Wohnort, Familienstand, Bildungsstand und Arbeitsplatz auf die Bewältigungsmethoden und auf die Mentalhygiene nachgewiesen werden.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Trinkwassermangel, Bewältigungsmethoden, Mentalhygiene, demografische Daten

1. Introduction There are natural disasters like floods, famine, fire, drought, earthquakes, tor­nadoes and hurricanes that afflict humans with untimely death and violent suffering ­(Diamond 1996). Overall, the combination of atmosphere change and population growth is anticipated to reduce the available water resources as a major crisis in the world. According to the current rates of urban and rural population growth it is suggested that half of the world’s population will be living under severe water shortage in the near future.

Drought is a natural disaster and a recurring feature of environment change and it is the most harmful and costly hazard because of its negative impacts on human resources, sustainable development, and the physical environment (Pereira et al. 2009). In terms of water shortage, the Middle East is the largest contiguous afflicted region in the world (Beaumont 2000; Roudi-Fahimi et al. 2002).

Iran is a particularly arid country with water surpluses to be found in only small portions of the northern and western parts (Beaumont 1974). Water scarcity in the country is combined with an unequal distribution of water. The country receives only a small amount of rainfall, and the overuse of many water sources has transformed it into a dry and drought-prone region, linking up with the arid/semi-arid zone of Asia (Karbalaee 2010). Authorities reported that the country has been experi­encing the worst aridity for the past three decades. They have been notified that 12 million peop­le in both urban and rural areas throughout the country might experience drinking water shortage (Deutsche Presse Agentur 2001). Officials have confirmed that the southwestern part of Fars province is facing a shortage of drinking water due to an extraordinary aridity that has dried up rivers and underground water in Darab which is a major threat for residents of the rural areas in the region. Authorities stated that all the villages in this region are experiencing a severe lack of drinkable water, EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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and all the inhabitants are critically threatened by the drought conditions (Deghani 2011). Winter rainfall in this part of the country is fairly condensed and water dearth has taken a turn for the worst in past three years. Furthermore, the earth was still incapable of acting as a reliable source for drinking water in this region during recent years. It is particularly the setting-in of the summer months that brings along a major water shortage in the region (Deghani 2011). This study speculates that drinking water scarcity is a disaster in this area, it is a possible source of psychopathology in the case of rural residents, and it can affect their coping styles in crises. Therefore, the purpose of the present study is to investigate the effects of drinking water shortage on the rural residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; mental health and on their coping styles in all villages around Darab in the southern part of Fars province.

In the field of mental health, many clinical investigations have shown that certain climatic parameters such as daily ambient temperature, relative moisture, atmospheric strain, rainfall periods, and hours of sunshine have significant contribution to the rate of admission of in-patients with affective disorders (Mawson & Smith 1981; Salib & Sharp 2002). This phenomenon is called a seasonal mental disorder hypothesis, and it indicates the possible roles of natural and climatic factors on mental health. A number of studies are investigating the effects of natural disasters like drought on the human mental functioning. For example, Coêlho, Adair and ­Mocellin (2004) revealed that residents in the drought region of northeastern Brazil had significantly higher levels of anxiety and emotional distress than residents in the non-drought area. They noted that women in the drought area had higher levels of anxiety than females in the non-drought area, and men in the drought area had significantly higher levels of emotional distress than both genders in the nondrought area. Sartore and his colleagues (2007) indicated that the residents of local communities were experiencing higher distress in periods of drought. Chand and Murthy (2008) suggested that the drought affects rural people because of financial problems, and it can produce severe mental distress among them in the long run. The lack of income and economic insecurity affect the residents of the drought-affected areas, limiting their abilities to obtain sufficient social support. Chand and Murthy pointed out that drought influences family relationships, perceived stress, worry, depression, and the rate of suicide in the case of rural residents. Edwards and his colleagues (2009) indicated that around twelve percent of residents in drought-affected areas have mental health problems, particularly psychological distress and depression. Similarly, the World Health Organization reported that one in three Somalis is affected by several kinds of mental disorders because of severe drought, and the prevalence of mental disorders in Somalia is thus higher than in other war-torn and low-income countries (Horn of Africa News Agency 2011). Altogether, research has revealed an established relationship between the drought and mental health problems with residents of regions with drinking water scarcity.

Alternatively, the most encouraging strategy of people, social groups and cultures against the natural and ecological stressors may vary according to the function of physical, economic, and socio-emotional characteristics in a specific milieu EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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(Crawford & Anderson 1989). Nelson and Demas (2004) suggested that seasonal and annual adaptive patterns among people towards natural disasters are determined by the accessibility of food and water. They noted that people need to be forewarned of the onset of natural and climate changes well in advance in order for them to be able to initiate and practice suitable ways of adaptation to the decrease of resources. Baron (1997) conceptualised that the main reason of people’s char­ itable help in natural crises like water scarcity is an altruistic behaviour in general, and only this altruistic behaviour can motivate people with long-term self-interest toward fighting against natural disasters. From the evolutionary and cognitive points of view, it seems that the human working memory plays a significant role in how people stumble upon and cope with the water crisis as a survival threat (Klein et al. 2002). Therefore, when people are experiencing natural disasters their memory systems are prepared to retain and follow those pieces of information which are related to fitness and survival (Kang et al. 2008; Nairne et al. 2009). Studies, thereby, showed that the human memory as a product of natural selection had been influential in the capacity of humans to cope with environmental disasters because it enhanced the humans’ fitness and adaptability in specific environments (Tooby & Cosmides 1992). However, there is some evidence that men surpass women in coping styles entailing skills relevant to navigation and map-reading, whereas women outdo men in coping styles requiring skills relevant to congregation, gathering or remembering the location of food and water resources within an inhibited environment (Tooby & Cosmides 2007). All in all, this study speculates that self-interest, altruism and memory are three intra-personal factors that can help people’s psychological adaptation and self-management in times of drinking water shortage. These factors help individuals in how to approach the water supply, in how they can take the management of the accessible water resources into their own hands, as well as in how they can utilise the appropriate coping styles in times of drinking water scarcity. This approach may help people to assess the water crisis in an objective manner and to reach the logical conclusions about rigid requirements and regulations which must be applied in drinking water management in a time of crisis.

Theoretically, the present study views the drought as a natural, slow and prolonged stress and disaster which influences the human mental health and coping style.

Here, stress is defined as a physical or perceived imbalance between the ecological and natural demands involved in people’s survival and the individual’s capacity to adapt to these situations. This imbalance can affect the person’s mental health and coping styles (Lazarus & Folkman 1984). This model regards stress as the part of a sequential process in which the objective natural circumstance (i.e. water scarcity) appraised by the individual as either having no adaptive significance or as a stressful situation (i.e. water scarcity presents a potential threat and a challenge to one’s well-being or survival). When the water shortage is perceived by the individual as a stressful situation this appraisal may produce a series of stress-response mechanisms which contain all the physiological, behavioural, and psychological efforts to adapt to this natural threat (Lazarus 1999).

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According to the psychological stress and cognitive appraisal theory, stress is assumed as a reciprocal process; the environment produces stressors, and the individual looks for ways to deal with these. The cognitive appraisal is a mental process by which people review the aforementioned factors: whether a demand threatens their well-being, or consider that they have the resources to meet the demand of the stressor (Lazarus 1999). Therefore, appraisal and coping conceptualisations are fundamental to the psychological stress and cognitive appraisal theory.

The appraisal shows the individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; judgments of the significance of what is happening for their well-being. Coping describes the individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; efforts in thought and action to handle the specific demands (Lazarus 1993). In this theory, events are stressful but this stressfulness depends on two personal and situational types of factors (Cohen & Lazarus 1983). Additionally, Lazarus (1991) conceptualised that stress is a relational concept, since stress is reflected as a relationship between individuals and their environment. This definition points to two processes as the main mediators within the person-environment transaction. There are cognitive appraisal and coping styles. The concept of appraisal is a key issue for understanding the stress-relevant transactions. These appraisals are determined by a number of personal and situational factors. However, the most significant factors on the personal level are motivational dispositions, goals, values, and generalised expectancies. The most significant relevant situational criteria are the predictability, controllability, and imminence of a potentially stressful event (Lazarus 1993).

However, Lazarus (1966) differentiates between two basic forms of appraisal which he calls primary and secondary appraisal. Primary appraisal is concerned with whether something of relevance to the individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s well-being occurs, whereas secondary appraisal is related to the coping options. However, the specific patterns of primary and secondary appraisals might lead to various kinds of stress. These three types of stress are: harm, threat, and challenge (Lazarus & Folkman 1984). However, Lazarus (1991) suggested that coping is closely allied to the concept of cognitive appraisal, and to the stress relevant and person-environment transactions. They can alter the person-environment realities behind the stress (i.e. problem-focused coping). They can also relate to internal elements and modify the appraisal of the challenging situation (i.e. emotion-focused coping). In sum, the stress and coping theory suggests that the effects of stress on human mental functioning and the coping pattern for adaptive functioning depends on the type of the stressor, the type of intra-personal capabilities being stressed, and the outcome modality being studied (Lazarus 1966, 1991, 1993, 1999).

Secondly, based on the resource management theory, this study considers water scarcity as a challenge for both the population and the administrators. Vugt (2009) proposed the four key elements of strategies for successful resource management in water crises: information, identity, institutions, and incentives. Vugt noted that these four components correspond to four central motives of decision-making in social dilemmas: understanding, belonging, trusting, and self-enhancing. Similarly, Randall (2009) recognised that rural-based mental health programs in drought-affected regions EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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are influential in persuading both activists and the government to adopt techniques from social networks, to interrogate their image and communication style and to match their message to the concerns and aspirations of their audiences. Sheldon and his colleagues (2011) suggested that one primary cause of ecological damage is the highconsumption lifestyle to which citizens of the economically developed world have grown accustomed. They recommended that communicators and educators might do well to attempt to activate the aspects of the national character allied with intrinsic values in their attempts to promote acceptance of policies that support environmental sustainability. Research has disclosed that stress-related psychological reactions commonly connected with individual loss, traumatic injury, or physical assault also apply to nat­ ural disasters that affect entire communities (Coêlho et al. 2004).

Third, the Conservation of Resources Theory (COR) offers an integrative stress theory that ponders both environmental and internal processes. COR asserts that people actively seek to obtain, retain, and protect the things which they perceive as value resources. These resources are subdivided into objects, personal characteristics, conditions or energies. According to COR, psychological stress occurs when individuals are threatened with resource loss, actually lose resources or fail to gain desired resources following resource investment. Hobfoll noted that the threat of resource loss can have just as acute consequences as actual resource loss. Previous COR studies attended only to the impact of resource loss and resource gain (Hobfoll 1989, 1998, 2001; Hobfoll & Shirom 2000; Westman et al. 2005). Hence, very little is actually known about the impact of the threat of resource loss on individuals. Given that people who lose resources experience actual stress and distress it can be stated that when individuals’ resources are threatened they will experience anticipatory stress. Anticipatory stress might develop when individuals face a critical event that is going to come about in the future (Peacock & Wong 1996). The forthcoming event is marked by uncertainty as to the eventual outcome and includes a risk that may cause resource loss later. The COR regards resource gain as an important facet of stress (Hobfoll 1989, 2001). During stressful circumstances, individuals attempt to make light of the loss of their resources by trying to gain new resources.

The present study is grounded on stress and coping, resource management, and resource conservation theories (Hobfoll 1989, 1998, 2002; Lazarus 1991, 1993, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman 1984; Vugt 2009). From an ecopsychological perspective, this investigation was intended to examine rural people’s attitudes and their coping styles in a situation of shortage in an Iranian sample, to explore the roles of gender, marital status, level of education, and location of residence in the mental health and coping styles of rural residents. As research showed a few types in coping styles in different situations, this study suggested that coping with drinking water shortage is a multi-dimensional construct. Perhaps some specific dimensions of coping with drinking water shortage would relate to mental health factors of rural residents. The first hypothesis of the present study is that coping with drinking water shortage will have a multi-dimensional nature with rural residents. The second hyEJMH 9:1, June 2014

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pothesis is that drinking water shortage will influence the mental health and coping styles of rural residents. The third hypothesis is that gender, marital status, level of education, and region of residence will have significant effects on mental health and coping styles.

2. Method 2.1. Participants The participants were 1,198 rural residents from two regions with and without drinking water shortage, from the cities of Darab and Eghlid, Fars province, Iran. Participants in the group suffering drinking water shortage were 1,038 rural residents from 36 villages around Darab, the southern part of Fars province. Participants in the group suffering no drinking water shortage were 160 rural residents from ­Dejkord district around Eghlid and Sarhad-e-Chahar Dange, the northern part of Fars province. The mean age (and standard deviations) for males and females were 41.20 (SD = 7.69) and 43.81 (SD = 7.89) respectively. The participants were selected from all villages in two groups by random sampling method; they were given a psychological consultation about adaptation during water shortage and some technological information about the drinking water equipment as an incentive for their participation in the present study. This sample was recruited from all villages with more than 10 families in the vicinity of the aforementioned cities. After informed consent was acquired, participants completed a questionnaire containing a few sections on background information, mental health, and coping styles.

2.2. Instruments The demographic questionnaire included items on age, gender, marital status, ethnicity, level of education, occupation, number of family members, monthly income, monthly drinking water usage, monthly water price, and the city or village of residence. The two inventories used were: 1. the General Health Questionnaire-28 (GHQ-28), and 2. the Coping Styles in Drinking Water Crisis (CSDWS).

The General Health Questionnaire-28 (Goldberg & Hillier 1979) is a 28item self-administered screening test which measures four factors: somatic symptoms, anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction, and severe depression. The GHQ-28 was invented to identify short-term alterations in mental health. It is a good status measure and it responds to how a subject has felt over the past few weeks. The GHQ focuses on the client’s ability to carry out ‘normal’ functions and the appearance of any new disturbing phenomena. The GHQ-28 scores range from 0 to 28 using the Likert scoring. Higher scores show a greater probability of psychological distress. Total scores that exceed 4 out of 28 suggest probable distress (Chung et EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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al. 2006). The GHQ-28 has been widely applied and validated in different settings and different cultures (Goldberg & Hillier 1979; Makowska et al. 2002; Rush et al. 2008). Research has affirmed that the four factors which are the basics in this questionnaire have a high internal consistency in Iranian culture (Ebrahimi et al.

2007). Reliability of the GHQ-28, somatisation, anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction and depression subscales using Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency in the present study was 0.90, 0.86, 0.78, 0.92, and 0.90 respectively.

The Coping Styles in Drinking Water Crisis was created by the authors of this paper to assess rural residents’ coping styles when encountering drinking ­water shortage in recent years. However, initial items pool the items included in the ­CSDWS inventory based on stress and coping, resource management, and resource conservation theories (Hobfoll 1989, 1998, 2002; Lazarus 1991, 1993, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman 1984; Vugt 2009). Additionally, for the selection of initial items in the CSDWS authors gathered all formal water usage procedures from the Rural Water and Sewage Corporation of Fars Province (RWSCFP). The initial version of ­CSDWS included 60 items and after a pilot study the final version was reduced to 52 items. All item-scorings are based on a Likert scale from 0 (fully agree) to 4 (fully disagree). After the construct validity of the CSDWS had been affirmed by a few staff members of the psychology and water management departments at two universities, it was applied in this study. After data collection, the factorial structure of the CSDWS was examined in the present study and it will be set forth in the Results section of this paper.

3. Results Initial analysis of the data in the first hypothesis included an exploratory factor analy­sis which was conducted to identify the potential factors in the CSDWS. A principal factor analysis with varimax rotation was used to determine the construct validity, considering eigenvalues higher than 1. Factor analysis specification was satisfactory, KMO = 0.84, Bartlett’s test of sphericity = 974, df = 506, p = 0.0001, rotation sums of squared loadings = 74.26. Table 1 shows the significant rotated correlation higher than 0.30 for 52 items in 15 iterations. Factor analysis indicated that CSDWS consisted of four factors and eigenvalues for nine factors ranged from 1 to 5.49. These four factors explained 74.68% of variance. These factors included: 1. optimising water consumption methods, 2. water-free technologies and social changes in life, 3. use of high-quality technologies for water saving, and 4. emotional-avoidant styles (Table 2). Criterion validity was established based on correlation between CSDWS and the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (Watson et al.

1988) which was r = 0.36 and demonstrated its discriminate construct validity. The internal reliability using Cronbach’s alpha was over 0.92 for all factors. There were gender differences in the optimising of water consumption methods and the application of high-quality technologies for water saving factors. Females had significantly EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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higher scores for the optimising of water consumption methods than males, and males had significantly higher scores for the application of high-quality technologies for water saving factors than females.

Table 1 Rotated component matrix of the CSDWS

Items

1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

0.729

Factors 2 3

4

0.763 0.768 0.773 0.768 0.748 0.674 0.648 0.575 0.474 0.548 0.475 0.345 0.763 0.754 0.642 0.588 0.692 0.674

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0.648 0.475 0.557 0.681 0.428 0.578 0.709

Items 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

1

2

Factors 3

4 0.631

0.573 0.703 0.679 0.618 0.515 0.615 0.348 0.427 0.510 0.369 0.477 0.630 0.438 0.522 0.540 0.588 0.688 0.487 0.568 0.557 0.608 0.621 0.637 0.538 0.547

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MENTAL HEALTH AND COPING STYLES Table 2 The CSDWS factors and items Factors

Items

Cumulative %

1. Optimising water consumption methods

1, 3, 4, 12, 13, 18, 19, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49

13.258

2. Introduction of water-free technologies in life

2, 5, 6,10, 11, 16, 28, 32, 52

24.081

3. Use of high-quality technologies for water saving

7, 8, 9, 39, 40, 41, 43, 51

37.341

4. Emotional-avoidant coping

14,15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 45

74.680

To examine the second hypothesis nine ANOVAs were conducted to evaluate differences between the group of rural residents who had suffered drinking water shortage, the one of rural residents who had not experienced drinking water shortage and the total sample in terms of their coping with water shortage, and of mental health. Findings also showed significant differences between these groups in terms of their coping styles with water shortage. Findings also showed significant differences between these groups in terms of their mental health factors (Table 3).

The third hypothesis of this study is that gender, marital status, level of education, occupation, and location of residence will have great significance regarding coping styles during water shortage and mental health in this sample. This sample included 599 individuals in male and female groups. This sample included 1,165 married and 33 single persons. The level of education of this sample included the following illiterate (N = 394), elementary (N = 565), guidance (N = 86), high school (N = 105), undergraduate (N = 28) and postgraduate (N = 18). The job classification in this sample included the following categories: housewife (N = 534), university student (N = 25), unemployed (N = 92), farmer (N = 448), shopkeeper (N = 27) and governmental employee (N = 72).

To investigate the possible differences in independent variables, a multi-variate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted in terms of gender, marital status, level of education, location of residence and their interactions as independent variables and in terms of coping styles and mental health as dependent variables. An overall multi-variate effect found for location of residence (Wilks’ k = 0.095; F (8,1) = 1.49; p < 0.0001; Eta = 0.90), gender (Wilks’ k = 0.989; F (8,1) = 1.59; p < 0.12), marital status (Wilks’ k = 0.954; F (16,2) = 3.34; p < 0.02), level of education (Wilks’ k = 0.735; F (56,6) = 6.34; p < 0.0001; Eta = 0.04) and occupation (Wilks’ k = 0.884; F (32,4) = 4.41; EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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p < 0.0001; Eta = 0.03) variables. Also, this analysis rejected the interactive effects for all independent and dependent variables (Tables 4â&#x20AC;&#x201C;5).

Subsequently, following the test for marital status, level of education and occupation, the Duncan test indicated significant group differences in mental health and coping styles.

Table 3 The effects of drinking water shortage on mental health and coping styles in water crises

Groups

Dependents Mental health

Coping styles

Factors

Affected by drought

Not affected by drought

Total

F

p

3.68

242.46

0.0001

10.58

5.18

296.76

0.0001

3.88

12.41

4.23

440.76

0.0001

2.30

0.81

9.32

4.98

409.23

0.0001

3.13

31.00

1.67

44.47

13.34

223.39

0.0001

15.28

7.47

29.50

3.27

15.84

7.20

49.35

0.0001

Water-free technologies and social changes in life

13.18

4.75

15.60

2.11

13.50

4.57

39.90

0.0001

Use of high-quality technologies for water saving

11.50

3.19

17.50

1.43

12.31

3.65

544.77

0.0001

Emotionalavoidant coping

26.07

7.59

10.20

1.78

23.94

8.92

691.38

0.0001

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

Somatic symptoms

12.74

3.58

8.30

1.00

12.15

Anxiety/ insomnia

11.49

4.95

4.70

1.49

Social dysfunction

18.00

1.00

11.54

Depression

10.76

3.62

GHQ-28

46.55

Optimising water consumption methods

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MENTAL HEALTH AND COPING STYLES Table 4 Tests of between-subjects effects of demographic differences in mental health Independents Location of residence

Dependents

Marital status

Level of education

Occupation

p

Eta

Somatic symptoms

134.80

0.0001

0.10

Anxiety/insomnia

112.77

0.0001

0.09

Social dysfunction

239.06

0.0001

0.17

Depression

647.43

0.0001

0.36

94.02

0.000

0.07

Somatic symptoms

0.03

0.84

Anxiety/insomnia

0.20

0.65

Social dysfunction

0.34

0.55

Depression

0.26

0.60

GHQ-28

0.30

0.57

Somatic symptoms

1.46

0.23

Anxiety/insomnia

5.26

0.005

0.009

Social dysfunction

5.55

0.004

0.01

Depression

4.80

0.008

0.008

GHQ-28

5.86

0.003

0.01

Somatic symptoms

3.20

0.002

0.02

Anxiety/insomnia

1.31

0.23

0.008

Social dysfunction

2.22

0.03

0.01

Depression

3.94

0.0001

0.02

GHQ-28

2.07

0.04

0.01

Somatic symptoms

4.68

0.001

0.01

Anxiety/insomnia

2.18

0.05

0.008

Social dysfunction

2.32

0.06

0.008

Depression

3.44

0.008

0.01

GHQ-28

2.57

0.03

0.009

GHQ-28 Gender

F

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Table 5 Tests of between-subjects effects of demographic differences in coping styles with water shortage Independents Location of residence

Dependents Optimising water consumption methods Water-free technologies and social changes in life Use of high-quality technologies for water saving Emotional-avoidant coping

Gender

Optimising water consumption methods Water-free technologies and social changes in life Use of high-quality technologies for water saving Emotional-avoidant coping

Marital status

Optimising water consumption methods Water-free technologies and social changes in life Use of high-quality technologies for water saving Emotional-avoidant coping

Level of education

Optimising water consumption methods Water-free technologies and social changes in life Use of high-quality technologies for water saving Emotional-avoidant coping

Job

Optimising water consumption methods Water-free technologies and social changes in life Use of high-quality technologies for water saving Emotional-avoidant coping

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F

p

Eta

35.23

0.0001

0.03

42.62

0.0001

0.03

351.25

0.0001

0.23

261.66

0.0001

0.18

1.30

0.26

1.59

0.19

1.33

0.24

1.37

0.24

2.39

0.09

0.12

0.88

3.30

0.03

0.51

0.60

6.39

0.0001

0.03

5.85

0.0001

0.03

5.92

0.0001

0.03

7.62

0.0001

0.04

1.53

0.18

1.55

0.18

2.44

0.04

0.009

2.84

0.02

0.01

0.006

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81

4. Discussion The results of this study regarding the first hypothesis demonstrated that Coping Styles in Drinking Water Crisis (CSDWS) is a multi-dimensional construct with four factors including: 1. optimising water consumption methods, 2. water-free technol­ ogies and social changes in life, 3. use of high-quality technologies for water saving, and 4. emotional-avoidant styles.

The first coping style includes all the procedures which individuals can follow at personal, family and village community levels for the optimum use of drinking water. The first style contains methods such as reducing water usage, not using water for the purpose of car, yard, and carpet washing, decreasing the frequency of bathing, using mineral water, instructing family members on an optimal water usage, consult­ ation with friends and authorities for finding suitable solutions for the problem of water shortage, learning the optimal methods for water usage, overruling the trad­ itions and actions of excessive water usage, off quota for water usage, pride in those who use less water, and warning people of the need to reduce water consumption.

The second style is related to the introduction of water-free technologies and social changes in rural life. This factor includes ideas like garden watering with bathroom and dishwasher waste, use of electrical air-condition and dishwasher for cooling and dishwashing, cutting trees in the garden and prohibiting the growing of vegetables around the house, and thinking about water-free technologies and social change for a healthier life in rural regions.

The third style is related to the application of high-quality technologies for ­water saving. This style includes the use of modern water technologies in rural areas.

These technologies involve using a tap water meter before the meter, checking the operation of water meters, piping and valves, reductions in square tap water before the water meter, and using a water reservoir and high-quality valves.

The fourth style is related to irrational, superstitious, and emotional reactions to water shortage in the rural regions. This style includes all emotional and avoidant reactions to water shortage such as taking refuge in one’s hobbies to forget the problem, avowing to fix the problem, anguish, illusionary hope, pessimism, mental distress, physical symptoms, dysfunction in work and life, anger and irritability, guilt, and being overwhelmed by negative emotions.

Although there had been no previous evidence due to the CSDWS’s multi-fa­ ceted nature, the present findings were in line with the predictions of the psychologic­ al stress and cognitive appraisal theory (Cohen & Lazarus 1983; Lazarus 1993, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman 1984). According to this appraisal theory, the three optimising methods of water consumption: the introduction of water-free technol­ogies and social changes in rural life, and the application of high quality technol­ogies for water saving styles altogether show the problem-solving and rational style in case of a drinking water shortage. However, the emotional-avoidant style is a type of emotion-focused coping with the drought resulting in more distress and maladaptive behaviours with rural residents. The multi-faceted nature of the CSDWS shows the EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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rural residents’ appraisals of multiple aspects of drinking water scarcity and its influence on their lives, and how they would cope with this natural disaster. These four coping styles inherent in the CSDWS focus mainly on different practical actions in drinking water management and the optimum usage by rural residents at personal, familial, and village community levels, and on how they would enhance their resili­ ence and coping in contrast with the water shortage shocks. Additionally, the multifaceted structure of the CSDWS is congruent with previous studies in terms of the roles of psychological adaptation, consumption lifestyles, self-interest, emotional reaction, information, social belonging and identity, and institutional factors of efficient coping with tragedies like drought and water shortage (Baron 1997; Coêlho et al. 2004; Hobfoll 2002; Sheldon et al. 2011; Vugt 2009).

The results of this study regarding the second hypothesis demonstrated that rural residents facing no a drinking water shortage have a significantly higher performance in rational coping styles – 1. optimising water consumption methods, 2. water-free technologies and social changes in life, and 3. use of high-quality technologies for water saving – than rural residents affected by drinking water shortage. However, rural residents affected by drinking water shortage have a significantly higher performance in emotional-avoidant coping than rural residents who do not encounter drinking water shortage. Findings showed significant differences between these groups in their mental health factors, and rural residents experi­encing drinking water shortage had significantly higher disturbance in somatic symptoms, anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, depression and the GHQ-28 than rural residents who were not affected by drinking water shortage. The findings of the present study about coping styles in cases of drinking water shortage are in line with previous literature about the human adaptation and coping with drought and predictions from the psychological stress and cognitive appraisal theory about disasters (Baron 1997; ­Coêlho et al. 2004; Cohen & Lazarus 1983; Hobfoll 2002; Lazarus 1993, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman 1984; Vugt 2009). However, findings concerning mental health in the current study are similar to the findings of earlier investigations which supported the adverse effects of climate changes and drought as the natural threats and disasters on human mental functioning (Chand & Murthy 2008; ­Coêlho et al. 2004; Edwards et al. 2009; Mawson 1981; Klein et al. 2002; ­Nelson & Demas 2004; Randall 2009; Salib & Sharp 2002; Sartore et al.

2007; Tooby & Cosmides 1992, 2007; Horn of Africa News Agency 2011).

The results of this study regarding the third hypothesis demonstrated the effects of location of residence, marital status, level of education, and occupation on coping styles and mental health in this sample. This study indicated that married individuals have significantly higher anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, depression and GHQ-28 scores than singles but they do not have significant differences in somatic symptoms. Also, married individuals have a significantly higher tendency to use high-quality technologies for water saving than singles but they do not have significant differences in optimising water consumption methods, using water-free technologies, making social changes in life, and in emotional-avoidant EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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styles. The present finding about the negative effects of marriage on mental health is in contradiction with prior investigations (Simon 2002). Perhaps married people have more intense worries about the survival of their children and relatives when they experience water shortage. The present finding about the positive roles of marriage on coping with stress is congruent with the previous literature (Chaturvedi & ­Purushothaman 2009).

Moreover, individuals with an undergraduate or higher level of education have significantly fewer somatic symptoms and lower levels of anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, depression and lower GHQ-28 scores than individuals with high school or lower education. Also, individuals with an undergraduate or higher level of education showed significantly higher performance in optimising water consumption methods, in the introduction of water-free technologies and social changes in life, and in the use of high-quality technologies for water saving than individuals with a high school diploma and lower. Individuals with a high school or lower education showed significantly higher emotional-avoidance styles than individuals with undergraduate or higher level of education. The present finding about the positive roles of education on mental health and coping with stress is congruent with the previous literature (Chevalier & Feinstein 2006; Rodriguez-Oreggia et al. 2010).

Additionally, individuals with governmental occupations have significantly fewer somatic symptoms, lower levels of anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, depression, and lower GHQ-28 scores than individuals who are workers, farmers, housewives, shopkeepers or unemployed. Finally, people with government jobs have a significantly higher interest in using high-quality technologies for water saving and they have lesser emotional-avoidant styles than individuals who are workers, farmers, housewives, shopkeepers or unemployed. Occupation is one of the key factors that affect the human mental health and coping style (Law et al. 1998; ­Llena-Nozal et al. 2004; Tooren et al. 2011).

In sum, findings of the present study offer suggestions on how to build the ­Rural Water Users Association (RUA) and break the vicious cycle of inefficient ­water use procedures, and how to promote water savings. The present study suggests an alternative management policy for water consumption in the rural areas with water crises. For example, this policy includes the use of electrical air conditioners, the installation of electrical washing machines and dishwashers that consume less water, the reduction of electricity prices in rural areas with water crises, the raising of drinking water prices, mandatory regulations of the use of modern water equipment which is able to prevent water waste, and teaching children and families about standard and optimal methods of water usage through incentives, interactive role play and modelling.

In conclusion, the present study adds to the ecopsychology and the psych­ology of natural disasters through the exploration of coping styles in cases of drinking ­water shortage, through the recognition of water shortage effects on coping style and mental health, and through the understanding of the roles of gender, occupation and the level of education in the aforementioned constructs in an Iranian sample. HowEJMH 9:1, June 2014

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ever, the present study is limited because of its dependence on the survey method and self-rating measures. Prospective investigations may provide longitudinal and cross-cultural designs for this objective.

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EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 87–96 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.6

Željko Burcar*

THE ROLE OF THE PRINCIPAL IN CROATIAN EDUCATION Manager, Leader, or Administrator (Received: 20 December 2012; accepted: 20 February 2013)

The purpose of this study is to examine problems in the fields of educational management and instructional leadership in Croatia that could serve as possible starting points for future studies or research. This study examines the role of the school principal within the context of modern-day schooling in turbulent surroundings, growing responsibility and overloaded schedule. According to findings we can explain eight different roles principals perform in Croatian education: a) information collector and disseminator, b) communicator, c) strategist and planner, d) executive manager, administrator and organiser, e) educational leader and educator, f) evaluator, g) student and h) community liaison. The principal’s roles are oriented toward: a) people, b) tasks/goals, c) school as organisation, and d) processes inside the school. Tasks generated from such orientation belong to an ideal administrative process: planning, decision-making, organising, coordination, communication, influence and evaluation effective in five tasks of school management: school program, pupils, staff, and relations with community, physical preconditions, and management.

Keywords: school, management, education, leadership, instruction, principal’s responsibilities Rollen von Schulleitern in Kroatien: Bildungsmanager, Geschäftsführer oder Büroangestellter: Die Studie untersucht Fragen in den Bereichen Bildungsmanagement und Leitung von Bildungsinstitutionen in Kroatien, die als Ausgangspunkt für weitere Forschungen und Untersuchungen dienen können. Die Studie analysiert die Rolle des Schulleiters unter heutigen schulischen Rahmenbedingungen, zu denen ein turbulentes Umfeld, wachsende Verantwortung und ein übervoller Terminkalender gehören. Den erhobenen Daten zufolge müssen sich Schulleiter in Kroatien in acht unterschiedlichen Rollenbereichen behaupten: a) Sammlung und Weiterleitung von Informationen, b) Kommunikation, c) Strategie und Planung, d) Leitung der Organisation, administrative Aufgaben und Organisation, e) Leitung der Bildungsinstitution und Unterricht, f) Evaluation, g) Lernen und h) Kontakte zum Gemeinwesen. Die Rollenbereiche des Schulleiters richten sich an: a) Menschen, b) Aufgaben/Ziele, c) Schule als Organisation und d) Prozesse innerhalb der *

eljko Burcar, ES F.K. Frankopana, Zagreb (Croatia), Ivanićgradska 24., HR-10000, Zagreb; zeljko.burcar@ Ž zg.t-com.hr.

ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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Schule. Von den Rollenbereichen lassen sich folgende Aufgaben für den idealen administrativen Prozess ableiten: Planung, Entscheidungsfindung, Organisation, Koordination, Kommunikation, Beeinflussung und Evaluation, und zwar in fünf Teilbereichen der Schulleitung: Schulprogramm, Schüler, Personal, Kontakte zum Gemeinwesen, physische Voraussetzungen und Management.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Schule, Management, Bildung, Leitung, Bildungsmanagement, Aufgaben des Schulleiters

1. Introduction During the last twenty years, there have been several studies and articles both in the profit and the non-profit sectors dealing with the roles of managers and leaders as well as those of the principals in the educational system. This study deals with the answer to the following question: ‘What do principals really do and what is their role in the Croatian educational system?’ The purpose of this study is to examine problems in the fields of educational management and leadership in Croatia that could serve as possible starting points for future studies or research, explained by Bird and Little, cited in Glickman (1990, 19). They explain the difference between educational and instructional leadership, and suggest that educational leadership describes the initiatives that would like to preserve or produce the acceptable educational ethos (the morality), while instructional leadership belongs to a specific field of educational leadership, and is directed to curriculum and teaching.

The idea of this study is based on the premise that the role is realised through acting. This study examines the role of the school principal within the context of modern-day schooling in turbulent surroundings, growing responsibility and overloaded schedule. The theoretical explanation of the principal’s role in the Croatian educational system was analysed through the available literature based on management, administration and leadership, and through the analysis of documentation.

2. Definition of the term ‘role’ Many doubts arise in this field based on terminology and taxonomies. The first problem we faced during this work came from the definition of role. The term ‘role’ is ambiguously defined in Croatian literature. The meaning of ‘uloga’ includes both role and function according to the English–Croatian dictionary (Filipović 1970, 846). ‘The term “role” usually refers to the function performed by someone’ (Zvonarević 1978, 276, our trans.).1 ‘ “Role” means specific expectations from other people of the person who carries a particular function’ (Bahtijarević-Šiber & Sikavica 2001, 616, our trans.).2 We may conclude that the term ‘role’ in the Croatian language is synonymous with function. Furthermore, the term ‘function’, to which we adhere, is explained by 1 2

Original text: ‘Pod ulogom se obično misli na funkciju koju netko vrši.’

Original text: ‘Uloga je je označena očekivanjima koja druga osoba ima od osobe koja nosi određene funkcije.’

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Antič as follows: ‘The principal as “the first person in the school” is entrusted with the function of the “main commander” whose work in school can be understood as the state representative governed by their delegated functions’ (2000, 297, our trans.).3 According to the explained definition the assigned functions include: a) planning and programming, b) managing, c) keeping, d) organising, e) routing, f) monitoring, g) controlling, h) evaluating and i) a range of administrative and financial activities called the administrative jobs. We have agreed that the term ‘role’ could be defined as the behaviour expected of a person possessing a certain position in a group (Pennington, 2001, 279). The principal’s role is realised in the organisation we call school. On the other hand, organisation is also a group in which social power and responsibility exist in unequal distribution, as Zvonarević (1981, 323) extracted.

3. Explanation of management and leadership roles The term ‘role’ is explained within two fields: economy and education. Throughout history theoreticians and pragmatists have tried to define the role of chairpersons primarily in the profit and non-profit sectors. This study does likewise, but in the wider context of the roles of managers and leaders belonging to the field of economics.

Bahtijarević-Šiber (1999) lists eight different roles that successful managers must perform, namely: a) leader, b) producer, c) coordinator, ‘monitor’, d) mentor, e) promoter, f) innovator, g) middleman, h) coach. Krech and colleagues (1962, 428) point out the key roles of leaders: a) executive, b) planner, c) policy-maker, d) expert, e) external group representative, f) supervisor of internal affairs, g) implementer of reward and punishment, h) arbitrator and mediator, i) example, j) group symbol, k) a person who replaces individual responsibility, l) ideologue – one who serves as a source of beliefs, values and standards or behaviour for each member of the group, m) father/ parent, n) sufferer for others – serves as a target for external aggression, accepting blame for the school’s results. We believe that an acceptable explanation of the managers’ role in the non-profit sector, to which education belongs, was expressed very early by Mintzberg (1975, 12): a) formal role, b) interpersonal role, c) informer, d) decision-maker. We can conclude that the manager’s role is that of an agent who uses many different competences. Zaleznik (1977, 61) suggests two main roles of principals: acting with the purpose of realising other people’s requests, and initiating acting that covers strategic and operational planning and leading as well as other kinds of acting with the purpose of achieving plans. It seems that Zaleznik points out two different kinds of action on the part of principals: managerial action and leading action. The principals provide the conditions for finding teaching resources: material, financial and human, and model them through managing and leading, by manifesting various forms of behaviour towards their environment (Leithwood & Jantzi 1999, 451).

3

riginal text: ‘Ravnatelju kao “prvom čovjeku u školi” povjerena funkcija “glavnog upravljača”, čiji posao O u školi možemo shvatiti kao posao izaslanika države koji školom upravlja u okviru povjerenih funkcija.’

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4. Managing role in the school The managerial role of principals derives from exercising governance in schools – ‘management is realised in four specific groups of activities: planning, organising, leading and evaluating’ (Staničić et al. 2002, 149, our trans.)4 –, but also from the fact that principals perform certain parts of the administrative processes and the processes prescribed by legislation, one of them being reporting. According to Staničić (2006, 143) it is obvious that principals exercise a managerial role. The role of a principal may be compared with the role of a captain in a storm, where quick and independent decisions are required and there is no time for planning (Rosenblatt & Somech 1998, 505). Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995, 13) explain both managerial and leading actions more accurately and include the term ‘administration’ when explaining a principal’s role. With Staničić and his colleagues (2002, 149) this aspect is expressed when dealing with administrative processes. Principals, according to Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995), accomplish their roles through the following parts of an ideal administrative process (Figure 1): planning, decision-making, organising, coordination, communication, influence and evaluation that affect five elements of school management: school programs, pupils, staff and relations with the commu­ nity, physical preconditions and management. We can conclude that principals perform managerial, leading and administrative jobs when accomplishing their roles.

5. Leading role in the school Most authors who describe a principal’s managerial role point out the role of the leader as being an additional part of the managerial job. Staničić and his colleagues (2002, 149), for example, refer to leading as a specific group of activities, and Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995, 13) mention communication and influence as components of the action of leading. It seems that both leadership and management constitute parts of the principal’s role, but where the difference is between the two remains undecided.

Kotter (1990, 38) explains that management and leadership are two distinctive and complementary terms. Both are necessary for today’s success, the author concludes, and adds that most American firms are over-managed and under-led. Explanations are close to the conclusion given by Zaleznik (1977, 61), namely that managers and leaders are two different types of persons and, furthermore, the managers’ tasks arise from necessity rather than from a desire. Zepeda (1999, 130) concludes that the main role of a principal is working with teachers for the development of a school as a learning community, which, keeping the core purpose of schools in mind, seems a logical conclusion. Principals motivate and empower their staff (Sergiovanni 1999, 10). Wiggins and McTighe (2006, 27) describe the role of a principal as the role 4

riginal text: ‘menadžment proizlazi iz ostvarivanja četiri skupine aktivnosti: planiranje, organiziranje, O vođenje i vrednovanje’.

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of a main leader, leading by their behaviour, which is an important part of influence spreading. Blase and Blase (2002, 256) highlight the communicational role of the principal. Sergiovanni (2001, 343) suggests that the role of the leader in an educational system consists of three dimensions: heart, head and hands, which correspond to values, knowledge and action. Leadership in this case has to be described as a specific skill expressed through communication, motivation, empowering, behaving, influence, competence and acting.

6. Historical continuum of the principal’s roles From the analysis of the historical continuum one may conclude that the principal is no longer a manager and his role is no longer of the dominant organiser, rather it transforms into the role of an instructional leader (Bovalino 2007, 16). This conclusion is quoted in Ainscow (1999), in Hipp and Huffman (2000) and in Sarason (1990). Nevertheless, some authors, for example Grace, Ball, Gerwitz and Ball, Harold, Smyth and Blackmore advocate a different opinion and explain that the role of principals in recent years has increasingly transformed from educational leaders to business managers, quotes McInerney (2003, 22). Burcar (2010) expresses doubt about the direction of the transformation of the principal’s role but concludes that some authors advocate a different opinion and argues that it is apparent that the role of principals in recent years has increasingly transformed from educational leaders to business managers and administrators on account of the many new administrative tasks.

7. The Croatian situation Theoretical analyses of the Croatian situation show that principals realise their roles in schools – that are organisations with their own specific organisational structure – in which the educational and administrative processes take place. All stated definitions of the term ‘organisation’ suggest the conclusion that a school is an organisation in which many people have common goals and cooperate in common and mutually coordinated actions. The objectives of a school are incorporated into tasks realised through the implementation of numerous programs in specific material, physical and financial conditions, through the engagement of many professionals with different specialities, through the interaction of different subjects, of specific climate and culture, and of numerous processes and procedures. A school is an organisation of planned and rationally organised education (Silov 1993, 85). From the results obtained through theoretical analyses it can be concluded that in schools as educational institutions two types of processes are conducted: a) business processes and b) the specific processes that are related to education. Principals are involved in the following processes: planning, decision-making, organising, coordinating, communicating, EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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impact and evaluation (Figure 1). These conclusions point to our analysis of management and leadership in schools as organisations. School is an organisation that has its structure, and principals have their roles as managers and leaders, achieving these roles through the activities related to the organisational structure and through the harmonisation and coordination throughout the organisation conditionally called departments.

Planning Evaluation

Decision-making

Processes

Impact

Communicating

Organising

Coordinating

Figure 1 Processes principals are involved in. Modified by Burcar from Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995, 5).

Similarly, Staničić and his colleagues (2002, 149) identify four specific groups of the principals’ activities: planning, organising, evaluating (bold/italic in Figure 1) and leading. According to this taxonomy, compared to Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995, 5), arising leading processes are: communicating, coordinating, decision-making and impact (influence).

Management and leadership as concepts and their theoretical explanation found their place in the Croatian educational system, and it can be concluded that principals realise their roles more through administrative, managerial and financial work, and somehow less through educational activities. Results from many different researches about the principals’ roles guide us to the conclusion that in the educational system the role of managers and that of leaders are complex, layered and multi-dimensional.

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The principals’ roles covered four areas (Figure 2): status, organising, leading and decision-making. It can be concluded that the principals’ roles are manifested through the following guidelines: (1) concern for students’ achievement and teaching quality, (2) decision-making, (3) creating a vision, (4) creating a positive climate, (5) concern for the resources (including IT), (6) actions in the field of leadership, (7) actions in the field of management, (8) actions in the field of administrative and legislative tasks.

Covered areas

Status

Organising

Leading

Decisionmaking

Figure 2 Areas covered within principals’ roles

Through synthesising theoretical knowledge, a theoretical construct based on the jobs principals perform has arisen with which tasks are realised and through which goals are achieved. The realisation of the principals’ roles are based on the principals’ actions. This theoretical construct indicates thirteen groups of jobs principals perform: 1. informing (11 jobs), 2. reporting (7 jobs), 3. communicating (15 jobs), 4. planning (17 jobs), 5. organising (16 jobs), 6. teaching (11 jobs), 7. administrating (24 jobs), 8. leading (5 jobs), 9. managing (10 jobs), 10. pedagogical leading (12 jobs), 11. evaluating (39 jobs), 12. learning and developing (16 jobs), 13. empowering local communities (9 jobs). Altogether 192 jobs of the theoretical construct were included in the empirical research of Burcar (2010), providing data on N = 119 Croatian principals. The results of this research confirm that principals perform not only duties that are required by law but much more. On the other hand, the role of the principal in the Croatian educational system does not differ from the theoretical role of the principal described in recent literature and relevant legislation.

Furthermore, the author indicates an extracted model of the principal’s role in the Croatian educational system (Figure 3).

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ORIENTATION TOWARD PEOPLE

Communicator

Information collector and disseminator

ORIENTATION TOWARD GOALS & TASKS

Strategist and planner

Executive manager, administrator and organiser

General synthesised role

Community liaison

Educational leader and educator

Student

Evaluator ORIENTATION TOWARD SCHOOL AS ORGANISATION

ORIENTATION TOWARD CONDUCTED PROCESSES

Figure 3 Extracted model of the principal’s role (Burcar 2010).

We can conclude that there are too many different taxonomies and definitions of the principal’s role for the economic and educational sciences have developed a chaotic or multi-modelling theoretical explanation of the principal’s role. However, conclusions can be made based on these studies. According to the findings pro­vided

by Burcar (2010) we can explain eight different roles principals perform in the Croatian educational system: a) information collector and disseminator through various media; b) communicator with the staff, pupils, parents, superiors and local comEJMH 9:1, June 2014

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munities, directly or by using technology; c) strategist and planner in relation to human resources, teaching and other resources, and pupils; d) executive manager, administrator and organiser the way chairpersons, responsible persons, and skillful persons are; e) educational leader and educator by building relations, motivating, educating, and supporting highly educated staff to facilitate strong students perform­ ance; f) evaluator through analysing, monitoring and evaluating processes and results; g) student through continuous investment in their own knowledge, skills and behaviour; and h) community liaison through various protocol activities.

Principals’ roles are oriented toward: a) people, b) tasks/goals, c) school as organisation, and d) processes inside the school. Tasks generated from such orientation belong to the ideal administrative process explained by Erätuuli and Nylèn (1995, 13): planning, decision-making, organising, coordination, communication, influence and evaluation that affect five tasks of school management: school programs, ­pupils, staff and relations with the community, physical preconditions and management.

Consequently, the principals’ competences have to cover interpersonal skills, stra­ tegic management, project management, professional teaching competences and administrative competences (legislation, finance).

References Antič, S. (2000) Rječnik suvremenog obrazovanja (Zagreb: Hrvatski pedagoško-književni zbor).

Ainscow, M. (1999) Understanding the Development of Inclusive Schools (London: Routledge Falmer).

Bahtijarević-Šiber, F. (1999) Management ljudskih potencijala (Zagreb: Golden marketing).

Bahtijarević-Šiber, F. & P. Sikavica (2001) Leksikon menadžmenta (Zagreb: Masmedia).

Blase, J. & J. Blase (2002) ‘Teachers’ Perceptions of Principals’ Instructional Leadership and Implications’, Leadership and Policy in Schools 1, 256–64.

Bovalino, J.W. (2007) The Role of the Principal in the Change Process: The Road to Inclusion (M.A. thesis, University of Pittsburg, Pittsburg).

Burcar, Ž. (2010) Uloga ravnatelja i njezino ostvarivanje u hrvatskom školstvu (PhD diss., University of Rijeka, Rijeka).

Filipović, R., ed. (1970) Englesko–hrvatsko/srpski rječnik (Zagreb: Zora).

Erätuuli, M. & C. Nylèn (1995) The Improvement of School Leadership: Cooperation between Russian, Swedish and Finnish Principals, Part I: The Background, Context, and the Principals’ Job Descriptions (Helsinki: Yliopistopaino).

Glickman, C. (1990) Supervision of Instruction: A Development Approach (2nd ed.; Toronto: Allyn & Bacon).

Hipp, K.A. & J.B. Huffman (2000) ‘How Leadership Is Shared and Visions Emerge in the Creation of Learning Communities’ in P. Jenlink, ed., Marching into a New Millennium: Challenges to Educational Leadership (Lanham: Scarecrow) 288–309.

Kotter, J.P. (1998) ‘What Leaders Really Do’ in Harvard Business Review on Leadership (Boston: Harvard Business School Press) 37–60.

Krech, D., R.S. Crutchfield & E.L. Ballachey (1962) Individual in Society: A Textbook of Social Psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill).

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Leithwood, K. & D. Jantzi (1999) ‘Transformational School Leadership Effects: A Replication’, School Effectiveness and School Improvement 10, 451–79.

McInerney, P. (2003) ‘Moving into Dangerous Territory? Educational Leadership in a Devolving Education System’, International Journal of Leadership in Education: Theory and Practice 6, 57–72.

Mintzberg, H. (1998) ‘The Manager’s Job: Folklore and Facts’ in Harvard Business Review on Leadership (Boston: Harvard Business School Press) 1–36.

Pennington, D.C. (2001) Socijalna psihologija (Jastrebarsko: Naklada slap).

Rosenblatt, Z. & A. Somech (1998) ‘The Work Behavior of Israeli Elementary School Principals: Expectations Versus Reality’, Educational Administration Quarterly 34, 505–32.

Sarason, S.B. (1990) The Predictable Future of Educational Reform (San Francisco: JosseyBass).

Sergiovanni, T.J. (1999) ‘Refocusing Leadership to Build Community’, High School Magazine 7:1 (Sept) 10–15.

Sergiovanni, T.J. (2001) The Principalship: A Reflective Practice Perspective (Needham Heights: Allyn & Bacon).

Silov, M. (1993) ‘Rukovođenje organizacijom’ in B. Drandić, ed., Priručnik za ravnatelje (Zagreb: Znamen) 85–98.

Staničić, S. (2006) Menadžment u obrazovanju (Rijeka: Vlastita naklada).

Staničić, S., Ž. Burcar, A. Hek, J. Patajac, D. Podravec, A.T. Rehak & Z. Riggati (2002) ‘Rukovođenje i upravljanje’ in V. Strugar, ed., Projekt IZVORIŠTE: Koncepcija promjena odgojno-obrazovnog sustava u Republici Hrvatskoj (Zagreb: Ministarstvo prosvjete i športa) 143–54.

Wiggins, G. & J. McTighe (2006) ‘Examining the Teaching Life’, Educational Leadership 63:6 (March) 26–29.

Zaleznik, A. (1998) ‘Managers & Leaders – Are They Different?’ in Harvard Business Review on Leadership (Boston: Harvard Business School Press) 61–88.

Zepeda, S.J. (1999) ‘Staff Development: Practices That Promote Leadership in Learning Communities’, Journal of Educational Administration 38, 130–41.

Zvonarević, M. (1978) Socijalna psihologija (Zagreb: Školska knjiga).

Zvonarević, M. (1981) Socijalna psihologija (Zagreb: Školska knjiga).

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European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 99–102 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Rev.1

Robert Biel

ZWISCHEN WOHER UND WOHIN DER HEUTIGEN PASTORAL Först, J. & H.G. Schöttler, Hrsg. (2012) Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral: Ein Lehrbuch für Studierende, Lehrer und kirchliche Mitarbeiter (Berlin: LIT) 23,5 cm, 328 S., ISBN 978-3-643-11435-8, € 29,80.

Auf den ersten Blick erweckt der Buchtitel Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral das Gefühl eines Déjà-vu. Weder „Einführung“ noch „Theologie“ oder „Pastoral“ sind neue, unbekannte Wörter. Da es schon so viele Einführungen in die Theologie gibt, stellt man sich unweigerlich die Frage, weshalb es abermals eine neue Einführung braucht. Das ruft eine Rezension aus dem 19. Jahrhundert in Erinnerung: „An diesem Buch ist vieles neu und gut. Aber das Neue ist nicht gut und das Gute ist nicht neu“. Es gibt so viele Theologen, die „den früheren Generationen unentwegt sagen: Was ihr damals gemacht hat, das war falsch, und wir sind die ersten, [die] die Wahrheit mit pastoralen Löffeln gegessen haben“ (Zulehner 1994, 86). Doch wie so oft im Leben kann auch im Buchwesen der Schein trügen und eine weitere Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral etwas Neues und Gutes bringen.

Die pastorale Praxis der Kirche vollzieht sich nicht im luftleeren Raum, sondern im Bedingungsfeld des „Hier“ und „Heute“. Es kann keine Pastoral perennis, keine ewig gültige Pastoral geben, weil diese permanenten gesellschaftlichen und geschichtlichen Wandlungen unterworfen ist. Dem hier besprochenen Buch liegt gerade diese Frage zugrunde: Welche Beziehung besteht zwischen dem, was man heutzutage Werte- oder Gesellschaftswandel nennt, und dem, was als pastorale Praxis bezeichnet wird? Weil die Kirche nicht untätig bleiben kann, muss sie ständig Wechselbeziehungen mit der Welt und der Geschichte pflegen. Dadurch wandeln sich die Grundbedingungen für die Pastoral stetig, was wiederum auch eine Pastoral im Wandel erfordert. Gesellschaftlicher Wandel und religiös-kirchlicher Wandel stehen mithin in Wechselwirkung, und der gesellschaftliche Wertewandel beeinflusst die Pastoral.

Menschen sind nämlich – wie es J. Müller treffend festhält – „Kinder ihrer Zeit“, sie summen jeweils die „Zeitmelodie“ mit (Müller 1993, 87). Deshalb ist sowohl die Kirche als auch deren Pastoral ständig einer „Melodie der Zeit“ unterworfen. So gesehen ist diese Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral als Partitur für Studierende, Religionslehrer und kirchliche Mitarbeiter zu betrachten. In diesem Sinne ist es den Herausgebern J. Först und H.G. Schöttler im vorliegenden Sammelband gelungen, alle Vorgaben vorzüglich umzusetzen und den Religionslehrern und Studierenden „einen Leitfaden mit pastoraltheologischem Grund- und Vertiefungswissen an die Hand zu geben“ (S. 1). Es ist ein vieldimensionales und lesenswertes Buch entstanden, das sich mit der wichtigen pastoraltheologischen Triade, bestehend ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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aus der Reflexion über die Grunddimensionen der kirchlichen Existenz (Grundlegendes), über die Orte der pastoralen Landschaft (pastorale Orte) und die Verwirklichungsperspektive der Pastoral (Realisierungen), beschäftigt. Die gesammelten Beiträge sind sehr unterschiedlich: Sind die einen sprachlich selbst dichterisch inspiriert (Schmetterlinge in der pastoralen Landschaft), so sind andere wissenschaftlich oder praktisch orientiert. Dies trägt dazu bei, dass das Lesen der theologischen Texte ästhetisch wie inhaltlich anregend wirkt.

Es ist unmöglich, in einer kurzen Rezension alle Beiträge zu charakterisieren, deren AutorInnen sich zu einem illustren Feld versammelt haben, wobei insbesondere I. Baumgartner und S. Knobloch zu erwähnen sind. Es wäre also nicht überraschend, wenn sich nicht wenige andere katholische TheologInnen zu diesem Werk hingezogen fühlen und sich von den kreativen und interessanten Beiträgen herausfordern lassen, die thematisch gesehen ein breites Spektrum kirchlicher und religiöser Praxis zu geben versuchen.

Wie es dem grundlegenden Charakter dieses Buches entspricht, werden im ersten Teil die Diakonia, Leiturgia, Martyria, Koinonia: Grunddimensionen christlicher und kirchlicher Existenz als Ausdruck der Kirche als universales Sakrament des Heils dargestellt (R.A. Siebenrock). Andere Artikel nehmen das Thema der praktisch-theologischen Hermeneutik (R. Feiter), der Wirklichkeitsrezeption, auf, die als Bedingung pastoraler Praxis verstanden wird (J. Först), und versuchen, das heutige Verhältnis zwischen Kirche und Welt darzustellen.

Im Kontext der heutigen gesellschaftlichen Lage der Kirche geht es um ein wertschätzendes, positives Aufgreifen der pastoralen Impulse, um eine angstfreie Aufnahme der neuen Herausforderungen der kirchlichen Pastoral. Dazu regen die in diesem Buch gesammelten Beiträge an. In den einzelnen Beiträgen stehen grundsätzliche Probleme der heutigen Pastoral mit den entsprechenden Fragestellungen im Vordergrund, auch wenn sie nicht immer ausdrücklich angesprochen werden. Zu nennen sind in diesem Zusammenhang Themen wie Volksfrömmigkeit und populäre Religiosität (W. Gebhardt), Krise der Gemeinde (H. Haslinger), Neue Gestalt der Kirche (B. Spielberg), Schulpastoral (A. Kaupp) und Pastoral der Armen und Bedrängten (I. Baumgartner). Ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit zu erheben, wird in der Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral versucht, eine Auswahl theologischer Paradigmen für die heutige Pastoral der Kirche vorzustellen (13).

Eine auf die Praxis der Kirche und der einzelnen Christen bezogene Theologie der Pastoral steht vor der Aufgabe, die bestehende Praxis wahrzunehmen und kritisch zu analysieren, um Handlungstheorien für die zukünftige Praxis zu entwerfen.

Angesichts der veränderten gesellschaftlichen Lage ist auch die Kirche durch die neue Situation zu einem neuen Stil seelsorgerischen Arbeitens herausgefordert. Dies verlangt nach einer Umstrukturierung der Kirche und ihrer Pastoral. Aber im Blick auf die schwierige Wirklichkeit des gesellschaftlichen und kirchlichen Lebens verbieten sich alle einfachen Alternativen und pastoralen Lösungen. Und auch wenn in diesem Buch keine rezeptartigen Anleitungen für die Pastoral zu erwarten sind, so werden doch in Kirchenkrise, Kirchenferne und Säkularisierung (J. Först) und EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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in Interkulturalität – Interreligiosität – Interkonfessionalität (S. Knobloch) einige Handlungskonzepte am Beispiel exemplarisch ausgewählter Zusammenhänge der heutigen Pastoral dargestellt. Wenn sich die Pastoral der Kirche und deren Seelsorge auf die Lebenssituation der heutigen Christen einlässt, muss sie bereit sein, sich eine erfahrungs- und praxisbezogene Theologie und Seelsorge anzueignen (K.G. Eich und G. Köhl) und das seelsorgerische und pastorale Gespräch mit der Welt und den Menschen zu führen (R. Fuchs, H. Scharler, M. Wild).

Die Aufgabe der situationsgerechten Pastoral kann aber nicht darin bestehen, dass ein Rigorismus irgendeiner Art gepflegt wird, sondern sie soll den Boden für die Botschaft Christi fruchtbar machen. Die Kirche ist aufgerufen, mutig und „kritisch, u. U. im Widerstand zur Gesellschaft und den hier dominierenden Trends, Stellung zu nehmen – ohne sich zu verschließen oder sich auf sich selbst zurückzuziehen“ (Deutsche Bischofskonferenz 1993, 14). Sie kann ihrem Auftrag nur gerecht werden, wenn sie von beiden ihr Wesen bestimmenden Quellen gespeist wird, nämlich von der überlieferten Botschaft des Evangeliums und von den Nöten und Antrieben, Ideen und Vorstellungen, Herausforderungen, Fragestellungen und Bedürfnissen der jetzigen Zeit. Nur so können die lebensrelevanten pastoralen Prozesse ihre Wurzelgründe in der Botschaft des Evangeliums und in der Zeitsituation haben (Fürst 1993, 124–25). Denn nur aus einer umfassenden, gesamtgesellschaftlichen Perspektive ist es möglich, „Pastora“ und Wandel in der Gesellschaft so aufeinander zu beziehen, dass das menschliche Ringen um das Glauben-Können theologisch und existenziell verstanden wird und gelingen kann. Dieser durch den gesellschaftlichen Modernisierungsprozess mehr oder weniger erzwungene Wandel führt dazu, dass immer wieder existentiell- wie theologisch-reflektierte Überlegungen angestellt werden, wie man das menschliche Leben mit der Pastoral und der Seelsorge der Kirche in Einklang bringen kann.

Die Einführung in die Theologie der Pastoral ist aufgrund ihres Inhalts kein einfaches Buch für pastoraltheologische Anfänger. Das Buch ist anspruchsvoll, weil es nicht nur darum geht, wie viel Theologie es in der Pastoral(theologie) geben soll.

Es lohnt sich aber, dieses Buch in die Hand zu nehmen, weil jeder etwas aus ihm lernen kann. Zum einen lernt man etwas über die Herkunft der Pastoral, zum anderen kann man etwas über pastoraltheologische Perspektiven erfahren. Wie eine Spinne ihr Netz webt, der Biber einen Damm baut und die Menschen ihre Sprache und Tradition pflegen, so sind auch die Herausgeber dieses Buches bemüht, theologische Grundpfeiler der Pastoral aufzuzeigen. In diesem Sinne hilft das Buch, das Woher der Pastoral zu entdecken und ihr Wohin zu finden. Es motiviert Pastoraltheologen, sich weiter mit diesem Thema zu beschäftigen.

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Referenzen Deutsche Bischofskonferenz, Hrsg. (1993) Sakramentenpastoral im Wandel: Überlegungen zur gegenwärtigen Praxis der Feier der Sakramente – am Beispiel von Taufe, Erstkommunion und Firmung (Bonn: Sekretariat der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz).

Fürst, W. (1993) ‘Plädoyer für formschöpferische Initiativen und einen Tutorismus des Wagnisses im pastoralen Handeln der Kirche’ in H.J. Beckers & A. Wittrahm, Hrsg., Wertewandel: Wandel der Lebensformen und Pastoral (Mönchengladbach: Kühlen) 123–38.

Müller, J. (1993) Pastoraltheologie: Ein Handbuch für Studium und Seelsorge (Graz etc.: Styria).

Zulehner, P.M. (1994) ‘Wie eine christliche Gemeinde wirken sollte’ in G. Koch & J. Pretscher, Hrsg., Wozu Kirche? Wozu Gemeinde? Kirchenvisionen (Würzburg: Echter) 63–88.

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 103–105 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Rev.2

Wieslaw Przygoda

WER BEFREIT MICH VON MEINER SCHULD? Müller, K.E. (2012) Schuld und Sühne: Die Vorgeschichte des Erlösungsglaubens (Münster: LIT) 23,5 cm, 208 S., ISBN 978-3-643-11753-3, € 29,90.

Es gibt einen einzigartigen Lehrsatz des hl. Paulus. In diesem geht es um sein Schuldgefühl oder, anders gesagt, um sein Schuldbewusstsein. Der Völkerapostel sagt: „Ich aber bin Fleisch, das heißt: verkauft an die Sünde. Denn ich begreife mein Handeln nicht: ich tue nicht das, was ich will, sondern das, was ich hasse. . . . Dann aber bin nicht mehr ich es, der so handelt, sondern die in mir wohnende Sünde“ (Röm 7:14–15.17).

Wie kann man diese Erfahrung des Paulus verstehen? Geht es um eine persönliche spirituelle Schizophrenie des Apostels? Erscheint hier eine existenzielle Empfindung des Apostels, oder ist das vielleicht eine Spur, ein Zeichen des universalen Dramas, das Menschen in allen Zeiten durchlebt haben? Wie sehr eine solche Erfahrung belasten kann, macht eine von Paulus formulierte Frage deutlich: „Ich unglücklicher Mensch! Wer wird mich aus diesem dem Tod verfallenen Leib erretten?“ (Röm 7:24).

Das neu erschienene Buch von Müller zeigt zweifellos, dass die menschliche Natur Schuldbewusstsein von Anfang an gekannt hat und die Menschen genau wie der hl. Paulus seit Urzeiten immer wieder solche Fragen stellen. Der Autor, der durchgängig auf religionsethnologischem und kulturhistorischem Grund bleibt, beschreibt auf hochinteressante Weise die geschichtlichen Prozesse der Entwicklung des Erlösungsglaubens und der Vergebungsrituale in verschiedenen Kulturen, er beginnt bei den prähistorischen Jägerkulturen, kommt dann zu den agrarischen Kulturen und endet bei Jesus von Nazareth. Müller bestätigt, dass die Menschen schon seit Jahrtausenden das Bedürfnis verspüren, den Gott oder verschiedene Gottheiten beziehungsweise Gottes Kinder oder Heroen um Vergebung zu bitten. Aus diesem Grund gibt es auf der ganzen Welt verschiedene Sühne- und Erlösungs-Rituale.

Die Struktur des Buches ist klar und logisch. Zuerst analysiert der Autor die Bedingungen des Schuldbewusstseins bei Menschen in verschiedenen Epochen, dann beschreibt er sehr anschaulich die Vorbereitung und Durchführung von Vergebungsritualen und zuletzt auch den Neubeginn des Lebens nach einer groß angelegten gemeinschaftlichen Feier. Das letzte Kapitel des Buches bezieht sich auf die Struktur der Heiligen Messe in der römisch-katholischen Kirche. Das mag überraschen, immerhin ist der Autor Ethnologe und sein Buch ohne Zweifel eine ethnologische Abhandlung. Es ist jedoch gerechtfertigt, weil der Autor in der Struktur des Hochamtes nach Spuren uralter Versöhnungsrituale gesucht und gefunden hat.

Ein großer Vorzug des Buches von Müller ist, dass es dem Leser ein reiches Kompendium des Wissens über einen sehr wichtigen Bereich der menschlichen

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Kultur näherbringt. Die uralten Rituale der Versöhnung lassen uns nicht nur die religiöse Kommunikation zwischen Menschen und Gott (bzw. Gottheiten) besser verstehen, sondern auch die damals herrschenden zwischenmenschlichen Beziehungen. Es ist hervorzuheben, dass der Autor umfängliche weltliche Literatur, besonders aus dem 18. und 19. Jh., durchgesehen hat, um dem Leser ein deutlicheres Bild des uralten Versöhnungsrituals vor Augen zu führen. Außerdem ist es bemerkenswert, dass frühere Gesellschaftssysteme eigene Vergebungsrituale erarbeitet haben und dass diese Rituale bis in die heutige Zeit eine ganz ähnliche Struktur bewahrt haben. Zu beachten ist auch, wie schwer, langfristig und sehr oft tragisch (vgl. das Kapitel Martyrium des Menschen) es war, den kulturellen Prozess des Gotteswillens zu entdecken und angemessene Formen der Schuldbefreiung zu finden. Daraus kann geschlossen werden, dass dieser Prozess ohne historische Gottesoffenbarung (im Alten und besonders im Neuen Testament) bis heute sehr wahrscheinlich unwirksam geblieben wäre.

Wodurch entsteht Schuldbewusstsein? Der Ethnologe Müller gibt auf diese Frage folgende Antwort: Den in antiken Kulturen herrschenden Machtverhältnissen entsprechend wurde der eine Gott als übermächtiger „Gebieter“ begriffen, dem seine „Untertanen“ zu absolutem Gehorsam und zu Gefolgschaftstreue verpflichtet waren.

Die Menschen waren von Anfang an schwach und unvollkommen, immer kamen sie vom richtigen Weg ab – „und machten sich schuldig. Der himmlische ‘König’ suchte sie für ihre ‘Sünden’ mit entsprechenden Strafen – Krankheiten, Ernteeinbußen, Misserfolgen, Verarmung und dergleichen – heim“ (Vorwort, III). Außerdem gab es in jeder alten Kultur noch eine spezielle Ursache für Schuldbewusstsein. „Auch in den Jägerkulturen litten die Menschen darunter, dass sie, um überleben zu können, ihre – nach mythischer Überlieferung – ‘Vettern in Tiergestalt’ töten mussten“ (Vorwort, IV). In den Bauernkulturen dann galten die Nahrungsfrüchte, von denen man zur Hauptsache lebte . . ., als Verkörperung

des ‘Göttlichen Kindes’, das alljährlich von seinen Eltern, dem Himmelsgott und der Erdgöttin, aufs neu erzeugt, von der Erde geboren und zuletzt, herangereift, von den Menschen getötet wurde.

(Vorwort, IV)

Das waren die Hauptgründe des Schuldbewusstseins von Menschen in den alten Kulturen, die diese Menschen zu verschiedenen Vergebungs- und Versöhnungsritualen geführt haben. Dabei ging es immer um ein Sühneopfer, das die beschuldigten Menschen aus ihrer ewigen Schuldverstrickung befreien konnte. Die Sühneopfer brauchten eine Opfergabe – Tiere oder auch Menschen, die ab der hellenistischen Zeit als Heiler (pharmakos) bezeichnet wurde. Von da an führte der Heiler die „sündigen“ Menschen zur Schuldbefreiung, zum Heil.1 1

Was bedeutet das Wort „Heil“ in der Religionswissenschaft? Das Heil erscheint den Menschen aus ihrer defizitären, unheilvollen Lage heraus als das Erstrebenswerte, wobei sowohl die Religionen als auch die unterschiedlichsten Glaubens-, Aktions- und Vergesellschaftungssysteme, welche an die verschiedenartigsten Umweltbedingungen, historischen Entwicklungen und Selbstverständnisse gebunden sind, die unterschiedlichsten Antworten bereithalten. Man kann gerade in Bezug auf das Heil eine einheitliche Zielgerichtetheit der Religionen feststellen. Wenn wir auch davon ausgehen, dass das Heil das Zentrum und das Ziel von Religionen ist, so können

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Zwar gibt es viele Ähnlichkeiten zwischen der rituellen Folterung von Tieren und der Passion Christi, doch das Ereignis Jesu Christi ist einmalig und nicht wiederholbar (Vgl. Rusecki 2010, 50–75). Müller hat recht, wenn er schreibt, dass die alten Legenden, die Erzählungen und der Mythos von der Auferstehung geopferter (getöteter) Tiere oder Menschen eine langfristige Vorbereitung für die wahre und einzigartige Auferstehung Christi waren. Jedoch ist kein Bär, kein Stier, kein Ziegenbock und kein Narrenkönig wirklich auferstanden, sondern nur Jesus – er allein.

Auch in dem Buch von Müller findet sich die Überzeugung, dass Jesus von Nazareth durch seinen Opfertod, ganz wie es dem alt überlieferten Glauben entsprach, die Sünder mit ihrem erzürnten Gott versöhnt und Frieden gestiftet hat. Der Sensibilität der Christen kommt besonders folgende Aussage Müllers entgegen: I n ihm (Jesus) vollendete sich der Erlösungsglaube. Er befreite die Menschen nicht, wie Bären, Stiere, Sündenböcke, Pharmakoi und Korngötter, die Himmelssöhne vor ihm, Jahr für Jahr immer wieder aufs neue; er trug ihre Schuld, sofern sie jedenfalls guten Glaubens waren, sozusagen ein für allemal ab, das heißt er verlieh der Erlösungsgewißheit überzeitliche Geltung; er verewigte sie.

(2012, 168)

Die Gesamtbewertung des Buches von Müller fällt sehr positiv aus. Wir haben es hier mit einem Werk zu tun, welches eine tiefere Analyse enthält und sehr interessant geschrieben ist. Obwohl der wissenschaftliche Beitrag von Müller auf rein ethnologischen Studien beruht, enthält es eine wichtige Botschaft der Hoffnung für alle Menschen. Wir bleiben nicht allein mit unserem Schuldgefühl, mit unseren Ängsten und Belastungen, mit unseren Fragen nach dem Sinn und der Vollendung des Lebens. Dies kommt auch in dem von Müller zitierten Satz des hl. Paulus zum Ausdruck: „Einer ist Gott, Einer auch Mittler zwischen Gott und den Menschen: der Mensch Christus Jesus, der sich als Lösegeld hingegeben hat für alle“ (1Tim 2:5–6, zit. in Müller 2012, 168).

Referenzen Flasche, R. (1993) ‘Heil’ in H. Cancik, B. Gladigow, K.-H. Kohl, Hrsg., Handbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe, 5 Bde (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer) 3:73.

Rusecki, M. (2010) Traktat o wiarygodności chrześcijaństwa (Lublin: TNKUL).

wir doch nicht sagen, dass alle Religionen Erlösungsreligionen sind. Denn zur Vorstellung der Erlösung gehört unmittelbar ein Erlöser, der nicht nur den Heilsweg zeigt, sondern selbst der Heilsweg ist. Aus diesem Grund muss man sagen, dass Bären-, Stiere- oder Sündenböcke-Rituale keine wirklichen Heilswege waren, obwohl sie das Schuldgefühl und die Unheilserfahrung des Menschen überwinden konnten. Vgl. Flasche (1993) 73.

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ABSTRACTS / ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN (Croatian, Czech, English, German, Hungarian, Polish, Rumanian, Russian, and Slovakian Abstracts / Kroatische, Tschechische, Englische, Deutsche, Ungarische, Polnische, Rum채nische, Russische und Slowakische Zusammenfassungen)

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 109–111 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.HRO

CROATIAN ABSTRACTS KROATISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN APSTRAKTI Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (str. 3) „My Special Prayer“: Self, bog i molitva: Članak prikazuje kako na vjersko ponašanje djeluje samoljublje, jedno važno obilježlje osobnosti u egocentričnim društvima. Zapadnu kulturu naših dana obično smatraju ekspresivno individualističkom, koja teži ka samoostvarenju. Za nju je najkarakterističnije kako su ljudi skloni da sebi pripišu božje osobine. U psihologiji se to naziva narcizmom. Široki spektar narcizma pokazuje kako pokušaji da se egu pripišu božje osobine nisu uvijek uspješne. Takve osobe sanjare o tome da mogu postati ravni bogovima, ali im je istovremeno slika o samome sebi prekrhka da bi ovi pokušaji postali uspješni. Uspjeh toga narcističkog nastojanja ima učinak na vjersku djelatnost, naprimjer na molitvu. Gradeći na ranija empirijska istraživanja i na jednu studiju prikazat ćemo kako su povezani samoobožavanje, narcizam i molitva. Oni koji se uspješno samoobožavaju, drukčije se mole nego oni koji su u tome neuspješni.

Prvi svoje molitve upućuju sebi ili nekoj anonimnoj višoj vlasti, potonji jednom osobnom Bogu.

Ključne riječi: egocentričnost, self, otvoreno ili skriveno samoljublje, molitva, narcizam Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (str. 20) Bojazan modernog doba za zdravlje, somatosenzorna amplifikacija, strah za zdravlje i dobrobit: Presječno ispitivanje: Cilj istraživanja je ispitivanje povezanosti između bojazni za zdravlje modernog doba, somatsko-senzorne amplifikacije, straha za zdravlje i psihološkog blagostanja. U presječnom ispitivanju pomoću upitnika sudjelovalo je 180 bolesnika koji posjećuju svoga kućnog liječnika (prosječna dob=48.2 ± 15,76 godina) i 344 studenta (prosječna dob=21.5 ± 2.09 godina), popunivši skalu bojazni za zdravlje modernog doba, skalu somatosenzorne amplifikacije, skraćenu varijantu skale straha za zdravlje, upitnik pozitivnog i negativnog afektiviteta, kao i upitnik WHO-5. Prema rezultatima, somatosenzorna amplifikacija i strah za zdravlje neviosno jedno od drugog povezani su s bojazni za zdravlje modernog doba. Između straha za zdravlje i dobrobiti nadaje se veza obrnutog smjera. Prema rezultatima korelacijske analize strah za zdravlje modernog doba nije korelirao s dobrobiti i stajao je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s pozitivnim afektom, a u regresivnom ispitivanju pak pozitivno se vezivao s oba, nakon kontrole socioekonomičnih čimbenika, negativnog afektiviteta i straha za zdravlje. Strah za zdravlje modernog doba obično se smatra maladaptivnom kognitivnom strukturom, ali po sadašnjim rezultatima ovo stajalište se može promisliti.

Ključne riječi: somatosenzorska amplifikacija, strah za zdravljem, dobrobit, opažajna kontrola

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (str. 34) Šport kao socijalizacijsko „sredstvo”: Korelacija između sudjelovanja u radu civilnih udruga i bavljenja športom u krugu mladih 15–18 godina: Na pozitivno djelovanje društvenog kapitala ukazao je velik broj studija u proteklih 10–20 godina, ali s manjm naglaskom na nastajanje društvenog kapitala. Najviše autora iza stvaranja društvenog kapitala na inplicitan način pretpostavlja socijalizacijsko djelovanje. To potvrđuju i one studije koje su, koristeći se podacima panel istraživanja, pokazale značajnu povezanost između civilne aktivnosti u mlado i rano odraslo doba i između razine općeg povjerenja. U našoj studiji ispitujemo na koji način utječe bavljenje športom u krugu mladih (15–18 godina) na jedan od važnih indikatora društvenog kapitala, na članstvo civilne udruge. Prema dvama uzorcima podataka (Istraživanje mladeži 2000, 2008.) mladi koji se bave športom s većom vjerojatnošću sudjeluju u radu civilne udruge. Štoviše u našim modelima šport se pokazao važnijim pozadinskim čimbenikom od dostupnosti gospodarskih ili kulturnih resursa. Iako to djelomično ima i strukturalne razloge, mišljenja smo kako je u pogledu društvenog kapitala važan čimbenik prije svega sudjelovanje u zajednici, odnosno mreža veza koja iz toga nastaje. Tome pak dobar temelj može biti bavljenje športom u mlado doba.

Ključne riječi: društveni kapital, slobodno vrijeme, dobna skupina 15–18 godina, bavljenje športom, članstvo u civilnoj udruzi Helene Ybrandt (str. 54) Trend obiteljskih i psihičkih problema u krugu švedskih pubertetlija u proteklih 10 godina mjeren samoopažanjem: Istraživanje je željelo otkriti težinu problema švedskih pubertetlija, posluživši se podacima koje su 2000., odnosno 2010. prikupili ispitivači pomoću intervjua Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, dijagnoza uporabe droge u pubertetu), odnosno na osnovu samopriznanja. Podatke koji se odnose na obiteljske odnose, psihičko stanje i probleme u krugu pubertetlija 15–17 godina prikupili su na dva slučajno odabrana uzorka (2000. godine 12 osoba, 2010. godine 485 osoba). Usporedivši rezultate ispitivanja obavljenih 2000., odnosno 2010. godine koje su vrednovali ispitivači, odnosno koja se temelje na samopriznanju, nema promjena u vezi s težinom problema-nije se povećala razlika između spolova, odnosno između grupa s različitim društvenim i gopodarskim zaleđem. Istovremeno su djevojke ocijenile težim probleme unutar obiteljskih veza, nego mladići. Pubertetlije su u odnosu na 2000. godinu 2010. godine podnijeli izvješće o manje psihičkih problema (primjerice teški strah, napetost, smetnja u razumijevanju, smetnja u pažnji, smetnja u pamćenju, nadalje problemi unutar ili izvan obitelji, odnosno nepovjerenje prema drugima). U interesu unapređivanja mentalnog zdravlja pubertetlija, narednih desetljeća istaknuta je zadaća otkriti probleme u vezi, primjerice pitanja neizvjesnosti u vezi s osobama izvan obitelji.

Ključne riječi: dijagnoza uporabe droge u pubertetu (ADAD), pubertet, mentalna higijena, obitelj, problemi u vezi

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Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (str. 68) Mentalna higijena i nacini soladavanja oskudice pitke vode u provinciji Fars: Ekopsiholoski pogled: Jedan od ciljeva istraživanja bio je da na jednom iranskom uzorku ispita djelovanje oskudice pitke vode na mentalnu higijenu i način svladavanja problema stanovništva u provinciji, nadalje da razjasni da li spol, mjesto prebivališta, obiteljsko stanje, radno mjesto i studije utječu na to. Istraživanje je obuhvatilo 1198 stanovnika provincije u okolini iranskih gradova Darab i Eghlid. Pri ispitivanju su se koristili demografskim upitnikom, upitnikom općeg zdravlja (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) i skalom metoda svladavanja problema nedostatka pitke vode (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS). CSDW skala se proteže na sljedeća četiri čimbenika: (1) metode koje imaju za cilj optimaliziranje potrošnje vode, (2) technologije bez vode i društvene promjene, (3) uporaba vrhunskih technologija u ekonomičnoj potrošnji vode, odnosno (4) načini svladavanja problema temeljeni na osjećajnom fokusu. Oni stanovnici provincije, koji nisu pogođeni oskudicom pitke vode, primjenili su puno racionalnije načine svladavanja problema na višoj razini, bio im je niži psihopatološki pokazatelj, manje su bili skloni načinima svladavanja problema temeljenih na osjećajnom fokusu, nego oni stanovnici provincije koji su pogođeni oskudicom pitke vode. Uzorak je potvrdio djelovanje mjesta prebivališta, obiteljskog stanja, studija i radnog mjesta na načine svladavanja problema i mentalnu higijenu.

Ključne riječi: oskudica vode, načini svladavanja problema, mentalna higijena, demografski podaci Željko Burcar (str. 87) Uloga ravnatelja u hrvatskom obrazovnom sustavu: Menadžer, lider ili administrator: Temeljna je svrha ovog rada istražiti startnu poziciju za buduće studije i istraživanja u području obrazovnog menadžmenta i liderstva u Republici Hrvatskoj, a isto tako i u području instrukcijskog liderstva. Ovaj rad istražuje ulogu školskog ravnatelja u kontekstu suvremenog i turbulentnog obrazovnog okruženja, rastućim ravnateljevim odgovornostima i pretrpanog rasporeda rada. Sukladno rezultatima možemo objasniti osam različitih uloga koje ravnatelji izvode u hrvatskom obrazovnom sustavu: a) uloga sakupljača i djelitelja informacija, b) uloga komunikatora, c) uloga strateškog planera, d) uloga izvršnog menadžera, e) uloga obrazovnog lidera i edukatora, f) uloga evaluatora, g) uloga studenta i h) uloga povezivača sa zajednicom. Uloge ravnatelja orijentirane su prema: a) ljudima, b) zadaćama/ciljevima, c) školi kao organizaciji i d) procesima koji se odvijaju unutar škole. Poslovi koji se naslanjanju na ovu orijentaciju pripadaju idealnom administrativnom procesu: planiranje, donošenje odluka, organiziranje, koordinacija, komuniciranje, utjecaj i vrednovanje što je efikasno u pet zadaća školskog menadžmenta: školski programi, učenici, zaposleni, odnosi sa zajednicom, fizički preduvjeti i menadžment.

Ključne riječi: Školski menadžment, obrazovno liderstvo, instrukcijsko liderstvo, obrazovni menadžment, suvremeno školstvo, odgovornosti ravnatelja

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European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 112–114 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.CZ

CZECH ABSTRACTS TSCHECHISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ABSTRAKTY Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (s. 3) „Má speciální modlitba”: Self, Bůh a modlitba: V příspěvku popisujeme dopad narcismu na náboženské chování v individualistických společnostech. Narcismus je důležitá osobnostní charakteristika. Současná západní kultura obecně spočívá na expresivním individualismu. Pro tento vzorek je typické, že lidé mají sklon udělovat si božské vlastnosti. V psychologii se tomu říká narcismus. Různorodé projevy v spektru narcismu prokazují, že tyto pokusy o udělování si božských vlastností nekončí vždy úspěchem. Narcistické osoby sní o tom, že se dostanou na úroveň bohů, jejich vlastní sebaobraz je ale příliš křehký k tomu, aby mohly být tyto pokusy úspěšné. Úspěch tohoto narcistického úsilí ovlivňuje i náboženskou aktivitu, například modlitbu. Opíraje se o předchozí empirické výzkumy a jednu případovou studii představujeme souvislosti zbožštění sebe samého, narcismu a modlitby. Ti, kteří jsou úspěšní v zbožštění sebe samého, se modlí jinak, než ti, jímž se to nepodaří. Modlitby první skupiny jsou adresovány samy sobě či nejmenované vyšší moci, modlitby druhé skupiny zase k osobitému Bohu.

Klíčová výrazy: individualismus, self, zjevný nebo skrytý narcismus, modlitba, narcizmus Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (s. 20) Strach o zdraví v moderní době: Somatosenzorické amplifikace, úzkost o zdraví a pohoda: Průřezová studie: Cílem průzkumu byla analýza spojitostí strachu o zdraví v moderní době, somatosenzorické amplifikace, úzkosti o zdraví a psychologické pohody. Dotazníky (Skálu strach o zdraví v moderní době, Skálu somatosenzorické amplifikace, zkrácenou verzi Dotazníku úzkost o zdraví, Dotazník o pozitivní a negativní afektivitě a Dotazník WHO) vyplnilo 5 180 pacientů u praktického lékaře (průměrný věk = 48.2 ± 15.76 let) a 344 vysokoškoláků (průměrný věk = 21.5 ± 2.09 let). Výsledky ukazují, že somatosenzorické amplifikace a úzkost o zdraví jsou nezávisle od sebe spojené se strachem o zdraví v moderní době. Mezi úzkostí o zdraví a pohodou se prokázal inverzní vztah. Výsledky korelační analýzy ukázaly, že strach o zdraví v moderní době nekoreluje s pohodou a má slabý pozitivní vztah k pozitivní afektivitě, v regresním výzkumu však kladně navazoval na obě proměnné po kontrole socioekonomických proměnných, negativní afektivity a úzkosti o zdraví. Strach o zdraví v moderní době se obvykle považuje za maladaptivní kognitivní strukturu, ale na základě těchto výsledků bychom mohli tento postoj zvážit.

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (s. 34) Sport jako „nástroj“ socializace: Korelace mezi sportem a účastí v práci v občanských sdruženích ve věkové kategorii 15 až 18 ročních: Na pozitivní vliv sociálního kapitálu poukázala v posledních 10–20 letech řada studií, na jeho vývin byl ale kladen menší důraz. Většina autorů za vznikem sociálního kapitálu předpokládá implicitně socializační vliv. To potvrzují i ​​studie, které využitím panelových výzkumů poukázaly na výrazné spojitosti mezi občanskou aktivitou mládeže a mladých dospělých a obecnou úrovní jejich důvěry. V naší studii zkoumáme, jak ovlivňuje sportovní aktivita (15–18 letých) mladých lidí jedno z nejdůležitějších indikátorů sociálního kapitálu – členství v občanských sdruženích. Podle dvou sběrů dat (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) mladí sportovci se s větší pravděpodobností podílejí na práci občanských sdružení. V našich modelech se sport ukázal důležitější proměnnou v pozadí, než přístup k ekonomickým nebo kulturním zdrojům. Ačkoli částečně to má i strukturální příčiny, jsme toho názoru, že z hlediska sociálního kapitálu důležitým činitelem je především zapojení se v komunitě, resp. v důsledku toho se formující síti vztahů. Dobrým základem pro to může být sportování v mladém věku.

Klíčová výrazy: sociální kapitál, volný čas, věková skupina 15–18 let, sportování, členství v občanském sdružení Helene Ybrandt (s. 54) Trendy rodinných a psychických problémů vnímané švédskými adolescenty v posledních deseti letech: S cílem odhalit závažnost problémů švédských adolescentů byly využity údaje ze sebehodnocení a z Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, diagnóza užívání narkotik u adolescentů) sesbírané a vyhodnocené v letech 2000 a 2010. Údaje o rodinných vztazích, psychickém stavu a problémech 15–17 ročních adolescentů byly nasbírané ze dvou náhodně vybraných vzorků (121 osob v roce 2000, 485 osob v roce 2010). Výsledky průzkumů z let 2000 a 2010 se z hlediska závažnosti problémů adolescentů nelišili – nepozorovali jsme nárůst rozdílů mezi pohlavími, ani skupinami s rozdílným sociálním a hospodářským zázemím. Nýbrž dívky hodnotili vážnější své problémy v rodinných vztazích, než kluci. Adolescenti v roce 2010 jmenovali méně psychických problémů (např. těžká úzkost a napětí, problémy s porozuměním, s pozorností či pamětí, problémy ve vztazích rodiny i mimo ni - např. problémy sourozenců, nedůvěra vůči jiným) ve srovnání s rokem 2000. Prioritou příštích deseti let bude odhalení problémů ve vztazích, například otázek nejistoty spojené s osobami mimo rodiny – a to pro podporu duševního zdraví adolescentů.

Klíčová výrazy: diagnóza užívání narkotik u adolescentů (ADAD), adolescence, duševní zdraví, rodina, problémy ve vztazích Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (s. 68) Mentální hygiena a mechanismy zvládání obyvatelstva trpícího nedostatkem pitné vody v pásmu Fars: Ekopsychologický výhled: Cílem studie bylo prozkoumat vliv nedostatku pitné vody na duševní zdraví a copingové strategie venkovského obyvatelstva v Iránu, a prozkoumat vliv pohlaví, bydliště, rodinného stavu, zaměstnání, úrovně vzdělání apod. Výzkum sledoval 1198 venkovských obyvatel v blízkosti íránských měst Darab a Eghlid. K výzkumu se využil demografický dotazník, Všeobecný zdravotní dotazník (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-2) a škála vztahující se na způsoby překonávání nedostatku pitné vody (Coping Styles with Drinking

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Water Crisis, CSDWS). Multidimenzionální škála CSDW se vztahuje na následující čtyři faktory: (1) metody pro optimalizaci spotřeby vody, (2) bezvodé technologie a sociální změny v životě, (3) využití špičkové technologie v úspoře vody, a (4) vyhýbavé zvládání zaměřené na emoce.

Ti venkovští obyvatelé, kteří netrpěli nedostatkem pitné vody, využívali mnohem vyšší úroveň racionálních mechanismů zvládání, jejich psychopatologické ukazatele byly nižší a byly méně náchylní na vyhýbavé zvládání zaměřené na emoce, než venkovští obyvatelé trpící nedostatkem pitné vody. Ve vzorce se potvrdil vliv místa bydliště, rodinného stavu, úrovně vzdělání a zaměstnání na copingové strategie a duševní zdraví.

Klíčová výrazy: nedostatek pitné vody, copingové strategie, duševní zdraví, demografické údaje Željko Burcar (s. 87) Role ředitele školy v Chorvatsku: Manažer vzdělávání, lídr nebo správce: Studie zkoumá ty otázky vztahující se k řízení vzdělávání a školských institucí v Chorvatsku, které mohou sloužit jako východisko dalších výzkumů a bádání. Studie analyzuje roli ředitele školy v bouřlivém prostředí současného vzdělávání při vzrůstající odpovědnosti a přetíženém pracovním rozvrhu.

Podle získaných údajů ředitelé škol v Chorvatsku se prokazují v osmi různých rolích: a) sběratel a zprostředkovatel informací, b) komunikátor, c) stratég a plánovač, d) vedoucí, správce a plánovač organizace, e) vedoucí vzdělávání a vyučující, f) hodnotící, g) student a h) spojka s kolektivem.

Zaměřenost rolí ředitele: a) lidé, b) úkoly/cíle, c) škola jako organizace d) procesy v rámci školy. Úkoly vyplývající z tohoto zaměření jsou součástí ideálního administrativního procesu: plánování, rozhodování, organizace, koordinace, komunikace, ovlivňování a hodnocení na pěti úsecích řízení školy: studijní program, studenti, zaměstnanci, vztahy s komunitou, fyzické podmínky a vedení.

Klíčová výrazy: škola, manažment, vzdělávání, vedení, úkoly ředitele

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 115–117 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.GB

ENGLISH ABSTRACTS ENGLISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ABSTRACTS Hessel. J. Zondag & Marinus H.F van Uden (p. 3) ‘My Special Prayer’: On Self, God and Prayer: In this contribution we will demonstrate the impact of narcissism – an important personality trait in individualistic societies – on religious behaviour. Present-day Western culture is generally characterised as being expressive individualistic. A dominant trait in this pattern is the tendency of people to ascribe divine (godlike) characteristics to themselves. Psychologically speaking, we are dealing with narcissism. The various varieties in the spectrum of narcissism show that these attempts to attribute divine characteristics to the self do not always succeed. These individuals fantasise about becoming godlike, but their self-image is too fragile to enable these attempts to be successful. The success of this narcissistic aspiration has effects on religious activities, like praying. Based on earlier empirical research and a case study we show how self-deification, narcissism and prayer are related. Those who succeed in becoming godlike pray in a different manner than those who fail in this effort. The former address their prayers to themselves or an anonymous higher power, the latter address their prayers to a personal God. Keywords: individualisation, self, overt and covert narcissism, prayer, narcissism Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (p. 20) Modern Health Worries: Somatosensory Amplification, Health Anxiety and Well-being: a Cross-Sectional Study: The study aims to investigate the relationship among modern health worries (MHWs), somatosensory amplification (SSA), health anxiety, and well-being. Questionnaires (Modern Health Worries Scale, Somatosensory Amplification Scale, Short Health Anxiety Inventory, Positive and Negative Affect Schedule, and WHO-Five Well-being Scale) were completed by 180 patients (mean age = 48.2 ± 15.76 yrs) visiting their general practitioners and by 344 undergraduate students (21.5 ± 2.09 yrs) in a cross-sectional study. According to the results, SSA and health anxiety were independently related to MHWs. Health anxiety was negatively related to indicators of general well-being. MHWs were not associated with well-being and were weakly positively connected to positive affect in the correlation analysis, while positive associations with both constructs were found after controlling for socio-economic variables, negative affect, and health anxiety in the regression analysis. MHWs are usually treated as maladaptive cognitive structures, but in the light of the present results this viewpoint might need reconsideration.

Keywords: somatosensory amplification, health anxiety, well-being, perceived control

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (p. 34) Sport as a ‘Tool’ of Socialisation: Correlations between Civil Organisation Activity and Sporting Activity in the 15–18 Age Cohort: Several studies pointed out the positive effects of social capital in the last 10 to 20 years. Nevertheless, only minor emphasis was put on the formation of social capital. Most authors implicitly presume an effect of socialisation in the background of the formation of social capital. This is also confirmed by studies, using data of panel research, which have demonstrated significant connections between the civil activity of young people and adults and their general level of trust. In our study we examine how membership in civil organ­ isations – which we consider an important indicator of social capital – is influenced by sporting activity in the age range of 15–18. The two surveys examined (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) show that young people practising sports are more likely to participate in the work of civil organisations, moreover, sport proved to be a more important background variable in our models than the access to economic and cultural resources. Although this is also due to structural reasons, we are convinced that the most important factors for social capital are the participation in a community and the social net deriving from it. And juvenile sporting activity can serve as a good basis for this.

Keywords: social capital, leisure time, 15–18 age range, sporting activity, civil organisation membership Helene Ybrandt (p. 54) Ten-year Trends in Self-reported Family and Psychological Problems Among Swedish Adolescents: The aim of the study was to compare problem severity among Swedish adolescents, using self-reported and interviewer-rated data from 2000 and 2010, gathered with the Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD) interview. Data relating to family relationships, psychological status and problems were collected in two samples randomly selected from the adolescent population aged 15–17 years (121 adolescents in the year 2000 and 485 adolescents in the year 2010).

The results show that the self-rated and interviewer-rated problem severity of adolescents in 2000 and in 2010 seems to be unchanged, with no increased polarisation for sex and socio-economic groups. There was a difference, however, was of girls reporting more severe problems in family relationships compared to boys. In 2010, compared to 2000, adolescents reported on fewer psychological problems (e.g. experiences of serious anxiety and tension, comprehension and concentration disorder, memory loss and, in addition, with relationships in and outside the family sphere – e.g. problems with getting along with siblings, and with trusting other people). In order to promote the mental health of adolescents it is essential during the next decade to reveal relationship problems, such as problems of insecurity with people outside the family.

Keywords: Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD), adolescence, mental health, family, relationship problems Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (p. 68) Mental Health and Coping Styles of Rural Residents Affected by Drinking Water Shortage in Fars Province: An Ecopsychological Perspective: The purpose of this study was to examine, in an Iranian sample, the effect of drinking water shortage on the rural residents’ mental health and their coping styles, and to investigate the influences of gender, location of residence, marital status, job and the level of education on these constructs. Participants included 1198 rural residents EJMH 9:1, June 2014

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around the Iranian cities of Darab and Eghlid. A demographic questionnaire, the General Health Questionnaire 28 (GHQ-28), and the Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis Scale (CSDWS) were used in this study. The CSDWS is a multidimensional construct with four factors including: (1) optimising water consumption methods, (2) water-free technologies and social changes in life, (3) usage of high-quality technologies in water saving, and (4) emotion-focused avoidant coping styles. Rural residents who had suffered no drinking water shortage had a significantly higher performance of rational coping styles and had a lower psychopathology indicator and a lower performance of emotion-focused avoidant coping styles than rural residents who had experienced drinking water shortage. The effect of location of residence, marital status, level of education and occupation on coping styles and mental health was affirmed in this sample.

Keywords: drinking water shortage, coping styles, mental health, demographics Željko Burcar (p. 87) The Role of the Principal in Croatian Education: Manager, Leader or Administrator: The purpose of this study is to examine problems in the fields of educational management and instructional leadership in Croatia that could serve as possible starting points for future studies or research. This study examines the role of the school principal within the context of modern-day schooling in turbulent surroundings, growing responsibility and overloaded schedule.

According to findings we can explain eight different roles principals perform in Croatian education: a) information collector and disseminator, b) communicator, c) strategist and planner, d) executive manager, administrator and organiser, e) educational leader and educator, f) evaluator, g) student and h) community liaison.

The principal’s roles are oriented toward: a) people, b) tasks/goals, c) school as organisation, and d) processes inside the school. Tasks generated from such orientation belong to an ideal administrative process: planning, decision-making, organising, coordination, communication, influence and evaluation effective in five tasks of school management: school program, pupils, staff, and relations with community, physical preconditions, and management.

Keywords: school, management, education, leadership, instruction, principal’s responsibilities

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 118–120 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.D

GERMAN ABSTRACTS DEUTSCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (S. 3) „My Special Prayer“: Über das Selbst, Gott und das Gebet: In der Studie wird dargelegt, wie sich Narzissmus, eines der wichtigen Persönlichkeitsmerkmale in individualistischen Gesellschaften, auf das religiöse Verhalten auswirkt. Die heutige westliche Kultur gilt gemeinhin als von expressivem Individualismus geprägt. Dieser zeichnet sich vor allem dadurch aus, dass die Menschen dazu neigen, sich selbst göttliche Charaktereigenschaften zuzuschreiben. In der Psychologie wird dies als Narzissmus bezeichnet. Die Vielfalt von Varianten innerhalb des Spektrums des Narzissmus zeigt, dass die Versuche, dem Ich göttliche Charaktereigenschaften zuzuschreiben, nicht immer erfolgreich sind. Die Betroffenen träumen davon, Gott gleich zu werden, ihr Selbstbild ist aber viel zu fragil, als dass diese Versuche auch zum Erfolg führen könnten. Der Erfolg oder Misserfolg der narzisstischen Bestrebungen hat auch Auswirkungen auf religiöse Aktivitäten wie z.B. das Beten. Auf der Grundlage früherer empirischer Forschungsarbeiten und einer Fallstudie zeigen wir, welche Zusammenhänge zwischen Selbstvergötterung, Narzissmus und Beten bestehen. Diejenigen, die sich erfolgreich selbst vergöttlichen, beten anders als die, die daran scheitern. Erstere richten ihr Gebet an sich selbst oder an eine namenlose höhere Macht, Letztere richten ihr Gebet an einen persönlichen Gott.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Individualisierung, Selbst, offener oder verschleierter Narzissmus, Beten, Narzissmus Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (S. 20) Krankheitsangst der Moderne, somatosensorische Amplifikation, Krankheitsphobie und Wohlbefinden: Eine Querschnittsuntersuchung: Die Zielsetzung unserer Studie bestand darin, Zusammenhänge zwischen der Krankheitsangst der Moderne, der somatosensorischen Amplifikation, Krankheitsphobien und psychischem Wohlbefinden zu untersuchen. Für die Querschnittsstudie wurden von 180 Hausarztpatienten (Durchschnittsalter = 48.2 ± 15.76 Jahre) und 344 Studenten in den ersten Studienjahren (Durchschnittsalter = 21.5 ± 2.09 Jahre) mehrere Fragebögen ausgefüllt (Modern Health Worries Scale, Somatosensory Amplification Scale, Short Health Anxiety Inventory, Positive and Negative Affect Schedule und der WHO-5-Fragebogen). Wie die Ergebnisse zeigen, stehen somatosensorische Amplifikation und Krankheitsphobie auch unabhängig voneinander im Zusammenhang mit der Krankheitsangst der Moderne. Zwischen Krankheitsphobie und Wohlbefinden ergab sich ein negativer Zusammenhang. Den Ergebnissen der Korrelationsanalyse zufolge korreliert die Krankheitsangst der Moderne nicht mit dem Wohlbefinden; sie steht in einem schwach positiven Zusammenhang mit positiver Affektivität, in der Regressionsanalyse ergab sich jedoch nach Kontrolle der sozioökonomischen Variablen, der negativen Affektivität und der Krankheitsphobie ein positiver Zusammenhang mit beiden Variablen. Die Krankheitsangst der Moderne gilt gemeinhin als maladaptive kognitive Struktur, es ist aber möglich, dass dies aufgrund o.g. Ergebnisse überdacht werden muss.

Schlüsselbegriffe: somatosensorische Amplifikation, Krankheitsangst, Wohlbefinden, wahrgenommene Kontrolle ISSN 1788-4934 © 2014 Semmelweis University Institute of Mental Health, Budapest

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (S. 34) Sport als „Mittel” der Sozialisation: Korrelation zwischen Mitarbeit in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen und Sport bei 15- bis 18-jährigen Jugendlichen: In den vergangenen zehn bis zwanzig Jahren wurde in zahlreichen Studien auf die positive Wirkung von sozialem Kapital hingewiesen, jedoch wurde weniger thematisiert, wie dieses entsteht. Die meisten Autoren vermuten, dass sich soziales Kapital auf der Grundlage einer impliziten Wirkung der Sozialisation bildet. Dies wird auch durch Studien bestätigt, in denen auf der Basis von Daten aus Panelforschungen ein deutlicher Zusammenhang zwischen bürgerschaftlichem Engagement im Jugendund jungen Erwachsenenalter und allgemeinem Vertrauen nachgewiesen konnte. Wir untersuchen in der Studie, inwieweit das Engagement in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen – ein wichtiger Indikator für soziales Kapital – durch Sport beeinflusst wird. Zwei Datenerhebungen zufolge (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) engagieren sich Jugendliche, die Sport treiben, mit einer größeren Wahrscheinlichkeit in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen. In unseren Modellen erwies sich Sport sogar als wichtigere Hintergrundvariable als der Zugang zu wirtschaftlichen oder kulturellen Ressourcen. Zum Teil ist dies zwar auf strukturelle Gründe zurückzuführen, wir vertreten aber dennoch die Ansicht, dass der wesentliche Faktor im Hinblick auf das soziale Kapital die Aktivitäten in der Gemeinschaft bzw. das sich dadurch herausbildende soziale Netzwerk ist. Sport im Jugendalter kann hierfür eine gute Grundlage sein.

Schlüsselbegriffe: soziales Kapital, Freizeit, Altersgruppe zwischen 15 und 18 Jahren, Sport, Mitgliedschaft in zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen Helene Ybrandt (S. 54) Zehn-Jahres-Trends bei familiären und psychischen Problemen in Selbstberichten von schwedischen Heranwachsenden: Ziel der Studie war es festzustellen, wie gravierend die Probleme von schwedischen Jugendlichen sind. Hierfür wurden Daten aus Selbstberichten und aus Interviews verwendet, die in den Jahren 2000 und 2010 mit Hilfe der Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, Drogenmissbrauch-Diagnose bei Heranwachsenden) erhoben worden waren.

In zwei Zufallsstichproben aus der Altersgruppe von 15 bis 17 Jahren (121 Personen im Jahr 2000, 485 Personen in 2010) wurden Daten zu familiären Beziehungen sowie zu psychischem Status und psychischen Problemen erhoben. Beim Vergleich zwischen den in Interviews erhaltenen und den durch Selbstberichte gewonnenen Ergebnissen von 2000 und 2010 konnte hinsichtlich der Schwere der Probleme der Heranwachsenden keine Veränderung festgestellt werden; die Divergenz zwischen den Geschlechtern bzw. zwischen verschiedenen sozioökonomischen Gruppen ist nicht angestiegen. Allerdings betrachten die Mädchen Probleme in ihren familiären Beziehungen als schwerwiegender als die Jungen. Im Vergleich zu 2000 berichteten die Heranwachsenden 2010 über weniger psychische Probleme (z.B. Angstzustände, Spannungen, Probleme mit dem Verstehen, der Konzentration oder dem Gedächtnis sowie Probleme mit Beziehungen innerhalb und außerhalb der Familie – wie Probleme im Kontakt mit den Geschwistern oder fehlendes Vertrauen gegenüber anderen). Eine wichtige Aufgabe für das kommende Jahrzehnt wird es sein, Beziehungsprobleme wie z.B. Unsicherheit gegenüber Personen außerhalb der Familie genauer zu untersuchen, um die mentale Gesundheit von Heranwachsenden zu fördern.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Drogenmissbrauch-Diagnose bei Heranwachsenden (ADAD), Adoleszenz, Mentalhygiene, Familie, Beziehungsprobleme

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Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (S. 68) Mentalhygiene und Bewältigungsstrategien bei von Trinkwassermangel betroffener Landbevölkerung in der Provinz Fars: Die Ökopsychologische Perspektive: Die Rolle der lokalen Ressourcenwirtschaft: Eines der Ziele der Untersuchung bestand darin, an einer Stichprobe aus dem Iran die Auswirkungen von Trinkwassermangel auf die Mentalhygiene der ländlichen Bevölkerung und auf ihre Bewältigungsstrategien zu untersuchen und im Weiteren zu klären, inwieweit diese von Geschlecht, Wohnort, Familienstand, Arbeitsplatz und Bildungsstand beeinflusst werden. In der Untersuchung wurden 1198 Bewohner der ländlichen Umgebung der Städte Darab und Eghlid im Iran erfasst. Hierfür wurden ein demografischer Fragebogen, der Fragebogen zum allgemeinen Gesundheitszustand (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) und die Skala Bewältigungsmethoden bei Trinkwassermangel (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS) verwendet. Die CSDW-Skala umfasst die folgenden vier Faktoren: 1. Methoden zur Optimierung des Wasserverbrauchs, 2. wasserfreie Technologien und gesellschaftliche Veränderungen, 3. Einsatz von Spitzentechnologien bei Wassersparmaßnahmen und 4. emotionsorientiertes Coping und Vermeidung. Diejenigen auf dem Land lebenden Personen, die nicht unter Wassermangel litten, waren signifikant erfolgreicher in der Nutzung rationaler Bewältigungsmethoden, wiesen niedrigere psychopathologische Werte auf und neigten weniger zu emotionsorientiertem Coping und Vermeidung als solche, die unter Trinkwassermangel litten. Anhand der Stichprobe konnten die Auswirkungen von Wohnort, Familienstand, Bildungsstand und Arbeitsplatz auf die Bewältigungsmethoden und auf die Mentalhygiene nachgewiesen werden.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Trinkwassermangel, Bewältigungsmethoden, Mentalhygiene, demografische Daten Željko Burcar (S. 87) Rollen von Schulleitern in Kroatien: Bildungsmanager, Geschäftsführer oder Büroangestellter: Die Studie untersucht Fragen in den Bereichen Bildungsmanagement und Leitung von Bildungsinstitutionen in Kroatien, die als Ausgangspunkt für weitere Forschungen und Untersuchungen dienen können. Die Studie analysiert die Rolle des Schulleiters unter heutigen schulischen Rahmenbedingungen, zu denen ein turbulentes Umfeld, wachsende Verantwortung und ein übervoller Terminkalender gehören. Den erhobenen Daten zufolge müssen sich Schulleiter in Kroatien in acht unterschiedlichen Rollenbereichen behaupten: a) Sammlung und Weiterleitung von Informationen, b) Kommunikation, c) Strategie und Planung, d) Leitung der Organisation, administrative Aufgaben und Organisation, e) Leitung der Bildungsinstitution und Unterricht, f) Evaluation, g) Lernen und h) Kontakte zum Gemeinwesen. Die Rollenbereiche des Schulleiters richten sich an: a) Menschen, b) Aufgaben/Ziele, c) Schule als Organisation und d) Prozesse innerhalb der Schule. Von den Rollenbereichen lassen sich folgende Aufgaben für den idealen administrativen Prozess ableiten: Planung, Entscheidungsfindung, Organisation, Koordination, Kommunikation, Beeinflussung und Evaluation, und zwar in fünf Teilbereichen der Schulleitung: Schulprogramm, Schüler, Personal, Kontakte zum Gemeinwesen, physische Voraussetzungen und Management.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Schule, Management, Bildung, Leitung, Bildungsmanagement, Aufgaben des Schulleiters

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 121–123 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.H

HUNGARIAN ABSTRACTS UNGARISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ÖSSZEFOGLALÓK Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (3. o.) „My Special Prayer”: A self, az isten és az imádság: A cikk bemutatja, milyen hatást gyakorol a vallásos viselkedésre az önimádat, az énközpontú társadalmak egyik fontos személyiségjegye.

Napjaink nyugati kultúráját általában önmegvalósításra törekvő, expresszív individualistának tartják. Erre a mintára az a legjellemzőbb, hogy az emberek hajlamosak arra, hogy önmagukat isteni jellemzőkkel ruházzák fel. A pszichológiában ezt nárcizmusnak hívják. A nárcizmus széles spektruma azt mutatja, hogy az én isteni jellemzőkkel való felruházására törekvő próbálkozások nem mindig járnak sikerrel. Az ilyen személyek arról álmodoznak, hogy az istenekkel egy szintre kerülhetnek, énképük ugyanakkor túl törékeny ahhoz, hogy ezek a próbálkozások sikerrel járjanak. Ennek a nárcisztikus törekvésnek a sikeressége kihat a vallásos tevékenységekre, például imádkozásra is. Korábbi empirikus kutatásokra és egy esettanulmányra építve bemutatjuk, hogyan függ össze egymással az önbálványozás, a nárcizmus és az imádkozás. Azok, akik sikerrel istenítik magukat, másként imádkoznak, mint azok, akik ebben sikertelenek. Előbbiek imáikat önmagukhoz vagy egy névtelen felsőbb hatalomhoz intézik, utóbbiak egy személyes Istenhez.

Kulcsszavak: énközpontúság, self, nyílt vagy burkolt önimádat, imádkozás, nárcizmus Köteles Ferenc & Simor Péter (20. o.)

Modernkori egészségféltés, szomatoszenzoros amplifikáció, egészségszorongás és jóllét: Keresztmetszeti vizsgálat: A kutatás célja a modernkori egészségféltés, a szomatoszenzoros amplifikáció, az egészségszorongás és a pszichológiai jóllét közötti kapcsolat vizsgálata volt. A keresztmetszeti kérdőíves vizsgálatban 180 háziorvosát látogató beteg (átlag életkor = 48.2 ± 15.76 év) és 344 alsóéves egyetemista (átlag életkor = 21.5 ± 2.09 év) töltötte ki a Modernkori Egészségféltés Skálát, a Szomatoszenzoros Amplifikációs Skálát, az Egészségszorongás Kérdőív rövidített változatát, a Pozitív és Negatív Affektivitás Kérdőívet, valamint a WHO-5 kérdőívet.

Az eredmények alapján a szomatoszenzoros amplifikáció és az egészségszorongás egymástól függetlenül is kapcsolódnak a modernkori egészségféltéshez. Az egészségszorongás és a jóllét között fordított irányú kapcsolat adódott. A korrelációs elemzés eredményei szerint a modernkori egészségféltés nem korrelált a jólléttel és gyenge pozitív kapcsolatban állt a pozitív affektussal, a regressziós vizsgálatban viszont pozitívan kapcsolódott mindkét változóhoz a szocioökonómiai változók, a negatív affektivitás és az egészségszorongás kontrollálása után. A modernkori egészségféltést rendszerint maladaptív kognitív struktúrának tartják, ám jelen eredmények alapján ez az álláspont átgondolandó lehet.

Kulcsszavak: szomatoszenzoros amplifikáció, egészségszorongás, jóllét, észlelt kontroll

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (34. o.)

Sport mint szocializációs „eszköz”: Civil szervezetek munkájában való részvétel és a sportolás közötti korreláció 15–18 évesek körében: A társadalmi tőke pozitív hatására számos tanulmány rámutatott az elmúlt 10–20 évben, azonban a társadalmi tőke keletkezésére kevesebb hangsúlyt fektettek. A legtöbb szerző a társadalmi tőke kialakulása mögött implicit módon szocializációs hatást feltételez. Ezt megerősítik azok a tanulmányok is, amelyek panel kutatások adatait felhasználva jelentős összefüggést mutattak ki a fiatal- és kora felnőttkori civil aktivitás és az általános bizalmi szint között. Tanulmányunkban azt vizsgáljuk, hogy a társadalmi tőke egyik fontos indikátorát, a civil szervezeti tagságot, milyen módon befolyásolja a fiatalok (15–18 évesek) körében a sportolás. Két adatfelvétel alapján (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) a sportoló fiatalok nagyobb valószínűséggel vesznek részt a civil szervezeti munkában. Sőt modelljeinkben a sport fontosabb háttérváltozónak bizonyult, mint a gazdasági vagy a kulturális erőforrásokhoz való hozzáférés. Bár ennek részben strukturális okai is vannak, azon a véleményen vagyunk, hogy a társadalmi tőke szempontjából elsősorban a közösségben való részvétel, illetve az ebből kialakuló kapcsolati háló a fontos tényező. Ennek pedig a fiatalkori sportolás jó alapja lehet.

Kulcsszavak: társadalmi tőke, szabadidő, 15–18 éves korosztály, sportolás, civil szervezeti tagság Helene Ybrandt (54. o.)

Az önbevallással mért családi és pszichés problémák trendje a svéd kamaszok körében az elmúlt 10 évben: A kutatás a svéd kamaszok problémáinak súlyosságát kívánta feltárni, melyhez az Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, kamaszkori kábítószer-használati diagnózis) interjú segítségével 2000-ben, illetve 2010-ben kérdezőbiztos által gyűjtött, illetve önbevalláson alapuló adatokat használt fel. A családi viszonyokra, pszichés állapotra és problémákra vonatkozó adatokat a 15–17 éves kamaszok körében, két véletlenszerűen kiválasztott mintán (2000-ben 121 fő, 2010-ben 485 fő) gyűjtötték. A 2000-ben, illetve 2010-ben végzett, kérdezőbiztos által minősített, illetve önbevalláson alapuló vizsgálat eredményeit összehasonlítva nem tapasztalható változás a kamaszok problémáinak súlyosságát illetően – nem nőtt az eltérés a nemek, illetve az eltérő társadalmi és gazdasági hátterű csoportok között. A lányok ugyanakkor súlyosabbnak ítélték a családi kapcsolataikon belüli problémákat, mint a fiúk. A kamaszok 2010-ben 2000-hez képest kevesebb pszichés problémáról (pl. súlyos szorongás, feszültség, megértési zavar, figyelemzavar, emlékezetzavar, továbbá a családon belüli vagy kívüli kapcsolati problémák ‑ pl. a testvérek közötti problémák, illetve a mások iránti bizalmatlanság) számoltak be. A kamaszok mentális egészségének előmozdítása érdekében a következő évtizedben kiemelt feladat feltárni a kapcsolati problémákat, például a családon kívüli személyekkel kapcsolatos bizonytalanság kérdéseit.

Kulcsszavak: kamaszkori kábítószer-használati diagnózis (ADAD), kamaszkor, mentálhigiéné, család, kapcsolati problémák Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (68. o.)

Mentálhigiéné és megküzdési módok Fars tartomány ivóvízhiánytól sújtott lakosságának körében: Ökopszichológiai kitekintés: A kutatás egyik célja az volt, hogy egy iráni mintán megvizsgálja az ivóvíz hiányának hatását a vidéki lakosság mentálhigiénéjére és megküzdési módjaira, továbbá hogy tisztázza, vajon a nem, lakóhely, családi állapot, munkahely és tanulmányok befo-

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lyásolják-e ezeket. A kutatás az iráni Darab és Eghlid városok környékén élő 1198 vidéki lakosra terjedt ki. A vizsgálat során egy demográfiai kérdőívet, az Általános Egészségi Kérdőívet (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) és az ivóvíz hiányával való megküzdés módszereinek (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS) skáláját használták. A CSDW-skála az alábbi négy tényezőre terjed ki: (1) a vízfogyasztás optimalizálását célzó módszerek, (2) vízmentes technológiák és társadalmi változások, (3) csúcstechnológiák használata a víztakarékosságban, illetve (4) érzelemfókuszú-elkerülő megküzdési módok. Azok a vidéki lakosok, akik nem szenvedtek hiányt ivóvízben, sokkal magasabb szintű racionális megküzdési módokat alkalmaztak, alacsonyabb volt a pszichopatológiai mutatójuk, és kevésbé voltak hajlamosak érzelemfókuszú-elkerülő megküzdési módokra, mint az ivóvíz hiányától szenvedő vidéki lakosok. A mintán igazolódott a lakóhely, családi állapot, tanulmányok és munkahely hatása a megküzdési módokra és mentálhigiénére.

Kulcsszavak: ivóvízhiány, megküzdési módok, mentálhigiéné, demográfiai adatok Željko Burcar (87. o.)

Az iskolaigazgató szerepe Horvátországban: Oktatási menedzser, vezető vagy adminisztrátor: A tanulmány azokat az oktatásirányításra, illetve az oktatási intézmények vezetésére vonatkozó kérdéseket vizsgálja Horvátországban, amelyek további kutatások és vizsgálatok kiinduló pontjául szolgálhatnak. A tanulmány az iskolaigazgató szerepét elemzi napjaink oktatásában, viharos környezetben, növekvő felelősség és túlterhelt időbeosztás mellett. A kapott adatok szerint Horvátországban az iskolaigazgatóknak nyolc különféle szerepkörben kell helytállniuk: a) információgyűjtő és -terjesztő, b) kommunikátor, c) stratéga és tervező, d) szervezeti vezető, adminisztrátor és szervező, e) oktatási vezető és oktató, f) értékelő, g) diák és h) összekötő a közösség felé. Az igazgatói szerepkörök irányultsága: a) emberek, b) feladatok/célok, c) az iskola, mint szervezet és d) az iskolán belüli folyamatok. Az ebből az irányultságból következő feladatok az ideális adminisztratív folyamat részei: tervezés, döntéshozás, szervezés, koordinálás, kommunikálás, befolyásolás és értékelés, az iskolavezetés öt területén: képzési program, diákok, dolgozók, közösségi kapcsolatok, fizikai feltételek és vezetés.

Kulcsszavak: iskola, menedzsment, oktatásügy, vezetés, oktatásirányítás, igazgatói feladatok

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European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 124–126 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.PL

POLISH ABSTRACTS POLNISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ABSTRAKTY Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (s. 3) „My Special Prayer”: Self, Bóg i modlitwa: Artykuł opisuje wpływ samouwielbienia, jednej z cech osobowości typowej dla społeczeństw egocentrycznych, na formę religijnych zachowań.

Dzisiejsza kultura zachodnia uznawana jest na ogół za mobilizującą do samorealizacji i ekspresywnie indywidualistyczną. Najbardziej charakterystyczną normą zachowania w tym wzorcu jest skłonność ludzi do przypisywania sobie cech boskich. W psychologii nazywa się to narcyzmem.

Szerokie spektrum narcyzmu ukazuje, że próby przypisywania sobie cech boskich nie zawsze zwieńczone są sukcesem. Osoby narcystyczne wybrażają sobie, że mogłyby się znaleźć na jednej płaszczyźnie z bogami, jedocześnie ich samoocena jest zbyt labilna, by te starania mogły dać efekt. Sukces dążeń narcystycznych ma wpływ na praktyki religijne, na przykład na modlitwę.

Na podstawie przeprowadzonych wcześniej badań empirycznych oraz studium przypadku przedstawiamy współzależność między samouwielbieniem, narcyzmem i modlitwą. Ci, którzy doszli do stanu samouwielbienia, modlą się inaczej od tych, którzy go nie osiągnęli. Pierwsza grupa kieruje swoje modlitwy do samych siebie lub do bezimiennej siły wyższej, druga grupa do Boga osobowego.

Słowa kluczowe: egocentryzm, self, jawne lub skrywane samouwielbienie, modlitwa, narcyzm Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (s. 20) Obawa o zdrowie, amplifikacja sensorów somatycznych, lęk o stan zdrowia, a stan dobrobytu w życiu współczesnym: Badanie przekrojowe: Celem badania było rozpoznanie związku pomiędzy obawą o zdrowie, amplifikacją sensorów somatycznych, lękiem o stan zdrowia , a stanem dobrobytu w życiu współczesnym. Przekrojowe badanie ankietowe objęło 180 pacjentów pozostających pod opieką lekarza (przeciętna wieku: 48.2 ± 15.76 lat) i 344 studentów z niższych roczników (przeciętna wieku: 21.5 ± 2.09 lat), którzy wypełnili ankiety Skali Obaw o Stan Zdrowia, Skalę Amplifikacji Sensorów Somatycznych, skróconą wersję Kwestionariusza Stanu Lęku o Zdrowie, Kwestionariusz Emocji Pozytywnych i Negatywnych oraz Kwestionariusz WHO-5.

Badanie wykazało, że amplifikacja sensorów somatycznych i lęk o stan zdrowia są powiązane ze współczesnymi obawami o zdrowie niezależnie od siebie. Pomiędzy lękiem o stan zdrowia a dobrym samopoczuciem psychicznym istnieje stosunek odwrotnie proporcjonalny. Według wyników analizy korelacyjnej odwieczna obawa o zdrowie nie korelowała z dobrym samopoczuciem i pozostawała w słabej więzi dodatniej z pozytywnym afektem, w badaniu regresyjnym natomiast, po skontrolowaniu z obiema zmiennymi, pozytywnie łączyły się zmienne socjalno-ekonomiczne, afekt negatywny i lęk o stan zdrowia. Odwieczną obawę o zdrowie uważa się z reguły za źle zaadaptowaną (maladaptywną) strukturę kognitywną, ale w świetle obecnych wyników być może należy przemyśleć to stanowisko.

Słowa kluczowe: amplifikacja sensorów somatycznych, lęk o stan zdrowia, stan dobrobytu, obserwacja kontrolna

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (s. 34) Sport jako „narzędzie” socjalizacji: Korelacja pomiędzy aktywnością w działaniach organizacji cywilnych, a uprawianiem sportu u młodzieży w grupie wiekowej 15-18 lat: W ciągu minionych 10–20 lat wykazano w wielu opracowaniach, jak ważny jest kapitał społeczny, lecz mniej uwagi poświęcono sposobom jego powstawania. Większość autorów w sposób implicytny uznaje wpływ socjalizacji za tło kształtowania się kapitału społecznego. Poświadczają to prace, które w oparciu o dane badań panelowych wykazują istotną więź pomiędzy cywilną aktywnością młodzieży i wcześnie dorosłych, a ogólnym poziomem zaufania społecznego. W naszym studium badamy, w jaki sposób uprawianie sportu przez młodzież (15–18 lat) wzmacnia jeden z ważniejszych wskaźników kapitału społecznego, czyli członkostwo w organizacjach. Na podstawie danych pochodzących z dwóch badań (Badania młodzieży 2000, 2008) twierdzimy, że młodzież uprawiająca sport z większym prawdopodobieństwem udziela się aktywnie w organizacjach cywilnych. Co więcej, w naszych modelach sport okazał się ważniejszą zmienną, niż dostępu do zasobów gospodaczych lub kulturowych. Choć ten stan ma w pewnym stopniu również przyczyny strukturalne, jesteśmy zdania, że z punktu widzenia kapitału społecznego najważniejszym czynnikiem jest aktywność we wspólnotach oraz mocna więź sieci kontaktów, która skutkiem tej aktywności powstaje. A uprawiany w młodym wieku sport może stworzyć do tego dobrą podstawę.

Słowa kluczowe: kapitał społeczny, czas wolny, grupa wiekowa 15–18, uprawianie sportu, członkostwo w organizacjach cywilnych Helene Ybrandt (s. 54) Tendencje problemów rodzinnych i psychicznych określone na podstawie samooceny wśród szwedzkiej młodzieży w minionych 10 latach: Badanie miało na celu rozpoznanie stopnia nasilenia problemów wśród szwedzkiej młodzieży; do badania wykorzystano dane uzyskane w 2000 oraz 2010 roku za pomocą wywiadu Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, diagnostyka zażywania narkotyków przez młodzież), jak również dane pochodzące z własnych relacji uczestników. Dane dotyczące relacji w rodzinie, stanu psychicznego i problemów psychicznych zostały zebrane w kręgu nastolatków w wieku 15–17 lat, w dwóch losowo wybranych grupach (w 2000 roku było to 121 osób, w 2010 – 485 osób). Porównując wyniki badań wykonanych w 2000 i 2010 roku, ocenionych przez ankietera i zawartych w relacjach własnych, można ustalić, że nie stwierdza się zmian odnośnie stopnia nasilenia problemów nastolatków – nie powiększyły się różnice wynikające z przynależności do danej płci lub do grupy o różnym zapleczu społecznym i materialnym. Problemy wynikające z rodzinnych relacji dziewczęta określiły bardziej trudnymi, niż chłopcy. W 2010 roku porównaniu do danych z roku 2000 nastolatki sygnalizowały mniej problemów psychicznych (np. silny stan niepokoju, napięcie, zaburzenie funcji poznawczych, zaburzenie koncentracji, utrata pamięci, poza tym problemy w relacjach rodzinnych lub spoza rodziny – na przykład konflikt między rodzeństwem lub nieufność wobec obcych). W celu promowania zdrowia psychicznego młodzieży, priorytetem zadań w najbliższej dekadzie będzie zbadanie problemów w relacjach międzyludzkich, na przykład zagadnienie nieufności wobec osób spoza rodziny.

Słowa kluczowe: diagnoza zażywania narkotyków przez młodzież (ADAD), okres dorastania, higiena zdrowia psychicznego, rodzina, problemy w relacjach

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Khodarhaimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (s. 68) Zdrowie psychiczne i metody radzenia sobie wśród mieszkańców prowincji Fars dotkniętych brakiem wody pitnej: Perspektywa ekopsychologiczna: Jednym z celów badania było ustalenie, w oparciu o próbę dobieraną w Iranie, jaki wpływ wywiera niedobór wody na stan higieny mentalnej mieszkańców prowincji i na metody zwalczania tych trudności, oraz rozpoznanie, czy płeć, miejsce zamieszkania, stan cywilny, miejsce pracy i wykształcenie mają na to jakikolwiek wpływ. Badania zostały przeprowadzone na grupie liczącej 1198 osób, zamieszkałej w irańskich wioskach w pobliżu miast Darab i Eghlid. Badania odbyły się z wykorzystaniem ankiety demograficznej oraz w oparciu o Ogólny Kwestionariusz Stanu Zdrowia (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) i skalę metod zwalczania niedoboru wody pitnej (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis CSDWS). Skala CSDW obejmuje cztery czynniki: (1) metody optymalizacji zużycia wody, (2) bezwodne technologie i zmiany społeczne, (3) wykorzystanie najnowszych technologii w oszczędzaniu wody oraz (4) emocjonalno-unikowe metody radzenia sobie z problemem. Mieszkańcy wsi, którzy nigdy nie odczuli dotkliwie niedostatku wody pitnej, stosowali znacznie bardziej racjonalne metody radzenia sobie z tym problemem, wykazywali niższy wskaźnik psychopatologii i mniejszą skłonność do uciekania się do metod emocjonalno-unikowych, niż mieszkańcy wsi cierpiący na niedobór wody pitnej. Badania na tej grupie ludności potwierdziły wpłw miejsca zamieszkania, stanu cywilnego, wykształcenia i miejsca pracy na metody zwalczania problemu i stan higieny mentalnej.

Słowa kluczowe: niedobór wody pitnej, metody zwalczania, higiena mentalna, dane demograficzne Željko Burcar (s. 87) Rola dyrektora szkoły w Chorwacji: Menadżer oświaty, kierownik czy administrator: Praca poświęcona jest zagadnieniom dotyczącym zarządzania edukacją i placówkami oświaty w Chorwacji, które mogą służyć za punkt wyjściowy do dalszych badań i analiz. Praca analizuje role dyrektora szkoły w dzisiejszych warunkach edukacji, w burzliwym środowisku, przy rosnącej odpowiedzialności i napiętym harmonogramie zajęć. Według udostępnionych danych w Chorwacji dyrektor szkoły musi występować w ośmiu różnych rolach, jako: a) zbierający dane i przekazujący informacje, b) komunikujący, c) strateg i twórca projektów, d) zarządzający organizacją, administrator i organizator, e) kierujący edukacją i nauczający, f) oceniający, g) pogłębiający wiedzę, h) łącznik ze społecznością. Kierunki działania dyrektora w poszczególnych rolach: a) ludzie, b) zadania/cele, c) szkoła jako organizacja, d) procesy zachodzące w szkole. Zadania wynikające z tego kierunku są częściami modelowego procesu administracyjnego: planowanie, podejmowanie decyzji, organizacja, koordynacja, komunikacja, wpływ i ocena. Zarządzanie szkołą obejmuje pięć płaszczyzn: program kształcenia, uczniowie, pracownicy, więzi społeczne, warunki fizyczne i kierowanie.

Słowa kluczowe: szkoła, menedżment, oświata, zarządzanie, zarządzanie oświatą, zadania dyrektora

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 8 (2014) 127–129 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.R

RUMANIAN ABSTRACTS RUMÄNISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ABSTRACTE Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (pag. 3) „My Special Prayer”: Self-ul, Dumnezeul și rugăciunea: Articolul prezintă ce efect produce narcisismul – una dintre importantele trăsături personale ale societății egocentrice – asupra comportamentului religios. În prezent, cultura occidentală în general este considerată expresiv individualistă, care tinde spre autorealizare. Acest model se caracterizează prin tendința omului de a se crede cu puteri divine. În psihologie acest fenomen se numește narcisism. Spectrul larg al narcisismului arată că, încercările înzestrării eului cu trăsături divine nu sunt întotdeauna benefice. Aceste persoane visează că, pot fi la același nivel cu zeii, însă conceptul de sine este totodată atât de fragil, încât aceste încercări sunt sortite eșecului. Succesul acestei tendinţe narcisiste are efect și asupra activității religioase, ca de exemplu, asupra rugăciunii. Bazându-ne pe cercetările empirice și pe un studiu de caz anterior, prezentăm legătura dintre idolizarea eului, narcisism și rugăciune. Cei care se idolizează cu succes, se roagă în mod diferit față de cei care suferă eșecuri în idolizarea eului. Primii își adresează rugăciunea propriei lor persoane sau unei puteri superioare, iar cei din urmă unui Dumnezeu personal.

Cuvinte cheie: egocentrism, self, idolizarea eului exteriorizat sau interiorizat, rugăciune, narcisism Köteles Ferenc & Simor Péter (pag. 20) Grija sănătății în epoca modernă, amplificație somato-senzorială, anxietate privind sănătatea și bunăstare: Cercetare transversală: Scopul cercetării este examinarea legăturii dintre grija sănătății din epoca modernă, amplificația somato-senzorială, anxietatea privind sănătatea, și bunăstarea psihologică. În cercetarea transversală efectuată pe bază de chestionare, 180 de persoane care își frecventează medicul de familie (vârstă medie = 48.2 ± 15.76) și 344 de studenți din anii inferiori (vârsta medie = 21.5 ± 2.09) au completat Scala de Grija Sănătății din Epoca Modernă, Scala de Amplificație Somato-senzorială, varianta prescurtată a Scalei de Anxietate privind Sănătatea, Chestionarul Afectivității Pozitive și Negative, respectiv chestionarul WHO-5. În urma rezultatelor s-a ajuns la concluzia că amplificația somato-senzorială și anxietatea privind sănătatea se leagă de grija sănătăţii în epoca modernă, independent una de cealaltă. Între anxietatea privind sănătatea și bunăstarea psihică există o legătură inversă. Potrivit rezultatelor analizei de corelaţie, grija de sănătate din epoca modernă nu este în corelație cu bunăstarea psihică, cu afecţiunea pozitivă are o legătură ușor pozitivă, în cercetarea regresivă însă a prezentat o legătură pozitivă cu ambele variabile, după controlul variabililor socioeconomice, afectivităţii negative şi anxietății privind sănătatea. Grija de sănătate al epocii moderne de regulă este considerată structură maladaptiv-cognitivă, dar în baza rezultatelor actuale, poate fi nevoie de regândirea acestui punct de vedere.

Cuvinte cheie: amplificație somato-senzorială, anxietate privind sănătatea, bunăstare, control perceput

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (pag. 34) Sportul, ca „mijloc” de socializare: Corelația dintre participarea tinerilor de 15–18 ani în activitatea organizațiilor civile și sport: În ultimii 10–20 de ani nenumărate studii au fost scrise despre beneficiile capitalului social, însă s-a pus accent mai mic pe producerea acestuia. Cei mai mulți autori presupun că în spatele formării capitalului social în mod implicit se află influența socială. Această ipoteză confirmă și studiile, care, utilizând datele unor cercetări panel, au arătat că există o corelație însemnată între activitățile civile ale tinerilor şi adulţilor tineri și nivelul general de încredere. În acest studiu cercetăm, în ce mod influenţează sportul în cadrul adolescenților de vârstă cuprinsă între 15–18 ani, unul dintre indicatorii principali importanţi ai capitalului social, apartenența unei organizații civile. În baza a două înregistrări de date (Anchetă în cazul tineretului, 2000, 2008) tinerii care practică sport, participă mai degrabă în activitățile organizațiilor civile. Chiar în cazul modelelor noastre, sportul joacă un rol mai important decât accesarea fondurilor economice sau culturale. Deși acest fenomen are și cauze structurale, după părerea noastră, din punctul de vedere al capitalului social, cel mai important factor constituie participarea în activități comunitare, respectiv reţeaua relaţională formată din aceasta. Baza acestui factor poate fi chiar sportul practicat în timpul tinereţii.

Cuvinte cheie: capital social, timp liber, generația de 15–18 ani, practicarea unui sport, apartenenţă într-o organizație civilă Helene Ybrandt (pag. 54) Trendul problemelor familiare şi psihice măsurate prin autodeclarare, în cazul adolescenților suedezi în ultimii 10 ani: Cercetarea a încercat să prezinte gravitatea problemelor adolescenților din Suedia, pentru care s-au folosit date colectate în anul 2000 respectiv 2010 de organizatorul procesului de colectare a datelor respectiv bazate pe autodeclarări, cu ajutorul chestionarelor Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, diagnosticul de consum de droguri în adolescență). Datele referitoare la situații familiare, stări psihice și probleme în cazul adolescenților de 15–17 ani s-au colectat pe două eșantioane alese întâmplător (în 2000 pe 121 de persoane, în 2010 pe 485 de persoane). Comparând chestionarele și autodeclarările făcute în 2000 respectiv în 2010, evaluate de către organizatorul procesului de colectare a datelor, nu s-au constatat schimbări în privinţa gravităţii problemelor adolescenților – nu a crescut diferenţa între genuri, respectiv între grupurile cu poziții sociale și economice diferite. Din punctul de vedere al fetelor problemele familiare au gravitate mai intensă, decât al băieților. Adolescenții din 2010 au vorbit de mai puține probleme psihice (de ex. anxietate gravă, tensiune, tulburări de înțelegere, tulburări de atenţie, tulburări de memorie, precum şi problemele interne sau externe ale familiei – de ex. probleme dintre frați, respectiv neîncredere faţă de alţii), decât cei din 2000. În vederea îmbunătățirii sănătății mentale a adolescenţilor, în următorul deceniu este necesară exploatarea problemei legăturilor interumane, de exemplu a problemei nesiguranţei față de persoanele din afara familiei.

Cuvinte cheie: diagnosticul de consum de droguri în adolescență (ADAD), adolescență, sănătate mentală, familie, probleme relaţionale

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Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (pag. 68) Sănătate mentală şi moduri de a supravieţuire a locuitorilor din zonele rurale afectate de lipsa apei potabile din provincia Fars: O perspectivă eco-psihologică: Unul dintre scopurile studiului a fost să examineze pe un eșantion din Iran, efectul lipsei apei potabile asupra sănătății mentale şi modurilor de supravieţuire a populaţiei din mediul rural, respectiv să clarifice dacă genul, domiciliul, starea civilă, locul de muncă și studiile au vreo influenţă asupra acestora. Cercetarea s-a extins asupra celor 1198 de locuitori din mediu rural din împrejurările orașelor iraniene Darab și Eghlid. În timpul anchetei s-a folosit un chestionar demografic, Chestionarul de Sănătate General (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) și scala Metodelor de supraviețuire în cazul lipsei de apă potabilă (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS). Scala CSDW se extinde asupra următorilor patru factori: (1) metode de optimizare a consumului de apă, (2) tehnologii care nu necesită apă și schimbări sociale, (3) folosirea tehnologiilor de vârf în economisirea apei, respectiv (4) moduri de supraviețuire fără implicări sentimentale. Locuitorii din mediul rural care nu au suferit din cauza lipsei de apă potabilă, au aplicat metode mai raționale de nivel mult mai înalt, indicatorul lor psihopatologic a fost mai mic, aveau inclinații mai minimalizate înspre metode de supraviețuire focusate pe sentimente, decât persoanele din mediul rural care au suferit din cauza lipsei de apă potabilă. Pe eșantion s-a dovedit efectul domiciliului, stării civile, studiilor și locului de muncă asupra modalităţilor de supravieţuire și sănătății mentale.

Cuvinte cheie: lipsa de apă potabilă, moduri de supraviețuire, sănătate mentală, date demografice Željko Burcar (pag. 87) Rolul directorului unei școli în Croația: Manager de învățământ, conducător sau administrator: Studiul cercetează problemele în legătură cu coordonarea învăţământului, respectiv cu conducerea unei instituții de învățământ din Croația, în vederea folosirii acestor date ca şi punct de pornire în alte cercetări ulterioare. Studiul analizează rolul directorului unei școli în învățământul contemporan, în mediu tulburent, cu responsabilităţi tot mai mari şi program supraîncărcat. Pe baza datelor furnizate, în Croaţia directorii de şcoală trebuie să facă față în opt categorii de sarcini: a) culegere și distribuire de informații, b) comunicare, c) strategie și planificare, d) conducător organizațional, administrator și organizator, e) conducător în învățământ și instructor, f) evaluator, g) persoana de legătură între elevi și h) comunitate. Orientarea activității directoriale: a) oamenii, b) sarcini/scopuri, c) școala, ca organizație, d) activități intrașcolare. Sarcinile care urmează din această orientare sunt parte din procesul administrativ ideal: planificare, luare de decizii, organizare, coordonare, comunicare, influență și evaluare în cadrul celor cinci domenii ale conducerii unei şcoli: program de educație, elevi, angajați, legături comunitare, condiții fizice și conducere.

Cuvinte cheie: școală, management, învățământ, conducere, coordonarea învățământului, sarcini directoriale

EJMH 9:1, June 2014

European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 130–133 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.RU

RUSSIAN ABSTRACTS RUSSISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN РЕЗЮМЕ Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (стр. 3.)

«My Special Prayer»: Селф, бог и молитва: В статье рассматривается, какое влияние оказывает самовлюблённость, являющаяся одной из важных черт личности в эгоцентричных обществах, на религиозное поведение. Западная культура в наши дни считается стремящейся к самоосуществлению, экспрессивной индивидуалистической. Самым характерным для этого паттерна является то, что люди склонны приписывать себе божественные качества. В психологии это называется нарциссизмом. Широкий спектр нарциссизма доказывает, что попытки приписывания себе божественных качеств не всегда оказываются успешными. Личности такого типа мечтают о том, что они могут подняться на уровень богов, однако их Я-концепция чересчур хрупка для того, чтобы эти попытки закончились успехом. Успешность этого нарциссического стремления отзывается и на религиозной деятельности, например на молитве. Основываясь на прежних эмпирических исследованиях и на ситуативном анализе, нами демонстрируется, каким образом взаимосвязаны самообожание, нарциссизм и молитва. Те, кто успешно обожают самого себя, молятся иначе, чем те, кто в этом безуспешны. Первые обращают свою молитву к самому себе, или же к одной безымянной верховной власти, последние – к одному личному богу. Ключевые слова: эгоцентричность, селф, открытая или скрытая самовлюблённость, молитва, нарциссизм Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (стр. 20.) Опасение за здоровье в наши дни, соматосенсорная амплификация, тревога в отношении здоровья и благополучие: Поперечный анализ: Целью исследования является анализ взаимоотношения между опасением за здоровье, соматосенсорной амплификацией, тревогой в отношении здоровья и психологическим благосостоянием. В анкетном опросе 180 пациентов, посещающих своего врача (средний возраст = 48.2 ± 15.76 лет), и 344 студента младших курсов (средний возраст = 21.5 ± 2.09 лет) заполнили «Шкалу опасения за здоровье» (Modern Health Worries Scale), «Шкалу соматосенсорной амплификации», сокращённую версию «Методики тревоги в отношении здоровья», «Шкалу позитивных и негативных переживаний» а также опросник «WHO-5». Согласно результатам, соматосенсорная амплификация и тревога в отношении здоровья и независимо друг от друга связаны с опасением за здоровье. Между тревогой в отношении здоровья и благосостоянием наблюдается обратная связь. По результатам коррелятивного анализа опасение за здоровье не имеет коррелятивной связи с благосостоянием и имеет слабую положительную связь с позитивными переживаниями, а при регрессионном анализе оно положительно относилось к обеим переменным после контроля социально-экономических переменных, негативных переживаний и тревоги в отношении здоровье. Опасение за здоровье обычно считается

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маладаптивной когнитивной структурой, однако на основе настоящих данных этот взгляд подлежит продумыванию. Ключевые слова: соматосенсорная амплификация, опасение за здоровье, благосостояние, обнаруженный контроль Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (стр. 34.) Спорт, как «средство» социализации: Корреляция между участием в работе гражданских организаций и спортивной деятельностью среди 15–18-летних: На положительный эффект общественного капитала указывалось во множестве научных статей в последние 10–20 лет, однако меньше внимания уделялось возникновению общественного капитала. Большинство авторов причиной возникновения общественного капитала считает имплицитное влияние социализации. Это подтверждается и исследованиями, обнаружившими значительное взаимоотношение между гражданской активностью людей молодого и раннего взрослого возраста и общим уровнем доверия с помощью использования данных панельных исследований. В настоящей статье нами исследуется влияние спортивной деятельности в кругу молодых (15–18-летних) на один из важных индикаторов общественного капитала – членство в общественных организациях. Согласно двум опросам (Исследование молодёжи 2000, 2008), молодые люди, занимающиеся спортом, по большей вероятности участвуют в работе гражданских организаций. Более того, в наших моделях занятие спортом оказалось более значительным фоновым переменным, чем доступ к экономическим или культурным ресурсам. Хотя это частично имеет и структурные причины, мы придерживаемся мнения, что с точки зрения общественного капитала в первую очередь участие в работе коллектива и построение сети контактов в ходе этого является очень важным фактором. Занятие спортом в молодом возрасте может заложить хорошие основы для этого. Ключевые слова: общественный капитал, свободное время, 15–18-летний возраст, занятие спортом, членство в гражданских организациях Helene Ybrandt (стр. 54.) Тренд семейных и психических проблем, измеряемых с помощью самооценки в кругу шведских подростков за последние 10 лет: В исследовании сделана попытка вскрыть серьёзность проблем шведских подростков, для этого использованы данные, собранные в 2000 году с помощью методики Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis (ADAD, «Диагноз употребления психоактивных веществ у подростков») и в 2010 году, собранные интерьвюерами и основанные на самооценке. Данные, касающиеся семейных обстоятельств, психического состояния и психических проблем подростков 15–17 лет, были собраны двумя отборами проб по случайной выборке (121 человек в 2000 году, 485 человек в 2010 году). Сопоставляя результаты исследований, проведённых в 2000 и в 2010 годах, проанализованных интервьюерами и основанных на самооценке, не наблюдается изменений относительно серьёзности проблем подростков – не увеличилась разница между полами или между группами людей с различным семейным и экономическим положением. Однако, проблемы внутри семьи девушками оценивались более серьёзно, чем юношами. В 2010 году по сравнению с 2000 годом подростками было вскрыто меньше психических проблем (например, серьёзная тревога, напряжённость, нарушение понимания, нарушение концентрации вни-

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мания, нарушение памяти, а также проблемы в семье или вне семьи – например, проблемы между братьями или сёстрами, недоверие к людям). Для того, чтобы способствовать развитию психического здоровья подростков, особенно важной задачей следующего десятилетия является выявление проблем в личных отношениях, например, вопросов неопределённости в отношении вне семьи. Ключевые слова: Диагноз употребления психоактивных веществ у подростков (ADAD), подростковый возраст, психическое здоровье, семья, проблемы в личных отношениях Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (стр. 68.) Психическое здоровье и методы преодоления стресса сельского населения, испытывающего нехватку питьевой воды в провинции Фарс: Экопсихологоческая перспектива: Одна из целей исследования – анализ влияния нехватки питьевой воды на психическое здоровье провинциального населения и на его методы преодоления стресса на иранской выборке, а также выяснить, модифицируются ли они полом, местом жительства, семейным положением, местом работы и образованием. Было исследовано 1198 провинциальных жителей, живущих в Иране в окрестностях городов Дараба и Эглида. В ходе исследования были использованы демографическая анкета, «Опросник общего состояния здроровья» (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) и «Шкала методов преодоления стресса кризиса питьевой воды» (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS). Шкала CSDWS распространяется на следующие четыре стратегии: (1) методы оптимализации потребления воды, (2) технологии без воды и изменения в обществе, (3) использование высокой технологии в экономии воды, а также (4) способы копинга «фокус на эмоциях, отстранение». Провинциальные жители, не испытывающие нехватку питьевой воды, использовали рациональные способы копинга намного более высокого уровня, показатель психопатологических нарушений у них был более низким, и они оказались менее склонными к способам копинга «фокус на эмоциях, отстранение», чем провинциальные жители, испытывающие нехватку питьевой воды. На выборке подтвердилось влияние места жительства, семейного положения, образования и места работы на способы копинга и на психическое здоровье. Ключевые слова: нехватка питьевой воды, способы копинга, психическое здоровье, демографические данные Željko Burcar (стр. 87.) Роль директора школы в Хорватии: Менеджер по обучению, руководитель или администратор: В статье рассматриваются вопросы управления обучением и руководства учебными заведениями в Хорватии, которые могут служить исходной точкой для дальнейших исследований и анализов. В статье проанализирована роль директора школы в рамках современного образования, при бурных обстоятельствах, при повышающемся уровне ответственности и перегруженном графике рабочего времени. Согласно полученным данным, директорам школ в Хорватии приходится успешно держаться в восьми различных друг от друга ролях: а) собиратель и распространитель информации, б) коммуникатор, в) стратегист и планировщик, г) начальник организации, администратор и организатор, д) руководитель отдела обучения и преподаватель, е) оценивающий эксперт, е) ученик, з) посредник в отношении коллектива. Направленность ролей директора: а) люди, б) задачи/цели, в) школа как

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организация, г) процессы в школе. Задачи, вытекающие из этой направленности, являются стадиями идеального административного процесса: планирование, принятие решений, организация, координация, общение, воздействие и оценка в пяти областях управления школой: программа обучения, ученики, сотрудники, связи с общественностью, физические условия и управление. Ключевые слова: школа, менеджмент, образование, управление, управление обучением, задачи директора

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European Journal of Mental Health 9 (2014) 134–136 DOI: 10.5708/EJMH.9.2014.1.Abs.SK

SLOVAKIAN ABSTRACTS SLOWAKISCHE ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN ABSTRAKTY Hessel J. Zondag & Marinus H.F. van Uden (str. 3) „Moja zvláštna modlitba“: Self, Boh a modlitba: V príspevku popisujeme vplyv narcizmu na náboženské správanie v individualistických spoločnostiach. Narcizmus je významná osobnostná charakteristika. Súčasná západná kultúra je vo všeobecnosti expresívne individualistická. Pre túto vzorku je typické, že ľudia majú sklon si udeľovať božské vlastnosti. V psychológii sa tomu hovorí narcizmus. Rôznorodé prejavy spektra narcizmu ukazujú, že tieto pokusy o udeľovanie si božských vlastností neskončia vždy úspechom. Narcistické osoby snívajú o tom, že sa dostanú na úroveň bohov, ich vlastný sebaobraz je však príliš krehký na to, aby mohli byť tieto pokusy úspešné. Úspech tohto narcistického úsilia ovplyvňuje aj náboženskú aktivitu, napríklad aj modlitbu. Opierajúc sa o predchádzajúce empirické výskumy a jednu prípadovú štúdiu predstavíme súvislosti zbožšťovania seba samého, narcizmu a modlitby. Tí, ktorí sú úspešní pri zbožšťovaní seba samého, sa modlia inak, ako tí, ktorým sa to nepodarí. Modlitby prvej skupiny sú adresované samy sebe či nemenovanej vyššej moci, modlitby druhej skupiny zase k osobitému Bohu.

Kľúčové pojmy: individualizmus, self, zjavný alebo skrytý narcizmus, modlitba, narcizmus Ferenc Köteles & Péter Simor (str. 20) Strach o zdravie v modernej dobe: Somatosenzorická amplifikácia, úzkosť o zdravie a pohoda: Prierezová štúdia: Cieľom prieskumu bola analýza spojitostí strachu o zdravie v modernej dobe, somatosenzorickej amplifikácie, úzkosti o zdravie a psychologickej pohody. Dotazníky (Škálu strachu o zdravie v modernej dobe, Somatosenzorickú amplifikačnú škálu, skrátenú verziu dotazníka Úzkosti o zdravie, Dotazník o pozitívnej a negatívnej afektivite a Dotazník WHO) vyplnilo 5 180 pacientov u praktického lekára (priemerný vek = 48.2 ± 15.76 rokov) a 344 vysokoškolákov (priemerný vek = 21.5 ± 2.09 rokov). Výsledky ukazujú, že somatosenzorická amplifikácia a úzkosť o zdravie sú nezávisle od seba spojené so strachom o zdravie v modernej dobe.

Medzi úzkosťou o zdravie a pohodou sa preukázal inverzný vzťah. Výsledky korelačnej analýzy ukázali, že strach o zdravie v modernej dobe nekoreluje s pohodou a má slabý pozitívny vzťah k pozitívnej afektivite, v regresnom výskume však kladne nadväzoval na obe premenné po kontrole socioekonomických premenných, negatívnej afektivity a úzkosti o zdravie. Strach o zdravie v modernej dobe sa zvyčajne považuje za maladaptívnu kognitívnu štruktúru, ale na základe týchto výsledkov by sme mohli tento postoj zvážiť.

Kľúčové pojmy: somatosenzorická amplifikácia, úzkosť o zdravie, pohoda, vnímaná kontrola

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Bence Takács & Zoltán Kmetty (str. 34) Šport ako „nástroj“ socializácie: Korelácia medzi športom a aktivitou v občianskych združeniach vo vekovej kategórii 15 až 18 ročných: Na pozitívny vplyv sociálneho kapitálu poukázalo v posledných 10–20 rokoch množstvo štúdií, na vývin sociálneho kapitálu bol ale kladený menší dôraz. Väčšina autorov za vznikom spoločenského kapitálu predpokladá implicitne socializačný vplyv. To potvrdzujú aj štúdie, ktoré využitím panelových výskumov poukázali na výrazné spojitosti medzi občianskou aktivitou mládeže a mladých dospelých a všeobecnou úrovňou ich dôvery. V našej štúdii skúmame, ako vplýva športová aktivita (15–18 ročných) mladých ľudí na jeden z najdôležitejších indikátorov sociálneho kapitálu – členstvo v občianskych združeniach.

Podľa dvoch zberov údajov (Ifjúságkutatás 2000, 2008) mladí športovci sa s väčšou pravdepodobnosťou podieľajú na práci občianskych združení. Dokonca v našich modeloch sa šport ukázal dôležitejšou premennou v pozadí, než prístup k ekonomickým alebo kultúrnym zdrojom. Hoci čiastočne to má aj štrukturálne príčiny, sme toho názoru, že z hľadiska sociálneho kapitálu dôležitým činiteľom je predovšetkým zapojenie sa v komunite, resp. v dôsledku toho sa formujúcej sieti vzťahov. Dobrým základom pre to môže byť športovanie v mladom veku.

Kľúčové pojmy: sociálny kapitál, voľný čas, veková skupina 15–18 rokov, športovanie, členstvo v občianskom združení Helene Ybrandt (str. 54) Trendy rodinných a psychických problémov vnímané švédskymi adolescentmi v posledných desiatich rokoch: S cieľom odhaliť závažnosť problémov švédskych adolescentov boli zozbierané a vyhodnotené údaje z rokov 2000 a 2010 zahŕňajúce sebahodnotenie respondentov a Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis Interview (ADAD, zamerané na diagnostiku užívania narkotík u dospievajúcich). Údaje o rodinných vzťahoch, psychickom stave a problémoch 15–17 ročných adolescentov boli zozbierané z dvoch náhodne vybraných vzoriek (121 osôb v roku 2000, 485 osôb v roku 2010). Výsledky prieskumov z rokov 2000 a 2010 sa v závažnosti problémov dospievajúcich nelíšili – nespozorovali sme nárast rozdielu medzi pohlaviami ani medzi skupinami s rozdielnym sociálnym a hospodárskym zázemím. Avšak dievčatá hodnotili vážnejšie svoje problémy v rodinných vzťahoch, ako chlapci. Adolescenti v roku 2010 popisovali menej psychických problémov (napr. ťažká úzkosť a napätie, problémy s porozumením, koncentráciou, pamäťou, problémy vo vzťahoch rodiny i mimo nej – napr. problémy súrodencov, nedôvera voči iným) v porovnaní s rokom 2000. Prioritou nasledujúcich desiatich rokov bude odhalenie problémov vo vzťahoch, napríklad otázok neistoty spojenej s osobami mimo rodiny – a to pre podporu duševného zdravia adolescentov.

Kľúčové pojmy: diagnóza užívania narkotík u adolescentov (ADAD), adolescencia, duševné zdravie, rodina, problémy vo vzťahoch

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Khodarahimi Siamak, Haydar Deghani & Mohammadhadi Nikpourian (str. 68) Mentálna hygiena a mechanizmy zvládania obyvateľstva trpiaceho nedostatkom pitnej vody v pásme Fars: Ekopsychologický pohľad: Cieľom štúdie bolo preskúmať vplyv nedostatku pitnej vody na duševné zdravie a copingové stratégie u vidieckeho obyvateľstva v Iráne, a preskúmať vplyv pohlavia, bydliska, rodinného stavu, zamestnania, úrovne vzdelania a pod.

Výskumu sa zúčastnilo 1198 vidieckych obyvateľov žijúcich v blízkosti iránskych miest Darab a Eghlid. V štúdii boli využité: demografický dotazník, Všeobecný zdravotný dotazník (General Health Questionnaire 28, GHQ-28) a škála vzťahujúca sa na spôsoby zvládania nedostatku pitnej vody (Coping Styles with Drinking Water Crisis, CSDWS). Multidimenzionálna škála CSDW sleduje štyri faktory: (1) metódy pre optimalizáciu spotreby vody, (2) bezvodé technológie a sociálne zmeny v živote, (3) využitie špičkovej technológie v úspore vody, a (4) vyhýbavé zvládanie zamerané na emócie. Tí vidiecki obyvatelia, ktorí netrpeli nedostatkom pitnej vody, využívali omnoho vyššiu úroveň racionálnych zvládacích mechanizmov, ich psychopatologické ukazovatele boli nižšie a boli menej náchylní na vyhýbavé zvládanie zamerané na emócie, než vidiecki obyvatelia trpiaci nedostatkom pitnej vody. Výskum potvrdil vplyv miesta bydliska, rodinného stavu, úrovne vzdelania a zamestnania na copingové stratégie a duševné zdravie.

Kľúčové pojmy: nedostatok pitnej vody, copingové stratégie, duševné zdravie, demografické údaje Željko Burcar (str. 87) Rola riaditeľa školy v Chorvátsku: Manažér vzdelávania, líder alebo správca: Štúdia skúma tie otázky vzťahujúce sa na vedenie a manažment vzdelávania a školských inštitúcií v Chorvátsku, ktoré môžu slúžiť ako východisko ďalších výskumov a bádaní. Štúdia analyzuje rolu riaditeľa školy v turbulentnom prostredí súčasného vzdelávania pri vzrastajúcej zodpovednosti a preplnenom pracovnom rozvrhu. Podľa získaných údajov sa riaditelia škôl v Chorvátsku musia osvedčovať v ôsmych rôznych roliach: a) zberateľ a sprostredkovateľ informácií, b) komunikátor, c) stratég a plánovač, d) vedúci, správca a plánovač organizácie, e) vedúci vzdelávania a vyučujúci, f) hodnotiaci, g) študent a h) spojka s kolektívom. Roly riaditeľa sú zamerané na: a) ľudí, b) úlohy/ ciele, c) školu ako organizáciu d) procesy v rámci školy. Úlohy vyplývajúce z tohto zamerania sú súčasťou ideálneho administratívneho procesu: plánovanie, rozhodovanie, organizácia, koordinácia, komunikácia, ovplyvňovanie a hodnotenie na piatich úsekoch riadenia školy: študijný program, študenti, zamestnanci, vzťahy s komunitou, fyzické podmienky a vedenie.

Kľúčové pojmy: škola, manažment, vzdelávanie, vedenie, úlohy riaditeľa

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CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE / AUTOREN DIESES HEFTES

Dr. habil. Robert J. Biel Papieska Akademia Teologiczna w Krakowie Wydział Teologiczny Sekcja w Tarnowie Urszulańska 9/6 PL-33-100 Tarnow Poland/Polen rbiel@diecezja.tarnow.pl Dr. Željko Burcar ES F.K. Frankopana, Zagreb Ivanićgradska 24.

HR-10000, Zagreb Croatia/Kroatien zeljko.burcar@zg.t-com.hr Haydar Deghani Rural Water and Sewage Corporation of Fars Province Jomhori Blv. Shiraz Iran/Iran haydardehghani@yahoo.com Dr. Siamak Khodarahimi Eghlid Branch, Islamic Azad University Eghlid, Fars Province Iran/ Iran khodarahimi@yahoo.com

Dr. Kmetty Zoltán Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem Bölcsészettudományi Kar Társadalom- és Kommunikációtudományi Intézet H-1088 Budapest Reviczky utca 4.

Hungary/Ungarn zkmetty@gmail.com Dr. Köteles Ferenc Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Pedagógiai és Pszichológiai Kar Egészségfejlesztési és Sporttudományi Intézet H-1117 Budapest Bogdánfy Ödön u. 10.

Hungary/Ungarn koteles.ferenc@ppk.elte.hu Mohammadhadi Nikpourian Corvinus Egyetem Gazdálkodástudományi Kar H-1093 Budapest Fővám tér 8.

Hungary/Ungarn m.nikpourian@yahoo.com

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Prof. Wieslaw Przygoda Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Wydział Teologii Instytut Teologii Pastoralnej i Katechetyki ul. Radziszewskiego 7 Pl-20-039 Lublin Poland/Polen przygoda@kul.lublin.pl Simor Péter Budapesti Műszaki és Gazdaságtudományi Egyetem Kognitív Tudományi Tanszék H-1111 Budapest Műegyetem rkp. 3-9.

Hungary/Ungarn petersimor@gmail.com Takács Bence Semmelweis Egyetem Testnevelési és Sporttudományi Kar Társadalomtudományi Tanszék H-1123 Budapest Alkotás u. 44.

Hungary/Ungarn ex.t.f.bence@gmail.com

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Prof. Marinus H. van Uden Tilburg University, School of Humanities Department of Culture Studies Warandelaan 2 NL-5037 AB Tilburg Netherlands/Holland m.vuden@home.nl Dr. Helene Ybrandt Umeå Universitet Institutionen för psykologi SE-90187 Umeå Mediagränd 14, D-114 Sweden/Schweden helene.ybrandt@psy.umu.se Dr. Hessel J. Zondag Tilburg University, School of Humanities Department of Culture Studies Warandelaan 2 NL- 5037 AB Tilburg Netherlands/Holland h.j.zondag@uvt.nl

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