Tokyo Under Cover: Notes From Field Research

Micha Kranixfeld & Gef채hrliche Liebschaften

TOKYO UNDER COVER notes from field research

Title picture: Joshua D. Gonsalves

About The Project For our recent project Schleier Mayer, we opened a factory in Bremen (GER) in which senior citizens and pupils could design and sew their personal veils and disguises. By working with multiple fabrics and techniques, they grew a different relationship towards the headscarfs and hijabs that are so negatively portrayed in the public discourse. And they discovered the many examples of traditional veils in their own culture.

In a next step, a portable shop was opened on different market places all around the city to promote our line of veils and start discussions with citizens about their fears and perceptions. Finally, we condensed the material, that we had gathered, into a performance that premiered in January 2016 at Explosive! Festival in Bremen. In addition, we were invited to organize further workshops that brought pupils and refugees into creative dialogue.

Dealing with veils and disguises demands to follow these forms around the world. The migration of hijab, a common attire for Muslim women, lead us to Tokyo where we learned from the smart women of the Turkish Cultural Center in Yoyogi. In combination with academic studies and conversations with other Japanese citizens, we gained a deeper understanding of the situation of Muslim immigrants and the role of veiling and hiding in Japanese culture. The magazine at hand compromises our preliminary findings.

About Us The syndicate Gef채hrliche Liebschaften (Dangerous Liaisons) was founded in 2012 in Hildesheim (GER). Its artistic and acedemic work revolves around issues of (il)legality. The members are exploring the boundaries between accepted, tolerated and forbidden behavior. They invite audiences into temporary communities that subvert the hegemonic conditions of our time. Rethinking formats of workshops, talks and show, they develop infectious narratives that gather strangers under a new temporary identity and that encourage them to think of themselves in ways they would normally never do: e.g. as potential thieves, bomb builders or hijab designers. In this sense, their work revolves around ways of storytelling: Local people share their knowledge in workshops, festival guests become involved in unexpected adventures and otherwise marginalized voices find a new audience.

Selected Products Pictures: Solar & Cimen

#accomplices While the hijab is often (falsely) understood as a sign of withdrawal from the world, it can also serve as a way to initiate complicity. “If I see other Muslim women on the train, we have a connection. Even if I don’t know them, I give them salam”, explains Tasheen. For her, seeing hijab is nothing exotic but a moment of experiencing the community that she feels part of even though this community is barely present in the everyday life of Tokyo. Greeting another women with hijab makes them accomplices and acts against the loneliness a tourist or migrant can feel in a city like Tokyo where every day activities like visiting a restaurant become a hurdle because the local food traditions are full of pork and alcohol.

Risa also emphasizes the value of feeling part of a big and strong community. “When I travel, there are always Muslim people. There is a mosque. When they recognize each other as Muslims, they are really happy to greet each other. It’s a family.”

#comingout Some say parents need a moment of grief after their child has come out as homosexual. They need to let go of the images and hopes they had developed for it, before they can embrace the person that has just opened up to them. If one listens to Risa’s hijab story, it can resemble those coming out stories.

Risa had gradually changed her life #stepbystep during her journey with Islam. She had a Muslim boyfriend, stopped eating pork and drinking alcohol, went to the mosque on weekends - small changes over the years that let her family and friends adapt to the new Risa. When she finally reverted during a lecture, it was a spontaneous decision. On the way back she texted her father to pick her up at the station and warned him that she would still wear hijab. When they met, she asked him if she looked weird, and he answered with a simple No. Her mother needed more explanation. But when Risa leaves the house today, her mother sometimes makes her a compliment. This story, however, is not how

it goes for everyone in Japan. Some families disown their daughters for reverting. And many of Risa’s friends are not allowed to leave their parent’s home with hijab and have to put it on in secrecy.

When Risa became an official Muslim, she also set up a new Facebook account that only showed her with her hair covered. In a world of carefully curated #socialmedia profiles, it was the sign of a new beginning.

#communitycenter Given Risa’s confident occupation of a space for herself in between cultures, it is no surprise that she would also choose a Muslim community that actively supports women in finding their way into the culture. This is not self-evident as “female Muslims have a limited presence in Japanese mosques. (…) Some Muslim husbands, concerned that their spousal authority might be threatened, prefer that their converted wives not take the initiative in religious activities at the mosque.” (Sakurai 2008: 82) In such cases, patriarchal world views of immigrants might reinforce the patriarchal culture dominant among conservative Japanese women.

Tokyo Camii on the contrary, the community that Risa chose, offers courses in Muslim culture and Arabic for women and reserves special prayer areas for them inside the mosque. Even though Tokyo Camii certainly is no hub for gender progressive activists, women naturally claim their space in the administration and organization of the center’s activities and men can be seen watching the children while their wifes attend a class.

The history of the mosque roots in the rise of the Soviet Union when some Turkish communities from the new Russian territory migrated to different places in the world. Some of them landed in Tokyo and opened their mosque in 1938. Back then, Japan “gave a considerable support to the community’s services both economically and socially.” (Tokyo Camii 2016) In 1986 the mosque was haywire and needed to be taken down. The new building in Yoyogi was completed in 2000; a close collaboration between both Turkish and Japanese experts. It now

Turkish Cultural Center in Yoyogi, Tokyo

operates under the name “Tokyo Camii & Turkish Cultural Center”. The self-advertisement as a Turkish cultural center should not cloud the fact that like most mosques in Japan it serves as a pluralistic space where people of many different cultures come together. “Japanese mosques by necessity are multinational, multilingual, multi-mahab (school of laws), and multi-sect.” (Sakurai 2008: 78)

In addition, Tokyo Camii also takes it’s role as a mediator between cultures seriously. On the weekends one can experience a cooking class for Turkish food, attend a seminar, a concert or a movie screening or join a tour through the mosque that also includes the observation of a prayer. When I joined Chef Alper’s cooking class, I was surprised to be surrounded by only non-Muslim Japanese visitors who seemed highly entertained by the chef’s humorous stories in Japanese and were busy taking notes and pictures of the different steps. For most of them it seemed to be the first visit to Tokyo Camii. Indeed, one of them told me over a plate of Kuru Fasülye that she was highly interested in Islamic art and Muslim culture and wanted to see reality rather than believing the media coverage. Even though it can be expected that such motivation and open mindedness towards Muslims does not exist within the entire population of Japan, her story resonates with the attitude of Muslims in Japan. While in Europe they often voice frustration over discriminatory experiences (and rightly so), opinions in Japan are surprisingly positive: “When interviewed, many foreign Muslims describe episodes of discrimination but in the next breath make excuses for their hosts. Pointing out that the Japanese merely do not know about Islam and mean no harm, those interviewed regard Japanese views as natural for an isolated, island country.” (Penn 2008: 99) However, it has to be noted that this attitude might stem from the awareness of the vulnerability of such a small group living in the context of dominant Japanese culture. As Risa explains, she is always aware to be seen as a representative of the whole group rather than as an individual. #oneoutofbillions Every frown she encounters in the subway she stubbornly answers with a smile, hoping that somehow this will help the other person to reach a more positive image of Muslims in the future. Risa wants to show that Muslims are not threat and that the Islam she has learned about is combinable with Japanese culture. “I believe that Islam is quite similar to Japanese culture. Because one should be polite to the elderly, take care of the women, be tidy, … I love it.”

#curiosity Since reverting, Risa has answered a lot of questions about her choices and her religion. Her friends were the first to ask. “But Japanese people are shy”, she explains. “They would never ask directly. Instead they asked how I put on the hijab.” While explaining the use of needles and folds, Risa also has a chance to explain more about the deeper meaning of the hijab and it’s place in Islam.

Tasheen adds that many of the questions display little to previous knowledge: “They ask me if I wear only one color or if there are certain colors assigned to every day of the week.” Risa finds that a typical Japanese attitude: “There is a negative campaign in the mass media but the Japanese think: Is it really true? They come to us to get the real information.” This is why it is so important that the #communitycenter of Tokyo Camii also focuses on spreading information about Muslim lifestyles to non-Muslims.

There are situations, however, where the curiosity about the exotic clothing item can interfere with more important information. Risa tells me that she is not wearing a cap instead of hijab for medical consultations. The doctor’s time is already so limited and she wants them to focus on her updates rather than asking questions about her attire. “The hospital is very Japanese. I never see foreigners there and it is full of elderly people. If I went there with hijab, I might be the star,” she jokes.

#datemasuku The surgical mask is an everyday sight in Tokyo’s public spaces nowadays and often featured in German media. They are mostly explained with infection prevention - sick people politely hide their face in order not to spread germs and healthy ones try to avoid infections during flu peak times. This is certainly correct if we look at the larger history of the mask beginning with the Spanish influenza in 1918 when the first commercial masks hit the market (Gordenker 2014) Every outbreak afterwards made them more popular. But while in postwar Japan people wearing the mask would “take it off as soon as possible because

they felt embarrassed to be seen with a mask on” (Gordenker 2014), the mask has become an elaborate fashion item. There are masks that feature soft plastic foam to comfort the nose, others have an inlet for a wet tissue smelling of oranges that keeps the nostrils humid and many have a 3D pop up effect in order to keep the make up underneath intact.

There are glow in the dark versions, non disposable ones with lace and a small bow tie and the very popular black ones.

With the high acceptance of the masks a new use for them established.

Hidden by the majority of health aware Japanese, a portion of them started to find different benefits to the mask that resemble the #protection described for wearing hijab. The mask can help with pollen allergies, keeps the face wet in summer and warm in winter thus protecting it from the elements, as Tasheen put it. But the mask is also used by women who did not put make up on when they have to run a quick errand. And “there are also consumers who use masks to create a psychological barrier against the rest of the world, either because they are shy, antisocial or simply want to concentrate.” (Gordenker 2014) This phenomenon is known as date masuku (translating to “mask just for show”) and it is a serious phenomenon that highlights Japanese tendency to hide emotions and keep distance in public space. The mask allows them to signal what they otherwise have to do by staring at the ground, pretending to sleep or playing on their phones. “I feel that I don’t look as approachable when I’m wearing a mask and I’m more free to do as I please without having to worry about people talking to me.”

(Buchele Mineta 2014) Even more, some people report higher self-esteem and better concentration skills. And celebrities can be completely anonymous when they combine the mask with sunglasses.

Further research should explore how the experience with date masuku influences the way people see the hijab.

#dontsaveus “Our hijab is our choice. There is no need to save us. If someone makes you wear hijab it is not your choice and it will make you not want to wear it later on in life. So it’s actually having the opposite effect. If you make it your choice it becomes more important in your practice. I don’t get why people think we are oppressed. There is women who wear niqab because they want to even though their husbands don’t want them to cover their face. But thats their personal choice.”

Tasheen

#fashion “Different cultures have different styles,” begins Risa her explanations for the German visitor. While in the UK and Europe people don’t mind showing a little hair, Muslims from Asia Pacific and Saudi Arabia take care that no hair can be seen. A similarity even though the Asian hijabs are bursting of color and applied glitter stones while the Saudis often stay in the dark and monochrome color palette. “But the purpose of what they are trying to do is the same. I found beauty in that”, says Risa making the claim for cultural diversity that is so close to her own identity.

Hijab is not hijab. Different fashions of how to wear it emerge every year and depending on the skills of the wearer they can also speak about the situation in which they are used: From an easy triangle shape for everyday activities to a complicated fold in an expensive material for more festive occasions. “I definitely got much better at it over time”, Tasheen says.

Of course one should not forget that the hijab is not a fashion accessory like every other. It’s purpose is to offer #protection and to provide a modest look. In a city like Tokyo where appearance is held dear, the impression one makes with clothing is important. “I want people to think that I look tidy. I don’t want them to have a bad image.” #oneoutofbillions

Interestingly though, both are wearing a UK inspired hijab style that they learned on #socialmedia when I meet them. The styles are traveling through the world and for reverted Muslims who did not grow up in a certain culture of hijab it seems easy to wander between styles and maybe even invent new ones.

#hair For Risa, it was a moment of liberation to start wearing hijab. Having been worried about the looks of her hair that is curly and not straight all her life, she finally feels free to give her natural beauty it’s way without needing to worry about how others judge her for it.

To understand how much of a rebellion it can be to take away the hair from public eye, we need to understand how important hair is for the expressive and eager to experiment youth but also for the rest of society.

“Hair is how people in Japan express not only who they are, but all they aspire to be. In Japan, hair is not simply hair.” (Ashcraft 2016 ) The island has always been eager to mix it’s own traditions with influences from outside, be it China, Korea or America. There are the hairstyles of Sumo fighters that express their rank, the traditional kanzashi hairstyles, national debates about the youth dying their hair brown in the 1990s, the countless subcultures and manga characters that all express themselves through their hair as much as their clothes. No surprise, the number of hair salons in Tokyo is breathtaking and they all follow the idea of “hospitality, where the attention to detail and attentive service goes well beyond simply cutting hair.” (ibid.)

The attention to the ways in which hair can carry meaning dates far back. “For ancient Japanese people, a woman’s hair transmitted life.” (ibid.) How does the hijab interfere with such perceptions?

#hijabstories Many hijabs that Risa and Tasheen own have a story. On the event of her reversion Risa was not only congratulated by many people she did not even know but also sent numerous hijabs to encourage her to keep wearing it. Some are from her finance’s family, some handmade from their neighbors - every hijab has a small story attached to it. “It makes me feel happy”, Risa says and smiles thinking of the people that are present through the fabric.

The different hijabs can serve as a physical memory - may it be about the place where it was found, the people who gave it as a present or the special events one had worn them to. In that way they have sentimental value attached to them.

#hiphop “Once I was in a train. I was wearing hijab. On the other side was a guy, in fancy hip hop clothes. Among the business man he was outstanding. I thought: He does wear this fashion because it represents what he thinks is cool, what he thinks is style. But nobody blames him only because that’s how he expresses himself. And thinking about myself, sitting there wearing hijab, it is similar. I am expressing myself as Muslim. To cover my body properly, is what I believe in. If I went to Harajuku, I wouldn’t be very outstanding. There will be more people with really crazy fashion styles.”

Risa

#japanesemuslims “Sometimes people really can’t wrap their head around the concept of Japanese Muslim”, Tasheen sums up her observations. While there

might be a lot of #curiosity towards Muslims, their faith is seen as something inherently different from Japanese culture. Much like Germany (although for different historical reasons (Bhatti 2016)) the country is very concerned with upholding a sense of order. Abandoning traditions and adopting foreign ways too quickly is feared to result in a breakdown of Japanese society. (Penn 2008: 95) Moreover, “from a Japanese perspective, discontinuing practices that honor one’s ancestors in the traditional way may be seen as a betrayal of family ritual responsibilities - a kind of selfishness that places personal beliefs ahead of family or collective duties.” (Penn 2008: 100) In stark contrast to Europe, Muslims in Japan do not face the same kind of hostile environment in public. Japanese keep negative views quiet and private (Penn 2008: 95). Even if women who adopt conservative practices like wearing hijab “are likely to encounter suspicion and doubt or be stared at in public” (Penn 2008: 98), verbal attacks and physical threat as it is not uncommon in Germany are hard to imagine in the context of Japan’s public sphere where everybody tries to intrude in other’s private space as little as possible. Even further, the strong tradition of syncretism makes Japan a very different context than Germany, where Christianity is widely seen as the omnipresent foundation of the culture. In Japan on the other hand “many old and new religions define the social fabric of Japanese society” (Nakleh 2008: 64). While the tradition of keeping one’s faith private could be seen as an advantage for Muslims in the country, “the exclusive demands of Islam’s doctrine of monotheism (...) run against the pragmatic or utilitarian attitude toward religion in Japan.” (ibid.)

It is no surprise then that for Risa, a young Japanese woman who fell in love with a man from Malaysia, the question of Islam’s attitude towards other religions was the final one to ask on her way to becoming Muslim.

In her blog she remembers: “November 7, 2015 was the day for me. I made Shahada led by Dr Zakir Naik in his lecture with over 1,200 witnesses. He had answered my question on how I deal with other religious practice in society I might confront as Japanese Muslim revert in future. The answer by him was “If you do not go against what Quran says, it should not be a problem” with his warm smile and clear eyes. I was strongly convinced that this is the essential answer for all matters Muslims around the world may have. It was my last

question I had been wondering for years through my experiences and it has everything on it. I was convinced so I followed Dr Zakir Naik to do my Shahada by my own will.” (Risa 2016) Risa’s story is fascinating because she persistently claims her space in between cultures. She sees beauty in being a Japanese Muslim with strong ties to Malaysia and does not allow anyone to limit her to only one of those analytical categories. As a blogger and business woman, she uses her multicultural identity to translate between cultures and wants to help creating more opportunities for all sides to look beyond the culture they grew up in - just like she did when she participated in a youth exchange and met her future husband.

#machikomaki The popular radio and TV series “Kimo no no na” featured a woman that wore a scarf around her head and caused a nation wide hype. Suddenly women everywhere started to wear the headscarf that looks much like a loosely worn hijab. Somewhere between fashion and cosplay the looked dominated the streets of Japan. Some reports of the time said that ten percent of the women in then hipster area Ginza wore the machikomaki.

#muslimsinjapan In a globalized world, it should be impossible to find a city without people of Muslim faith. Yet in a metropolis like Tokyo made up of hundreds of competing subcultures, they are somewhat invisible. Making up only 0.2 percent of the total population in Japan, Muslims are object to exotic fantasies as well as virtual fears. In high school textbooks the religion is characterized by an emphasis on strictness and strength - a stereotypical narrative meant to play the counterpart of Japan’s preference for mildness, warmth and ambiguity. (Penn 2008: 95) “The majority of Japanese have no direct experience with Muslims.

Japanese views of Muslims are therefore largely shaped by media depictions, most of which involve Muslims in the context of wars, terrorism, and acts of violence.” (Penn 2008: 94) One of the reasons why the perception of Muslims can be shaped by such hysteria tales of “the other” (which we also know well in Europe) is that it is too easy to speak about Muslims and not than with them. Muslims in Japan have yet to introduce a representative organization that finds common interests between Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Iranian or Turkish Muslims. Additionally, migration of a nameable number of Muslims to Japan started only in the 1980s bubble economy when men found illegal work in factories and on construction sites. (Sakurai 2008: 76)

In order to do so they were exploiting temporary visitor or student visa and Japan consequently shut down this option for certain countries and introduced sanctions for companies that would employ these men illegally. The policies forced some men to leave but they also created a large pool of over-stayers (ibid.) living under precarious conditions.

The majority of Muslim women on the other hand is born Japanese. (Sakurai 2008: 76) Many of the men staying in Japan for work found love in the country and were able to obtain a legal status through marriage. But the Asia-Pacific region is now also shaped by the growing mobility of its inhabitants - providing many opportunities for singles to find a partner in places they would not have expected it before. In effect, it will become more difficult for Japan to conserve its idea of a distinct Japanese culture in the future.

#oneoutofbillions For people who have very little or no contact to Muslims, it is easy to judge the whole group based on the behavior of one individual member. Aware of these highly unfair circumstances, Muslims all over the world have to deal with this situation. For some women, wearing hijabs brings along a change in the way they act. Tasheen’s cousin became much more outgoing as if to prevent anyone from developing negative thoughts about her. “When people get on elevators she is like: Oh, how are you? What floor would you like? Ok, I will press that for you.”

Risa describes her strategy similarly. Because people are usually confused by her appearance as #japanesemuslims, she tries to use this confusion to explain it properly. She hopes to lay a foundation for future positive encounters with other Muslims. “Even though I am just one Muslim out of billions of brothers and sisters it is quite important that how I explain Islam to them is correct.” And she goes on to explain that even though she has never been in Germany, she has an image of the Germans from talking to me.

In that sense, women wearing hijab have to negotiate the picture that people have about them constantly and try not to reinforce negative perceptions that people might have. The motto of #worldhijabday 2016 shows that exemplary. “Beautiful. Confident. Empowered” is a direct reaction on popular negative stereotypes in the West.

#protection Thinking about how to make a non-Muslim understand the importance of hijab, Risa came up with this example: “Hijab is like underwear. It is really necessary to hide!” For many who do not follow Islam, the practice of hiding yourself seems strange. They seek for practical reasons that could then be debated but as a religious obligation hijab is indisputable for those who wear it no matter how logical the counter arguments may sound. Faith is not a matter of reason.

Tasheen’s story started with her fascination for the hijab and would only later develop into a serious devotedness. To her, the hijab is not only covering what she does not want to be seen. But it also protects her from the elements and maybe sometimes gives her self-esteem much like #datemasuku. “Hijab makes me feel a little bit more beautiful.”

The question of beauty was also something that fascinated Risa early in her journey towards Islam. When she tried on her first hijab during a stay in her Malaysian guest family she learned that Muslims cover women because they are considered beautiful. She started to wear lose clothing and long sleeves and over time decided that she wants to start wearing hijab after her marriage. “That is how my beauty belongs to my husband which i think is beautiful.”

But Risa’s decision for the hijab came much earlier. “I don’t want to obsess with the beauty image that people have. Having shiny, long hair is considered beautiful but my hair is curly, my hair is color blocked.

I used to dye it and straighten it. But after I started to cover myself I can just be myself.”

#readingemotions According to a study by Masaki Yuki from Hokkaido University, in Japan, people tend to look to the eyes for emotional cues, whereas Americans tend to look to the mouth.

This can also be seen in #socialmedia use of emotions. While Western smileys emphasize the mouth to show happiness :) or sadness :(, Japanese emoticons emphasize the eyes to show good (^_^) or bad (;_;) emotions.

A possible explanation for this is that the eyes are less easy to control than the mouth. In Japanse culture, where people try to suppress their emotions, the eyes become a reliable source for the counterpart.

In the context of Muslim textile traditions that only leave the eyes free (e.g. ruband & niqab) this difference could become interesting. Can the opposition in the West towards those outfits partly be explained by the people’s inability to read emotions without the mouth?

#socialmedia For a long time already the internet of social media has been hyped to create space for all kinds of communities online. May it be gamers, feminists or muslimahs (none of that understood as exclusive categories). Tasheen’s first contact with the hijab was through videos by popular YouTubers from the UK and she still watches their videos today.

Risa also learned from them how to put on the hijab. She points to her head and says: “This is UK style! Exactly how I learned it from Youtube.”

Today, Risa has started her own blog. “People kept asking me a lot of questions. But to cover four years of experience is really long. It is easier to write it down.” Risa sees her perspective as #japanesemuslims to be her unique feature. With more and more Muslims coming to the country for work, studies or as tourists, she wants to show them that they do not need to worry if they will be able to keep their Muslim lifestyle in Tokyo. “I want to tell them: Don’t worry. Even if bad things happen, we can cope it together.”

With the mass media still focusing on hysteria tales about Muslims, YouTubers and Bloggers do important work in showing how normal Muslim life in their places can be. And they can speak up against injustice, giving a voice to a group often talked about but not with.

#staringeyes In a culture shy of direct conflict, the eyes become an important messenger. Risa encounters them while she walks through the city. By now, she has identified three types of reactions that she gets whenever she leaves the house. “The first one tries to look at me but pretends that nothing happened. Then a really frowning face. I don’t know their background. And then a really smiling face. Maybe people who know Muslim culture? But no one ever talked to me. It’s just the eyes.”

While Risa always smiles back, hoping that people will have another chance to learn more about Islam, Tasheen likes confrontation: “I don’t like when people stare. So I just stare back. Some people have questions and they should not be too shy to ask them. I am still learning myself. If I don’t ask questions, I cannot learn.”

The eyes following the hijab resemble the omnipresent security infrastructure in Tokyo. The hijab becomes a cause for concern, a potential security risk that has to be observed carefully. A conversation with an Indonesian man living in Tokyo informs me about the practices of racial profiling that the police uses without denial. In such a scenario, the described #curiosity loses it’s innocence.

Picture: Bit Boy

#traditionalveils Japan’s culture, like almost all cultures, features veils in traditional performances and weddings. Until the end of the Edo period in 1867, brides wore a wataboshi hood which was supposed to conceal the bride’s face to everyone except the groom.

Other traditional Japanese headdresses include the uchikatsugi; a long veiled headdress worn by high class ladies to protect their anonymity. It was not usually worn as a wedding veil; simply normal street wear for the nobility.

A hat made of woven straw is called amigasa. Some say the original dancers performed before royalty and therefore they would hide their faces out of modesty. Now it is worn by dancers at many festivals all over Japan.

A companion of amigasa is hikosa zukin. It can be seen during the Tohoko festival. The festival dates from the 13th century when a priest called Genshin commanded villagers to dance in the Zao Gongen temple grounds to pray for a good harvest. The dance evolved into a folk dance and is accompanied by music and singing, which also evolved with rather agrestic and bawdy lyrics. For this reason, the festival was banned in the Taisho Era (1912-1926) but later revived and continues to be celebrated each summer.

#worldhijabday The large assembly room of the #communitycenter is already full of talk and laughter as I enter. Being male and white makes me stand out - the majority of attendees to the World Hijab Day event in the #communitycenter are women of all different backgrounds. When we get told at the opening of the event that men cannot join the Hijab styling workshop, they are turning around to me and share my amusement.

The event is organized by four women of the community, among them Tasheen and Risa. After a short introduction to the basic texts in the Holy Scripture that lays the foundation for their clothing rules, they show a video of a feminist American that makes clear why Hijab is no means of oppression for her. Then some women share their personal stories of how they started to wear Hijab. These stories are as different as the women who present them and it becomes clear that there is not one way for all women in Islam. For some it was an act of rebellion against their Muslim parents not to wear it at first, others found it beautiful before they even reverted and some wore it from early teenage years just like it is classically told in the media.

The women present in Tokyo Camii emphasize an empowered role of women in their community and demand the choice for hijab to be a personal and free one. And in that way it is in line with the slogan of the day: “Beautiful. Confident. Empowered� #oneoutofbillions

#zawachin The #datemasuku also finds it’s place in #socialmedia with numerous girls performing masked on YouTube. (Locker 2015) One that came to great fame is Zawachin. She transforms her face into that of famous Japanese and American stars (even men at times) by applying make up to the area around the eyes while the mask covers the nose and mouth. Watching Zawachin shows the potential of the mask to act as a potent disguise.

Literature Ashcraft, Brian (2016): The Wild, Wonderful World of Japanese Hair, http://kotaku.com/5868347/ the-wild-wonderful-world-of-japanese-hair, last checked at 27.01.2016.

Bhatti, Jabeen (2016): The Cologne assaults challenge the German sense of order – and many fear what comes next. In: The Guardian, 11.01.2016. Available online under http://www.theguardian. com/commentisfree/2016/jan/11/the-cologne-assaults-challenge-the-german-sense-of-order-andmany-fear-what-comes-next.

Buchele Mineta, Grace (2014): Things I Love About Japan: Face Masks. Available online under http://howibecametexan.com/2014/11/24/things-love-japan-surgical-masks/, zuletzt geprüft am 26.01.2016.

Gordenker, Alice (2014): Face masks. Available online under http://www.japantimes.co.jp/ news/2014/11/21/reference/face-masks/#.VpMRTeDt00N, last checked at 26.01.2016.

Locker, Theresa (2015): Eine kleine Kulturgeschichte des Mundschutzes im japanischen Straßenbild. Available online under http://motherboard.vice.com/de/read/eine-kurze-kulturgeschichte-des-mundschutzes-im-asiatischen-strassenbild-888, last checked at 26.01.2015.

Nakleh, Emile A. (2008): Introduction. In: Asia Policy (5), S. 62–66.

Penn, Michael (2008): Public Faces and Private Spaces: Islam in the Japanese Context. In: Asia Policy (5), S. 89–104.

Risa (2016): My journey towards Islam. This is how my Muslimah life started. Available online under unter http://muslimahtokyo.com/my-journey-towards-islam/, last checked at 21.01.2016.

Sakurai, Keiko (2008): Muslims in Contemporary Japan. In: Asia Policy (5), S. 69–87.

Tokyo Camii (2016): History of Tokyo Camii. Available online under http://www.tokyocamii.org/ about/history-of-tokyo-camii, last checked at 22.01.2016.

Intervention Picture: Lars Kaiser

A heartfelt Thank You to Tokyo Wonder Site for being such wonderful hosts.