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Speakers 'Redefine' Race Relations TIre projected focus of the University of Michigan's 1992 Martin Luther King, Jr. Day celebration was to be "TIle Path to Empmvmnent: Redefining Our Cultures." Very little was offered, however, in the way of definitions - or redefinitions, for that matter - during tire series of panel discussions that were held on that blustery Monday morning. Instead, tire panel discussions addressed topics familiar to many UM students, such as racism and sexism, and they tended to address them I from a decidedly liberal perspective. TIre following series ofessays documents the tendentious natu f" of various MLK Day presentations.

"a struggle to have lands returned to us, only started to assert themselves; they communities. These honest citizens are have also begun to reap some of the lands that were stolen." usually content to exist in the background, These lands are the lands of the Sioux benefits of success, largely on an indiyet they are the backbone of every comvidual level. Archer also stressed the imIndians, located largely in the Black Hills munity. In addition, Archer emphaSized of South Dakota. A direct descendent of portance of blacks demanding more acthe sacrifices made by these people, "who the famed Black Elk, Charlotte Black Elk cess to education and other societal instimay have been the chefs and busboys of is a member of the tutions, not just the opportunity to eduthe all-white country Lakota tribe, and has cate themselves. clubs, or the maid s and fought to recover Archer's opening discussion of the clerkf of hotels. They lands that were lost to success of some must be treated with the the United States govblacks was fairly respect they deserve." ernment in the 19th .:d'unterbalanced by • Archer stressed the an~ 20th centuries. his assessment of importance of black enDuring her 90 the-tragedies which trepreneurship and the minute presentation, many minorities necessity of giving someBlack Elk traced the have experienced thing back to the comhistory of this fight, and continue to sufmunity. He called on the from the mid-1800s, audience to work tofer. He stressed the continuing ' negawhen 90 percent of the gethaler todsuPport these Charlotte Black Elk: "There is a tive influence vf Sioux nation was go s an to question tremendous paternalism in Framing the rampant and seemthemselves as to killed, to 1992 and the Democrats toward people of Problems ingly senseless acts whether or not they current battles taking color." of violence, reflecthave enough confiplace in Congress. According to Black Elk, the land was dence in their abilities. by Corey Hili . '"1 II " .......'1 ing back to the days "Education has ~a: ]1 , I ' of his own childoriginally taken because of the way the The early morning crowd left the been the difference hood, when such Sioux were using - or rather not using speech satisfied with Archer's stirring that has allowed mi- pennis Archer: "Education is the key." behavior was not - the territory. 'The attitude was that if comments. Although he offered goals to norities to move forward," announced merely frowned upon, but simply not the Indians aren't farming the land, if which the members of any race could former Michigan Supreme Court Justice tolerated . Archer suggested a return to a they weren't exploiting the land, then aspire, he was unfortunately unable to Dennis Archer, in the opening address to similar attitude which would include the they are not using it - it's surplus to detail specifically how these goals should the University of Michigan's Martin virtues of hope, pride and determinathem." be met, which can be partly attributed to Luther King Day activities. tion, all keys to fulfilling the dream of Dr. Black Elk then went on to describe the brief time allotted for his address. King. The address also featured U-M Presihow General George Custer's defeat and Arguably, however, his speech would dent James Duderstadt, Vice-Provost for Dr. King's life should serve as a symhave been more enlightening had he dedeath at Uttle Big Hom in 1876 increased Minority Affairs Charles Moody, and bol of hope for minorities who seek to tailed more specific proposals. student coordinator Jam~ Young, each make positive contributions to the world, Please See Page 12 Duderstadt, too, was extremely of whom spoke briefly on the importance according to Archer. He supported the vague in his remarks about the Michigan of Martin Luther King and the upcoming creation of a world in which there will be Mandate and his Diversityquest, as well symposium that would bear his name. equal opportunity for all, and he asserted as in his assessment of its consequences Duderstadt reaffirmed the Univerthat blacks do not desire a "free lunch," and future. Archer did not address every sity of Michigan's commitment to "dibut equal opportunity. subject thoroughly, but those who failed versity" by commenting on the the Archer speculated on what Dr. King's to attend his speech missed an opportuprogress the U-M has made during his opinion of today's society would have nity designed to help motivate society to tenure as president. His explanation pribeen had he remained alive. He sugmake a honest commitment to current marily consisted of an account of the gested that King would not approve of and future advancement. recent increases in the number of black, society's lack of altruism. "Dr. King chose Asian, American Indian, and Hispanic to sacrifice not only for blacks, but for Indians Seek to Reclaim Land students attending the U-M. Moody subwhites as well. He marched and was sequently praised Duderstadt's commitjailed, spurred the creation of the Voting by Brian Jendryka ment to diversity, and reminded the auRights Act of 1965, and he caused the end Charlotte Black Elk came to the Unidience that there is more progress to be of legalized segregation." versity of Michigan on Martin Luther made in the area of minority enrollment. Part of King's message of sacrifice King Day to share a vision that was perArcher, who is considered a potenwas linked to the reestablishment of rehaps a little different than the one being tial Detroit mayoral candidate, reiterated spect within the black community, Arcelebrated by the rest of the day's speakthe sentiment that education has meant a cher noted. He challenged the audience . .ers. She was not preaGhing about aspiralot for many minorities. Blacks have not to remember the honest citizens of their tions of a color-blind society, but rather

INSIDE

Muir debunks Polk 5 A Gay Gene?

Lynch Interview

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Black Nationalism 15 Crusty's Corner

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW.

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Serpent's Tooth reported that Dr. Hornback's" Against Greed" essay contest was a failure. According to the article, Bert was overwhelmed with a whole 31 responses, out of the 23,201 undergraduate students at the U-M, which is roughly .001 percent of the undergraduate population. Interestingly enough, 11 of the responses were photocopied pr~greed letters from Review staff members. The News quoted Review Editor-in-Chie£ Adam DeVore as saying that charity makes a person forget "he's got to pull himself up by his bootstraps." Bert mailed our office a copy of the article, and glibly quipped: "If you pick yourself up by your bootstraps, you'll fall on your ass." Bert doesn't seem to realize that when you fallon your ass and make no effort to get back up, you're stuck on your ass.

In March of this year, Marvel Comics will reveal a homosexual superhero named Northstar in their Alpha Flight" comic book series. In the first frame, a group of homophobes is mocking Northstar. In the second frame, Northstar excuses himself saying, "There is something I must attend to." When Northstar returns in the third frame, the homophobes are hanging from a chandelier, screaming in pain, and their pants are down. As for what went on in between the second and third frames, we'll leave that up to your imagination. But one question: who's ~ promoting stereotypes now?

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The Michigan Review is an independent. nonprofit, student-run journal at the University of Michigan. We are not affiliated with any political party. Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the editorial board. Signed articles represent the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the Review. We welcome letters and articles <IJld encourage comments about the journal and issues discussed in it Our address is:

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Executive Editor Emeritus ........Jeff Muir Bardzo Editor.. ..................Brian Jendryka Editor-at-Large ....................John J. Miller Editor Emeritus ................... Marc Selinger

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In the aftermath of The Competition we were rather surprised to find Daily celebrants performing a version of "the tomahawk chop" and chanting "Fuck the Review." How mature. But wait a minute. Isn't the chop one of the most evil symbolic manifestations of Anti-Native American oppression? Was the Daily showing blatant insensitivity toward Native Americans, in spite of its previous editorial claims? Can . Y9u~y':d9~~1~¥~ dard''?We can.

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A January 10 article in The Detroit News

On January 18, the Daily and the Review got together for our first-ever contest of Trivial Pursuit. While the Review was defeated in a three hour nail-biter, we blame the loss in part on drunken Daily staffer Dan Poux and Opinion Page editor Stephen Henderson, whose incessant clamoring for "more questions of color" adversely affected our ability to concentrate.

Executive Editor.................. .Tony Ghecea Executive Editor... ........... .David J. Powell

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The U-M recen.Uy held a press conference to release its annual report on the Michigan Mandate, in which it concluded that serving greater numbers of minority students will require a greater amount of resources for those minorities. Keep in mind that in Administrationspeak, "resources" means "money." Walter Harrison, executive director of university relations, went so far as to suggest that the U-M increase "resources" for the exclusive Black Greek Association. Wonderful. So when can we expect the other Greek organizations on campus to get an equal share of resources, or for that matter, some share - any share - of resources? Students funding frat parties? Why, that's almost as stupid as spending medical

Publisher.. .................. Karen S. Brinkman

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It seems that the NAACP was considering changing its name to the NAAPC, or the National Association for the Advancement of People of Color, but soon realized that its hidden agenda would be revealed: the National Association f9I' ... the Advancement of Political Cori~ctness.

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Woe is us. Bert "I hate greed and by implication the profit motive" Hornback, Supreme Twaddlemeister and U-M professor of English, is leaving our university. 0, sorrowful day! Bert said he was leaving this "corporate entity" to take a position at Bellarmine College, in louisville, Kentuckv'. But Bert, isn't that a private school? Egad!

The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan

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Residential College Lecturer Jennifer Levin recently resigned her position because she feels that the U-M prevents homosexuals from realizing their full p0tential. Levin told the Daily: ''I'm a woman. I'm a writer. I'm an American. I'm all these [and] many, many, many other things - and so are we all." Come on, Jen. You may hate men, but please stop pretending they don't exist.

"We are the Establishment"

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George ''1' m gonna hurll" Bush finally came out and admitted that his economic policy (or lack thereof) needs improvement. But don't expect Bush to be honest for much longer. He's not feeling well, you know.

research funds on Christmas ornaments.

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As most of you know, Jesse Jackson's appearance at the U-M was cancelled due to inclement weather. Supposedly, the cold temperatures combined with Jesse's hot air would have done irreparable damage to the ozone layer.

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Roving Il.hotographer It's past 2 AM at the Angell Courtyard Computing Cluster. What are you doing here? by Mitch Rohde

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Hussein Hojeije, LSA Junior: I'm here because I'm trying to get a degree, and anything good in life has to be worked for .

Erin Nicholas, LSk Junior: I'm dedicated to the cause.

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Andrew Campbell, PhD Candidate: I'm writing my incomplete paper from last semester!

Danny Kim, Engineering Senior: Playing a game .. .! should be doing other >twff,but...

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Matthew Messana, LSA Junior: Sleep is for the weak. It's scientifically proven that sleep is not necessary for survival.

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Derek Sims, School of Music Junior: Sleep is a privilege, not a right, for the college student.

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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From Suite One: Editorials

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Redefining King's Dream? Monday, January 20, marked the fifth University-wide celebration of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s birthday. The ambitious goal of the University of Michigan's celebration was to redefine our society's typical conceptions of gender and race, or so said the University's propaganda guide (which, incidentally, glorified the Office of Minority Affairs and Vice-Provost Charles Moody). But despite this year's creative and progressive-50unding theme of "redefinition" (that pernicious little word cropped up in the celebration's official name, liThe Path to Empowerment: Redefining Our Cultures," as well as in the titles of numerous presentations which took place throughout the day), students who bothered to attend some of the day's main events observed little more than a rehashing of trite, unconvincing leftist dogma. Although it was frequently unclear what the various presentations sought to redefine, one thing was certain: anyone who attended the panel discussions was bombarded with racist epithets, politically correct admonitions against the use of oppressive terms like "minorities" and " American Indians," and incessant ranting about the injustices that plagued - and plague - society, largely due to the influence of white males; in general, students were made to feel guilty by the U-M's grievance industry. One popular topic at many of the day's events was minority retention. It was pathetic indeed to see the prophets of multiculturalism feign embarrassment when they sheepishly defended the U-M's less than successful efforts to retain minority students. Amidst a&sertions that more aggressive minority rec;ptitment and increased support services are prerequisites for the success of the Michigan Mandate, our'" beloved social engineers overlooked one of the primary cause,~of racial tension on campus - affirmative action. Their tacit denial that pandering to minority students via virtually instantaneous on-site admissions practices may privilege a student's race over his qualifications was perhaps the ep itome of leftism's self-deluding, self-

destructive nature. Members of the panel discussion entitled "Redefining Women, Race and Class" endeavored to discredit the prinCiples upon which our country was created. True, some of the Founding Fathers were less than angelic by modem standards: men such as Thomas Jefferson owned slaves. From such comments it became clear that the speakers were either unWilling or unable to judge a man's character separately from his ideas. And for all their emphasiS on the importance of historically contextualizing social phenomena (which results in assertions like" All blacks are oppressed and incapable of racism due to the legacy of slavery") they failed to contextualize the targets of their scorn and criticism. While slavery and bigotry are wrong, several speakers intimated that these faults - faults not uniqu e to Western culture - somehow delegitimize all or most of Western society. Absent was the vie~ that Western culture, albeit imperfect, has provided the political climate and social dynamic necessary for the significant diminutionof racist, sexist, and similarly oppressive institutions. At the same time, many of the speakers only emphaSized the positive aspects of Third World cultures, ~ltures which, of course, yield no evil.

• The civil rights gains made possible by King's leadership deserve reg ular and sincere commemoration. But redefining his Dream to include the removal of Land 0' Lakes butter from our refrigerators (one panelist argued that this Indian logo was stereotypical and degrading) is a vulgar misapplication of King 's beliefs, alth ough such claims typify today's civil rights establishment's desperate search for a legitimate complaint. As a result of such nonsense, we at the U-M must endure the likes of the two-headed administrative Cerebus, Dudey-Moody, and its foamy growlings about "d IverS! ' 'ty . .... -' 4'~, ~ II

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Is Hornback's Criticism of U-M Fair? Professor of English Bert Hornback recently announced his official resignation to conduct it grow more expensive every day, the need to remain in the forefront of from the University of Michigan. Citing the "uphill battle" he has waged with the modern education is far more important than Hornback admits. university, the popular professor has decided to bailout for Bellarmine College, a While few would argue that graduate research is suffering from a "lack of funds," private school in Louisville, Kentucky, where he will begin teaching next fall. Accordthere are certainly Equally appropriate areas at the U-M to which the term, "misuse ing to Hornback, the U- M has sacrificed the quality of its of funds" applies. Hornback's allegations of financial neglect undergraduate education and instead focused on "corporationshould be directed at the U-M's image-making rather than its building" enterprises such as graduate research. Hornback added corporation-building. The annual waste of money collectively that the overcrowding of classes and a rampant lack of pedagogiknown as "the undergraduate orientation program," the incescal concern on the part of teachers has contributed to the decline. sant support for various "diversity" programs, the self-perpetuDespite the fact that Hornback cannot possibly speak for all .. . . ating, top-heavy administration, and the $35,000 in blood money instructors at the U....M, there is some validity to his claims. The .. ~~. ~ ~ it pays annually to the Black Student Union all testify to ~ problems of closed classes and limited sections resurface with i~ 'i i abundance of money-managing problems. We wonder If every registration period. Classes are removed from the time ': Hornback has ever considered fighting an "uphill battle" against s~hedule e~ch tenn for a variety of reaso.ns, the preferred justiI, i~ these drains on University. funds. . . . ftcation bemg "lack of funds." The volatile nature of the recent '.~ Although Hornback IS correct 10 hIS observatIon of the teaching assistant negotiations revealed the tension and dissatneglect of undergraduate students, his focus on the problem is isfaction of graduate students with their increased educational misplaced. While his tantrums have their merit, Hornback apresponsibilities - responsibilities which, according to Hornback, pears to be arguing in a vacuum - and unfortunately, such might be better handled by professors. babbling is not likely to initiate any massive reforms. While his To Hornback, the culprit behind this neglect for underdedication to teaching - including 28 years at the U-M - is graduate education is an all-too-pervasive interest in graduate certainly admirable, Hornback's departure from the U-M has research. He bemoans the overwhelming amount of funds channeither brought forth a deluge of professors clamoring for the neled toward research and is quick to remind us that "greed has abolition of graduate research nor a flood of calls for a renewed ruined this place." But Bert misses the point. To deny funding to graduate research in emphaSis on the quality of undergraduate instruction. Instead of staying at the U- M favor of teachers who will "assign more papers" can be somewhat self-defeating. and working to bring about the realization of his reforms, Bert has chosen to give up Universities have a responsibility to impart to students the latest knowledge from the fight. This seems far more like a futile attempt at self-martyrdom than a parting every field, and the way in which that knowledge originates is through research. shot at the "university corporation." Students will be best prepared to understand the expanding frontiers of literature, In any event, Professor Hornback's departure will certainly be a loss to the U-M; science, and the arts only if the schools which they attend are themselves in the we at the Review wish him all the best, and hope that he has at last found a place where vanguard of research in those-fields. While graduate research and the tools necessary he may ·twaddle 1n peace;

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

5

But Wait, There's Muir

Is m Polk as Dumb as She Looks? by Jeff Muir Politics is a funny business, especially student government politics. First off, most people don' t entirely understand the Michigan Student Assembly 's (MSA) political process. Many students, therefore, are easily swayed one way or the other by fallaciou s arguments made by designing politicians. Amy Polk, one of Rackham's MSA representatives, is a case in poi nt. Polk wrote an op / ed piece for the Michigan Daily which appeared on January 15 that deliberately sought to mi slead students about a very important part of MSA' s political process - s he engaged in "intellectual di shonesty," as it were. In hl'r article, with the verbles.'; title " MSA appointments political favors," Polk discu5...<;(.>d the process by which MSA committee and commissi on chairs and vice-chairs are elected. She argues, in short, that since, "without exception, the Conservative Coalition [cq which holds a majurity of the representative seats on MSA, saw its candidates of choice get electl'd to every committee chair, every commission chair, and every committee vice-chair ... " Polk further claims that these positions were "handed out like poker chips during dosed door sessions." Normally at thi s point in my column, I would ask a snide, rhetorical question, in a cheap attempt to get yuks, such as "Is Polk on drugs?" or "Was Polk labotomized over Christmas break?" But because I know Amy Polk, no such comic device is needed. I have the benefit of already knowing - or, to avoid slandering her, should I say strongly suspecting - that the woman is missing a few screws. I also know that Polk will do or say just about anything in an attempt to "convince" potential voters that anybody and everybody even slightly to her political right is a reactionary fasci st engaged in a plot to take power from the "people." After her latest performance, however, she ough t to get the "Bill Laimbeer Award" for bad acting. At MSA, most of the work that gets accomplished is actually done by the commillet' or commission that is relevant for that particular area of policy. Some of the committees and commissions currently operatl>d by MSA include Budget Priorities, Rules and Elections, Students' Rights, Academic Affairs, Womens' Issues, Peace and Justice, Communications, and Environment. Why Polk is so surprised that CC elected its own people to chair every committee and commission, I do not

know . Or maybe I do know. She's not surprised . She just wants students to think she's surprised, appalled, aghast, etc:, at those evil right-wingers in Cc. The truth of the matter is, she knows good and well that the results of the committee and commission chairmanship votes went just as expected . For those of you who do not remember, I offer a brief history lesson on MSA - Van Valey style. Ms. Jennifer Van Valey served as MSA president for the year preceding James Green's illustrious tenure. Van Valey and her majority ruled the chambers and the po-

principles which differentiate them from bers simply believed that, whatever his their political opponents. Naturally, a qualifications, Odurro's liberal ideology Democrat believes in certain tenets of the would prove to be a counterproductive Democratic Party, i.e., tax and spend, big force in the overall agenda CC has for government, throw money at a problem, MSA. This is the very same realpolitik etc. paradigm under which Van Valey's maWhen the chairmanship of the Senjority on MSA operated, and it is the ate Judiciary Committee is vacant, and same principle that the u.s. Congress Democrat A, an and every state legislature in the land ex-judg e , and tacitly employs. Republican B, What makes Polk's argument even al so an e xworse is that Odurro really wasn't more judge, are vyqualified for the position to begin with. ing for the seat, H e is a new student at the U-M with no Democrats will clue as to what the BPC here does. Furvote for their thermore, he has never even been to a man and ReBPC meeting. publicans will As far as I'm concerned, the fact that vote for their Odurro managed the budget of a state man - not beagency in th e Dukakis administration cause the y was enough to have disqualified him think thier canfrom the BPC position in the first place. didate is necesBrent House, on the other hand, had sarily more been a member of the BPC during the Fall qualified, but ". 'semester, so he brings to the job experibecause they ence and understanding of what the committee's duties are and how the comlitical process of believe that he MSA ch okemittee operates. will better use his skills to furhold style CC has come away from the last three MSA elections with solid victories. they played ther the agenda hard-ball poliThis has resulted in CC candidates occuand ideals of pying the executive offices and a majortics, and gave no Eric Strom/ Revicul their party, ity on council. That's the way the stuquarter to their . which each sin. t' Amy Polk: Cow Eyes, Brown Nose, and Slimy dents want it. Given the reality of a highly o p p os I I o n. cerely believes adversarial, politically charged environSince the day Van Valey' s Birkenstock will benefit the country. ment around MSA, it is only sensible to leftists were kicked out of office and reIndeed, even if members of one party have CC party members in leadership placed by the nice, efficient, clean-lookagree that their opposition's candidate is positions on the committees and coming majority that now controls MSA, howtechnically more qualified, they probmissions that will produce the proposals ever, loonies like Polk have feigned disably will nevertheless think that this and projects which CC's MSA majority belief and indignation whenever CC "more qualified" person will see everywill eventually vote on. thing through the wrong political filter chooses to play hardball politics, giving no quarter to the token liberals and aslt is a fact that basic philosophical and therefore make bad policy decisions. sorted Oc:hoas that Rackham elects twice differences exist between CC and the This is perhaps the most basic tenet per year. of politics, and Polk knows it as well as various liberal party representatives on the assembly . These differences have to That is exactly what Polk was doing any of us. She's really not as dumb as she on the pages of the Daily on January 15looks or sounds. Really. do with topics as basic as the effectveness of 60s-style protests and sit-ins, freeIn her article, Polk used the case of feigning indignati on in a fit of demadom of expression, and whether or not the election for the vice-chair position of goguery . all administrators are evil. Were CC to the Budget Pri orities Committee (BPC) To see just how slimy Polk is being leave the old guard in charge of the comwhen she uses the issu e of committee as an example of alleged malfeasance. chairman selection to brown-nose pomittees and commissions it would be The candidates were CC's Brent House tential voters, just take a look at the u.s. doing a disservice to its constituents, for and the ProgreSSive Party's Michael the voters have clearly called for a subCongress and all 50 state legislatures. Odurro. Polk reasoned that Odurro was stantial change in MSA's character. The first thing that you'll notice is that, more qualified for the position because he had been the BPC chair at the Univerwithout exception, people of the same poSo next time you hear or read Amy litical bent as the party which hold s a Polk whining about CC not being "fair" sity of Massachusetts at Amhurst, and majority in that body chair - or the injustices of the political prolater managed the budget for a state cess at MSA - remember that she's not every legislative committee. Is this beagency under then-Massachusetts Gov. cause all of these legislative bodies are as dumb as she looks. Michael Dukakis. Because most CC memcontrolled by right-wing extremists who bers voted for House rather than Odurro, have successfully taken over the governPolk claimed the party was handing out Jeff Muir is a senior in general studies ment? No. political rewards "to the detriment of the and executive editor emeritus of the student body.~' . Rather, it is because most politiMichigan Review. cally-minded people operate on a set of The reality is that most CC mem-

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

6

Essay

January 29, 1992

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The Hypothalamus Fallacy by Tyler Wetton Gay advocates have recently stepped up their efforts to force the University of Michigan to pass laws which will increase the "rights" available to homosexuals. In their haste to ensure "gay equality," however, the pro-gay movement has incorrectly assumed that an important and logically prior question about homosexuality - namely what it is - has been solved. Citing questionable data and misinformed public perceptions to support the belief that homosexuality is a psychologically-acceptable lifestyle, gay activists have taken on the task of securing things like homosexual family housing and revisions of regental by-laws. But there is more to the debate on homosexuality than meets the eye. "'Nature versus Nurture" The most prominent issue in research on homosexuality today involves the search for a biological root of gay behavior. The results of a study conducted by Dr. Simon leVay, a neurobiologist at the Salk Institute in San Diego, were released last fall and presented some interesting data in support of a genetic hypotheSiS for homosexuality. According to Dr. LeVay, gay and straight males differ in the size of their hypothalami, a part of the brain which controls emotions such as hunger, stress, and sexual stimulaVon. While leVay suggested that this disc;repancy in size might play some role in determining sexual orientation, he was quick to caution the media against draWing hasty conclusions. His warning, however, went unheeded. LeVay's findings immediately drew worldwide attention, earning frontpage status in a number of national newspapers and television exposure on ABC's Night/ine. As the media realized, LeVay's data lent .'>llpport to the theory that sexual orientation is an innate quality rather than a learned behavior. If, as LeVay suggested, a person cannot help being born gay, then perhaps homosexuality really is a "natural" mode of behavior. In an article about LeVay's experiment, Newsweek suggested that "the study fit the emerging theory that sexual orientation is determined more by nature than nurture." This sounds like a definitive verdict - until we appraise both sides of the "nature versus nurture" debate. At the heart of the "nature/ nurture" conflict is the search to determine the degree to which genetic inheritance and childhood environment contribute to most facets .of a human's.gro\Vth. As UM's Biology 152 text (Biology, Wessels

and Hopson, 1988) states, "Differences among people are not entirely attributable to genes; environment also plays a role in the expression of many traits." In short, both our genes and our environment help to make us what we are. This line of reasoning, when applied to homosexuality, could yield a second set of conclusions. 1£ homosexuality, rather than being an exclusively genebased phenomenon, is subject to environmental constraints as well, then it is possible that a person's environment could cause him or her to be gay. According to psychoanalyst Irving Bieber (Homosexuality, Bieber et. al., 1988), research on homosexuality has revealed three common childhood patterns among gay "patients." Bieber and his fellow researchers have consistently found that male homosexuals exhibit one or more of the following pq.r~ntally-enforced childhood characteristics: an "overly-close attachment" to their"mothers, an "ambivalent, oscillating" relationship with their fathers, and/ or a "failure to integrate" into and subsequent "withdrawal" from" all-boy peer groups." Bieber, who reported a "cure rate" of 27% based on Fre.u dian therapy, suggests that "homosexuality is a symptom of fear and inhibition of heteros e xu al expression ....! and that] fear is necessarily pathologic." Simply put, Bieber's research suggests that homosexuality is a mental disorder

abnormal change in a person's original tion may vary substantially from person heter06exual orientation would be a "dysto person. But in order for such a "nafunctional" or a "disordered" one. The ture / nurture" compromise to work, reimplication, by Bieber's logic, would then searchers would have to admit that hobe that homosexuality is a "dysfuncmosexuality is at least partially environtional" behavior, or a disorder. ment-based. And if that were the caseIf researchers, however, can find data if the plausibility of an environmental which detract from the possibility of hoexplanation for homosexuality were acmosexuality being caused by a person's cepted by science - then homosexualchildhood environment, they can avoid ity, by Bieber's definition, would have to facing this argument. If they can find be considered a disorder. support for the theory that homosexualSchizophrenia is defined by the AP A ity is only genetic in origin, they can then as a mental disorder. This allows for a begin to make a case for calling it "natupartly genetic, partly environmental exral." And that is exactly what scientists planation of schizophrenia; a "nature/ like Dr. LeVay have tried to do. nurture" compromise thus becomes pasAs Bieber's results show, however, it sible. The APA, however, has effectively eliminated any opportunity for looking is not as easy to dismiss the effects of em-ironment as some researchers would at homosexuality in a similar light. suggest. Granted, both studies suffer from In 1973 the AP A withdrew its sup·a number of Significant methodological port from research into homosexuality flaws. But Bieber's results received noas a disorder. In its second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Men tal where near the publicity given to leVay's findings. Bieber's findings therefore had Disorders (DSM-lI), the APA voted to much Jess of an impact on public percepeliminate any mention of homosexuality tions of homosexuality. Was the allotas <}.,disorder, save for an entry on "egoment of such unequal attention purely ,.- dYstonic homosexuality," which only accidental? The politicized history of the describes homosexuals who are" disturbed by their sexual orientation." American Psychiatric Association (AP A) suggests otherwise. The chain of events which culminated in the deletion of homosexuality from DSM-ll began when gay activists The APA's Declsion stormed a 1970 AP A conference in San It is clear that Francisco. Calling for an end to the classification of homosexuality as a disorder, room for comproand threatening continued disruptions mise in the "nature/ of AP A functions should their demands nurture" debate is not be met, gay protestors forced the not lacking. For exAPA to let them state their case. ample, one of the exDuring a series of panel discussions planations proposed over the course of the next two years, by clinical psychologists as a "comprovarious homosexual groups claimed that the AP A had unfairly labeled them as mise" in the debate "sick," and that this label had given soci"",,/t, '\ ovee the importance which stems from a ety a justification for holding fe", of hete,""',u,'~ Of genetics and en"homophobic" attitudes. If the AP A ality. . ': ¥ironment in schizo.' phrenia is the would say that homosexuality is not a This theory of disorder, acceptance by society at large he t er 0 pho bi a" .. . "diathesis-stress" differs sharply Neurob101ogIS!Slm~nLeVa~, model. As explained would surely follow, the activists claimed. fro m the from the Salk Institute 10 San Diego. by U-M's 1990 PsyIn order to maintain the pressure chology 171 text (Psychology, Wortman under which they had placed the AP A, "homophobia" which many heterosexuals are today accused of harboring. Bieber and Loftus, 1988), gay activists lived up to their threats of further di sruption by forcing their way would have us believe that it is homo"A person with a strong biological into a number of later AP A meetings. On sexuals, not heterosexuals, who fear those predisposition [diathesis] toward schizoMay 3, 1971, Frank Kameny of the Gay who exhibit sexual behavi or diametriphrenia would need very few life stresses to trigger the onset of the disorder. In cally opposed to their own. Liberation Front grabbed the microphone Bieber justifies his classification of contrast, a person with a weak biological at one such meeting and, according to homosexuality as a disorder by looking predisposition would need many exterpsychiatri st Ronald Bayer, "denounced at the kind of environment which he nal pressures (stress] to develop schizothe right of psychiatrists to discuss the question of homosexuality" (Bayer, Hobelieves contributes to its manifestation. phrenic symptoms." mosexuality and American Psychiatry, 1981). Surely such a compromise could exHe maintains that "heterosexuality is the biologic norm, and that unless interfered ist for homosexuality - part genes, part Such disruptions gradually took their toll. As the debate over whether to delete with all individuals are heterosexual ." environment. The extent to which each homosexuality from DSM-;ll pecaIl}e inThu6, .acC0rding to Bieb.er/ .t heonly ty'f'€ {'Ictor ,pl'lYs ~ role iI1 thedeterminat,ion of creasingly . politicized, gay activists be. of environment that could tteate such an a particular indiiVid ual' s sexual disposi-

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gan to find support in the APA from both liberal psychiatrists (such as then-president Alfred Freedman) and undecided psychiatrists who merely wished to end the disruption of their work. As the likelihood of such a deletion increased, many psychiatrists became outraged at what psychoanalyst Charles Socarides tenned "the corruption of psychiatric science, with politics assuming preeminence over truth" (Bayer, 1981). The initial decision in favor of the deletion of homosexuality from DSM-/l was handed down by the APA' s Nomenclature Committee, a group composed of psychiatrists of which "no member considered himself expert on the theoretical or clinical dimensions of homosexuality" (Bayer, 1981). The committee's decision was subsequently accepted by the AP A' s board of trustees, and the AP A' s full membership backed the decision in 1973 by a vote of 5,854 to 3,810. For the only time in the history of the APA, a ~vior that had previously been categorized as a disorder had been removed from DSM-II. But, as the 1973 vote indicated, the case on homosexuality was (and is) far from being closed. Many psychiatrists openly opposed the APA's decision, citing research which clearly contradicted its new stance. They claimed, in the words of Bayer, that "politically liberal psy,:hiatrists had allowed their social values to interfere with their scientific judgment." Instead of basing their decision on research, which, according to psychiatrist Robert McDevitt, "made clear that homosexuality was a pathological state," the APA, in the face of continued intervention by groups like the National Gay Task Force, made a decision based solely on "political and p~106Ophical grounds" (Bayer, 1981). As Dr. William J. Green wrote in a 1974 letter to the Psychiatric News, ''It now seems that if groups of people march and raise enough hell they can change anything in time... Will schizophrenia be next?" The Final Say? The obvious answer is no, at lea5t not yet. But two conclusions do arise from the observation of these facts. First, in light of the APA's outright (albeit scientifically unfounded) acceptance of homosexuality, Simon leVay's experiment, as well as a number of other "twin experiments" that have been popularized as of late, seem a little belated. If homosexuality has truly been accepted by science as a "natural" sexual orientation, then why all the hoopla over research like LeVay's, which, in and of itself, hardly merits mainstream attention? If scientists already know that homosexuality is "natural," then LeVay'S data should be new to no one. Second, aside from the fact that it actually put a scientific question to a

and searches for an exclUSively genetic vote, the AP A seems to have unwittingly source of the "natural" behavior, like set up a unique double standard. Something like schizophrenia, which is desigthose of Dr. LeVay, have consequently nated to be a "disorder," is open to both taken center stage. Thus Newsweek is engenetic and environmental research. But couraged to spout misleading rhetoric about an "emerging" genetic "theory," something like homosexuality, which is voted not to be a "disorder," becomes an because such a genetic theory is the only acceptable behavior, the origins of which thing that will fit the APA's faulty definition and double standard. are then easily assumed to be solely geThe public is seldom told about renetic. Schizophrenics are thus considered "mentally-ill," while homosexuals search like that of Irving Bieber, research are just "mentally-different." which violates and even contradicts the In neither case can the AP A back up AP A's concept of homosexuality. In the absence of such "units decision-the APA knows neither what popular" information, the public is causes schizophrenia nor homosexuality. bombarded by data which back up what Yet it claims the authe media has already thority to call schizotold us - science acphrenia a sickness and cepts homosexuality, hom 0 se xu al i ty and so should you. "okay ." Granted, no Campus gay acone even knows what tivists pick up where causes heterosexuality. this false perception But, as the APA's leaves off. Anyone evaluation of schizowho disagrees with the activists' widelyphrenia as well as many other mental held assumption of homosexual nonnalconditions reveal,.Jhe inability to account for the of a given behavior or ~ ity is labeled an ignorant bigot or a "homophobe," two of the more stigmamental condition dqes not prohibit the tizing labels with which one may be condition's classification as an illness. In branded. When people cease to question spite of the widely-touted belief that "no whether homosexuality is a disorder, the9 .. one can say what is 'nonnal,''' the AP A is by default (and democratically-decided doing just that. definition) it becomes an orientation. When the AP A calls schizophrenia a These steps haVing been accomdisorder, it implicitly defines what it conplished, the next is to work for special siders to be a "nonnal" state of mind. The rights: "We're here, we're queer, and most popular argument for treating we're families, so get used to it, dude" (a schizophrenia in one way and homosentiment originating in gay literature sexuality in another is that schizophrenics distributed on the Diag in February, 1991 hurt themselves or others, or, more genas part of a Queer Nation campaign). The erally, that they are in some way dangerUniversity administration is intimidated ous or self-destructive. But into passing special laws acknowledging schizophrenics often live safe and quiet homosexuals as a legal minority. lives without ever being accused of "havThe rest of the student body sits back ing a disorder." What makes them "sick," dumbfounded. Having only been told and homosexuals" okay?" Nothing, save one side of the research story, students for the dictates of the AP A. often begin to base their opinions on As Thomas Szasz, outspoken critic hollow rhetoric instead of scientific reof the AP A and homosexual advocate, search. They succumb to the weight of warned in 1973, "Celebrating the AP A's social pressure and adopt a relativistic, abolition of homosexuality as a psychiatconflict-avoiding attitude such as, ric diagnosis tacitly acknowledges that "Maybe they're right, maybe homosexuthey have the knowledge and the right to als are okay; maybe it's just not my busi. decide what is and what is not a mental ness what they do, whether it's normal or illness.... [TJhe homosexual community not, as long as they don't bother me." is making a big mistake by hailing the Tho~ of us who oppose discriminaAPA' s new stance as a real step forward • tion but who question the psychological in civil liberties. It's nothing of the sort." propriety of the gay "lifestyle" are often drowned out by the radical few who Flawed Perceptions vehemently and irrationally attack hoThe effect of the APA's acceptance of mosexuals. Suddenly, to defend homohomosexuality has been startling. Actsexuals and their daim to social equality ing on the AP A' s decision, a large numwhile questioning the accepted dogma ber of groups, including the American about homosexuality's origins means you Medical Association, the American Bar are "anti-gay," and the stigma associAssociation, and various government ated with such a politically unpopular groups have begun to treat homosexuals position drives the public even farther to as legal minorities. the liberal extreme. In the midst of this Research on homosexuality has also confusion the Regents consider providreflected the APA's'unscientific stance,

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ing gay housing and modifying regental by-law 14.06, while Ann Arbor passes a family ordinance for homosexuals. Outlook Although the first two laws have yet to be passed, the Ann Arbor family ordinance is already in place. An uninfonned acceptance of homosexuality seems to be the direction in which the University and the nation are headed. It might be wise at this point to question where we are. Psychologist Rochelle Klinger of the Medical College of Virginia suggests in Newsweek, "I don't think we'll ever find a Single cause of homosexuality.rr That does not mean we should discriminate against anyone, including homosexuals. But that also does not mean that we should necessarily accept gay behavior as "psychologically correct" or as a lifestyle when, judging by the research available, a definitive verdict is presently unreachable. Until we know for sure whether homosexuality is a "nonnal" behavior or a disorder, it is only fair that we refrain from passing any judgment on it. Science has given society a faulty, SCientifically dishonest definition of homosexuality, a definition which society has seized and acted upon. And when society begins to accept homosexuality through convensuch as family housing and domestic partnership ordinances, it forfeits the mantle of objectivity. Instead of refraining from making a decision as to how science and society should view homosexuality, such conventions institutionalize the acceptance of homosexual behavior - an acceptance which is clearly based on the weakest of scientific underpinnings - and diminish the likelihood that the AP A will ever reopen scientific debate on the classification of homosexuality. As Bayer states, "Despite the official positions of the American Psychiatric and the American Psychological Associations, significant numbers of psychiatrists and psychologists continue to view homosexuality as a pathological condition." Unfortunately, only certain experiments receive the attention and support of the media, while others, like those of Irving Beiber and his fellow researchers go relatively unmentioned and unnoticed. Until we get all the facts, we will have to settle for something less than we deserve. False perceptions fed by highlypublicized experiments like that of Simon LeVay, which may not tell the whole truth, but come dose enough to satisfy certain agendas and still make good headlines, will probably be around for a long time to come.

-trons

The author is only one of many people who wish to tell students about the other side of the homosexual debate, a side this campus seldom hears. . \

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

8

Essay: Higher Education

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The Politics of Change by Andrew Bockelman Among the major goals of last week's University Symposium commemorating Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the goal of redefining the general status of minorities in America. A thorough anaysis of their status would not be complete, however, without a discussion of the impact that increased minority participation is having on higher education and how universities should react to this increased participation. As of late, universities' efforts to cope with the controversial and sensitive issue of accommodating increased numbers of minorities have created rifts within and among the professoriate, faculty, and student body which engender tension and bitterness. The divisions that result often depend more on ideology than on race. At the root of the controversy are disputes over the programs designed to accomodate minorities as they take a greater role in higher education. The majority of these disputes focus on the issues of multicultural education, speech codes, affirmative action, and recruitment programs designed exclusively for minority students. One of last week's panel discussions, "Redefining the American University: Motives and Methods of Inclusion," sought to address these pressing concerns. The discussion focused on ways to adapt our current educational system to furthter increase minority participation. Only by conSIdering both sides of racial issues is it possible to understand fully the dilemma at hand and distinguish misconception from truth. Unfortunately for the audience, the panel- or at least its organizers - failed to observe this common sense dictate. Although the discussion was rather one-sided, nevertheless it provided insight into the ideological quagmire of race relations. The predominant claim advanced by the participants was that multiculturalism must be promptly and comprehenSively incorporated into our system of higher education. Panelist Jeanne E. Dressel, a graduate student in the School of Education, claimed that, "Eurocentric education serves no one" and that "a pedagogical paradigm shiftll is necessary if the educational establishment is to pave the way to a happier, more diverse future. She went on to suggest, "We need to drastically change the demographics of the American university" in order to provide minorities with "educational and soci~ empowerment and enlightenmeht.~!Desp~t_e .herplea,

They would instead argue that while Dressel never prOvided a clear descripeducation must acknowledge the existtion of an ideally multicultural educational system that the audience could ence of many ethnic groups, it must also select the best that has been thought and evaluate, nor did she bother to dilineate the objectives of her ostensibly salvific said for its corpus. Determining the content of the canon is a difficult task, they "new paradigm." These important aswould submit, but works which have pects of the multiculturalist bogey were withstood the test of many generations later discussed by Professor Keith Osajima of Colgate University. must retain prominence over "newly disDaniel Holliman, a co-founder of the covered" classics or highly poiliticized United Coalition Against Racism and the Baker- Mandela Center for Anti- Racist Education and currently a doctoral candidate at the U-M, offered his thoughts on the debate pa~adigm over political correctness, and the trend toward the limit of free speech on ca~t'fses au courant texts which will likely prove to across the country. He suggested that as be of minimal enduring Significance. people become edlltated, they should learn how to think dearly and accept More generally, the left can be criticized responsibility for what they say. He furfor its historical tendency to incorporate ther observed that people have a right to liberal ideology into the curriculum un-"路 express views, and consequently, "a right der the guise of education. Conservato be offended." Holliman's comments tives acknowledge the need to develop were some of the most interesting and respect for cultural differences, but they objective of the discussion, and diverged believe that such mutual respect is best achieved by learning to live in a tradition sharply from the modem stance of UCAR which supports speech codes. of assimilationism and democracy, a traOsajima's speech openly attacked dition which teaches toleration so that conservative viewpoints, which he people can preserve their culture while claimed constitute "an intellectual cold becoming part of a larger whole. war." He accused conservatives of There is also the notion that minoriobscurring the real issues in order to put ties would like to see their ethnicity pormulticulturalists on the defensive. In trayed as victimization at the hands of framing hi s argument for the majority, in order to increase sympamulticulturalism, he contended that the thy for them. Conservatives take issue current educational methods have no with people like Fred Ho, a composer room for the hi stories of marginalized and activist from New York City, who people. Osajima concluded by listing the spoke at the discussion and expressed a primary goals of multiculturalism, which belief that "oppressed nationalities" is a included bettering human relations, commore appropriate term than "minorities." batting racist attitudes, and developing This is viewed purely as a politicized political commitments in order to avoid agenda, rather than an agenda for im"the conservative crisis that threatens provement. Conservatives tend to view 路the university." the danger in such thinking as allowing Alternative viewpoints, especially the flourishment of stereotypes that view conservative ones, were noticeably abthe majority as being eternally oppressent from the discussion. No panelist sive. They believe such thinking forces offered the reply that such left-wing us to dwell on past evils, and prevents us rhetoric thinly veils a larger political from moving away from those unfortuagenda aimed at uprooting and displacnate circumstances. ing Western culture. No one suggested Affirmative action, perhaps the most that politics, insofar as it is possible, sensitive of issues facing the American should be kept out of academia. university today, also received attention Conservatives would not suggest at the discussion. Keith Osajima argued that American history represents the histhat conservatives wrongly use terms tory of every ethnic group, nor would such as "quotas" and "reverse discrimiconservatives deny, ~楼~ne tll,e;rjght to nati0r" h> de~~~ib~ pr<?,sr.ams desigI?~d, leCl!'" the history of his o!,::n ~tIlDic group . . to give minorities parity. Holliman'noted

that affirmative action succeeds in placing minorities in positions of higher social status, but also acknowledged that he could understand why many students feel that affirmative action creates unfair advantages and unfairly discriminates against them. He made reference to a recent U-M survey in which 70 percent of white students on campus did not support affirmative action programs. Liberals have long advanced the belief that minorities are deserving of s pecial priveleges in order to make up for previous acts of discrimination on behalf of the white majority. It is their view that affirmative action is the only way the majority can make up for previous wrongs. ConservativeS often respond that affirmative action programas are doomed to,pl'-omote animosity, rather than har~ony, since such programs seek to correct one injustice by creating another. Furthermore, many conservatives, without denying the existence of racism, argue that it is unreasonable to ask the majority to pay for the crimes of generations past. As Daniel Holliman's statistics demonstrate, many people are not willing to pay for the wrongs of their ancestors, and feel that they are being associated unjustly with these acts as victims of consequence. Many conservatives hope to develop a more meritocratic system, one that brings parity without resorting to discrimination. The obvious ideological differences between liberals and conservatives in evaluating how the American university should accommodate increasing minority enrollment are limiting the forward progress of this issue.The panel unfortunately had no opportunity to discuss wide-ranging views on the academy. Perhaps future Martin Luther King, Jr., Day organizers will incorporate a more representative sampling of opinion. Failing to do so will only promote anger and frustration.

JJEurocenbic education serves no one ... We need to drastically change the demographics of the American university ... A pedashift is necessary" gogical - Jeanne E. Dressel

Andrew Bockelman is a freshman in economics and managing editor of the Review.

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January 29, 1992

9

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Humor

Ninteen Hundred Ninety-Two: A Look Ahead by Jay D. McNeill Ju st in case you were planning to spend the forthcoming year in ~d reading Calvin & Hobbes books and eating Pop-Tarts, J will d o you the service of looking into my handy little crystal ball. This is what will happen ... January - In the Rose Bowl, Michi gan loses 34-14, as Elvis Grbac and Desmond Howard both stink up the joint. Wash ington and Miami share the national champi onship. O n th e fourteenth of this month, a huge snow storm bl ows into town and wreaks havoc on all who cross its path. Just a hunch . February - Valentine's Day comes and goes, and Pattrice Maurer receives not a Single card, although Forest Green III does salute her in his insightful column . Desmond remains in the news but this time it is becau se of his sudden announcement that he will not enter the NFL draft after all. Shockingly, Howard decides to quit football for good in order

to accept a position with the Cuomo admini stration in New York. When asked why he had mad e the offer, Cuomo responds,"l really don't know. I guess there's just something about the way that kid makes difficult decisions that makes me take a shine to him." March -In the NCAA basketball tournament, the championship game comes down to a re-match between Duke and Michigan. Duke star Ghristian Laettner stuns the sellout crowd by wearing a headband with the words,"1 HATE YOU TOO," scrawled across the front. Unfortunately for the Wolverines, they drop their third straight game to the Blue Devils and the loss is blamed on Steve Fisher. Fisher, who decides he is growing weary of being the biggest wimp head coach in the Big Ten, subsequently.cracks down on hi s players by benching Jalen Rose and Chris Webber in the fourth quarter for wanting a drink of water. Bobby Knight looks on in approval from the fourth row . April - Without any warning, the Meeeeeeeciligan Ret/iew announces that it will cease its spouting of hateful, conservative ideas in order to serve as a subsidiary to the Daily. New features include "But wait, there's Steve Henderson." The announcement, of course, comes on the first of the month . May - Yet another University of Michigan class graduates as Corey Dolgon looks on from afar, weaping fitfully nonetheless and holding his transcript, which reveals yet another "F" in

"Guitar 101 ." June - University President James J. Duderstadt demands that friends call him " Homer," that the Michigan Daily be ren am e d Th e Blaz e , " that the U

U . S . P os tal S er v ic e c han ge Ann Arbor's zi p code t

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90210A, and that the univ er s it y hire a personal assistant for him with the last name Srnithers.J}(e'regents come to the conclusion thafDuderstadt is taking his Thursday night television viewing habit much too seriously and decide to fire him in favor of Mrs. Dude. "I knew I'd get this damn university to put me on the payroll one way or another," she snickers. July - The government's secret files on the assassination of John F. Kennedy reveal that the man who actually killed the president was none other than ... Lee Harvey Oswald's butler's vacuum repairman. Director Oliver Stone boasts,"It was my next guess." August -The Homeless Action Committee, in an effort to bring its goals more in line with its name, attempts to burn down all housing in Ann Arbor. They are subsequently arrested by the U-M's deputized police force, and Governor Engler quietly chuckles as he signs the execution papers. September - The incoming freshman women are even more gorgeous than the batch found in the class of '95. Much to his dismay, the author of this essay continues to whiff at the plate. Bert Hornback gallantly returns to Ann Arbor, but only after the university offers him a contract worth $238,000 per year. Upon settling into his brand new Mercedes, he mutters,"Hmph. Greed is good." October - As a joke, the members of UCAR and ACT-UP decide to dress up as ax murderers and victims, respectively, for Halloween and hold a "Massacre-in" on the Diag. For added effect, UCAR members chant,"We:re nuts!" as they flail away on their make-believe victims. No one notices they're joking. November '- Unbelievab,ly, Paul

Tsongas becomes the 42nd President of the United States by defeating George Bush in a run-off. When asked what his plans are as th e nation' s new leader, Tsongas rep Ii es, "Hell if 1 kn ow . Even I d i dn 't think I had an i ce c ub e' s c h a nc e in H ell." U po n learning

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Tsongas' response, Texas Governor Ann Richards c!eclares, "Poor Paul. He can't help it. He was born with a silver brain in his head!" Meanwhile, Bush releases four year's worth of frustrations during a press conference which he subtitles, "My Turn."

"In all honesty," the hot-headed Bush sneers,"I admit that I played the race card by bringing Willie Horton into the '88 campaign, that Dan Quayle has been a nightmare, that I raised taxes wh en 1 promised I wouldn't, that I nominated Clarence Thomas simply because he is black, that the Civil Rights bill I signed is just as quota-laden a s the previous one I had rejected, and that I couldn' t give a flying @II!? about domestic issu es." The press is stunned by hi s candor. December - The holiday season arrives and college students around the country spend the last few moments of 1992 cradling their toilet bowls while retching up the seven shots of tequila they just lapped up. Just like last year. Jay McNeill, having reviewed and verified his predictions, advises you to remain in bed. Preferably with someone. He is a Contributing Editor for the

Review.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

10

January 29, 1992

Interview 'f~

Lynch Affirms the Invisible Victims On January 25, Andrew Bockelman and John J. Miller of the Review interviewed Frederick R. Lynch. Lynch is the author of Invisible Victims: White Males and the Crisis of Affirmative Action, and his articles have appeared in Commentary, the Wall Street Journal, and Society. He is currently a visiting associate professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in Claremont, California. Lynch received his B.A. in sociology at the University of Michigan in 1967, and a Ph.D. from the University of California at Riverside in 1974. REVlEW: What do you see as the most significant problems with affirmative action? LYNCH: First of all, we must make sure that it gets discussed reasonably and intelligently and that we find out what's really going on with it. By "we" I mean scholars, journalists, and the general public. I think we need to know where affirmative action came from, how it's actually working in everyday life, and the impact it's having, both directly, in terms of what it was intended to accomplish, and indirectly, in terms of the external effects that it may be having, both good and bad. REVIEW: Has affirmative action achieved what it was designed to? LYNCH: It aBpears to have boosted the occupational,and educational attainments of blacks and other minority groups, as well as women, but it's hard to assess affirmative action's consequences because it is mixed in with so many other social changes that we have had during the last 15 or 20 years. There has probably been some progress in what you might call the upward mobility of minorities and women through affirmative action. So to some extent, though we are not sure how much, it might have achieved what it set out to do - at least a little bit. The question is what other social changes were responsible for some of these changes. For example, business schools did not set out specifically to recruit women in the last 15 years, yet the percentage of women in business schools has risen very rapidly - at some schools, they are now in the majority. So I think we can attribute that to much wider changes going on in terms of attitudes and behavior regarding women's role in society. So directly, it has helped somewhat; the problem is the unintended consequences, which have really begun to

raise a lot of serious questions. REVlEW: What type of unintended effects is affirmative action having? LYNCH: The latent or unintended consequences include the use of dual standards and race norming, in other words, using different standards for different groups. It has also prompted a lot of disrespect for the law and a lot of corruption: people put down phony ethnic identifications, and many dedicated affirmative action officers are willing to bend the law. I think affirmative action stigmatized the groups that it was supposed to help. There has been some writing by black scholars recently discussing this, people who by any standard might be viewed as outstanding, who say they are viewed by their colleagues as somehow less qualifiedpcause of affirmative action's aura:' It has als9 produced a lot a "retribalization." The emphasis upon ethnicity and gender in order to qualify for affirmive actionprograms, and in tum qualify for jobs, promotions, and educational slots at universities has resulted in everybody sort of getting into his category in order to line up for affirmative action. Along with the stigmatizations of the preferred groups we see the encouragement of what Shelby Steele has called "victim centered identities." Particularly in California, where more than one ethnic group qualifies for affirmative action, you get what another writer called the "victimization Olympics" - who's more victimized than me, who's more victimized than you? REVlEW: Given these unintended consequences, how would you address the racism and sexism that so many people see in our society? LYNCH: My book posits that racism and sexism are out there, but there is a good deal less overt racism and sexism than there used to be - and there are several studies which indicate that. But I think there are problems that remain, and the question is what can be done about it within the law without hurting the innocent parties. I think we have to go back to the original mission of affirmative action, as it started out 2~some years ago, and enforce non-discrimination laws. The original aim of affirmative action was to open up the occupational and educational structures to groups that had been heretofore excluded - and I think

it was a good idea - but once people put their hats into the ring - once they applied for a job or an educational slot or what have you - everyone was supposed to be judged according to the same criteria. That's what we have got to return to - making sure that everyone gets a chance to apply for a job or for promotions, and that no one loses a job or a promotion because of race, color, creed, sexual orientation, gender, and so on. That's easier said than done. How can you monitor and enforce that? This is a question that needs more discussion, but I think that what has happened with affirmative action is that we have gone from a system which seeks to insure equal opportunity to one which seeks to en. force equality of results, as is the case if when institutions seek proportional representation. Government agencies, among others, have decided that you are not engaging in non-discrimination unless it gets proportional representation in its work force or in its student body. Such proportional representation is measured

away an opportunity from someone else. That is what California Supreme Court Judge Stanley Mosk said, that when you 'quota in' someone because of color, you quota out' someone else. That's a tough situation. I think the original goal of non-discrimination, the idea of opening up opportunities, is closer to a solution. But we have to start much earlier in life with training and education. For example, if you want to get more black and Hispanic engineers, which is a big problem, or more blacks and Hispanics in the sciences, you can't just suddenly wave a wand and say to university juniors,''\Vhy don't you major in biology or physics?" If they haven't had the training coming up the pipeline in junior high and high school, it's not going to work. It's a much more complex issue than affirmative action makes it out to be. J

REVIEW: A number of commentators have recently suggested a revised form of affirmative action based not on race

either by work force statistics or geJ).arar·~'"but on socio-economic status. popUlation statistics, and there are a lot of problems with that, both statistically LYNCH: Again, I think you're going to and sociologically. Should Rockwell Inget into a corruption problem there to ternational, the aerospace firm, have to some extent. These are noble ideas, but employ the same number of black engiyou'll just have people submitting false neers, proportionally speaking, as live in IRS claims from their parents, and so Los Angeles? There are problems with forth. I also remember seeing some data that because there are very few black indicating that poor whites, for example, engineers. Another problem that many do score higher than poor blacks, so you people do not realize is that the various end up with an ethnic problem. It's no groups that get included under the affirpanacea. It is a good idea, but I think it mative action umbrella differ from one would have it's own problems. another, and from the white population, in a number of crucial variables. Age is REVIEW: Has raising the issue has been one such variable. The average age of the a problem for you? white population is 37 or so, for Hispanics it is 19, and for blacks it is about 23. If LYNCH: It's been an enormous problem. there are different populations with difIf you cannot raise the issue, you cannot ferent age characteristics, that will say a talk about how to really solve the problot about where they are in the education lem. Affirmative action, by the way, is and income picture, but nobody talks not the only issue that has been buried about these facts. for 20 years. Studies of the family, and of poverty, much to my surprise, have reREVIEW: Do you think it is possible for ally been on hold for the past 20 years our society to make a collective response because of all the ideological or "politito a problem without hurting guiltless cally correct" taboos in place. If you study, individuals? for example, any sort of negative sideeffects of the two income family or LYNCH: Well, that has not been the case daycare, the feminists are going to come for the past 25 years. I think it is very at you. And also in terms of studying difficult in that you have to toss around poverty, William Julius Wilson, a black the zero-sum situation, particularly in SOCiologist at the University of Chicago, an economy that is downsizing. Not only has said that the big problem there studyare we in a recession, but during the past ing poverty in the past 20 years has been 10 years the public sector has been hit by that if you had a framework that at all tax revolts which force downsizing. If "blamed the victim," you're going to get you give someone a favor, you are taking in trouble. In other words, if your work

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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" concluded that certain behavior patterns of the poor kept them poor, then you can count on some politically correct person coming down on your for blaming the the victim, effectively shutting the lid on your study of poverty-or so at least Wilson thought. Various PC taboos have blocked the discussion of key social issues and problems, including affirmative action, poverty, family, and juvenile gangs. Hollywood can produce Boyz N' The Hood, but at the last sociological convention, there was not one single paper with "Bloods," crack, or anything like that in the title. REVIEW: You invoke the specter of "PC" taboos. How, exactly, do you feel that the phenomenon of political correctness should be defined? LYNCH: There's been a lot of talk about "political correctness," and I think very often that term goes undefined. Political correctness is not just sensitivity about the use of certain names, like "verticallychallenged," etc. Political correctness and the problem of political correctness is that it's based in what I call"Ted Turner Marxism." In other words, Ted likes to colorize classic films, and what we've had on the left is a "colorized" class struggle. Instead of the bourgeoisie versus the pr0Jetariat we now have whites v('rsus people of color, a new two-class model of class struggle. It's kind of a colorized Marxism. The problem with that model, and the problem with affirmative action as well, is that it ignores all the internal variations within these groups. There are all kinds of different people of color, not to mention the male / female dimension, but all the internal differences within the grou ps and all the 'individual variation just gets swallow~d up by those two factors. Social scientists have known about all these factors for years, and nobody says anything. But things like age, immigration status, and even class status, all the rich internal group variations just get swallowed up. Political correctness has its problems in that it's rooted in this two factor model, ethnicity and gender, and particularly when it divides the world up between whites and everybody else, it loses some crucial variables in terms of groups. Class gets merged with ethnic status. And that's lousy sociology. REVIEW: What kinds of problems have you personally encountered in researching affirmative action? LYNCH: I've been at Claremont for only a year and I feel no constraints there at all, but Cal State, as is the case with many campuses, is becoming increasingly Pc. There were certain admissible topics for discussion and some you did not talk about at all. The California system is also

to address affirmative action.

one of the most aggressive in using quotas and color-coded everything, from faculty hiring to admissions, everytHing. I was trying to analytically - or maybe even critically - assess policies that my employer was pushing to the max. This_ meant I had to be very careful. Several institutions to which I applied for promotions did not express interest once the true nature of my work and my ethnicity were discovered. When I was granted an interview - and the interview seemed to go rather well -later, usually through behind-the--scenes conversations I would discover that certain parties, usually feminists, would take issue with my work. They disagreed not with the caliber of my work, but with the questions I was raising. Based on my experiences, I would have to conclude that to confront these issues, particularly in sociology, can be extremely profeSSionally dangerous. As much as I hate to use the term "oppressed," it will do. Certainly, I lost an awful lot of profeSSional opportunities because of this. REVIEW: A number of people on the left have begun to ~uestion the merits of affirmative '!-CtiO'n. LYNCH: In a recent'Issue of Chronicle of Higher Education, Catherine Stimpson wrote that she believed affirmative action had worked to some extent, but that it had caused some conflicts. She raises the issue of class. Her critique of affirmative action is not the kind that I would have made. But I think that simply the fact that the question was raised by a woman who is identified with the left is very interesting. I also read an account of the "PC Frame-Up" conference at the U-M in which Todd Gitlin, an extremely left-wing sociologist from Berkeley, commented that focussing left-Wing critiques entirely on white males borders on 1/genocide." I interpreted this to mean mainly middle-class, working-class young white males, which would entail wiping out an entire generation of people. What has happened to the left, to some extent, is that those on the left know what's going on with affirmative action, although they don't want to acknowledge it. University admission policies are a prime example. I know a lot of leftwing people whose children are applying to Berkeley and Harvard and are being turned away. One colleague at Claremont is a third generation Berkeley PhD. Her daughter went to Bryn Mawr on scholarship, but was not accepted at Berkeley because the school lowered the percentage of whites in its freshman class to 30%. They were informed behind the scenes that this was the reason she could not get in. REVIEW: On the other hand you've said that conservatives have had a reluctance

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LYNCH: The first element has to do with the media blackout on all this. The media had been very timid and afraid to even raise the issue, much less probe it very much. On the right there's been a great deal of ignorance in conservative circles as to what was going on with affirmative action. Also, affirmative action's bite has varied enormously depending upon where it has been hidden. If you were an older businessman, and if your kids were majoring in engineering, then you might not be terribly aware of affirmative action. So part of it has to do with where conservative business people are. Ideologically, the right has had a problem in that it worships free enterprise and rugged individualism. The feeling that I get from some conservatives is that if white males get injured by affirmative action - say they miss certain promotions - then why don't they quit their jobs, start their own businesses, and take it Eke men. The right is very fond of John Wlyne and the whole male-imagery thing. If you do lose a job or promotion . because of affirmative action, just quit .. and go start your own lumberyard. Don't whine or complain, that's not manly. It's not the Protestant ethic to complain. We discovered that in the interviews for In-

visible Victims. Nobody is harsher

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white male complaints about affirmative action than other white males. To whine and complain about losing a job to affirmative action or discrimination can be seen as wimping-out, as making excuses. Another common response from the right - and here I'm referring to the Heritage Foundation largely, and to people of that stripe - is that the feeling that affirmative action problems were institutionally localized. The people being hurt by affirmative action were professors, students, public sector employees, union people. And the feeling in some conservative and Republican sectors was "so what?" You know, the attitude that in a way, these people, particularly in the universities, are getting what they deserve, ha ha ha. And as far as fire fighters or policemen, they think, "Well, they usually vote democrat anyway, and a lot of them are unionized, so what?" In addition, I think there's a lot of class bias floating around on the right, that particularly when fire fighters or policemen make complaints about reverse discrimination the stereotype of Archie Bunker gets invoked - you know, "all these people are just Archie Bunker racists, and who the hell cares about them?" I think we've had a bipartisan silence on the issue, where complaints about affirmative action just weren't welcome, and without complaints, without listening to people who were getting hit by this, we didn't know what was going on with the policy.

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Finally, and this goes for the elites of both the left and the right, I don't know if there was any residual doubt after the Detroit riots and the urban disturbances of the 1 %0' s that something had to be done. There was a feeling in high places in this society that "Gee, we've got to integrate, blacks particularly." But it has come to be seen now with all the immigrant groups that we've got to integrate these people into mainstream American society. And if we have to butcher some young, working, middle-class white males, then that's too bad. No skin off my nose. Many of the people who enforced this were older white males. This seems to come as a surprise to the left, that older white males would enforce programs which injure younger white males. But in fact, if you look at our labor history, for the past 100 years or so, this has been the story of labor relations in this country. You've had a lot of working class people who have been busted on picket lines, and a lot of them are white, as a matter of fact, and here you have the great capitalists bringing in one ethnic group after another from central and eastern Europe, and now Latin America to undercut those people's unionization efforts. One of the things that has really puzzled me about the response of the left to affirmative action is that all the labor history has just b~n jettisoned. The white working class

has just disappeared. REVIEW: What one book would you recommend to an undergraduate? LYNCH: I might get in trouble for this. Tom Wolfe's Bonfire of the Vanities. I've used this book in criminology courses, and it's a very hard-nosed look at inequality in American society. It's a nonsentimental work - Wolfe, of course, has been accused of all kinds of things but it's a very critical, some might say nasty look at the problems and inequalities in urban American society. And I recommend the book, not the movie. PIPES' SMOKERS REQUISiTES' CIGARS

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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January 29, 1992

Redefining Race Relations ,,'

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Continued From Page 1 antagonism against the Sioux. In 1883, for example, Congress banned the practice of Sioux rl'ligion in an attempt to make them" Americans." In 1889, the government claimed the rest of the Sioux land. "By 1890, we Were desperate," she said. "We were prisoners of war in our own land." Currently, the Sioux nation is trying to re-acquire its native land through bills in Congress, mostly with the help of Sen. Bill Bradley (D - New Jersey). Gaining support for these measures, however, has been somewhat difficult. According to Black Elk, many people hold prejudices against her people. "South Dakota has been spoken of as the Mississippi of the 1950s. Tremendous racism, tremendous division." Because of this, the Sioux have been very careful when crafting land-restoration legislation, according to Black Elk. "We've made sure that the only reason someone would oppose this would be because of racism. We've made a lot of concessions in that effort," she said. While the main focus has been to reclaim federal land, the Sioux people have also attempted to get back other land, including offers to buy some privately-owned land. "We try to be respectful of the pain that we felt being displaced. If people (who currently live on this land) will sell their history, but not give it away, then we'll buy it," she said. "Our view is that you stole it, we want it back,'but we'll be reasonable." The quest to regain land has been one part of a quest to regain respect for the Sioux people. "It's not just an issue of land, it's an issue of working to change attitudes," she said. One way Black Elk is working to change these attitudes is through her political party which, to the surprise of many of the 100 people in attendance, is the Republican party. After the lecture, she answered questions, including why she is a Republican. One of the underlying reasons is the way in which she has been treated by Democrats. "There is a tremendous paternalism in Democrats toward people of color, bordering on that of the u.s. Bureau of Indian Affairs." She actually became a Republican, however, for a different reason. "I became a Republican because Richard Nixon took the Republican principles and applied them to us (the Sioux)." 'They (Republicans) have done some very strong things for Indian people. The only time legislation has made any progress was in the Republican-con-

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this would help cure the plight of Indirage of politically correct buzzwords and muddled thinking that addressed few ans. problems and offered even fewer soluHarjo strongly stated that "handling tions. garbage" is a women's issue, as is any Haniff was the first to address the situation where there is "no harmony audience, roughly 85 percent of which and peace." Having effectively stunned was female. She "resented having to the audience, Harjo then showed just work" on Martin Luther King, Jr., Day, how courteous she could be by actually but reconciled her angst by citing that allowing males and whites to stay for the I there was "some rest of the discussion. merit" to the disThe remainder of Harjo'S allocution cussion. included further attacks directed at CoHaniff prolumbus, who "was not a swell ceeded to discuss fellow," demands that "we all stand towhat she felt were gether" (whether "we" want to or not), US," the implications repetitive calls to get rid of team names race, class, and While many of like the Redskins (no mention of the the rest of the day's gender issues at Fightin' Irish, although she wrongly atacti vi ties centered the U-M. Her tributed the Syracuse Orangemen to on division and the main target was fruits, rather than William of Orange), evils of white males, the study abroad and the elimination of the labelling of Black Elk recalled program, through females past the age of seven as "girls," a ~~ ~~.' ·~ ' \ ·I which students "throw-back" term that only "jerks" use. the actions of Re... .' Jl~:-" \J are allowed to exSykes spoke next on the use of "sipublican South Dakota gov~J.:nor "j" ";' - .~: perience an acalence and language" that has allowed . ~ '.~. demic setting in a women and minorities to be put down by George Mrckelson Khallid Abdul Muhammad: "The foreign country. the establishment. She was particularly as perhaps a sisn of future healing. Afwhite man ain't got no morals or no Haniff declared adept at using terms such as class, race, ter declaring 1990 as god damn conscience." that the program and gender without even defining or is "Eurocentr.ic'!.-.·~·· ·~redefining these terms. Abortion, rape, the "Year of Reconciliation" between the Sioux and other and racist because it implies that furoinsanity, and suicide are all issues of South Dakota citizens, he declared 1991 pean culture is superior to Third World "silence and language," said Sykes, but as the beginning of a "Century of Reconcultures. She believes the opposite; the she never expanded upon these issues. ciliation." Third World is "more civilized," and has Cordova followed Sykes and bashed "He said that it would take as long to produced its share of "great thinkers." multinational corporations for practicget rid of these attitudes as it did for them Haniff cited Franz Fanon, the radical Aling "environmental racism," which she to form. I think that is realistic." gerian author of 711e Wretched oftlu Earth, never bothered to define. Conservative as one example. minorities such as economist Thomas Redefinition or Rhetoric? To rectify the situation, Haniff would Sowell, Supreme Court Justice Clarence abolish the program's $50 application fee Thomas, and author Linda Chavez have by Kishore Jayabalan (the fee is $50 for all countries except sold out by acting as "overseers" and are "Christopher Columbus was a jerk," being used against by their own people, England, for which the fee is $100), yet proclaimed Suzan Shawn Harjo of the she neglected to mention that the fee can she alleged. No mention was made of Morning Star Foundation in Washingbe waived for those unable to pay. She who actually manipulates these conserton, D.C. And, sadly, such was the mood. vatives. The liberal establishment was helps coordinate a study abroad proof the four-member panel "Redefining gram in Jamaica, which she feels is imSimilarly ignored, despite its disastrous Women, Race, and Class." Not only does notions of home, family, and welfare. portant because of the "misperceptions" Harjo's flippant comment reveal the of Jamaica as a land of rum, women, and Cordova also spoke vaguely of the political ideology espoused by this monoreggae. struggle, the resistance, and the feeling lithic discussion, it also refleds on the about "internal colonialism," again failTaking the discussion to another dearth of intellectual discussion that charing to define any of these terms. level, Haniff demanded "reparations" to acterized this Martin Luther King, Jr. make up for the classist and racist poIiThe ultimate goal for C6rdova is "a Day event. cies that have "forced" students to study better community." This means "chalOther speakers included Teresa Western culture. Students today "don't lenging knowledge structures," such as C6rdova, professor of women's studies know the world," proclaimed Haniff. the way we laugh. She concluded that for and urban planning at the University of That students cannot know the world women and minorities to gain in society, New Mexico, Nesha Haniff, lecturer on without knowing the foundations of the they must engage in conflict against those Afro-American and African studies and American culture in which they live was in power. Whether that includes other women's studies at the University of apparently not an issue for the speaker. women or minorities who are in curMichigan, and Vivian Sykes, graduate The next to speak was Harjo, who rently in power, or as Cordova calls them, student research assistant at the Univeropened by addressing the themes of home "overseers," was not an issue at the dissity of Michigan. and family, which could focus upon posicussion. The stated purpose of the panel was tive steps to help minorities. But from "Redefining Women, Race, and "to discuss the traditional conceptions of there, Harjo managed to blast every prod.Class" did not redefine any of these terms, gender, race, and class with an intent to uct from the Jeep Cherokee to Land 0' and it never discussed traditional conexplore a broader cultural framework Lakes butter for its portrayal of Americepts. Any observers who had read for .future generations." The actual precan Indians ..$he urg~d. ~h~ a~dien<;e, to . qi.n esh D'Souz~'.s ~1Iip'eral Edu~ation , sentation, however, amounted to a bar- .. :'go ~om~ ,an~ .throw ouqhe butter," as if . ,w04ld have notic~d th~ ridiculous na,-

trolled Senate. I get the highest amount of racism from the Democratic leadership." Black Elk was also asked what she thought of the recent movie Dances with Wolves. "Costner got rich, the Indians that worked in it got $35 a day. That's what I think of it. I thought it was extremely, abusively exploitative of the Indians that worked I in it," she said. "It's basically a story about white people. There were no saviors who did that for

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ture of these panel discussions on race and sex regarding today's universities. It remains apparent that these issues will never be seriously discussed so long as the existing orthodoxy remains, stunting the growth of any real intellectual discourse. Maybe we do need a revolution. Politically Proper Pedagogy by Doug Thiese Jacob Carruthers suggested that"an African-<:entered curriculum is the only possible way .. .to prepare all people to live in the 21st century" and "the only viable approach to making the world fit." Carruthers, a professor of inner city studies and political science at Northeastern Illinois University, was one of several participants in "Redefining Empowerment: Unifying the Strands of the Black Struggle," a panel discussion held on Martin Luther King, Jr, Day. When asked about a possible role for democracy as embodied by the DeciMation of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, Carruthers dismissed them as undeserving of serious contemplation. The abstract ideas embodied in such documents, he declared, are negated by the reality of men like Thomas Jefferson, "who had 150 slaves ... [in] a society that murdered several million people who were living a Bible life in this country." He noted that many Americans have ancestors who were slaves and that, as a result, an " African-centered curriculum is necessary for liberation of all people, not just Africans." Tato Laviera, a poet from New York, followed Canruthers and lectured on how blacks still suffer from the "same slavers, same traders, and same Europeans" currently living in the Western Hemisphere. While Laviera did not explicitly endorse Carruthers' assessment of the United States' founding documents, his reasoning was l'qually loose, his attitude equally flippant. The most p~ovocative speaker, however, was Chokwe Lumumba, chairman and co-founder of New Afrikan People's Organization (NAPO) of Jackson, Mississippi . He opened his address by offering the audience, "warm and revolutionary greetings," since "there has never been a place that deserves a revolution more than the United States of America," which, he explained, is inhabited by "cold-blooded people" who foster a "cold-blooded" environment. Lumumba continued by advancing something of a conspiracy theory: most black University of Michigan students "are being prepared to participate in their own oppression." Th~y are "learning things which are essential to operating a country which is a 'monstrosity in the '

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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ers is universal, not uniquely European. scribed a "color line" that supposedly world and a government whNtt'is one of separates whites from others, or "the Okihiro also discussed the unity bethe greatest white supremacist organizatween Asians and blacks in the eMly 20th tions which ever existed, worse than the ruled from the unruled." Specifically in century, noting the growing prominence America, this has meant a history of opKu Klux Klan," he claimed. of cross-cultural adoptions and mMpression that has forged unity between In view of these American fai1ings, riages, acts which are based on individual blacks and Asians in the "fire of white Lumumba felt it important to lire-route" initiative and courage rather than group supremacy," according to Okihiro. their thinking. He stated that King ofidentification. fered blacks the "courage Such group idento confront. .. a white sutification, however, premacist, American was the basis of MMta apartheidist, Jim Crow Vega's discourse. She system." He also mainstated that the terms tained that, "the United "African" and "Latino" States is not a nation ... but were imposed by the an empire that jumps on "oppressive culture" of other people and takes whites. According to other people's rights." LumumbathencompMed ................................................ ' ~--~ Vega, Africans and some Latinos have a the u.s. to a "cancer" that shared racial heritage - both groups Me To substantiate his assertion, he cited blacks have to "wipe out." raCially black. She claimed that from this the case of the "coolies" (Chinese-AmeriWhile many of the speakers in the premise it followed that Latinos who are cans who built the Transcontinental Railday's various panels often engaged in descended from Europeans are still memroad) to whom other Chinese referred to shallow Republican-bashing, Lumumba bers of the "oppressive" class. a "pigs." Okihiro failed to realize, howcriticized the Democratic party as welL To Vega, the influence of the oppresever, that far from indicting American 'The Democratic party .. .is the birthplace i sors extends into the realm of religion as whites, his example only revealed that of the Ku Klux Klan [and] the Republican well. She argued that, "When you perall people are susceptible to racist or pMty is the present home of the Ku I<9ux ceive the image of sacredness as one who discriminatory attitudes. The fact that Klan," he~: looks like you, you become sacred," but Finally, he lamented how leaders""are , the Chinese could discriminate against members of their own race shows that being projectÂŁ:.d for" blacks. For example, Please See Page 14 bigotry and the tendency to degrade othClarence Thomas, IIwho doesn't believe in self-thinking," is "going to let Bush "Loser DemOGratS t1 Crossword Puzzle and Orrin Hatch, 30me of the worst white supremacists in this country, lead him around and tell him what to do, and make decisions for him." He concluded that lithe United States Empire needs to be dismantled [before) we can put it together the right way."

Black students are IIlearning things which are essential to operating a country which is a monstrosity ... and a government ... worse than the KKK." -Chokwe Lumumba

The Language of Oppression by Joe Coletti and Beth Martin The shared history of oppression by whites among minorities in America was the common theme addressed at the Bpanel symposium entitled "Redefining Empowerment." Gary Okihiro, associate professor of history at Cornell University, Marta Vega, director of the Caribbean Cultural Center, and Khallid Abdul Muhammad of the Nation of Islam spoke at the symposium. Each noted the importance of understanding "historically oppressed" groups' shared struggles for properly defining the present and future role of empowerment. Stanley Crouch, author of Notes ofa Hanging Judge, had been scheduled to speak, but he was unable to att,e nd the symposium. Perhaps he could have contributed a more lucid and reasonable perspective on racial problems in America. Gary Okihiro attempted to defuse the growing problems between the black and Asian-American communities. In doing this; he emphasized the "interconnectedness" of the AsianAmerican and black experiences. Quot, ing the "prophet" W.E.B: DbbolS: he de-

Down 1. Snowball's chance in hell 2. Arkansas Adulterer 3.1-800-INEEDCASH 4. Big loser in 72 5. Married to Nazi book-burner 6. He's on everyone's side 7. Give him half an hour with your governor, and he'll cure homelessness 8. Same as 10 Across 9. Almost beat Jesse in 88 primary; can't decide which party he is in .~ "J

1. Peanut Farmer

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2. Limp-wristed, sushi-puking, tax-raising turncoat 3. Escalated Vietnam War 4. Bulbous nosed Speaker of the House 5, "I do not have ties to the mafia" 6. Lost to McKinley in election of 1900; William Jennings _ _ 7. Drunk . 8. "I promise I will raise your taxes" 9. How come he only has one eyebrow? 10. Same as 8 Down 11. Bowtied Senator 12 Hates Chuck Robb i . ,

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

14

Redefining Race Relations ,... :~.,r."

Continued From Page 13 when, "you worship something that doesn't look like you, you lose your sacredness." One did not get the feeling that she attacking Hinduism or various Pagan religions, among others, but rather that she was claiming that Christianity is inappropriate for minorities. By framing religion in racial terms, she appeared to eliminate all pos..<;ibility of transcultural spirituality. Although she asserted that "to be black is to be universal," she narrows being human to the color of skin. Picking up on the idea of a homogeneous sacred figure or political leader, Khallid Abdul Muhammad referred to the image of the white presidential candidate as a devil, Satan, and Beelzebub. This white man, to whom he alluded as the "peace breaker," has oppressed all peoples at one time or another, he said, drawing on the Kerner Commission's findings from the late 1960s when the most important problem facing the "two Americas" (one white and one black) was that of eliminating legislatively sanctioned white racism. Yet now, although more black people than ever occupy the middle class and educational arenas, Muhammad stated that blacks are worse off than they have ever been. According to him, King's "Dream" is no closer to being realized today than it was twentyeight years ago, despite the fact that eight thousand black people hold public office today compared to the fifty that held office then. He further claimed that blacks would have been better off without integration, which has "robbed them of a knowledge of thcfl1Selves" and created the notion that the. "white" way is better. As an alternative to integration, he offered a modernized analogy to Moses leading the Israelites out of Egypt into their own homeland . He did not detail how such a vision could be realized in the modern world, however. Self-reliance is the one notion presented by Muhammad that supported the King's ideas. He urged the black community to do for itself rather than grovel for handouts. He also stated that he was not there to "teach you to hate white people" but to "teach you to love yourselves." His efforts, however, were undermined by slurs such as, "The white man ain't got no morals or no goddamn conscious," and, "While you lift every voice to sing [in praise of better days] you better lift every fist to swing" as well. Instead of helping to solve the problems existing today between races, these speakers may have exacerbated the problems by allowing preconceived notions to ,be.come more ingrained ~~ ,q eating 'further negative stereotypes. Because the

panel was terribly one-sided, and asvirtually no opportunity was given to respond to the panelists' ideas, the symposium resembled a rally to arouse and perpetuate animosity rather than pro-

mote balanced discussion.

economics and political science, Brian Jendryka is a senior in English and economics, Beth Martin is a junior in English, and Doug Thiese is a senior in political science.

Joe Coletti is a junior in Asian Studies, Corey Hill is a sophomore in communication, Kishore Jayabalan is a senior in

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January 29, 1992 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Essay: Race Relations

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15

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The "New Bla-ck Nationalism" by Brian Schefke and Tony Ghecea Haki R. Madhubuti offered an enlightening look at what he termed the "New Black Nationalism" in a speech sponsored by the Black Student Union 3..<; part of the University of Michigan's Martin Luther King, Jr. Day events. Byoutlining his opinions about contemporary black culture, politics, and economic stature, Madhubuti, the author of Black Men: Obsolete, Single, and Dangerous? The AfrikanAmerican Family in Transition, provided an illuminating commentary on the challenges which black s0ciety faces today. Madhubuti's primary message dealt with black self-empowerment. He emphasized the need for blacks to "disconnect from oppression, stop involving others in Itheir] defeat, and say no to destructive behavior, bad habits, and handouts." If that sounds like a "pull yourself up by your bootstraps" message, that is only because that is exactly what it was. But while Madhubuti described how blacks must learn to rise within the white power structure in the hope of someday overcoming it, he stubbornly maintained the dated rhetoric of opposing assimilation into a "violent" white culture which is founded on tQe rationale of "black destruction." What Madhubuti failed to understand was the reality contained in the adage, "When in Rome, do as the Romans do." In one breath he spoke of the propriety of "black English," yet in the next he enunciated the importance of learning "the language of academic disciplines" in order to succeed, a language which, in this country, is essentially English. Madhubuti preached the need to "say no to outside culture" (i.e. "white culture") without realizing that the only way blacks can survive, let alone prosper, in America is through learning to function within the cultural framework of American society. In America, when a person is in the market for a job, for example, he or she would do best to wear a respectable outfit and speak" academic English ." There is nothing wrong with learning and taking pride in one's own cultural heritage. But in America, people of all races must "do as Americans do" if they wish to succeed . This is not assimilation; it is cqmmonsense. Madhubutt bas~d 'hi" apposttioo to

black assimilation into "white culture" on the fear that blacks would somehow be neutralized in the process. "In order for blacks to work within white society," he stated, "they have to give up their blackness." Madhubuti found such a phenomenon to be exceedingly dangerous. In "the sexist reality of a world ruled by men," Madhubuti cited the absence of a definition of black manhood (i.e. the neu-

talist systems. How can capitalism be symbolized the "consumer consciousness" which has developed within black "detrimental," yet still be the tool which culture. While white children most often Madhubuti holds out to blacks as the means of their sal v ahon? Sadly, grow up in environments where they are Madhubuti may actually hinder blacks' taught to use their minds, black children prosperity by advocating the destrucare raised in deficient environments, pertion of a system which offers blacks the forming exercises which require little or greatest opportunity for advancement. no critical thought, Madhubuti stated. Madhubuti's speech was at its best The absence of a culture which "foswhen he addressed the lack of true unters critical thought," according to derstanding on the part of observers of Madhubuti, is the fundamental source of i nn e r- ci ty black underachievment. Unfortunately, black life. He the sociologists who observe black cullabeled sociture, and the policy makers and social ologists as engineers who ultimately determine what " ou t 5 id e rs will be done to modify and aid that cullooking in" on ture, do not adequately understand the black culture, problems which blacks face. They are so I' drawing "emfar removed from those problems that pirical anthey have simply grown out of touch. -Haki~R. /swers" withOverall, Madhubuti's presentation " out ever unexposed many of the serious problems facing the black community today. He d erstand ing the problem made powerful comments on black selfilt the heart of black underachievement. empowerment and the need for blacks to tralization of "blackness") as one of the In explaining this problem h$ . J'.e&·~·-find within themselves and their culture greatest dangers which blacks face tothe means of overcoming obstacles to counted a story from his childhood about day: "Black men need to know who they black advancement. Unfortunately, his his mother buying him a pre-assembled are. When a people loses its men in a plastic plane for his birthday. One day, a confusion in dealing with the topics of world ruled by men, those people cease assimilation and economics detracted few months later, he visited a suburban to be a problem [to the white male power household where his mother worked as a from the full €ffect of his speech. While structure] ." In essence, if black males maid. He saw a box which held a model his comments were plagued by a number cease to be a strong voice in the world plane, a plane which the white child who of mixed messages, in the end Madhubuti political arena, then black culture will lived in that house could learn to assucceeded in conveying a number of cease to exist and black interests will no longer be addressed. semble and fly. That child would have to positive suggestions. use his mind to fully enjoy the plane, a This view of the importance of mainplane that would one day fly; taining a sense of black culture certainly Brian Schefke is a sophomore in chemMadhubuti's plane required no thought, seems fair. If one does not know oneself, istry and an MTS editor of the Review. and was not equipped for flight-it would how can one realize his or her potential? Tony Ghecea is a junior in English and be forever doomed to crawl along the Madhubuti then turned to a perplexed an executive editor of the Review. ground. discussion of economics, a discussion Madhubuti explained how the story which contrasted sharply in character with the cogency of his preceding remarks. At one point in his speech, Madhubuti stated that "the trend toward multinational world capitalism is detrimental to workers both black and white." Within the next few minutes, however, January 29 January 4 he told the audience about his publishing company, Third World Publishing, which he "started with a mimeograph and $400." The company grossed over $2.5 million last year. That sounds like the epitome of a minority success story - the fullest manifestation of the beneficent nature of capitalism. But Madhubuti would have his audience believe that the same system which facilitated his success can work for no one else. He continued by stating that one of the keys to black self:empow.erment was, in 'fact,' "srn<tlrbusiness;'~ a st'tl"le<~ capi- ,

"In order for blacks to work within white society, they have to give up. their blackness." Mudhubuti

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

16

Book Review

'"

January 29, 1992

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What Russia Must Do to Survive Rebuilding Russia: Reflections and Tentative Proposals Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Farrar, Straus and Giroux Hardcover, $14.95 119 pgs. by Peter Daugavietis Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, a Russian Nobel laureate and author of One Day in the L.lfe of Ivan Denisovich and TIle Gulag Archipelago, has again come into the spotlight as the Russian people enter straits of change. His knowledge of the Russian people is deep and respected because if his Ukrainian heritage, tortuous experiences in labor camps, and his many published works detailing the atrocities of the communist government. In his latest work, Rebuilding Russia, Solzhenitsyn offers inSightful commentary on immediate issues such as the economy, government, and sense of nationality of the Commonwealth of Independent States, before and after communism. Solzhenitsyn presents his analYSis in two parts, respectively titled, "First Priorities" and "Looking Ahead." The first section contains his "reflections" about the Russian people's disastrous past and insecure present. The second part is a "tentative proposal" of what Solzhenitsyn believes would be an effective government structure for the sensitive transitional period that Russia is now undergoing. Solzhenitsyn's concerns are substantially more spiritually than politically oriented. He hopes that a democratic government is eventually installed, but more importantly, he feels that Russians as a people must first regain and redefine who they are before deciding what particular form of government is most suitable to their needs. His plan focuses on Russia, not the republics ou tside of the Commonwealth. As for the Baltic States and those states along the southern border of the Commonwealth that were unWillingly annexed years ago, he feels that they should not only be given the independence that they desire, but that the Commonwealth itself should be freed from its liability. As he writes, "By separating off twelve republics ... Russia will in fact free itself for a precious inner development, at long last turning diligent attention toward itself." By revitalizing traditional family and religiOUS values, Solzhenitsyn believes that the Russians can revive the cultural identity that the communists virtually

extinguished through purges, mass executions, planned famines, and historical revisionism. He views the present turillng point as "an uncompromising choice behveen an empire of which we ourselves [Russians1 are the primary victims and the spiritual and physical salvation of our own people." Operating from the premise that where there is "human rancor and selfishness, even the most sweeping of democracies would become unbearable," Solzhenitsyn concludes that Russians should focus on "the spirit of human relations," and avoid the deep machinations of politics. Because Solzhenitsyn bt: Iieves that, ''The strength or weak. ness of a society depends more on the level of its sp,iriril'allife than on its level of industrialization," ~'suggests that Russians, "must strive, not for the expansion of the state, but for a clarity of what remains of our r s p i ri t ." F or Solzhenitsyn, it is clear that the Russian Orthodox Church which was an imp ortant cultural presence before the communist revolution has an important role to play in rebuilding Russia. Some political activity, of course, will be necessary, but (possibly using the u.s. as an example) he warns, "The more energetic the political activity in a country, the greater is the loss to spiritual life." In his discussion of democracy, Solzhenitsyn raises a point that our media seems to have forgotten. Our media has taken the liberty to project the false image that all Russians want a democracy similar to ours; as the Kremlin fell, newscasters hounded Russians, asking "So, with the collapse of communism, what type of government do you want now?" "Democracy!" cheered the happy crowds, although they did not fully understand what the word means. To them it simply means the goods and products that they have seen on TV - goods that a democracy can make available, although democracy is not required to make such goods available. Russians envision democracy as supermarkets with shelves full of food, American cars, VCRs and fashionable clothing more than anY, concrete political structure.

""-'-" .'''---~----~''-

The intangible responsibilities that democratic government and free markets entail, however, such as the release of price controls, have been a splash of cold water on their faces. Many of them now have their doubts about how quickly they should abandon their old system in exchange for a new one, as they are now realizing that a certain measure of insecurity comes with each freedom. Solzhenitsyn cautions would-be reformists, "given our people's total lack of preparation for the intricacies of democratic life, democracy must be build from bottom up ... " "Not every newfangled idea necessarily yields beneficial results," Solzhenitsyn observes, and democracy, though familiar , to the West, is cer/ ~ tainly new to the Rusi ~ sian people. Its adop-t'1 hon would - and alI ready has, to a certain extent - ushetin·· a daunting barrage of new cultural uncer- ~ ~, ~ tainties and political challenges. To overcome the insecurities that democracy would bear for R u s s i a, Solzhenitsyn believes that the most workable form of government for the Russian people would be a type of constitutional monarchy. Russia, he reminds us, was ruled by czars before communism's institution. It is a similar form of government that Solzhenitsyn appears to advocate: not an absolute monarchy, as before, but a constitutional monarchy similar to those of Great Britain and other European countries. The Russian people have always had people tell them how to live. Although it is important to wean them away from this dependent lifestyle, a radical switch could prove detrimental, Solzhenitsyn argues. Consequently, Solzhenitsyn voices support for a government that will "start at the local level with grassroots issues," thus correcting a critical mistake in Marx's formulation of communism. Also, a strong authority with a President at the head should exist, according to Solzhenitsyn. The critical link, though, must be realized with the "periphery," the local communities. The election of the President must be made with the input of local representatives, not a Supreme Council composed of only a

• Sk,NWi'SMI

handful men, if the new establishment is to effectively remain in contact with the Russian people. It is only through a revitalization of the Russian people's nationality and spirit, that a firm political foundation can be laid on which the Russians can build a government to serve their needs, according to Solzhenitsyn. "If a nation's spiritual energies have been exhausted, it will not be saved from. collapse by the most perfect government structure or by any industrial development: a tree with a rotten core cannot stand," he poetically explains. Solzhenitsyn supports private land ownership, albeit with some restrictions on how much people may buy, so as to insure that everyone has an opportunity in this new beginning. While open to the prospect of foreign investment, he is careful to warn about a "come-and-ruleover-us" scenario because of Russia's disabled financial position. As a start, Solzhenitsyn feels that by returning to the rich cultu re that existed before communism, Russians will find a unique and common cultural bond. There has been speculation that Solzhenitsyn may be waiting for the proper time to rerum to the Commonwealth. His potential to be a powerful social and religious leader in Russia is evidenced by a Moscow magazine editor's comment which described him as a kind of "Russian Khomeini ." Peter Daugavietis is an Assistant Editor for the Review and a junior in the Residential College.

Help Put America First!

Students for PAT BUCHANAN

for President

MASS MEETING Wednesday, 29 January 1992 7:00PM Room A, Michigan League

'''''h''';S4*_Zi'''''~·.~1i

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January 29, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Book Review

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How to Get America Why America Doesn't Work Chuck Colson and Jack Eckerd Word Hardcover, $16.95 227 pgs.

by Joe Coletti The United States' persistent trade deficit with Japan has been the subject of substantial debate in recent weeks. Although Why America Doesn't Work does not deal specifically with this issue, it addresses the underlying reason for America's waning economic powerthe lack of a system in which workers can contribute meaningfully to the production process. Colson and Eckerd focus on the widespread problems which have led to a decline in American competitiveness, and provide a formula for economic restoration. Along the way they criticize CEOs, unions, hippies, yuppies, the welfare system, the educational system, and the prison system for failing to suffiCiently foster the value of hard work. 'vv'hy America Doesn't Work is divided into four parts: the fiNt three outline the dimensions of the problem, while the final section presents the authors' recommendiltions for halting the "decline of the work ethic" The problem, as they see it, has its origins in the Enlightenment, which, in its supplanting of faith by reason, undermined traditional JudeoChristian attitudes concerning the value of labor. Often arguing from scripture, the authors suggest that it is the erosion of religiOUS morality, and, by extension, the old-fashioned "Protestant work ethic," that is at the root of the problem. In this analysis, the modem era becomes a catalogue of sin: the 1%Os are characterized as "hedonism on steroids," continuing into the 1980s, with its avaristic domination of the "he who dies with the most toys wins" yuppiedom. While it is fashionable in pop Sociology to view the 1960s and the 1980s as decades sharply contrasting in character and sentiment, Colson and Eckerd see them as a continuum, with the emphasis shifting from purely sensual gratification to a more sophisticated appetite for financial gain. In short,1960s radicals who sold out and made their fortunes on Wall Street failed to become moral citizens. Several of the solutions presented by Colson and Eckerd have become popular in recent years. With regard to education, for example, they suggest competency tests for teachers, a return to moral education, and school choice. While none of these ideas are particularly new, school choice and moral education have both

17

gained ground in the last year. Proposals to implement all three of these concepts have been rejected by the National Education Association (NEA), America's largest teachers' union and most vocal advocate of increased education funding. Colson and Eckerd suggest that the NEA'smain motive is to protect the interests of teachers, with no regard for the quality of education the students receive. This is revealed by the teachers' rejection

orking Again

Iieve saps the morale of the poor. Their argument, in brief, is that the accounting rules of welfare make it impossible for a person to have enough money in the bank to work their way off of the dole. People who try to work their way out of poverty by saving money have their welfare benefits cut off before they have enough saved to succeed on their own. Aid for Dependent Children encourages women to have more children by increasing benefits, and encourages fathers to leave because the program is only for Single parents. This program, the authors declare, has effectively done in less than thirty years what slavery could not do in four hundred years: destroy the black family. In the process of wreaking havoc on the moral fiber of society, government relief programs have created a lecherous caste of welfare bureaucrats, as well as a permanent underclass whose members have learned, often through bitter experience, that dole is a one way ticket and complacency is the order of the day. Colson and Eckerd ~e.mt1Ch\vasted

of proposals fnr a standardized grading system and their emphasiS on the nebulous aspects of student self esteem, rather than the imparting of useful knowledge. The nation's prison system provides another case study of the work ethic's eroding significance. Prisoners, the authors suggest, could be set to work producing goods and gaining the job skills needed to become productive members of society upon their release. But instead, most prisoners do next to nothing during their time behind bars. In the present system, "Inmates stretch out on their beds, staring hour after hour at the walls." Successful incarceration/ work programs cited by the authors include a prison in Virginia, where the inmates assembled wiring for jet-fighters and desert lighting for Marine Corps forces" during the Gulf War. To underscore the value of work, Colson and Eckerd compare this system with prisons in the former Soviet Union. In the Soviet prisons, "Every inmate had a job, six days a week, eight hours a day." The prisons were self-funded because, "[w]ith the money the prisoners earned they paid the cost of their confinement." This was even true in gulags, where political prisoners kept their spirits intact by doing meaningful work. Though they do not suggest the adoption of the gulag system, Eckerd and Colson do emphasize the positive aspects of what was intended to be unbearable punishment. The authors also extensively criticize the welfare system, which they be-

effort and discouragement of the work ethic in the management policies of large companies, which often lose sight of the value of their workers. The authors believe finnly in "management by walking around." Under this system, the managers talk with employees and listen to their concerns, thus making workers feel valued by the company. Such management gives the company valuable input about work policies and productionproblems while making workers an integral part of every business decision. In calling for the restoration of the work ethic, Colson and Eckerd reflect the sentiment of the majority of Americans who elected both Ronald Reagan and George Bush: "traditional values work." While their stance might easily be derided as reactionary in an age where thâ‚Ź rugged individualist has been replacec by the demoralized welfare recipient such a prescription may provide the righ medicine to cure America's current ills.

Joe Coletti is a junior in Asian Studie: and a staff writer for the Review.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

18

Music Reviews '"

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January 29; 1992

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Ned's Leads the Pack out of the UK by Crusty Muncher In 1991 we were forced to sit through hours upon hours of sorry-ass, whiny, hop-and-skip music and video from the products of yet another British invasion. Sure, a few Union Jack imports were decent, but the bands that topped the American charts were garbage. Jesus Jones had a catchy single, dressed like mid-1980s American skaters, and sold a zillion copies of an album that sucked. EMF did very much the same thing, but their album sucked even worse. Both bands brought their stale brand of dance-pop to Hill Auditorium and proved that they were well on their way to becoming updated versions of Frankie Goes To Hollywood and the Thompson Twins. Give us a hit or two and die for God's sake. Critics and the musicians themselves say that the music is a blend oflate 19705 punk and American rap. Yeah, right. Doubt and Schubert Dip are collections of nursery rhymes over pretty wind chimes and a beat compared to AmeriKkka's Most Wanted and Never Mind The BoUcxks. EMF and Jesus Jones have absolutely no balls. Along comes Ned's Atomic Dustbin. Like EMF and Jesus Jones, these guys are

Jesus Jones, Ned's thrive on guitars instead of keyboards, and a crunchy riff instead of a disco one. They visited Pontiac's Industry on January 13. In front of a banner that joked "Be Silent, Consume, Die" Ned's buzzed through almost all of their American debut' God Fodder, a few B-sides and some new material. This band composes within a standardizedformula, and unfortunately they neverstl.'ay too far from it.fid~c Ned's is not, but r~~mber, they are ; "r only' a>pop band. The songs are built around a repetitive pattern of three .o r four power chQrd. SI the melodies Euro-Brats: Ned's Atomic Dustbin are Mat, Dan the are catchy, and the lyrics are dever. UtilizFast Drummin' Man, Rat, Alex, and Jonn. ingtwo bass guitarradio and MrV. But unlike EMF and ists, something of an innovation in their

huge in Great Britain. And like the pansy Brit hitmcikers, Ned's has been receiving a greatd~al of attention from American

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genre, adds a necessary touch of originality. If the Ramones were to collaborate with the Cure, the results would be something dose to Ned's Atomic Dustbin. A festive stomp titled "Capital Letters" marked an early climax, and a new tune, "You Don't Want To Do That," proved that the band will not be tampering with their formula on the follow-up LP. A Descendents-like "Less Than Useful" and a serene Charlatans UK-style tune called "Selfish" were also standouts. The songs that displayed the efforts of bassists Alex Griffin and Matt Cheslin were most impressive. Technically these guys aren't great players, but together they provide both the backbone and the beef. On songs like "Cut Up" and "Happy," Matt held down the rhythm on the low-endwhile Alex toyed with embellishiilg·chord·progressions. Rumors are circulatIng that Ned's Atomic Dustbin will return in the summer as a part of a second Lollapalooza tour with Pearl Jam and Nirvana. Crusty Muncher is a bed-wetter.

Soundgarden's Show Will Go On by Johrt J. Miller When tough-guy Ax! Rose got a b0oboo on his hand, his band Guns N' Roses cancelled their tour, including a pair of weekend dates at the Palace. That potentially left opening act Soundgarden with a load of spare time, but the Seattle quartet managed quickly to reschedule to one of vocalist <;::hris Cornell's favorite watering holes - Detroit's St. Andrew's Hall. After short performances by two instantly forgettable local acts, the overhead lights went out and strobe lights flashed on as Soundgarden kicked into "Searching with my Good Eye Closed," and then a well-received version of the MTV hit "Outshined." The set included most of Badmotorftnger, a few cuts from Louder than Love, some true grunge off of Ultramega Ok, and snippets of "Hey Jude" and "Eighteen." An a cappella chorus opened "Big Dumb Sex," a tune with a good melody and a gratuitously lewd chorus. It has never been entirely clear whether Soundgarden intends this song to be a cheese'1lletal parody, an opportunistic

appeal to the hormones of 15-year-old boys, or a little bit of both. Sandwiched by a virtual hit parade of cuts that have helped rescue a worthwhile genre from corporate cock-rock, "Big Dumb Sex"

Wide," and the hard groove of "Jesus Christ Pose" highlighted the show. After Cornell asked the crowed whether it wanted to .hear old material, Soundgarden playedl'Notht'ng to Say"

the day in freezing weather, the concertgoers lucky enough to gain entry (several hundred were turned away) became a swarming mass of bodies that pushed and passed .each other about. They gladly posed for drummer Matt Cameron's snapshots and .happily received Comell's three stage dives. Soundgarden's .live performance matches thafoHhei;tudio. Their, commanding p~"ce d6ininates the stage, especially ComeU;who r,.iUp~rhqps become the Pt~rterit 'niuskialr:of this decade. HE! is theq;mvripri'rice of the explosive~ttl,e' ~~he; . .

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and robust Soundgarden played Sl Andrew's inSte~d :of the Palace. '. ',."! .

sounded ridiculous. Soundgarden really ought to drop this one from their repertoire. The tempo-<:hanges of "Gun," the cool riff of ~'Room ,<I, TholJsand Years i

and "Little Joe" from,: ~eir 1987 Sub-Pop EP Screaming Lifo. At;\extended version of "Slaves and Bulldozers" finished things off. Af~t ,waiting- outside for much (of .. ,

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW.

January 29, 1992

Music Review

19

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From Fab Four to Philharmonic

Crusty's Corner

by Crusty Muncher John Mellencamp performed a pair of excellent shows at the Palace over the weekend. He asked that we help out American farmers in these times of troubles and plugged the upcomRecent releases worth checking out: ing Farm Aid V benefit. Meanwhile, by Frank Grabowski old Johnny wants 25 bucks for a ticket, 1. Beethoven; Complete Symphonies, I had my doubts about the Liverpool charges the same amount for a t-shirt, Harnoncourt, Teldec Records. Oratorio even before I listened to it. Beand doesn't bother to bring an opensides the well-known background of Paul ing act on the road with him. The 2. Schubert; Symphony No.9, Wand, RCA McCartney, I was quite aware there had farmers may be getting screwed, John, Records. been many negative reviews of his first but what about your fans? major orchestral piece. I made sure to Members of Thee Hypnotics name 3. Mahler; Symphony No.8, Shaw, Telarc keep an open mind. legendary Michigan bands the Records. The performance in and of itself is Stooges and the MC5 as important reason enough to buy this recording. The influences, although they themselves 4. Mozart; Die Zauberflote, Solti, Decca Royal Liverpool Philharmonic may not playa much more refined version of R~cords. be known as a world class orchestra, but garage rock. The'rough edges remain, the chapel acoustics more than make up but more important are the dense atfor any technical imperfections in the mospherics that have come to be the Frank Grabowski is a sophomore in performance. It may be noted that EMI stock-in-trade of so many of their LSA and a staff writer for the Review. does a superb job of recording and mixBeggars Banquet label-mates. Soul, ing the album. Glitter & Sin is a moody effort Most impressive, though, were the sometimes raving, sometimes broodvocal soloists. Sally Burgess (mezzo) and ~/ (it;g. The lead track, "Shakedown," Willard White (bass) do a more than with its Peter Gunn-esque riff, is prolr ably the strongest cut. The Shamen, the band that gave us the dance hit "Move any Mountain" will bring their techno/rave party to the Industry in Pontiac on February 13. Call 1-800-487-7849 for more details. Also, the group has released a new CD-4 featuring the single ''Make it Mine" and an avant-garde cover of Jimi Hendrix's "Purple Haze" ... If you're into the dance-hall sounds of artists like Shabba Ranks pick up Daddy Freddy's most recent release entitled Stress. This rap-meets-reggae genre, also called Raggamuffin, has been hip in New York City and Kingston for a while. The Spin Doctors claim to be the "brother band" of Blues Traveler, whatever that means. Their new record, Pocket Full of Kryptonite, includes 10 tunes of the guitar-oriented, bar-rock sort. Traveler vocalist John Popper plays harmonica on two tracks... Bluesman Artie White has a Medium deep dish or round pizza I new record out called Dark End of the with cheese & one topping only I Street on Ichiban Records. The record I features lots of horns and sounds a lot (+lax): like a cross between Albert King and Valid only at: Robert Cray. VIM Central Campus Offer Expires February 11, 1992 I The new X-Clan single "Fire and II 546 Packard Earth" is twice as political and half as . I 665-6005 Not valid with o~ «!Upon offers. I slamming as the old stuff. Also, if you I enjoy hip-hop and don't own the most U of M North Campus MAY BE WiIliM\ St resUW'llnt recent releases from Digital Under927 Maiden Lane USED FOR or The Cot1age Inn. I MORE THAN Cafe. Valid at partICI. ground and w.e. & the MAAD 995·9101 pabng.tores only. I Ih_FAX~5.9109 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _..... _ .. ________ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Circle, you'd better get in gear. . ONE PIZZA' limited de~ area.

Paul McCartney and Carl Davis Royal Liverpool Philharmonic and Chorus, various soloists Liverpool Oratorio EMI records

adequate job with a less than adequate libretto. Kiri te Kanawa (soprano) and Jerry Hadley (tenor), on the other hand, were magnificent. Te Kanawa may not have the tender, youthful voice of years passed, but she does present a solid, unyielding performance. Jerry Hadley is utterly fantastic. His sharp, Pavarottiesque voice, most memorable from the Verdi Requiem on Telarc, has made him one of the finest tenors the world has to offer (no disrespect to the Big 3). As for the libretto, as already noted, it was very disappointing. It lacked both the force and poetry desired. The phrasing was crude and rudimentary. The orchestration and themes were generally pleaSing but they occaSionally become .~ frustrating and lethargic. Crypt and}tlfher are the most im-... pressive movements of this eight-movement oratorio. Mosrof the credit lies on the shoulders of British composer / conductor Carl Davis, who greatly assisted in composing the score. Although this

work is a creation much in debt to "Eleanor Rigby," we can see the rhythmic, rather than poetic, McCartney at his finest.

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