vol_11_no_16_1 by Michigan Review

THE

MICHIGAN REVIEW Vol. 11 No. 16

Mouring in America January 20,1993

Remembering MLK The Univmity of Michigan 's 1993 Martin Luther King, Jr. Day celebration involved numerous I!'Ve1Its, the most publicized of which were an unprecedented number of forums , seminars, workshops and speeches sponsored by the U-M and its various departments. The presumable aim of these events was to learn about and thereby perpetuate the treasured legacy of one of America's greatest black leaders. As tile follouting series of artic/es, essays, reports, opinions and evaluations attests, however, the day which we have set aside spedjicaJly for honoring MLK has come to encompass much more - not all of which would have sat well with the man himself Where are We Now?

by Stacey L. Walker "In questioning changes from twenty-five years ago, we must acknowledge that we are back where we started from in trying to figure out social equity," professed Dr. Earl Lewis, Director of the University of Michigan' s Center for Afro-Am~rican and African Studies (CAAS). The theme of the symposium, entitled "No Justice, No Peace," reflects, according to Lewis, " the aftermath of the riots in Los Angeles and the questioning of changes from 25 years ago." Rather than examining why Martin Luther King, Jr.'s dreams have yet to be accomplished, the symposium progressed more as an introduction to CAAS than anything el&;. Lewis discussed the history of area studies throughout the United States, beginning in the 1920s and continuing through 1970. At that time, black students at the U-M petitioned the regents to "codify a field of study for African-Americans and give it academic credibility." He continued by explaining the various components of CAAS, proclaiming that "the components of research, teaching, and service combine both national and international experience with the experiences of African peoples throughout the world." Lewis then introduced Robin Kelley, a faculty member in CAAS, who preceded two other CAAS student speakers. The first was Wendy Walters, whose research in the department has focused on urban restructuring in Ann Arbor and Detroit. She spoke eloquently of the need

to increase awareness of cultural studies through the medium of artistic expression. "We do not enact our ideas enough," . she said. "We must lay down ideas that are not just responsive. Art education must be accessible enough to let the art come first." The final speaker was Demetrius Bady, a senior whose work in CAAS included a visit last July to South Central Los Angeles. He and Vincent Garcia, an LSA senior, interviewed jailed gang members. The result of their collective research is a film entitled Jumpin In, an impressive collage of gang members and prison officials, footage of South Central after the riots, and various film clips taken from the movies Colorsiffid Boyz 'N the

Struggle." The minister was surely the Muhammad ' s and now Farrakhan's most anticipated speaker scheduled, as teachings are in direct contradiction to well as one of most controversial, for he Islam." The group's preSident, Kamran evoked a protest from some Jewish stuBajwa, stated that the group was interdents and aroused apprehension among ested in "hearing what [Mohammad] had Islamic students. When the opportunity to say from his mouth," and to distribute came for Mohammad to defend his ear"general information on Islam." lier controversial statements or claim In Perspectives, a collection of past misattribution, however, he was gone. speeches available for this year's Martin After Mohammad's non-appearance Luther King, Jr. Day, Mohammad sets was announced, the Review called the what likely would have been his tone, Detroit branch of the Nation of Islam and commenting on the presidential election, the Nation's headquarters in Chicago for "You have to stop getting behind curan explanation. Neither office even knew tains, pulling levers, hoping that some he was planning to attend the forum, let super cracker is going to change your alone that his plans were cancelled t an9-~'-' condition. Who are the candidates that the Chicago office was unable to provide are running for president? Satan, the information on the whereabouts of devil, Lucifer, and Beelzebub. And either Mohammad's ministry . Repeated atone you vote for you are still going to end Hood. Jumpin In is a very impressive protempts to contact Mohammad's temple, up catching hell." duction, and Bady and Garcia are to be Mosque number seven of the Far-rakhan Perhaps the statement that best excommended for their efforts to bring a Temple, also emplifies his views, however, is one he true gang perspec- i made early in his speech last year: "I'm proved futile. The tive to the Universou r c e wit h here to tell you this morning that the sity community. whom the Review white man ain't got no Goddarnn morals While the spoke neither recand he ain't got no conscience." symposium was ognized MohamUnfortunately, Mohammad did not certainly interestmad's name nor have a chance to clarify the meaning of ing, one could not was able to offer his controversial statements, and U-M help but question the name of anystudents were denied the opportunity to the lack of discusone who might question him about his beliefs because of sion concerning answer questions his failure to appear as scheduled. Too Martin Luth e r concerning the bad. Judging from Mohammad's past King, Jr. After all, "most Honorspeaking engagements, it would have the purpose of the able" Minister holiday and the Please See Page 10 M oh amm ad . reason for the canCalls on Monday cellation of classes made to the office was to foster the of Dr. Charles dissemination of Khallid Mohammad Moody, U-M vice King's idea s provost for minority affairs, also proamong students and faculty. With only vided no €xplanation, although the perone brief mention of King's name in the son who answered had heard rumors early minutes of the discussion, the orga2 Serpen~s Monday morning that the minister would nizers of "No Justice, No Peace" seemed not be in attendance. much more concerned with advancing Several days prior to the scheduled their own agenda than that of King. event, a group of Jewish students posted 4 fliers containing quotes from a speech Major Missing Muslim Mohammad made at Columbia Univer5 sity last November. In response to the by Joe Coletti inflammatory remarks, the fliers asked 6 Where was KhaI\id Mohammad? The the question, "Was this MLK's Dream?" Nation of Islam minister was invited by Islamic Circle, a Muslim student 9 the U-M to speak at a Martin Luther group, also posted fliers stating, "Islam and the so-called 'Nation of Islam' are King, Jr. Day forum on "Nationalist Organizing and the Role of Stu<ients in two . diHerentreligions. ...Elijah

INSIDE

Tooth Hypocrisy Editorials Letters Ma1colmX Crack-Up Music

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January 20, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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1\1ICIliGAN REVI":'"

The Campus Affairs Journal of the

University of Michigan "We are the Establishment"

government interference in the marketplace," reported the Wall Street Journal last week. Four years too late.

A memo distributed by the Department of Political Science to students this term begins, ''The Department of Political Science is committed to ensuring that all students, faculty and staff enjoy a learning and working environment of W>'Pect." Sure.

The Journal also reported that Billy Clinton's transition is among the slowest in American history. Brookings Institution scholar Stephen Hess put most of the blame on the head honcho himself, explaining, "He seems to want to make every decision and hold on to every bit of data." What's the deal with these Dem<r cratic presidents whose last names begin with a 'C'?

Labor Secretary-designate Robert Reich wrote In -nze Atlantic Monthly tw o years ago that" Americans are not overtaxed ... Nor does the U.s. government overspend." According to estimates for 1994, the federal government will take in $1.29 trillion, and spend $1.52 trillion.

Bong-Baked Billy will, however, get a swift start in breaking his campaign promises. Although Clinton promised in October to introduce a jobs bill" on the first day I am inaugurated," (as if there will be more than one) budget directordesignate Leon Panetta testified to Congress last week that Clinton has yet to make even the crucial decisions on his economic plan.

Reich also wrote, "Republican economics is wrong. The success of American capitalism no longer depends on the private investments of highly motivated American capitalists." Go tell that to Microsoft's Bill Gates, Bob. A "third Reich" quote: "Republicans continue to represent the brute force of American capitalism, Democrats, the softer and more generous side of our natures." Go tell that to Zoe Baird, the Attorney General-designate, who exploits cheap foreign labor by employing illegal immigrants to help around the house, Bob.

Speaking of broken campaign promises, Billy Boy broadcast a radio message to Haiti last week, begging Haitians not to flee to the U.s., in spite of his earlier pledge to grant refuge to those who do. Exactly how many lemons does Slick Willie have on his used car lot anyway?

"President Bush's Council of Economic Advisers used its final annual report to wam about the dangers of too much

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ing this small .i tem in the WS1: "While Was hington veteran George Stephanopolous wa ~ named communications director nl: wasn't given the broader White House role that some had expected." Once again, to no one's surprise, we are the establishment. Hillary "I'm just an ordinary, innocent little American gal surviving unjustified Republican attacks during the campaign but nevertheless justifying those attacks by 'unexpectedly' transforming myself into a seething, vengeful, domineering witch once my husband gets elected" Clinton has decided to take an office in the West Wing of the White House where other staffers work, instead of the traditional East Wing office held by past First Ladies, er, First Women, er, Wymin.

EDITOR-I~HIEF : Tony Ghecea PUBLISHER: Andrew Bockelman

EXECUTIVE EDITOR: Joe Coletti CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Beth MartIn, Jay 0, M:Ne11, Tracy Robinson, Stacey l. Walker ASSISTANT EDITORS: Ryan Boeskool, Brian Schelke COPY EDITOR: Shannon Pfenl MUSIC EDITOR: Chris Peters LITERARY EDITOR: Adam Garaglola GRAPHICS EDITOR: Will Ryan EDITORIAL STAFF: Matt Anderson. Eddie Amer. Eric Bero. Michele Brogley, Andrea Causlno. Kim Conley, J.lles Elek, Joe Epstelrl. Frank Grabowski, Nate Jamison, Aaron Kanter, Eric Lepard. Mary the Cat, Crusly Muncher, Dave Perczak. Drew Peters, James Roberts. Renee Rudnicki. TS Taylor. Peny Thompson, Corey Tobin. Martin Vloel, Gloria Vulcano, Jeff Weinmann. Michelle Wletek. Martin Wllk, Matt WHk. Tony Woodlief, Yoda MTS MEISTER: Doug Thlese SYSTEMS ANALYST: M~ch Rohde

'The Jews had taken out a full page ad in ADVERTISING DIRECTOR: Jonathan LaJlness the New Yark Times. I shouldn't call it the BUSINESS STAFF: Jacob Boume, Peter Daugavietis. Erica De Santls, Tori Dlromuaido, Chris Fruendi. John Jew York Times' cause some of you got Gustafson. Jeny Kowal, ErIc Larson, Aaron Steelman. upset about that. When I said the Jew Barry Stem. Chet Zarko York Times and Columbia Jewniversity and Jew York City. The blacks in the - "f'EbITOR-AT-LARGE: Adam DeVore audience, we would love it ... Black York PUBLISHER EMERITUS: Karen S. Brlnkman City, but you find it offensive. I don't EDITORS EMERITI: Brian Jendryka, John J. MHler know why. But that shows you how silly The Michigan Review Is an Independent, weekly stuyou are." Trivia time! Who made this denl-run Journal althe Unlverslly of Michigan. We neleloquently coherent statement? A) Adolf ther solicit nor accept monetary donations from the Hitler. B) David Duke. C) Khallid University of Michigan. Contributions to the Michigan Mohammed, U-M sponsored MLK Day Review are tax--<leductlble under Une 501 (c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. The Revfew Is not affiliated with speaker (hint, hint). any polKicai party. Also from the lips of Mohammed: "And I am saying up here - pin the tail on the honkey. Don't let the honkey get away. Ride him until he sweats. Ride him until he sweats." But cave-dwelling "ice people" can't sweat, Khallid!

• The Detroit News reported Sunday that today's inauguration will run at least $28 million. But hey, can't that money be used to help the homeless? The Commie boneheads of the Revolutionary Workers' League recently decided to protest the U.s. bombing of Iraq. According to their promotional flier, "We remember the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who have already been murdered by U.S. imperialism." First of all, look up "imperialism" in a dictionary and learn its proper usage. Second, get an uninflated, accurate account of the Iraqi death toll. Finally, tell us what to think about the hundreds of thousands of slaughtered Iranians, Israelis, Saudi Arabians, Kurds, Kuwaitis, and Iraqi citizens who were murdered at the hands of Saddam Hussein. What is Saddam to you anyway? A noble brother in your revolution? ,

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Unsigned edHorlals represent the opinion of the editorial board. Signed articles represent the opinions of the author and not necessarUy those of the Review. We welcome leiters and articles and encourage comments . about the journal and Issues discussed In It.

I Please address all subscrlplon inquiries to: Circulation Director c/o the MichIgan Review. All advertising Inqulr· las should be directed to: Advertising Director c/o the MIchigan Review. EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICES: SUITE ONE 911 N. UNIVERSITY AVENUE ANN ARBOR, MI 48109-1265 TEl. (313) 662-1909 FAX (313) 936-2505

do not want the word to get out that we want to exterminate the Negro poulation." Margaret Sanger. Founder Planned Parenthood 'I am proud to be walking in the footsteps of Margaret Sanger.' Faye Wattieton, Current President Planned Parenthood

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January 20, 1993

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Hypocrisy Personified 1got no friends 'cause they read !he papers. They can'r be seen - with me! - Alke-Cooper

by Adam DeVore Prior to each changing of the guard here at the Review, the outgoing editorin-<:hief nlakes at least some nominal effort to clear off and clean out his desk for the sake of his successor's sanity. As I conducted this annual cleansing ritual the other day, I stumbled upon a letter about which, fr~kly, I had forgotten. The letter, dated 19 February 1991 and signed by Department of Political Science Chairman Arlene Saxonhouse and then-Graduate . Association of Political Science President Jocelyn Sargent, was the Department's formal response to a February 1991 Rrvitw article by Stacey Walker which reported and editorialized on the Department's adoption of its Policy on Sexl,Ial Harassment. In her article, "The Big Chill: Clamping Down on 'Bad' Speech," Walker expressed grave concern that ' with the adoption of policies such as ... the 'Department of Political Science Policy on Sexual Harassment,' the U-M encourages and enforces the squelching of ideas and beliefs." With admirable foresight, Walker noted that: In the political science policy, one particular phrase is quite susceptible to criticism. The opening paragraphs of the policy state that "we all must be particularly sensitive to how comments are perceived by others, not just how they were intended." That clause, which Sargent confirmed as operative, suggests that thf,l department is willing to press action on the basis of ... (somecomplainant's1 perception. Any such basis could be wholly unfounded, perhaps stifling the expression of ideas. Saxonhouse and Sargent's letter vehemently discounted any such\fe~ The article on the Se~uaI Harassment J>oIicy of the Political . Science Department grossly . misrepresented the intent the ' policy. Your headline and the tone of the article suggested that the Political Science Department is eager to Md:unp down on bad speech." Ms. Watker emphasizes a conflict between free speech and the community of trust . the policy aims to create. Of course, , the policy does not attempt to control language used WitJiri or outsi~e the '

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classroom. Rather, it urges that faculty and students recognize the way in which the context and the tone of that language can have a detrimental effect on students' ability to perform in the classroom and in the profession of the discipline. While coJtunenting that a student is attractive in itself need not cause h<lr'm or concern, repetitiv~ allusions to personal appearance accompanied by other innuendoes of gesture or language can . be . threatening. The go~ of OUf policy is not to IJban" any language; it is rather to educate . all members of our community. , By focusing on free speech and . alleged sanctions that the Departmenf in fact cannot exercise"Ms. Walker ignores the goal allowing all our studet)ts and faculty equal treabnent, respect and the opportunity for professional development. We hope this clarifies the goals and commitments of our department.

Since rediscovering that letter, I have cogitated upon it for many hours. With each moment sospent, it.becomes more evident to me how those who would impose weighty restrictions upon others' freedom of expression pursue their dastardly and often demagogic goals: Ironically - or appropriately, depending upon one's point of view '- they do so through the manipulation and distortion of language in conjunction with distractive and superfluous euphemizing. Consider in this connection U-M sophomore Shawn Brown's recent experience in Political Science 111, an episode with which regular readers are already familiar. In an essay for the class in October 1992, Brown criticized telephone polling as unreliable. To illustrat~ his critique, he. described a hypothetical situation wherein "Dave · Stud is entertaining three beautiful ladies in his penthouse .wh~ the phone rings" and declines to ~s\Ver an inq~iring pollster's questionSb~ause he is""tied up' at the moment" Deborah Meizlish, Bown's teaching 'assistant, responded acerbically in the margin:

.. : This is ludicrous & inappropriate & OFFENSIVE. This is completely inappropriate for a serious political science paper. It completely violates t~e standard' of non-sexist writing. Professor RoSe11$lone has encouraged' me tointerprenhis comment,as an . example of sexual harassment 'and to

take the appropriate formal steps, I have chosen not to do so in this instance. However, any future comments, in a paper, in a ,dass or in any dealings w / me will be interpreted as sexual harassment and formal steps will be taken. Professor [Steven] Rosenstone is aware of these comments - & is . prepared to intervene. You are foiewarned!

policy does not attempt to control language used within or outside the classroom .. .. The goal of our policy is not to 'ban' any language; it is rather to educate all members of our community." How are we to view this desire "to educate," this pledge not "to control language" but to promote awareness and sensitivity, this denial that the Department is damping down on "bad" speech? What shall we make of a tenured professor who encourages a subordinate to read a student's hypothetical example .as an instance of sexual harassment? What · shall we say of a department chairman , who not only condones abuse like.that . meted out by Meizlish and Rosenstonei but does!1O in plain contradiction of an official statement that.she herself $igned less than two years earlier? . . I leave it to you, fair.reader, to be the · judge of that.

. However ambiguous' Meizlish's phraseology maybe (e.g~, she does not define "appropriate · formal steps," althougbat the time the only applicable policy was the' Department's), she is dearly · threatening Brown with subjection to of~cial sanctiOn or coercive re--education. I now return to Saxonhouse and Sargent' s letter~ In light of Meizlish and Rosenstone's actions, and Saxonhouse's subsequent defense and implicit endorsemenlofthem{MR 11 November Adam DeVore is a senior in Spanish 1992), it ,becomes implausible - in~eed-'''''~and philosophy and the editot:-at-Iarge it strainscreduJity - to believe the former of the Review. duo's assertions that, "Of course, the

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THE MICHIGAN RI;VIEW

From Suite One: Editorials

Jan llary 20, 1993

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Mourning in America It is normally our policy, unlike that of the Michigan Student Assembly, not to comment on events which take place outside of our immediate sphereof influence. But with today's inauguration of the new leader of the Free World, one William Jefferson Clinton, we feel justified in making an exception. The inauguration of any man to the post of president of the United States, especially a Democratic one, is a historical event which begs our input. This year's presidential transition has been rather rocky for the young administration. At best, it has been slow and laborious, with appointments to high-level positions made rather sluggishly; our nation's new leader has been caught micromanaging his team in much the same way our last Democratic president did. At worst, it has been controversial, with campaign promises on such issues as health careJ tax~, the budget deficit, the policy towards Haitian refugees, and the number of White House staff positions conveniently forgotten arr:tidst I)ew proplems il) Iraq aI1d Somalia. With these trends showing no sign of subSiding, one cannot help but wonder . where the political soul of Bill Clinton lies. Is he for free trade or will he go the protectionist route? Will he reverse the ban on homosexuals in the military or listen to Colin Powell and do nothing? Will he cut the budget in half, as promised, or allow the deficit continue to cripple the economic recovery? Will there be a middle class tax cut or not? Is he a leftist or a moderate? What are his deeply-held convictions and beliefs? Where does he wish to lead our nation? What policies will he fervently pursue? Unfortunately, none of these issues were made very clear during the campaign. There was abundant symbolism in bus trips, periodic visits to McDonald's, iogs down Main Street, saxophone playing, dancing to old Fleetwood Mac songs, and talk of "investment" in America, but little discussion of what political ideology and theories the former Arkansas governor holds dear. It all reminds us of anot~er world leader who packed his bags earlier today, said goodbye to long-time friends, and rode off to

some~here deep in'th~ ~eart Texas muttering something about "a thousand points of light." . . .One thing, however, is for certain: the next four years will be trying times for conservatives.With the three networks, CNN, MacNeil/Lehrer, Donahue, Arsenio, Whoopi, and nearly every other form of the dominant media culture already singing the praises of an" America that has finally come home" to "open-minded, caring" politicians, being a conservative Republican will be difficult, espeCially on this campus. It will be even more difficult to watch as Clinton takes the oath of office and becomes our nat;on's 42nd president It will be sickening to see him bite his lip, look down, appear to think deeply, and then smile as he answers questions at press conferences, trying to develop a rapport with the media like his hero, John Kennedy. It will be hard. to watcn as a known draft-<lodger actually has the gall saJutea proud Anlerican marine as he steps off Air Force One. It will be nearly unbearable, knOWing his past, to listen to Clinton preach about drugs, family values, and patriotism. At times it will s eem like no one is taking notice of the contradictions, the waffling, the hypocrisy, the posturing, or the symbolism. In spite of these daunting scenarios, we would like to point out that the lives of Bill and Hillary, while important, have little to do with one's individual lot in life. Success is determined only by personal ambition, intelligence, character, and integrity, not by whose hands are on the power controls inside the Beltway. America, even with misguided political leaders and policies, will still lend its people the limitless opportunities inherent in freedom, regardless of whatever the new administration's political leanings my be. And if that's not enough to cheer you up, try to think of Clinton giving his concession speech in November, 1996.

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Defining Black Leadership Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X have enjoyed a resurrection as prominent media figures throughout 1992. With th e recent advent of an MLK national holiday and the constantly growing popularity of the man (if not his ideas) increased cultural references to King would come as no surprise. Interestingly, however, Malcolm X has emerged as the-media's latest reincarnation of black leadership, due in large part to the success of Spike Lee's "epic" film and a proliferation of X-marks-the-spot regalia. This Malcolm X revival, combined with the conclusion of yet another day of U-M sponsored symposiums concerning King's life, makes it timely and practical to examine the statements made by both men and the contradictions found therein. King's actions and statements in the early years of his civil rights activism propelled him to unprecedented levels of popularity among a large segment of the American public. He did not endorse violent confrontation or advance poliCies of affirmative action. It is this ideal King who is remembered and celebrated annually on January 18. Unfortunately (or fortunately, depending on your point of view), certain aspects of King's life are generally dismissed from popular rhetoric. In particular, questions as to his moral beliefs in later years are rarely given serious consideration in. any type of public forum, since most knowledgeable speakers fear being branded "anti-MLK," and hence a racist But far more important criteria for a character critique of King can be found in his virtual retraction of a vast majority of the ideals which he espoused in the famous "I Have A Dream" speech. After 1965, for example, King, an earlier admirer of individual liberty and responsibility, endorsed a socialist system similar to Sweden's as the cure for America's ills. As Carol Iannone reports in the December 14, 1992 issue of National Review, "(H)e who had prophesized black-white brotherhood began to speak of America as a 'sick society' and to insist 'that the vast majority of white Americans [were] racist.'" Although the reasoning is more clearcut in the case of Malcolm X, the revival of Malcolm X presents another prime example of a prominent black leader about whose later life much is misunderstood. Traditionally, Malcolm X is remembered as a militant separatist prone to violence and hate-filled oratories. But these indictments are a throwback to his Black Muslim days. Upon his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, Malcolm denounced his former association with the Muslims and his ignorant and I

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racist generalizations equating all whites with devils. According to Stanley Ridgley in "Malcolm and the Myth Makers," "Malcolm quickly succumbed to the seductive and hate-filled message of Elijah Muhammed [whose] crude and self-styled myth had an irresistible appeal to the illiterate and uneducated." The Malcolm who returned to the United States as a preacher of self-respect and moral righteousness (see related essay on page 6) is not the Malcolm whom most remember. His newfound fruth in adhering to the moral obligations of being a devoted father and husband is a testament to his overall potential for change. n is precisely this willingness of both black leaders to radically alter their views that allows for the drastic misconceptions surrounding both figures. What modem inquisitors must acknowledge is the natural propensity of people to change. We should neither deify nor grauitously slander men like King and Malcolm by limiting our critique only to a portion of their lives. To do so is to delude ourselves, creating either heroes or bogeymen in the process, neither of which provide a truly accurate rendition of history. -

III know we've got a Congressional majority, but I still can't believe that Bilbo's proposing this!"

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January 20, 1993

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Letters to the Editor Writing Guideline Misnamed To the Editor: The Wall Street Journal recently published an article entitled, "Language Censors" (5 Jan 1993, p. A14). It discussed a recent incident at the University of Michigan involving a Sophomore Political Science student (Shawn Brown) who committed the heinous crime of creative writing. Convicted without a trial, he has been forced to drop his course of instruction, appropriately named "Intro. to American Politics." It is my opinion that this grievous felony must be pardoned on the grounds that the Political Science Dept. failed in their duty to make clear their academic standards by mislabeling their regulations as a "Guideline for NonSexist Writing." A more accurate moniker would have been, "Guideline for AVOiding the Wrath of Irrational Brats, Hyper-sensitive Dweebs, Arrogant Lesbians, Vindictive Feminists and Other Paranoid Failures." Had this more accurate title been used, Shawn Brown w('uld have understood what the University of Michigan expected of him.

Mark S TOtober Seaside, California

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cost of journals, particularly scientific journals, escalates faster than other costs. When the budget climate is good, the University meets those increases. When the University budget increases little or not at all, adjustments must be made in many areas including the journal lists. Cancellation decisions are based on several factors. One factor is use frequency. Others include: the uniqueness of the title, its influence as measured by published citation indices, the expertise of its contributors and editorial board. In some diSciplines, the language(s) in which articles are published is important to the decision. In the sciences, the cost of a library subSCription must now be taken into account. In every case, representatives from the one or more departmental faculties are consulted. And this year, we cancelled titles held by other institutions with which the University Library has borrowing agreements so they would be available when we no longer received them. Journal cancellation is a careful, consultative process involving some 50 librarians, many other library staff, and numerous faculty members and students. It is only undertaken when alternatives are not available.

intellectual discourse to point out further can be done to eliminate it. It's a contradictions in any body of thought. frustrating situation for all concerned, To stifle that is to stifle free thought. but Green seems just as closed-minded His fanaticism smacks of the old war as any white supremacist, or anyone at cry, "If you're not with us you're against the Review. He is apparently insulted by us." If white alienation is Green's goal, any attempt to redefine racism as he has a successful career ahead of him. anything other than what he believes it to History shows us that intentional be. alienation, and the resulting intellectual ' Green's righteous anger is perhaps polarization, have preceded violent understandable, but it only gets in the revolutions in the past. Is that what way of the debate. He quotes philosopher Green is advocating? and revolutionary Frantz Fanon as Green's writing, both here and saying, "Mastery of language affords remarkable power." Quite so - but try elsewhere, has been tinged ' with incoherent rage. He doesn't seem to mastering the power of rational realize that he can't touch someone like persuasion, and spare us the destructive Adam DeVore with an insult like tirades. "arrogant maggot"; a look at the masthead of that issue reveals that Liz Patton DeVore takes that up as a badge, a symbol of the irrationality of the attack. And his Library Committed to out-of-context quotations from radical Multiculturalism literature, presented without adequate explanation, only blur the picture: To the Editor: "compensatory-functional definitions of Given recent questions raised in the white supremacy" leave me puzzled. Michigan Review, as Dean of the University Arguments about the nature of Library, I want to reaffirm to the campus, racism have led to a deadlock. No on.e,··~ can agree on what it is; therefore, notrung Continued on Page 11

L. Yvonene Wulff

Library Explains Journal Subscriptions To the Editor: . This letter is written to clarify for your readers two issues recently raised in the Michigan Review: additional library funds for materials from Latin America and Africa south of the Sahara, and decisions to cancel journal subScriptions. The collections of the university libraries support the teaching and research missions of the UniverSity. The emphases of collecting efforts shift as changes occur in academic programs. The University's expansion of its international programs created the need to change our collecting policies for some geographic areas. While the Ubrary has rich collections from former Soviet Union, East European, and East Asian countries, it does not have collections representing all of South America or most of Africa. New programs required enhanced collecting from these regions. The additional funds, less than .05% of the total collection budget, will prOVide students and faculty with basic collections from parts of the world not previously well represented. Journal cancellations have been necessary from time to time because the

Assistant Director for Management

Collection

Green Close-minded To the Editor: This letter is in response to the "Open Letter to the Establishment" by Forrest Green III, published 6 January 1993. The heart of the debate revolves around the definition of racism. Green equates white supremacy with racism. I disagree: white supremacy is simply an especially virulent form of racism. Green implies that any attack on a black institution is automatically racist. "The Review has been used to attack the . Afrocentric academic movement, the UM Black Student Union, and UCAR, all the counter-racist systems," he writes. That is true. But it does not mean that the editors of the Review are white supremacists. Any white criticism of a black person or a black person's idea is not automatically racist - it is ridiculous to suggest that Bill Clinton's criticism of Sister Souljah last year was racially motivated. Let us try to distinguish people from ideas. Green further suggests that there is something inherently wrong with "pointing out contradictions in black diverSity of thought." It is part of

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5 9 YEARS

January 20, 1993

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Feature Essay

Malcolm X's Conservative Connotations by Andrew Bocketman If war makes for strange bedfellows, contemporary conservatives may find themselves sleeping with Malcolm X. In the current ideological clash over how to solve America's, racial tensions, the conservative message to minorities, in particular blacks, has typically involved the advocacy of self-sufficiency and traditional values as a means of emerging from the mire of racial setbacks. This same message was espoused by a man who has frequently been dismissed by conservatives as a racist demagogue: Malcolm x. Although he differed vastly from present-day conservatism in many of his views, Malcolm did support many laudable positions which must not be dismissed by conservatives but rather appreciated for their worth. As far as out-of-context statements are concerned, Malcolm openly proclaimed that white people are inferior to black people. He referred to the death of 120 white Americans in a 1962 plane crash as "good news." In his May 1963 interview with Pla-yboy, he went so far as to declare that "white people are born devils by nature." In a mind-boggling display of ignorance, Malcolm even suggested that the only decent white people ever to live were Hitler and Stalin. After a 1964 religious pilgrimage to Mecca, Malcolm confessed that his previous attitudes about white America were entirely unfounded, and he committed himself to thinking in human terms, rather than racial terms. In a letter he wrote to Alex Haley while still in Mecca, Malcolm explained how his spiritual experiences abroad convinced him that "truly we are all the same." Malcolm reiterated this belief until his death. In a speech just six days prior to his assassination, he stated: "We don't judge a man because of the coloi: of his skin We don't judge you because you're white; we don't judge you because you're black; we don't judge you because you're brown. We judge you because of what you do and what you practice .. . the worst form of evil is the evil that's based upon judging a man because of the color (jf his skin." It is precisely because Malcolm revised his views so often that he is frequently misinterpreted. Any attempt at understanding Malcolm's message must be undertaken on his terms. As Bruce Perry, one of his more prolific biographers, has observed, Malcolm was "a political chameleon," with evolving opinions which ranged the political spectrum. As a consequence of his ideological diversity, virtually any

self-interested political group may selectively take a statement of Malcolm's and contextualize it for the group's own purpose. Today, groups ranging from Marxists to popular rap acts have reduced Malcolm to the level of a political mascot. The essential questions for an honest interpretation of Malcolm X inquire as to e, ' , ,.

how he should be remembered, and how Malcolm X the man should be separated from the force of his ideas. If we consider those views which he conSistently held throughout his life and accept those as compromising his consummate message, then we can begin to discern exactly what Malcolm conveyed to the world. If conservatives examine his message and give credit where credit is due, they will find that many of Malcolm's views are compatible with conservative ideas regarding America's racial tensions. As U.s. Ambassador Alan Keyes has pointed out, "Malcolm X would have been a black conservative today." Both liberals and conservatives may find such an assertion to be startling, but a careful look at X's ideas, specifically the issues of self-sufficiency, liberal tokenism, selfdefense, and cultural decline, reveal a man who possessed explicitly conservative views. Among the pillars of conservative doctrine is a strict adherence to self-sufficiency as a means of personal achievement. People can accomplish little if they develop a mentality of reliance on government, because such a mentality fos-

munities as places where people cooperters dependence on others, which is simated within the system for positive ply a less overt variety of slavery. change, rather than rely on others to get Malcolm was a stalwart advocate of selfthings done. In his speech at. MSU, sufficiency, as evidenced in many of his speeches. He recognized that blacks Malcolm asserted to his predominantly white audience: 'The mistake we made would never enjoy the benefits of harddiffers from the mistake you didn't make. earned prosperity if they were continuYour parents solved your problems of ally dependent on favors from whites. their own volition, with their own ingeIn a January 23, 1963, speech at Michinuity." He continued, "Our leaders have ', d gan ~t~te University, done nothing to teach us how to go in MalColm proclaimed business. They have done nothing to teach that the black man will us how to elevate the level of our schools. accomplish more "by They've done nothing to teach us how to standing on his own keep up the standard of our commutwo feet and doing nity." something for himself From Watts to Detroit to Harlem, towards solving his Malcolm encouraged blacks to mobilize own problem, instead of accusing [whites] of and take advantage of the free market system in order to improve their commucreating the problem, nities, precisely because the free market and then, at the same was one of the few places in 1%4 in time, depending upon [whites] to do somewhich a black person could prosper without inhibition. If blacks secured a stratthing to solve the probegy of self-suffiCiency in the market lem." He recognized -·t>'conomv, thev could quickly emerge as the errant logic of cri!i: cizing the sources · of an economic force to be reckoned with. one's dilemma while siIn his infamous "Ballot or the Bullet" multaneously subordispeecl\ Malcolm explained: "If we own nating oneself by askthe stores, if we operate the businesses, if ing those very sources we try and establish some industry in to solve one's probour own community, then we're devellems. oping to the position where we are creat'They promised us ing employment for our own kind. Once jobs and gave us welyou gain control of the economy of your fare checks instead; we're still jobless, own community, then you don't have to still unemployed; the welfare is taking picket and boycott and beg some cracker care of us, making us beggars, robbing us downtown for a job in his business." of our dignity, of our man.."'ood," Malcolm Malcolm's advocacy of black selfstated in a January 1%5 speech. What sufficiency did not stop at the edge of the benefit does one derive from comproblack community, either. In fact, his admising one's integrity for an entrenched vice to society as a whole is the same idea system of dependency where no incennow being advanced by conservatives of tives for achievement exist? None whatall skin colors. He best summed it up in soever, according to Malcolm and folApril of 1964 when he posited, "How can lowers of conservative principles. a white person help the black man solve Perhaps the greatest testimony to the his problem? Number one, you can't solve success of the conservative social agenda it for him. You can help him solve it, but has been the accomplishments of the you can't solve it for him today." ConserAmerican Jewish community following vatives recognize that society must coopWorld War II and the advancement made erate to assist those who have suffered by the Chinese-American community in the injustice of Jim Crow-style segregarecent decades. Despite the fact that these tion. Yet this assistance must be a comethnic groups often encountered prejupounded and continuous fostering of selfdice and discrimination in this nation, -reliance, if we are to avoid the convothey collectively utilized the power of luted subordination embodied in depenself-sufficiency and free enterprise to tridence. umph over adversity. Conservatives often come under fire Malcolm often chose to praise the for their opposition to affirmative action success of the Jewish community, rather and other forms of token integration, than berate it, as many present-day black with the large part of the criticism origiactivists have done. When asked to idennating in the black community. What tify a model community for blacks to critics fail to mention is that Malcolm, a emulate, he referred to Chinatown comhistOrically preeminent leader of the black

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

anuary 20, 1993

ommunity, was just as much opposed o tokenism as many of today's conservaives, and for many of the same reasons. One of the central pOints of the "Balot or the Bullet" speech, which is often ited as evidence of Malcolm's so-called destructive" mentality, is that blacks all DO often waste their votes on those who nake empty promises and token gesures. "This government has failed the ~egro. This so-called lemocracy has failed he Negro. And all hese white liberals lave definitely failed he Negro," he de·Iared . Malcolm ;loornily prophesied in the speech that if .lacks failed to begin achieving gains in he political arena, they would be backed nto a comer and forced to resort to vioence. "If someone holds a gun on a white nan and makes him embrace me - put lis hand, arm, around me - this isn't ove nor it is brotherhood. What they are loing is forcing the white man to be a lypocrite, to practice hypocrisy ... As ong as you force people to act in a hypo:ritical way, you will never solve their )roblem," he said in 1963. Conservatives 'eject the notion that tokenism is in the .est interest of society, because society loes not thrive on hypocrisy, superficialty, or statism, but on genuine love and :ompassion. Conservatives agree with vlalcolm that people should not hire oth~rs simply because of their skin col or or )ecause they are forced to do so, but )ecause they legitimately desire to do so. \s conservatives often point out, tokensm is not a cure for the problem; it is nerdy a bandage. As Malcolm once put t, liberal solutions only deal with the :onditions, but never the cause. Malcolm correctly predicted what ~onomists like Thomas Sowell have been :ontending for years with the help of ;tatistical evidence, namely that affirmaive action programs only help those )lacks least in need at the expense of hose most in need. Never in his lifetime :lid Malcolm expliCitly cite affirmative lction as a program to which he objected; yet, on many occasions he alluded to 'tokenism" as counterproductive in the ;ense that it did not alleviate the core ,roblem. , In a February 16, 1%5 speech, ~alcolm mocked the ineptitude of tokenism: " ... this tokenism was a pro~ram that was designed to protect the benefits of only a handful of handpicked Negroes. And these handpicked Negroes were given big positions, and then they were used to open up their mouths to tell the world, 'Look at how much progress we're making.' He should say look at how much progress he is making." One month prior to that comment,

Malcolm made a timeless quip aMut about the posturing of guilt-ridden white liberals: "They're going to take one of their boys, black boys, and put him in the cabinet, so he can walk around Washington with a cigar - fire on one end and fool on the other." Perhaps Malcolm too often distrusted the sincerity of any placement of a black person in a powerful position as some sort of tokenism. rather

vout religiOUS faith and his belief in rigid morality, Malcolm often preached these same themes. In the "Statement of Basic Aims and Objectives of the Organization of Afro--American Unity," (Malcolm's organIzational program for blacks around the world) he devoted two sections to social and cultural objectives. Under the social rubric, he explained, "We must set a good example for our children and must teach them to always be ready to accept the responsibilities that are necessary for build• ing good communities and nations. We must teach them that their greatest responsibilities are to themselves, to their families and to their communities." At another point, Malcolm noted, "We must stop drinking, we must stop smoking, we must stop fornication and adultery, we must stop gambling and cheating and using profanity, we must stop showiQg disrespect for our women, we must reform ourselves as parents so we can set the proper example for our children." Like conservatives of past and present, Malcolm advocated a high level of personal respectability as a means of ensuring the future for posterity's sake and avoiding cultural decline and vice. A large number of scholars have recognized that Malcom X's message was profoundly conservative in its moral aspects. Carol Iannone of New York University has suggested that Malcolm would

Today, groups ranging from Marxists to popular rap acts have reduced Malcolm to the level of a political mascot. than a legitimate achievement. Nevertheless, he spoke volumes about the irrabonality of granting authority to others on the basis of skin color, particularly when the motivation is to "correct" an appearance problem. Conservatives may also find striking similarities between their views on selfdefense and those of Malcolm. The phrase "By Any Means Necessary" has become a militant political slogan, and it has caused noticeable alarm in those who fail to understand its Significance. Some have viewed it as a battle cry for a new generation of black activists, while others have cringed at its mere utterance, believing it to be some kind of provocation to violence. As Malcolm intended it, however, the phrase has an entirely separate meaning . In a December 2,1 %4, interview with Les Crane, Malcolm d efined the meaning of this con trovers ial motto: "This doesn't mean we should buy rifles and

yours. Treat others as you would be treated by them. Practice charity . Exercise self-<:ontrol. Avoid extremes, keep a middle path. Pay your taxes. Obey the law." Malcolm was not a relativist nor a liberal in moral matters. As Betty Shabazz, Malcolm's widow , explained, "Malcolm's entire philosophy was based on morality." The parallels between Malcolm's ideas and conservative ideas can be readily discerned from many of the recent conservative writings on the subject of race relations. "What I insist is that the socioeconomic progress of black people, as a class, will not come through the political arena. There must be a grassroots mobilization and moral rebirth which emphasizes individual ambition, responsibility, and accountability," wrote Walter Williams in the December 16, 1992, . issue of Conservative Chronicle. Some room for legitimate skepticism does exist in considering some of Malcolm's other philosophies. At some points he sounded like someone agitated toward an irrational opposition to capitalism. He often mistook subtly-advocated violence as a productive means towards an end, particularly with his "two wrongs ' make a right" mentality. CQnservatives may also recognize the . seedlings of a jaundiced notion of transgenerational justice in some of his statements. Conservatives should not, therefore, make the mistake of adopting Malcolm X as a cause celebre of their movement, as has been done by other groups. This not only trivializes and demeans the im- _ portance of his message, but also ig-

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As conservatives often point out tokenism is not a . . ' cure for the problem; tt tS merely a bandage. As and go out and ini- Malcolm once put it liberal solutions only deal hate attacks m d l s - . • • ' criminately against wtth the condtttons, but never the cause. whites. But it does mean that we should get whatever is necessary to protect ourselves in a country or in an area where the governmental ability to protect us has broken down." Conservatives may recognize this as advocacy of second amendment rights - an issue long championed by their movement. Some may be dismayed by the notion of an entire section of society threatening to "take up arms," but the context of such a statement must be understood. Malcolm was not exaggerating his point when he asserted that it was difficult for a black person to protect his rights, his property, and his life in regions where even the local police force was apathetic or controlled by white supremacists. The matter, quite fundamentally, was an issue of property rights. Cultural decline and family values have become a tenet of contemporary conservative advocacy. Due to his de-

not feel at home in today's world. "He would have been dismayed at the distribution of condoms to children. The faithful husband and devoted father would be horrified at black men making babies and leaving them to the care of the white man's state," he wrote. "The slovenly and disordered appearance of youth today, black and white, would have appalled him, as would their language, and the language of rap; he abhorred profanity and even the use of slang words like 'kid'," she commented in the December 14,1992 issue of National Review. Despite Iannone's insightful comments, the conservative essence of Malcolm's message was best summarized by those who were closest to him. Benjamin Karim, who worked with Malcolm, explicated Malcolm's "message" in his book Remembering Malcolm: "Be honest. Harm no one, and take nothing that is not

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~ores ~any .of the IdeologICal dlscrepandes it calls to mind. The conservative overtones of many of Malcolm's ideas are, however, an excellent reason for conservatives to respect his message, and not dismiss him for what he may have said at other points in his life. Andrew Bockelman is a sophomore in economics and Russian and Eastern European studies and publisher of the Review.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

January 20, 1993

Book Review

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Rush Revolutionizes Reading The Way Things Ought to 8e Rush H. Limbaugh III Simon & Schuster Hardcover, 304 pages $22.00 by Jay D. McNeill "For those of you among the Liberal Elite who take a stab at reading this book, be forewarned," Rush H. Limbaugh III notes at the beginning of his first tome, The Way Things Ought to Be. "Everything in this book is right and you must be prepared to confront that reality. You can no longer be an honest liberal after reading this entire masterpiece./I Such is the style of a man who was practically unknown four years ago when he arrived in New York to begin his nationally syndicated radio show. In August of 1988, Limbaugh began building his Excellence In Broadcasting network with with 56 affiliates and an audience of 250,000. Today the network, which Rush calls "the patriotic center of the universe," has exploded into an empire of over 500 affiliates and an audience numbering , 14.5 million, making Limbaugh the number one voice for conservatism in America (according to Ronald Reagan) and the number one radio talk-show host in the world. Last September, Limbaugh decided to test his mettle in the extremely competitive late night television show market by hosting a half-hour program in which only he appears; no guests, no band, only Rush. So far, it has shocked the critics by trailing only "TheTonight Show" and "Nightline" in the ratings that's right, even "Whoopi" has been no match for the Great One. Now Limbaugh has added a bestselling book to his long list of accomplishments. Except for the brief interlude in which Madonna's Sex displaced The Way Things Ought to Be at the top of the New York Times non-fiction best-seller list, Limbaugh's book has remained in the top slot since coming out early last fall, fulfilling a promise he made to his loyal listeners even before the book went to print. In fact, with a little less than two million copies sold thus far, editors at Simon & Schuster feel that The Way Things Ought to Be, by the self-proclaimed "conservative voice of freedom," may well go on to replace laccoca as the best-selling non-fiction hardback book in history. The book would be, needless to say, deserving of similar recognition, regardless of its ultimate performance . Limbaugh covers every issue of current American politics with breathtaking clar-

ity, making The Way Things Ought to Be suitable reading for everyone from experienced Washington insiders and rabid "Dittoheads" to Uncle Gus in Wichita. Not surprisingly, readers are spared the touchy-feely, beat-around-the-bush writing which characterizes other books on political issues. Rather, readers are treated to vintage

home of socialism in America; that the Anita Hill episode was about the Left's assault on conservatism and blacks who dare to be conservatives, not sexual harassment; and that homeless advocacy and multiculturalism are often nothing more than assaults on the American way of life. As the title of the book suggests, however, Limbaugh does more than just Umbaugh, as he goes~ understood this and point out the hypocrisy and stupidity of straight for the jugular .. , sought to rebuild the and brings hoots of joy to self-respect of this nathe Left; he also advocates solutions to societal problems, including a Billy those closet conserva: , ..~ lion. Thankfully, he tives who have long ,: ~. succeeded. Clinto~ue five-point plan on how to craved a spokesman. handle the homeless problem. Most of After dedicating the Limbaugh's solutions advocate rugged Another rather inwork to his parents, teresting chapter conindividualism and suggest a reliance on "whose love and devofree markets, as well as a return to the tains limbaugh's views tion made me the terrific values and beliefs that made America on feminism, where he guy I am," and following states his belief that the great, much like the ideas espoused by a brief section which exwomen's movement has Jack Kemp and Bill Bennett, respectively. plains how he ascended evolved from a cry for The last chapter of the book is ento his current position, titled, liThe Last Word: We Are Winequal opportunity into Limbaugh brilliantly ning," and is especially applicable for a militant hatred of men. tackles many topics, inHe also asserts that th~... _. conservatives and Republicans facing cluding the 19805, iemimovement has ser.ved路as today's official inception of the Clinton nism (with a section on the "lovely and a misguided attempt to disrupt the natuera. It reassures, inspires, and encourgracious [U-M law professor] Ms. rally defined behavioral roles for both ages those on the Right to feel confident MacKinnon"), the environment, sexual genders. about the future in spite of the many harassment, homelessness, Hollywood, Other sections in The Way Things battles ahead. Rodney King, and abortion. He subseOught to Be are conveniently lifted from Limbaugh pos..sesses a style to which quently pounds away at the Left, expospast monologues given on the radio show. his 145 million radio listeners have grown ing liberals for what they often are: arroOne, entitled "The State of the Union," is well-accustomed over the past four years; gant, hypocritical, demagogiC, and most a tirade against the dominant media pera style not of loud confrontation, 'it la importantly, wrong. ception of America and is particularly Morton Downey, Jr., but of reason, honA perfect example of Limbaugh's enjoyable for conservatives who have esty, confidence, and humor. The selfconfrontational approach is his view of just lived through over a year of liberdescribed "harmless, lovable little the Hollywood Left: "This insertion of ally-biased presidential campaign covfuzzball" knows he's right, and so do his actors, America's royalty, into politics is erage. readers. "It's a beautiful thing," he brags. dangerous. These people are attacking To say that only these particular exJudging by the popularity of The Way the system that helped them achieve sucamples go against the grain of convenThings Ought to Be, it certainly is. cess. Yet, they are dissatisfied with themtional wisdom would be unfair. The enselves and feel guilty about their success. tire book does that. Rush properly points Jay D. McNeill is a junior in business Many of them feel they don't really deout that Boris Yeltsin, not avowed comadministration and a contributing ediserve all those riches, so they transfer munist Mikhail Gorbachev, is deserving tor of the Review. The f{)' stands for their guilt by indicting American instituof the praise of the American people; that VOamn Democrats." tions and America itself." the environmental movement is the new One frequent topic of discussion in The Way Things Ought to Be is Ronald Reagan's presidency. In fact, two separate chapters are devoted to the Gipper. In perhaps the most poignant section of the entire book, Rush speaks out on his hero: in, and have been spouting for decades. Virtually every important cornerstone of liberalism was shown for what it is: wrong. The lasf thing liberals want is for you to understand this. Remember, their power derives from your ignorance and whatever degree of dependence they can lock you into. Of all things, Reagan I..

Ronald Reagan is hated and despised. Strong words, I know, but I mean them. Hated because he demonstrated the folly of liberalism. He is the conspicuous symbol of its demise ... Reagan's presidency, coupled with the longest sustained economic boom in modem history, invalidated almost everything liberals stand for, believe

.. '.

Speak your mind. Tell us you love us. Tell us we're a bunch of hateful right-wingers. Bash a liberal. Bash a conservative. Bash Bill Clinton. Suggest an idea. Bemoan an opinion. Debate an issue. Enlighten us. Inform us. Complain about campus politics. Make us laugh. Make us cry. Dial in. Sign on. Hang out. MREV:FORUM.

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anuary 20, 1993

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Book Review \it"

Pickin9Up t~e Pieces rhe Conservative Crack-Up t Emmett Tyrrell ,Imon & Schuster

iardcover, 319 pages .23.00 )'f

Adam Garagiola

Since last November's election, the )opular press has been swooning at the eet of former Arkansas Governor Bill ::linton, ecstatically proclaiming the so:alled mandate he garnered at the polls, md making dire prognostications about :he future of the Republican party. Such :ompulsive liberal gloa,ting is, at best, )nly a half-accurate assessment of \Jovember's returns. The fact that more people voted against Clinton than for !lim, making him the first president in recent memory to be voted in by a mere plurality, is indicative of the chimerical quality of his "mandate." "Anybody but Bush" is a far more accurate characterization of popular will as expressed at the polls last autumn. George Bush's mishandling of everything :rom the economy ("no new taxes") to iraq, where Saddam Hussein still has a lecent job, convinced voters that he was Inept, his policies moribund. Worse still was the incompetence ::iisplayed by Bush's campaign, which in the face of a wet-behind-the-ears, small state governor's call for "change" and an eccentric millionaire's talk of "cleaning out the bam" forfeited the initiative, allowing the presiqent's opponents to vilify the "Reagan-Bush era" as twelve years of callousness and incompetence. But, if truth be told, the conception of the two Republican administrations as the seamless advancement of a conservative political agenda is a fiction manufactured by the liberal imagination. Bush's dysfunctional administration was both a symptom and a product of the conservative movement',s loss of political cohesion, a phenomenon which R. Emmett Tyrrell chronicles in his most recent book, Tlte Conservative Crack-Up. Tyrrell, founder and editor-in-chief of The American Spectator, has been an important figure in conservative circles for over three decades. As such, he possesses an intimate knowledge of the political dynamic which put Ronald Reagan into office in 1980 and thereby vaulted conservatives into positions of prominence. At the same time, his status as an observer and commentator allows him to make an honest evaluation of the "errors of omission" which dissipated the momentum of the conservative counter-revolution.

Composed of equal parts historical narrative, political analysis and personal anecdote, Crack-Up tri,lces the history of modem American conservatism from its post-WWII beginnings to the height of its success during the Reagan years and thence to its present state of disarray. While liberals find it useful to characterize the conservative movement as a monstrous leviatha.o unified in

The three groups, - libertarians, traditionalists; and anti-comm-qnists -' which would eventually coalesce into "the conser-: vative movement," were each motivated by' their. own particular concerns ... vehement opposition to the noble goals of left-wing progressivism, a very different picture emerges from Tyrrell's engaging account of the movement's origins. The three groups -libertarians, traditionalists, and anti-communists which would eventually coalesce into "the conservative movement," were each motivated by their own particular concerns and held very disparate views about how best to address them. Tyrrell's lively narration of the internecine strife and sectarian sniping in which the three groups engaged, even as political necessity drew them together in opposition to the excesses of the left, reads like a foreshadowing of the crackup to come. Although united in principle "by the insight that Liberalism was drifting away from its historic concern for personal liberty, individual responsibility and an internationalist role for the United States," Tyrrell finds the conservative establishment in its formative years reminiscent of "the Austro-Hungarian Empire in its final agonies" - a "boil of querulousness." This factious coalition held together, however, and even flourished, as the creeping statism of New Deal Uberalism gave way to the tyranny of the New Left's collectivist vision of society. In Tyrrell'S analysis, it was the Left's move toward extremism, and the extremists' insistence on doctrinal conformity, which propelled the growth of the conservative counter-culture as the more moderate and reasonable members of the liberal fold defected; it was from the ranks of

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these individuals that the neopropelled the longest sustained perioa 01 conservatives, who would play a economic growth in postwar history. Significant role in the Reagan The conservatives' uncongeniality administration, eventually emerged. regarding politiCS has had serious By the end of the 1970s, the consequences. While conservative policy conservatives' critiques were gaining accomplished much, conservative acceptance while the malaise of liberal politicking was practically nonexistent, statism became increaSingly apparent. and as the coterie of committed Ronald Reagan wasvoted into office on conservatives who came to Washington with Reagan went their separate ways, a plat(orm of solidly conservative ideas regarding the.govemment's handling they were replaced by hacks with more of the economy, national defense, and ambition than intellect. Joreign "policy. While conservatives By the time George Bush was elected ~ atfu,~yed great success, however, they in 1988, the influence of the conservatives , f~i~eq in one major aspect: assuring in Washington had dwindled, ,largely .th~tftheirmoment in history would be because of their distaste for coalition rt\Orethan just that, a moment. building and a lack of imagination which liThe conservahves," Tyrrell prevented them from recognizing a writes,Jlfailed to forge a commonality unifying theme behind their individual of interestsarnong the single-issue prerogatives. Tyrrell sees in these gtbitps they embraced." From his characteristics the root of the account 'of the movement after conservatives' failure 1.0 create a lasting Reagan's tlscendency, one gets the presence in Washington. impression that conservative activists, Bush, like most of his subordinates, finding that they now had friends was conservative when it was convenient, instead of foes in Washington, basically being more interested in expediency than packed up and went home. pringple. In the eyes of the media, this The pr9b\em, as Tyrrell sees it, lies in -lack of principle made him more the temperament of the typical "moderate"; it did not, however, make conservative. Unlike the liberal, whom his denouncement by the Kultursmog any Tyrrell characterizes as an essentially less shrill. As to whether his vision of a "kinder, gentler America" (the phase political animal, the conservative is not moved to political action by his relish for itself is a tacit embracement of the liberal politics. Rather, the conservative is caricature of Reagan as mean-spirited) motivated by a preservationist instinct benefitted the nation as much as Reagan's which impels him to combat the Left's principled defense of free markets and zeal for abusing the power of the state. limited government, the reader may If conservatives are roused to action judge that for himself. only by threats to domestic tranquility, Tyrrell's history of the conservative there seems little crack-up in the late chance that a lasting 1980s provides a • • • sobering lesson for conservative culture the conservatives of will develop within the government. the 1990s. The Tyrrell's examination •••• effectiveness of a political movement of the conservati.ves' failure to create a • rt t in disseminating and "two-party media" tS popularizing its ideas suggests that, to some is atleast as important extent, they have ' . as the efficacy of the themselves to blame ideas themselves. for not nurturing the Without institutions institutions needed to popularize in place to train the next generation of conservative ideas. conservative leaders and ensure the Such institutions are necessary to continuance of its political culture, combat the prejudices and distortions of conservatism will be forever relegated to the Kultursmog, as Tyrrell terms the the realm of reactionary politiCS, its nation's collection of left-leaning adherents aroused to action only when journalists and intelligentsia. The effects they find that liberalism has taken yet of the Kultursmog explain why the media another intolerable tum for the worse. and fellow travelling academics could Adam Garagiola is a senior in creative assert that Reagan was the enemy of the writing and comparative literature and poor and an emissary of misery even as literary editor of the Review. his policies defeated inflation and

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The effectiveness of a poltttcal movement tn disseminating and populanztng tts tdeas tit . a eas as tmpo an as the efficacy of the Ideas themselves.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

MLK Remembered

January 20, 1993

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Continued from Page 1 been a most illuminating event. Tea.c:hing Hate

ism, and imploring students to do only extends one person's ignorance to others. 4) All white folks are white supremacists" and J/(you are} a white supremacist." The first quote is probably even more laden with racism than quote number three, and the second, which was addressed to me specifically, is amazing coming from a man 1'd never met before. 5) ''There is no difference between a white supremacist and a white who ben~ efits from white supremacy." Huh? How does onehenefit from white supremacy? Is one who benefits from Congressional Park -a U.S. Congressman? If so, I want my vote and salary. Several other things which Dawsey said could be quoted and discussed, such as "white racism is redundant," "there is no such thing as black racism/, and, in a di$C\lssion about profanity and the black female, "white folks, this is not your conversation to dip in/' but thefive above examples are probably enough. They at least allow any rational individual to conclude that Darrel Dawsey is a racist whose message should not be presented to high school students in the absence of any opposing views. Without a doubt, the students in attendance loved, the speech. They cheered loudly, not recognizing that, were the terms "white" and "black" reversed, the speaker would likely have been forced off campus and derided as a racist. The qu~on-and-answer segment was spirited and varied, but far more often than not, the conclusion reached by the panelists was that black problems are all Jlwhite people's fault." Perhaps the reason that this was a children's panel is that it was suited for children. If the defeat of racism is to be brought about by discussion and debate, and the U-M wants to defeat racism, then holding this Sort of panel seems awfully silly. That it was done (purportedly) to honor Dr. King only makes it - more of a farce. II

by MattWllk

White supremacy is the cause of all problems. AU white people are racists. Black people cannot be racists. No blacks have power, not even Spike Lee. Sound stupid? Only in the politically correct world of the University of Michigan IS the inane presented as true. These ideas were articulated in a seminar for Detroit high school students by panelist Darrel Dawsey, a columnist for the Detroit: News. Joan Martin, a writer for the Village Voice, was also present at the seminar, but she failed to rally around the race flag nearly as much as Dawsey. In a seeming llK)Ckery of the man and his message, this seminar was presented On Martin Luther King, Jr:s birthday. Throughout the seminar, Dawsey's comments focused· on racism and white supremacy and how these allegedly everpresent ideologies have destroyed and disabled the black race. Dawsey had some positive ideas, postulating, for example, that black people should help themselves. But most of his opinions were at best poorly thought-out, and at worst, racist. Although Dawsey possesses a long history of spouting what could be construed as racist comments in his Detroit News column called "Buckwhylin,'" five quotes from the seminar should do a sufficient job of establishing the foolish· ness of his arguments. 1) "White folks control all (blacks'1 resources."- This claim is empirically absurd, especially in light of the success of King's struggle. To say that blacks have no power is to overlook, indeed to demean, the struggles of people like Martin Luther King. To say it.on his birthday is a direct affront to all of his achievements. 2) U[Life) is all about racism, white supremacy." Anyone who thinks that there is nothing. more to life than being trapped in a perpetual mental struggle between blacks and whites ought to spend more time thinking about what life really means. Were Dawsey'/> daim truly the case, one would hardly expect to see him - an outspoken Afrocentri5t - able to preach it before a fairly large audience at a public university wh~ the majority of students are white. 3) lI(Black students} should question their relationships with white people." This statement is about ~ racist as they . The implication that white/black relationships, in and of themselves, might bear sinister roots, and that blacks should consider ending them as suclds bad enough. Lumping all white people togethet: fits the textbook definition of rac·

American Diversity \

by James Roberts "Wha~ is American? What is culture? What is American culture?" These we~the fundamental question posed by Stephen Sumida, an Associate Professor in the Uruversity of Michigan's DepartmEmt of English, in a panel discussion sponsored by the Department of American Culture on the morning of Martin Luther King,Jr. Day. The symposium, entitled "Multiculturalism and American Stud· ies," also featured U-M Associate Professor of History and Women's Studies

Carol Karlsen, as well as Michelle Johnson, a graduate student in the Program in American Culture. As suggested by its title, the discussion focused mainly, on the concept of "multiculturalism" in American culture and how the American Culture curriculum can be changed to increase recognition of diversity. Sumida, the first speaker to address the audience of about 30 people, identified American Studi~ as a means of defining and questiorung the characteristics of American culture. These characteristics change as society ch'mges, so that the "national boundaries" and what is considered American" change over time as well. ,He emphasized that the· "boundaries of what is considered American have been stretched, stressed, and tested repeatedly and continuously since before themid-1700s:, when European colonists first called themselves Americans." The example of manifest destiny, which was considered. an American ideal in the late 17005 and early 1800s but might possibly be shunned as imperial. ism in today's society, further illustrated Sumida's point. Given' the diverse compositioo,. of C1Ilr~ nation, multiculturalism, Sumida suggested, may be a sufficient definition of what is considered" American" today. Unfortunately, wheneverthe concept of multiculturalism is introduced, the notion of political correctness arises. Sumida, however, insisted that this topic can be studied in "ways that are insulated from political correctness." Johnson commenced her address by stating that the structure of American society is built upon certain theoretical assumptions. The first is the assumption that American culture is America's cultures."As opposed to one nation, she referred to America as the combined North and South American continents. AmericaoC\llture, therefore, is simply the aggregate of all the different cultures that inhabit this hemisphere of the world. Such an assumption seemed to neglect and.even dispute the uniqueness of the United States. She then presented other assumptions, among them the notion that American culture is rooted in the struggles of people of color." Although. she did not elaborate any further on this point, Johnson appeared to imply that because American culture is simply a collection of multiple cultures, it would only fully develop once all cultures were represented and none were repressed. She then went on to stress the importance of language in defining IIAmerica's cui· tures," and suggesteq that all students learn a foreign language in an effort to "feel multiculturalism." JI

Finally, Johnson stated. that all people "reflect the kind of historic and present situation both in the formation of America's cultures and in the historic formation of black studies and other people of color." On this point, she stressed the importance of both the ancestry and experiences of an individual. The individual's past is the "key to the development of American culture," for it adds to its diversity, enriching it. The last person to speak was Karlsen, who focused her presentation by clarifying what multiculturalism is not. A multicultural' society, she stated, is not a "melting pot." If society were to become homogeneous in its culture, "powerful institutions" such as education and the media would "socialize people to some white middle class norm." Secondly, multiculturalism is not simply diversity. A society or curriculum does not become multicultural by including more women and minorities; an alteration.of the way in which people view diversity is required. Society is not conducive to multiculturalism, and while the U-M may maintain a multicultural atmosphere its detachment from society hinders its ability to impart multicultarlism to society at large. Instead, society must be united, asserted Karlsen; people must" connect the Detroits and the Ann Arbors." "Multiculturalism and American Studies" did provide some amount of insight into what actually constitutes a multicultural society. Yet the entire discussion seemed to hinge upon one giant and misguided assumption: America truly is a multicultural society, a society that lacks any type of unifying common culture. The characteristics and principles that make our nation unlike any other in existence, the elements that truly comprise American culture - freedom and liberty, limited government, individualism, self-improvement· through hard work and dedication, devotion to family, love of country, our Judeo-Christian heritage - were not even mentioned, let alone discussed in any detail. The conspicuous absence of these characteristics and principles did not necessarily mean that they were being refuted; nevertheless, they were greatly downplayed. When discussing American society, the importance of these unifying characteristics cannot be stressed enough, f.or they are the principles upon which our nation was founded; they are what unifies us as one people under one distinct cultur~ and they are the reason why we have the privilege to call ourselves Americans.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

January 20, 1993

Muslim Mumbo-Jumbo

'Jy Doug Thiese Speaking on the subject of "1 %3 to 1993: The Organization and Extension of I\frican-Centered Revolutionary Nationllism," New Afrikan Peoples Organiza:ion President Chokwe Lumumba began l1is presentation Monday with "warm lOd revolutionary greetings" since "there's no place [that has] ever existed that needed a revolution" more than the "cold blooded ... American Empire." Lumumba extended "warm greetings" from "brothers ... in prison" who are "freedom fighters fighting against a crimnal government and a system." Lumumba emphasized that "revolutionary commitment and involvement and seriousness" required a certain kind of studying: "If you are studying something which teaches you not to act, then you are studying the wrong thing." Lumumba's s~am of consciousness oration soon lead him to explain that while "legal apartheid" no longer exists ;n the U.S., blacks are "still oppressed as Hell" since blacks are "less than two paychecks away from homelessness" while "being beat to death on the streets." He also revealed, without need of evi-

Letters Continued Continued from page 5 and especially to our students of color, the library'S commitment to diversity. We are extremely proud of our strong tradition of diversity at the University Library. Walk in our doors and you will see a staff that reflects society. With more than 20% people of color on our staff, we are well poised to serve our campus community. We are also proud of Olir fine collections and services. Even with ever-increasing costs to purchase materials for the collection, we have maintained a world-class collection which reflects the diverse research and study interests of our faculty and students. This means tnat sometimes we allocate special funds to fill gaps in resources relating to particular cultures and areas. As curriculum and research needs shift, our collection needs will change over time. In serving our users, libraries must make special efforts to respond to those whose culture is not the "traditional" one in our society. The publication, distribution, and organization of information has been very monocultural. It should not be surprising that the University Library would, along with its other specialties, illso employ staff who are particularly able to assist students of color with their educational requirements and researchers with their focus on

dence, that Ronald Reagan told the South Africans that they in effect" didn't have to treat niggers like that" with apartheid since it was a "sloppy way of doing business." He added that Reagan told South African leaders that Americans are "experts at ... control[ling] niggers another way." In short, blacks "don't have to have apartheid to be oppressed." Blacks, therefore, "cannot win if [they] only fight apartheid and don't fight those who created apartheid." Lumumba next began the comedic portion of his monologue with this quip: You know how crackers are, right? They're white, right? They don't have much taste, right? They're just kind of blank, right? Ideologically empty, right? And so what they do is that they add a touch of salt on to the cracker. He urged the development and perpetuation of a "legacy of ... revolutionary nationalism." First, blacks must recognize who they are. Instead of being "confused" as to whether to be African or American, blacks must understand that "an African is the affirmation of yourself; the American is the negation of yourself." 50 much for assimilationism. So ' ltu al Th P Inf ' mu lti cu · r Pareas. e deer ormation th 'D' 'ty C ounse Img rogram an elr 'b' t I Iversl f thO IS LI ran an are wo examp es 0 't tt . comnu men oserVlce. . hich ti I h ope for a fut ure m w our en re . ., enVIronment IS multicultural and responsive to all faculty, staff, and ' s t u d en t s, no ma tt er w h a t th elf background. This campus has committed itself to increasing representation of faculty, staff, and student:;, no matter what their background. This campus has committed itself to increasing representation of faculty, staff, and students from a wide range of cultures. The resources and services of the University need to reflect this broad commitment. The University Library has taken steps to ensure that its resources and services will reflect the increasingly multicultural nature of our campus. We have received campus and national recognition for our accomplishments, but we know there is more to do. Our strategic plan for the next three years reflects our continuing commitment to these goals.

Donald E. Riggs Dean, University Library

Consistent Criticism To the Editor: I am a very big fan of the Review. usually can't wait for the newest issue to come out, and have been very glad at how many you have put out this year. Forrest Green's article was a joke. You

much for a noble Dream. In view of Martin Luther King, Jr. Day's supposed focus on Unity, one could very well find a distinct dissonance between the day's intent and Chokwe Lumumba's presentation. Censorship. Again. by Adam DeVore To anyone familiar with Plato's Oito, Phmlo and Apolcgy and the story ci Socrates' execution around which they revolve, it must come as ironic to hear a contemporary philosopher defend the punishment of those who engage in unpopular or offensive expression But in a Martin Luther King, Jr. Day presentation sponsored by the Department ciPhilC60phy entitled "Why Punish Demeaning Expression," Georgetown University Associate Professor of Law Anita Allen did precisely that. Curiously, Allen's disquisition, which might have been more appropriately titled "How Not to Argue Against Censorship," only treated the positive case for punishing "hate speech" as an afterthought It instead concentrated on debunking various arguments against censorship, only a few ci which are compelling in the first place. Allen began by desaibing an incident at George Mason University (GMU) which

peared on stage as a black woman. His costume, Allen said, from his wig with hair curlers to his black make-up to the pillow stuffed in his britches to enlarge his posterior, offended numerous members of the audience. A GMU dean, after entertaining students' complaints, punished the fraternity by restricting its social privileges for two years. Incensed by this treatment, the fraternity successfully sued GMU on the grounds that the Constitution prohibits state school., from punishing non-violent, albeit offensive, speech. Having presented this anecdote, Allen attacked, from a philosophical perspective, ~veral arguments against punishing expressioo. Due to irnpatant but ~ttled ambiguities in Constitutional law and the consideratioo that "many philosophers deny a prima fade need to obey the law" in every instance, Allen first seemed to coodude that GMU was not necessarily ethically boond to act legally. A law "may simply be bad law," she explained, citing Dr. King's flouting of Alabama and Gecrgia laws as relevant examples. Although correct in accepting the pre~ emIxx:lied in her examples that individuals may not be ethically bound to obey the law, her extension of this ethical view to encompass public institutions is dubious. Allen never distinguished the morality by which individuals are bound from the ethical

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served as a touchstone throughout her dis<PR8iderations which constrain public bod. In the spnng . 0 f 1991 a GMU fra ter-' ' .les, ye t 1't'IS far fr om 0 b' CUSSlon. VlOUS that th ey are ' t y ' ed , . t h ld ch . . al t Ind~~..l· _1 I ·tiru recelv pernusslOn 0 0 a anty eqwv en t.'\:.'U,gIven that theuuy est .,. . . benefit m a Uruverstty cafetena The contenmate source ci governmental power denves tious focus of this Philanthrop·· from the consentofthe govem~ ~thedistin·clC exerase was ock bea ty t . hich __ 1.._ of ti' 't' rtant am u pagean m w Ult'lIUJl::Th on appears gut e nnpo . the fraternity donned sundry costumes; the Acaxding to Allen,. students in theGMU ''blaekface".ma'd ent mam . tam . ed th a t th ey p robl emarosewh enonewhite brotherapare far from being white supremacists. I must, however, point something out in Erik Berg's article from the January 13 issue. I am generally neither a fan of Spike Lee nor his opinions, but his vow to keep his money in the black community does not bother me so much. Many ethnic groups who came to this country, such as Italians, Jews and Poles, kept their money in their own communities, and this helped each group to rise fairly quickly. Today, many new Asian immigrants do the same, shopping from-merchants of their own ethnicity, and hiring members of their own ethnic group to run the grocery store, much as an Italian might have hired his own to run a pizza store. Granted, members of ethnic groups tended to cluster together in certain neighborhoods, so this practice was fairly easy. However, in many cases, these were conscious decisions, and these ethnic groups, or rather individuals in

these groups would sooner have bought a watch from a merchant of their own group than a competing merchant without even pricing the market. Part of the reason is the feeling of comfort that you get in dealing with your own ethnic group. As well, nobody criticizes Asians for doing exactly what Europeans did a few generations ago, before they became successful, and were able to leave their neighborhoods and integrate into society. Therefore, while I know that in a sense Spike Lee's comments could be seen as racist and as haVing the same line of reasoning as affirmative action;'You would have to condemn Asians and the practices of many European groups if you also condemn Spike Lee, it seems to me.

Daniel A. Zaretsky LSA Senior

Letters to the Editor can be sent to 911 North University Avenue, Suite One, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1265 or via e-mail to·TheMichiganReview.·@UM.CC.UMICH.EDU. Authors should include a phone number where they may be reached.

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January 20, 1993

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Music

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Flowerhead Explodes with .. .ka-Bloom by Drew Peters

"Once we get rolling on tour we can smoke anybody, and I don't give a shit who it i5," says Pete Levine, drummer for the Austin-based band Flowerhead. .. .ka-Bloom, their debut release, has the extreme power it needs to match their claim. The sound that Levine describes as "dueling guitars with a low-voiced singer" is original, but not revolutionary. Guitarist/vocalist Eric Faust's voice is slightly reminiscient of that of Smashing Pumpkin Billy Corgan - low, with slightly unintelligible vocals - yet the album's musical variety saves Flowerhead from damnation. As Levine explains, ''The songs are really a mish-:mash of music. We go from psychedelic to traditional pop and 'Sunflower' is kind of a 60s boogie. Eric's voice ties it all together, though. It's very powerful." Variety makes ... ka--Bloom an album that many will find appealing.,A steady groove of riffs that neither astound nor

MLK ' CQTltinued from Page 11 had received advance permission for holding the event What such an argument ignores, she rorrectIy noted, is that pernUg>ion in principle for an event does not imply pernUg>ion for whatever activities might ultimately transpire during the actual event A more persuasive defense of the student's action might be based on "good faith ignorance," but that line of reasoning fails too, said Allen. Even if the offensive action were undertaken without the knowledge that it would <ifend, she argued, it may still be justifiable to punish the offenders for being "culturally ignorant" Just as a parent may punish a child for misbehaving out of ignorance, so too may a university punish students for ignorance, and thereby teach them not to repeat objectionable behavior. The questionable merit of Allen's analogy aside, it remains unclear that it is a universi tVs proper duty to administer punishment or ~ve re-t'ducation. One might think it incumbent on other, less rophomoric students to administer social pressure or to combat obnoxious expression with lucidity. Allen is plainly no civil libertarian, but her eulogy for the pedagogical value of the "gentle" hand of carefully measured coercion" forces one to wonder whether she has confused in loco parentis with in loco tyranni. Allen resumed p1atiSble argumentation when respooding to two dearly horrid arguments, the first of whim seeks to pardon the GMU offender by pcrnting oot that the charity function raised $1,500; Allen questioned the commensurability Qr compensatory If

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bore the listener, and a refreshing musical mix will keep Flowerhead away from L • the herd of onehit wonders. But Levine relates that the next album may not be quite as eclectic. "I am just one of four . people in this band, but I would like to see a little less of the wandering from pop to psychedelic to Soundgarden Lite to thrashcore. I want to find a sound that solidifies the whole album and makes one statement as opposed to a vari-

ety. I think ... ka-Bloom is good for our first albuIT\ but I wonder if we could do better." Flowerhead has released a single, song "Snagglepuss," which, strangely enough, is the band's least favorite song.

power of charity and emotional harm. She next debunked a truly silly defense of the GMU student which was premised on little more than toomy-feely psycho-babble. According to the defense, people must be allowed to express themselves freely in order to "act out" repressed or subconscious anxieties: Thus, the student's action would be justified by his need to work through his fe€tings about racial matters. It is as difficult to comprehend such an argument as to take it seriously: Allen correctly observed that one does not take such reasOning to justify parental non--intervention when a child throws a temper tantrum in a shopping mall. One might reply by construing the student's"acting out" behavior as a form of artistic expression and thereby claim that it requires enonnous protection, but this would not persuade Allen. Here she implicitly touches on the important realization that labeling something" Art" does not make it art, but her actual claim is distinct and its implications graver. Artistic expression, according to Allen, is not by definition immune from censorial criticism. She seemed to find inherently subjective evaluations of art not only unproblematical but actually accommodating, for she readily acknowledged the centrality of individual perception to the determination of what counts as degrading and offensive. Allen at last turned to the "most commoo and generalizable objection" to punishing demeaning expression: the claim that censorship is unprincipled and establishes dangerous precedents. Her reply to this defense, while rhetorically moving, was never-

theless unconvincing. In a practical sense, she suggested that universities handle offenSive . incidents on a case-by-case basis, just as the Supreme Court interprets the Constitution. What is implicit in her recommendation, but was not made explicit until she respooded to a question from the audience, is that she supp<a'S universities to be better judges than the courts themselves for determining what sorts of expression should be curtailed on campus. Being "a student imposes special obligations of civility," she maintained, for univerEilties are dosed communitiet with "special goals" where the "educational impact" of pernicious expression requires added attention. Given her argument, then, university administrators - tho:;e who allegedly know best - should be allowed "to carve out a smaJl exception to free speech on campus." What Allen fails to grasp is that even if administrators know students and their campuses better than the courls, such knowledge does not necessarily make them better of fairer arbiters of which modes of expression ought to be restricted on campus. Being a good judge of such matters requires more than an understanding of the collegiate milieu, and administrators' emotional and p<r litical proximity to their campuses may actually bias their judgment in ways which might not impair a disinterested court. Given Allen's emphasis on judging ~ as they arise and not necessarily by some explicit pre-existing standard of obscenity oc objectionability, it is easy to see how her Best of All Possible Worlds would be a chilly one for robustly dissenting discourse and unpopular or controversial artistic expression .

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was the most poppy song," explains Levine, "and certainly the poppiest that Flowe rh e a d ever gets. Of course we like it, we wouldn't have written it if we didn't, but it captures one moment and that's it, noth~g..~

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more." The band ~embers seem to prefer their psychedelic groove the most, for that is the most prevalent vi be on the album. But Levine, speaking for himself, says that his favorite bands show a different influence. "I am a big fan of a band called Moving Targets from Boston," states Levine, "but I don't know if they have broken up or what. The new Helmet album has totally captured me. We saw them at the Cult Music Jam convention and their drummer is so diSCiplined. Actually the album has changed my life a little bit, but the rest of Flowerhead hates them." Presently, Flowerhead is on its first major tour with Ned's Atomic Dustbin and The Supreme Love Gods. The tour passes through St. Andrew's Hall in Detroit on Tuesday, January 26. Drew Peters is a freshman in LSA and a staff writer for the Review.

When Allen finally provided her rationale for why demeaning expression ought to be punished, she had woefully little new to say. Her contention that a comfortable learning environment must be maintained for all students in the face of endemic callousness but apparently at almost any cost to liberty is as familiar as it is specious, as dangerous as it is totalistic. Indeed, her failure to address seriously some of the most powerful objections to such reasrning - e. g., that the chilling effect of speech regulation brings more evil than good; that it teaches students to complain to sympathetic administrators rather than act as responsible, self-reliant members of their communities; that it impedes everyone's ability to identify bigots (i.e., tho:;e most in need of moral suasion); and that it drives hatred underground, where it can seethe, smolder, and suddenly erupt violently and unpredictably - was itself telling. So while Allen succeeded in criticizing several wrongheaded defenses of free expression, she neither tackled several significant justifications for such liberty nor provided a compelling and complete case for its restriction.

Joe Coletti is a senior in Asian studies, Adam DeVore is a senior in philosophy and Spanish, James Robert~ is a freshman in LSA, Doug Thiese is a senior in political science , Stacey L. Walker is a senior in communication, and Matt Wilk is a senior in political science.