vol_11_no_4

New SAPAC Director Defends Qualifications

by Tony Ghecea The hiring of Debra Cain as the new director of the University of Michigan's Sexual Assault Prevention and Awareness Center (SAP AC) has sparked considerable controversy on campus during the past few weeks. Concerns about Cain's qualifications as well as her ability to function as a leader in the University community have prompted the publication of a number of critical articles and an editorial in the Michigan Daily, as well as the drafting of a resolution by the Michigan Student Assembly (MSA) expressing the Assembly's intent to investigate the criticisms made of Cain' and the process by which she was selected.

While MSA Rackham representative Colin Leach (who was unavailable for comment) has been the source of much of

the criticism directed at Cain, the 27-3 margin by which MSA passed the resolution concerning Cain indicates that questions about her appointment are fairly widespread. Add to this the fact that little about the matter has actually been heard from Cain herself, and one sees how cloudy the issue has become.

The initial criticism of Cain came in a September 10,1992, article in the Daily.

According to Leach, "[Cain] has crisis intervention experience, but she is certainly not a counselor." Insofar as SAP AC performs the service of counseling victims of sexual as~tt, such a charge, were it actually trUe, would indicate that . Cain will be either in~able of or at least handicapped in dealing with SAP AC' s counseling recipients.

Cain, who for the past 15 years has

CMU Keeps Chippewa Name

by Karen S. Brinkman Central Michigan University (CMU) trustees recently voted unanimously to retain the school'sso.:-year-old Chippewa nickname.

The September 18 vote followed a recommendation by CMU President Leonard Plachta to retain the nickname.

Quoting members of a committee formed to study the issue, he said, "There is nothing inherently racist or demeaning in using the name of an ethnic group as the nickname for a university - or for a river or a city." .

How 'Chippewa' is used in connection with lCMU] is the issue here, not the very fact that the word is used at all," Plachta continued. Although the members of the committee whom he quoted favored retaining the name, the majority favored eliminating its use.

Just prior to his recommendation, however, elders of the Saginaw Chippewa Tribe expressed their preference for the continued use of the name, according to Chippewa Chief Ron Falcon.

The controversy over the Chippewa name at CMU is part of a statewide reevaluation of the use of Native American names and symbols which began several years ago. In 1988, the Michigan Civil Rights Commission issued a report on the use of Native ~.e!i~~ !'.i~~<l!!'~Sl .

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logos and mascots by universities and high schools.

At the time of the report, nearly 130 schools, colleges and universities were using Native American nicknames or logos. Since then, only Eastern Michigan University (EMU) has completely eliminated the use of such names and symbols, according to Jacquie Brock of EMU Huron Restoration, Inc., a group working to re-instate the school's former nickname.

The report, Brock says, was internally inconsistent: one part of the report called for an evaluation of logos to ensure their historical accuracy, while another part of the report called for discontinued use of the names and logos altogether.

"We look at what happened at CMU as a moral victory, a well-thought out, prudent decision," Brock said.

The vote by CMU's trustees was the final stage in a series of events following the release of the report. A month after the report was issued, then-CMU President Edward Jakubauskas appOinted a committee including representatives of the CMU community "and the Saginaw Chippewa Tribe to study the issue.

In March 1989, the committee unanimously recommended improvements in

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anyway." Cain noted that she is "not averse to looking at moving to the Ann Arbor community. But that [Leach's criticism] is a valid concern, and I think it's one we can work around. And obviously the people who hired me felt that we could work around that."

Leach also maingro~nd. tained that Cain lacks ''The heads of both experience working .our sexual assault and both with students domestic violence .. counseling programs '!lld with people of different ethnic back[at HAVEN]," Cain grounds: "As a stuexplained, "were masters-Ievel counselors "" dent, I wanted someby profession, and SAPAC DireGtvr Debra Cain one who [sic] students they supervIsed ail the counselors under would find approachable. SAP AC memthem. I supervised those two people, and bers and staff expressed discomfort with I was very involved with them in actuhow [Cain] related to them," he told the Daily. ally setting up the counseling programs, in supervising and doing group counselWhile Cain could cite no personal ing with them. Before HAVEN became incidents of friction between herself and so big, I actually did work in counseling other people on staff, she was able to services myself. So I feel I've had a subcomment at length on Leach's accusastantial background in counseling." hons about the sort of people with wh0m Leach also criticized Cain's likely inshe could realistically work. "HAVEN ability to respond to on-campus crises. had a number of student interns and student volunteers, so working with stu''The center [SAP AC] is open from 9 to 5 weekdays. But at night and on the weekdents in various capacities was not unends, the director as well as the counselknown to me. I have even supervised ors wear a beeper in case of an emerstudent interns myself," she recalled. gency. Debra Cain lives 45 minutes away "One of the things that was exciting to in West Bloomfield and has no immedime about the job [as SAPAC's director] ate plans to move to this area," Leach Please See Page 10 argued.

Cain's analysis of matters, however, is again very different. " At HAVEN we represented a whole county, so even with our first response team going to hospitals and such, often a worker lived 30 to 2 Serpen~s 45 minutes away from the hospital where the survivor would actually be." In short, the quality of service rendered to victims 3 was in no way diminished by a 45 minute response delay.

As for the matter of Ann Arbor residency, Cain continues, "I said in the interview and still feel that one of the things 6 that my family may do in a year is move to Ann Arbor." One reason for her delay in making a residency decision, Cain said, is her ll-year-old son, who is currently in sixth grade. "Next year would be a bettQr time for him to switch schools than this year, sinc~ l).~ wou14 have tq do that directed the activities of Help Against Violent Encounters Now (HAVEN) (Oakland County's version of SAPAC) begged to differ. "The comments about counseling were interesting to me," remarked Cain, "because it was quite the opposite. I come from a very strong counseling back-

INSIDE

Tooth U-M Science Buy American?

Interview: Charles Sykes Racial Politics Federalist Paper Music

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September 30, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW \;

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Serpent's Tooth Edmund Reggie, the father-in-law of Sen. Ted "Beer/Pork Barrel Polka" Kennedy, was recently convicted of defrauding a savings and loan of $3.9 million. Considering that 1) he gave his daughter permission to marry Ted Kennedy, 2) his daughter married Ted Kennedy, 3) he is indirectly related to Ted Kennedy, and 4) his name is Ed, which is one letter away from Ted, this comes as no surprise.

During Sundays speech in Wixom, MI, President Bush referred to his opponent as "Government Clinton." Honest mistake. We understand the slip.

Top Ten Politically Correct Sites at the U-M: 10) Diversity of Michigan (University of Michigan); 9) Secular Hall (Angell Hall); 8) Severe Appearance Deficit library (UgLi); 7) Vertically Challenged Land Structure Auditorium (Hill Auditorium); 6) East Quad (East Quad); 5) UM Basegonad Field (U-M Baseball Field) 4) White Male Power Structure (Power Center); 3) Rackslaughteredpig School

MICIDGAN REVIEW

of Graduate Maleperverties (Rackham School of Graduate Studies); 2) Deconstructed Literature, Feminist Science, & Postmodern Arts Building (literature, Science, & Arts Building); 1) South Gay Male Field (South Ferry Field).

Our comrades in the People's Republic of China now have 7-Eleven stores, in addition to McDonald's and Kentucky Fried Chicken. That's one Big Bite for communism, and one giant Big Gulp for capitalism!

While on the subject of blatantly biased media coverage of the election, we present this from the "I ta-Ait { taw a puddy tat" file. According to a recent article in t1.,.: Detroit News, "ABC's executive producer is former press secretary to George McGovern; CBS's political editor was a pollster for Mondale-Ferraro in 1984; NBC's Washington bureau chief is a former aid to Mario Cuomo; and CNN's president is a former top aide to Lyndon Johnson." I did! I did! I did tee a puddy tat!

In the September 14, 1992, issue of The N ati on, semi-socialist Alexander Cockburn had this to say about the abilities of Newsweek correspondent Joe Klein and New Yorker correspondent Sid Blumenthal to report objectively on the presidential campaign: "I suppose Klein -was irked ath~ving been identified in'" these pages as a Cljllton groupie, which is true enough. The only reason he has not entirely vanished up the Governor's backside is that Blumenthal is already occupying half the available space."

Bill Clinton recently stated that he has no plans to "soak the rich" because "[he] wouldn't mind being rich [him]self one d~." Poor William only made $35,UOO last year as the governor of Arkansas, while his wife pulled in a cool $223 grand, placing the Clintons in the top one percent of American households. With a net worth of $697,000, Bill and Hill rank in the top three percent of American families. Willie sure is slick; maybe if he thinks himself poor enough, he can avoid soak- ,., ing himself, too. .'

- - - - - Roving Photographer - - - - Should students have a final say, by vote, in the approval of a code of student rights and responsibilities?

by Mitch Rohde

The Campus Affairs Joumal

of the University of Michigan We are the Oppressors Oppressor-in-ChieÂŁ

Benevolent Fascist Karen S. Brinkman Vice Dictators

. Andrew Bockelman Tony Ghecea

Resident Imperialists

Joe Coletti JayD . McNeill Tracy Robinson Stacey L. Walker

Mighty Ring Leader Chief Authoritarian

Chris Peters Adam Garagiola

Assistant Despots

Ryan Boeskool Beth Martin Brian Schefke

Ruthless Monarch -Oepraved Autocrat Tyrannical Overlord

Shannon Pfent Doug Thiese Mitch Rohde

Capitalist Cronies

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Sheetal Patel, LSA freshman: Yes, because it is affecting the students. If students must abide by it, then they are the ones who should have the final say.

Random Oppressors

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David Harris, LSA freshman: I don't think so, because students would get carried away. Things would get a little out of hand.

Craig Polin, ISA sophomore: o,viously.

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Peter Daugavietis ChetZarko

Eddie Arner, Christopher Bair, Eric Berg, Michele Brogley, Christina Chiu, P.J. Danhoff, Dan DeMaggio, James E. Elek, Joe Epstein, Frank Grabowski, Nate Jamison, Ken Johnston, Eric Lepard, Aaron Lewicki, Mary the Cat, Michael McCarthy, Bud Mtmcher, Crusty Muncher, Tom Paska, Drew Peters, Renee Rudnicki, Paul Szpunar, Jen Shea, Ed Sloan, Andrea Tawil, TS Taylor, Perry Thompson, Corey Tobin, Jim Waldecker, Michelle Wietek, Matt Wilk, Tony Woodlief.

Elder Patriarchs

. ..~:;. J , J

Adam DeVore

Brian Jendryka John J. Miller

The Mi chigan RwilW is an independent, student-run journal at the University of Michigan. We neither solicit nor accept any donations from the University of Michigan. Contributions to the Michigan Review are tax-deductible under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. The Review is not affiliated with any political party.

Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the editorial board, Signed articles represent the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the Review. We welcome letters and articles and encourage comments about the journal and issues discussed in it.

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James Madison, Founding Father: An administrative failure to respect the will of the students would be a piteous negation of the very principles of limited gov, ernment and con~nt of the governed.

Candace Miles, Engineering sophomore: Definitely. I think the students have both a right and a responsibility to participate in decision making that governs Otlr actions on GlJllPus.

Tim Knoff, School of Education senior: Yes. There should be a vote, because I'm not sure that the UniverSity or the students know the majority opinion, or even whether there i~ a majority opinion.

TEL. (313)662-1909 FPC< (313)936-2505

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September 30, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Scientifically Speaking ...

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A Human-Hoisted Helicopter?

by Jamea Elek end Brian Schefke

develop a helicopter that would win the Every Wednesday at 8 p.m., a group Igor Sikorski Award offered by the of University of Michigan students meet American Helicopter Society. It is this to further their quest to make history. award, which has gone unclaimed for The members of the Human Powabout 12 years, that sets the standards which the helicopter must attain. The ered HelkopterTeam have taken on the challenge to design and build a humanaward itself, which includes a $20,000 powered helicopter. The team's goal is to check, would subsidize only a small fracdevelop a single-person craft that is cation of the materials and manpower expable of attaining a peak altitude of three pended on the project. meters.

The only university to even come close to Melissa Mercer, a , winning the award has fifth-year LSA senior and the team's project been California Polymanager, said that the ~ technic, whose machine ~.' '...".•..•• . ' ., , . flew for about seven secteam was convened to onds. Mercer believes build the craft "because it's something that that U-M can do better. hao;n't been done before "We have a very broad knowledge base, so we and when something hasn't been done before, can ... look at a design . ,,6fl<1 talk about its pros", somebody has to go do and cons without havit." ing-to go anywhere [for Honex' and prestige, Melissa Mercer information] to do it or however, are also at look anything else up. We have one [constake. The U-M's team is racing against fidential insight] that no one else to our other universities around the country to

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draWings of the helicopter's body. These knowledge does. This is the critical point, diagrams were made possible by an the thing that we think is going to make RS6000 Engineering Workstation worth us able to fly and them [unable to fly]." $1.25 million which IBM recently doThe team, formed one year and eight nated to the team. The design, which has months ago, has both a business and a recently been updated to include plans technical division. for the helicopter's drive train, is being The business division makes condeveloped one piece at a time. tacts with suppliers and solicits the funds "Only once in a lifetime does an opneeded to build the helicopter. Feeling portunity like this come up where you're that a final design is needed before the able to make history and have fun at the team can ask for funds, the business divisame time," said Mercer of her experision has only been raising interest in the ence on the team. helicopter endeavor; the feedback, howDav~<.i Zaret" the team's materials ever, has been positive thus far. The manager and' a junior in eng'ineering, team is attempting to build ties with comadded, "It's a lot more than just a design panies that deal in u1tra~light planes as project. You learn how to work with well as large corporations which often philanthropically sponsor independent \ people and you learn the bureaucracy of business." stientific research and development.

The technical division is currently working on the design stage of the heliJames Elek and Brian Schefke were last copter. Characterizing the team's seen jumping otf the Dennison Buildprogress to date, Mercer said that the ing while flapping their arms wildly, design process "is so iterative that we can't say whether we're 30 percent done or 80 percent done." Students attending ~..,......, last Friday's Festifall could see computet" "

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Put an end to clouded thinkingget the straight dope.

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September 30, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

4

From Suite One: Editorial

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Michigan Mandate Progress Report The University of Michigan recently released" A Four-Year Progress Report" on the Michigan Mandate, the administration's plan to achieve racial diversity throughout the student body and faculty. In his introductory letter, U-M President James Duderstadt states, "Success will demand great effort and a considerable investment of resources." Duderstadt gravely informs us, ''The fact is that we are trying to overcome one of the most persistent and damaging flaws of human character: the need to define oneself by rejecting others." Therefore the Mandate's objectives are to recruit nonwhite faculty, students and staff while "improving the environment for diversity."

But is the best way to overcome the "flaw" of personal definition (if we are to call it that) to define people according to race through preferential treatment of scarce, though much sought-after minority and senior women faculty? Does the creation and support of special programs for minority students really help others to learn not to define themselves by rejecting others?

The U-~'s many special minority programs place an unnecessary emphasis on the identity of minorities as "the other," and encourage everyone involved to conceive of our community as composed of many small groups rather than simply a larger number of individuals whose racial, cultural, sexual and other group memberships are of no importance. In short, special programs do not help us to judge people by the content of their character, butrather by their membership in a certain group.

The Mandate will supposedly result in a utopic multiracial campus community that is also multicultural. In 1990-91, the administration established "the Council for a Multicultural University to monitor progress of recruitment ~retention efforts in all academic and non-academic units." The University also/created an "Associate Dean for Multicultural Affairs to promote multiculturalism and un9-erstanding among students." (The administration is actively purging the term "minority" from its lexicon in favor of the term "multicultural.")

To reach its increased minority faculty goal, the U-M implemented the Target of Opportunity Program. According to the report, "the fact that the program's funds are reallocated from the base budget of the entire University makes it increasingly difficult for Schools and Colleges to continue 'business as usual: Departments that don't compete for this funding will lose out." This program is regarded as a "recruitment highlight" in the Mandate's update.

Another "recruitment highlight" is the 1/21st Century Program" in the Markley Residence Hall that seems to be another version of the Residential College, or at least one for an ethnically diverse crowd.with the additional requirement of out-of-class workshops. As one might expect, the description of this program in the progress report was extremely vague.

A curious pOint about the numbers used in the progress report is that the enrollment of minority students began climbing in 1984. The Mandate began in 1988, yet enrollment grew at the same constant rate. Furthermore, the percentage of black students did not reach the 1976 level again until 1990. The progress report proudly states that, "Twenty-five percent of the 1991 freshman class are students- of color"[emphasis addedL and then presents a breakdown of the numbers into Native American, Hispanic/Latino, and African American students. Oddly enough, although Asian Americans represent 46.8 percent of this figure, they are not included in these listings. When Asian students lost minority status is wholly unclear.

The Mandate's path to creating a diverse yet harmonious community at the University seems steep for all but the most radical administration-mongers. As Duderstadt explained, America's universities cannot sit by and wait for others to bring social change. On the contrary, we have an obligation to lead and to provide mo4els for others to follow." How nice - socially redeeming social engineering.

The very idea of a society that is both multiracial and multicultural may be selfdefeating, as well. As Oxford professor John Gray wrote in the Natiomll Review, "lA] ' Society that is multiracial is likely to enjoy civil peace only if it is not at the same time -radically multicultural." This prescription for a peaceful society, where multiple races need not (indeed, should not) imply multiple cultures is contradicted on campus by constant calls for group rights at the same time that many individuals across groups become more equal.

If

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When administrators stop chanting th~' Duder Sutra of diversity, perhaps they will realize that human relations cannot be Mandated. Then, instead of regulating students and faculty to "overcome ... persistent and damaging flaws of human nature," they might consider appealing to "the better angels of our nature."

"'~VE 00e: OF ~ eeroim~\TlCAL.\.."( CORt<6GT' IN-rne-

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September 30, 1992

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Campus Affairs

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How Patriotic Is "Buy American" Slogan?

"Buy American" is in fact un-American.

by Paul Szpunar must subordinate himself to the collecpremise of the ''Buy American" slogan as America was founded on individualism, "Buy American!" Whether couched that of collectivism - the belief that inditive interests of the tribe. which means capitalism and free trade, in the language of all-out protectionism viduals have neither rights nor identities Binswanger offered an alternative to he maintained. If an American product this collectivist premise, the source of the outside of their groups. One must idenor merely sugar-coated with dubious is inferior to a foreign-made one, then moral justification for free trade - inditify with and subordinate oneself to one's allusions to "fair" trade, the ideas which i those who buy vidualism. He departicular race, sex, economic class or, as this slogan represents have been blindly fined individualism If an American product is in- the American is the case with protectionism, the paraccepted by many politicians and Ameriproduct simply as the philosopher ticular country to which one belongs. can citizens, according to Dr. Harry Binswanger of the Ayn Rand Institute. In Ayn Rand defined it ferior ... those who buy the ... because it is Binswanger noted that the premises in The Virtue of Self- product simply because it is made here are underlying the "Buy American" slogan a lecture delivered to apprOximately 250 unpaishness: "Individual- made in America are being being contain a "deep-seated animosity toU-M students on September 22, entitled triotic, wards [foreigners]" which stems from "Buy American is UnAmerican," ism regards man Binswanger asevery man - as an unpatriotic,. the "tribal" mentality that collectivism Binswanger identified the underpinnings independent, sover- .-_______________--' serted. fosters: What one's tribe does is autoof this slogan and offered a defense of Binswanger was particularly critical eign entity who possesses an inalienable free trade on both . . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . , matically of conservative support of protectionright to his own life, a right derived from economic and Binswanger identified ... the "Buy right; what ism. While conservatives oppose the hilnature as a rational being. individuother tribes moral grounds. collectivist ideals held by the Left, such alism holds that a civilized society ... can Binswanger's American" slogan as ... collectiv- do differas communism, they fail to realize the economic defense of ism - the belief that individJlftls ently is -. be achieved only on the basis of the reccollectivist premises inherent within prowrong and ... ognition of individual rights - and that free trade was a tectionism. Thus, while condemning a group, as such, has no rights other than fairly straightfor- have neither rights nor idtiitities is therefore communism, Ronald Reagan and George the individual rights of its members." ~" a potential ward one, in the outside of their groups. vein of Robert .'_____________- - - - - - - ' threat to Bush have been hypocrites in supporting Individualism also holds that one should varf(fus protectionist policies, paying only buy the highest quality product availone's own tribe. Collectivism regards ~ ,amuelson, Milton Friedman, and lip service to the ideal of free trade, acable at a competitive price.

Whether this'" men as brutes whose interests must con.udwig von MiseS. Unfortunately, since cording to Binswanger. product is made by American, Japanese, he l~; a philosopher, not an economist, flict since everyone is presumed to be or German workers is inconsequential, Binswanger tended to oversimplify the biased towards his own group. If there is Paul Szpunar is junior in history and provided that the product represents the no objective source of right and wrong, if <li6uments and issues involved in interphilosophy and a staff writer for the highest value available, said Binswanger. national trade. His economic arguments right and wrong are simply matters of Review.

In this respect, stated Binswanger, tribal custom, then there is no rational alone would probably not convince an way to resolve conflicts and force beeconomist who favored some form of comes the only means available, protectionism over free trade. Those inBinswanger argued. terested in the economic defense of free Contained within the collectivist trade would be better advised to consult premise of "Buy American" is a demand the more systematiied works of modern free trade theorists. \ for self-sacrifice. One must not buy the best product available if it is produced Binswanger's strength as a philosoby another tribe; rather, one must buy an pher, however, enabled his moral arguinferior, more expensive product, because ments for free trade - the most convincthis product is made by one's own tribe. ing and profound aspect of his lecture The rationale for doing so is to provide a to outweigh his oversimplification of inparticular job to a fellow tribe member, ternational economics. one he may not deserve. The individual Binswanger identified the basic

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

6

Interview: Charles J. Sykes

September 30, 1992

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Personal Responsibility vs. Victim Politics On September 26,1992, Adam DeVore of the Review interviewed Charles J. Sykes, the author of Profscam: Professors lind the Demise of Higher Education, The Hollow Men: Politics and Corruption in Higher Education, and most recently, A Nation of Victims: The Decay of th'e American Character. Sykes is a senior fellow at the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute and the editor of WI: Wisconsin Interest.

be defined as disease. Virtually any behavior you can think of today - stealing,. over-work, incompetence, procrastination, child abuse, gambling, shopping can now be defined in medical terms.

People can say, "Hey, it's not my fault!

I'm just sick!" And if you're sick, then obviously you can't be held personally responsible for your

REVIEW: How would you describe the origins of the "therapeutic culture" and "politics of victimization" that you discuss in A Nation of Victims?

behavior.

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REVIEW: You attack egoism several times, but you also call for a renewed SYKES: Part of it is the shift in both the sense of personal vocabulary and our other notions of perresponsibility to sonal responsibility, Over the last cen- - overcome theratury, we have seen a shift from a parapeutic socie~.~ digm of personal responsibility' to putHow would/ you ting the blame on society. At the bottom reconcile an attac~" of that has been the shift toward theraon egoism with a peutic culture. Instead of dealing in terms call for personal of traditional justice or ethics, society has responsibili ty? become much more comfortable with speaking about behavior in meqical SYKES: I don't think that there's any terms. It's easier for modem Americans conflict. In fact, that used to be the esto describe someone as "sick" rather than sence of the "middle-class ethos," the "bad" or "evil." The growth of the theraequilibrium that we used to have in this peutic industry has redefined basic husociety between personal freedom and man problems into medical terms and personal responsibility. The opposite of has expanded their scope to cover virtua culture that emphasizes character and ally all of human Hfe. Having medicalized personal responsibility is a culture that normal human Pfoblems, psychologists, emphasizes purely selfish motives, where sociologists, and would-be social reformthe center of the Universe is the Imperial ists of virtually every stripe can claim to Self who has no restraint, no obligations. have the cures for them at hand.

I don't think that there's a conflict be, Over the last thirty years or so, probhveen saying that people should exercise ably the most dramarlc growth industry personal responsibility and ought to show in America has been therapy arising from character, if character is defined as unthe proliferation of various new diseases, derstanding one's responsibilities to othcomplexes and forms of dysfunction. ers and the need to exercise honesty, With the rise of things like co-depenprobity and self-restraint. Those tend to dency, various definitions have appeared contrast with our modem culture of infiwhich allow nearly everyone to claim to nite self-gratification and the sense that be a victim of some kind of dysfunction. the needs of the self come before those of There are people like John Bradshaw who anyone else. Consider men who father say that more than 90 percent of all famichildren whom they feel no obligation to lies are dysfunctional. In a therapeutic care for. They put their own selfish needs culture, someone who gambles away all first but exercise no responsibility. of his family's earnings is not simply irresponsible or greedy; he now can daim REVIEW: How would you say that all of to be a victim of compulsive gambling this has come to exert influence on the syndrome. Someone who is so irresponAcademe? sible as not to show up at work can now claim to be a victim of chronic lateness SYKES: Let me give the broad overview syndrome. of where I think this comes from. There The key to this, of course, is redefinare several strains going on in American ing behavior as disease. It's easy to say society: first, there's the shift of responsithat someone who drinks too much is an bility from the person to society; second, alcoholic and has a disease. This became we have seen a shift from mxal categothe model for other forms of behavior to ries for defining people to medical cat-

egories, or redefining behavior as disease and asserting that each of us are frail psychic growths easily blighted and easily hurt. Political terminology has thus been redefined not in terms of justice but in terms of therapeutic categories. Third, there is the rights revolution - the idea that if rights are a good thing, then lots of rights must be an even better thing and that we therefore ought to multiply the number of rights infinitely.

Fourth, the trend in our society is to give out power and privilege to specific groups, specifically in recognition of their status as victims.

When you start saying that certain en;. ,~. titlements go to victimized groups, that creates an incentive for people to be victims and it is also an incentive for the number of groups of self-proclaimed victims to proliferate. All of these things, I think, have come to a head on university campuses.

Political correctness can't be understood as merely a political phenomenon, or simply rehashed Marxism, because it is so much broader. At least under Marxism you had to be a member of a working class to be oppressed. Today, on a university campus, all you need to be oppressed is a willingness to be aggrieved.

The politics of sensitivity rely on, and often use, the language of traditional leftwing politics, but in essence they also use the techniques and the assumptions of the therapeutic culture. As universities impose gag rules and require sensitivity training courses, they're shifting the paradigm from the Socratic dialogue, wherein ideas were meant to be debated and discussed, to something that looks like a therapeutic workshop, wherein the goal is not to discuss ideas or air differences but to cure people of unacceptable attitudes and ideas. That's fundamentally different and more confining, for it enables critics to dismiss whole categories of thought as forms of psychologically harmful phenomena unworthy of discussion.

REVIEW: It seems as though that modus operandi would easily give way to an insidious sort of relativism.

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SYKES: Oh, absolutely. The standard is incndibly shifting. You no longer define what's permissible in terms of the rights that people have or in terms of justice that anybody would understand. If speech is only as free as the most aggrieved or sensitive group on campus allows it to be, that means that the standards will always be relative. Because groups can define themselves as victims and then claim that their feelings are hurt, we get a "victims olympics" that will determine what is permissible and what is not permiSSible. The only group on campus that cannot apparently claim that their feelings are hurt are conser vative students or students with traditional religiOUS beliefs, who are often redefined as therapeutically dangerous elements on campus.

REVIEW: Looking at this from the outside, it might alhppear to be based on good intentions - the desire to be sensitive and a good participant;n the com-tilUcity. Aside from thofe incentives, do you think that there ar, ~ other forces at work?

SYKES: It's crucial to dCKnowledge that from the outside, those people who say that they are trying to make universities more sensitive have a very strong hand, because we all want to be sensitive. Sensitivity and compassion are marks of a civilized society and those are certainly legitimate goals. But it's important to see that those terms have been distorted in order to impose draconian limits on free speech on campus. In fact, sensitivity has become the banner under which some of the most brutal brow-beating takes place on campus. In part, it reflects the inteIIectuallaziness that you often see in higher education, where the demand that people be sensitive and the allegation that some · are insensitive has sometimes taken the place of genuine political discussion.

Rather than having to discuss with the Michigan Review, for example, the merits of its position on affirmative action, it's much easier to label it as insensitive and therefore somehow beyond the pale.

REVIEW: Might such an effort to focus on groups of people as groups of people impede our ability to see their constituents' common humanity?

SYKES: One of the consequences of the rise of victim politics is the "Lebanonization" of American society.

We no longer focus on our common hu-

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September 30, 1992

man heritage but begin to see one another only as members of various groups that define themselves by their victim status. So it's inherently divisive. But it also has a troubling impact on the individuals themselves. If they come to think of themselves primarily 路in terms of their victim status, that ultimately will have a negative effect. It won't be helpful in their efforts to develop self-esteem, find a common ground with fellow citizens, or work out their problems. Shelby Steele has talked about this quite eloquently: in the short run, ironically, it may seem great to have all the power and privileges that come from being a victim, but ultimately it destroys the victim's power.

REVIEW; You noted earlier that one cannot explain P.c. solely as a relic of Marxism, yet it certainly maintains a Marxist air. Politics of identity could be described as an application of Marxism to groups rather than classes.

SYKES: That's right. You take the Marxist insight that the world is divided into oppressed and oppressors and then you basically say, "Look, you can all be oppressed. Everyone can be oppressed.

Women can be oppressed, minorities can be oppressed, people allergic to perfume can be oppressed, the fat can be oppressed, people who gamble can be oppressed" - before you know it, you have a society in which many groups feel that they are victims. Not very many students at Harvard or the University of Michigan can claim that they're economically or SOCially oppressed, as they're all in a privileged environment; they cem't claim that they're oppressed becaus~ they're discriminated against, because they've been admitted to an elite university; they can't claim that they're oppressed because they're not allowed to study certain things, either. So what they claim is that they are psychologically oppressed, that they suffer feelings of exclusion or loss of esteem. The therapeutic culture makes all of us potentially victims of psychological frailty; anyone can be converted into a frail creature who is easily hurt by an uncongenial gesture, facial expression, or word. It means that minority students can constantly point to perceived slights (that may be invisible to anyone else) as evidence of victimization. What constitutes fair behavior or a just allocation of resourceS when the victim groups are basically allowed to define their status by their feelings?

REVIEW: Some would say that such an approach simply "blames the victim" because it fails to account for their unique perceptions of subtle oppresS1On.

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

SYKES: The charge that one is "blaming the victim" has long been a rhetorical tool used to fend off attempts even to hint that self-proclaimed victims might have some personal responSibility for their plight. Unfortunately, if you accept the notion that only victims can understand their pain, then you're also denying the ability of members of victim groups to communicate to people who are not victims. It threatens to seal us all into separate prison cells where we can't understand one another. That's the important thing to remember. We also have to note the patronizing, paternalistic attitude that is sometimes reflected in that point of view, which is that white male students can take being abused, being kidded, and going to a strange and hostile environment, but certain victim groups, including minority students, are painted as incapable of handling that and seen as fragile and unable to adapt. That hardly reflects the sort of respect that many minority students deserve. It's one ~hing to link rights to individuals' ~tafu"s as citizens or people who ought to be respected as individuals. It's a very different thing to create elaborate rights based on perceived disabilities and weaknesses.

REVIEW: In your book you talk about the riots of the 1960s in the context of blaming the victims. The heralds of therapeutic culture were eager to blame society and exonerate the rioters. How do you connect that, if at all, to the recent Los Angeles riots?

SYKES: It is fascinating how quickly people will come forward with excuses and explanations for behavior that is selfdestructive and criminal when you're dealing with victim groups. People will defend and explain the behavior of victim groups that they would never tolerate in their own community or family. So I think that's part of it - that paternalism I was describing and the patronizing tone where compassion blends into contempt and the ability to say, "Look, being a victim means never being responsible. If you're a victim, we need to suspend normal standards of civility. We need to suspend normal standards of morality because we can't expect you to behave like other people."

These are the same people who would say that to expect the poor to stay married and raise their children is blaming the victim. If you say that the poor ought to be encouraged to work, rather than be dependent, then you're blaming the victim. This mentality sends a devastating message to the inner city because it says that we know we want you to work and stay together with your family and your children to go to school, but if you

7

don't - if you do desert your children, if you do drop out of school, if you refuse to work, and if you engage in criminal activity - we'll understand, because we know that we can't really expect anything better of you because you're a victim. I think that that fundamentally undermines the ability of poor communities to pull themselves together and to impose the kind of values that they need to survive. These sorts of attitudes result in tearing up the moral contract that used to place a stigma on illegitimacy, criminal activity, and people who refused to work. We have become so understanding and so compassionate that by regarding people in the inner cities as victims we dehumanize them.

One point that is very important here is that although victim politics is most obvious in dealing with the inner-city, these politics reflect a larger societal flight from personal responsibility. Members of the white middle class are just as eager to find a therapist who'll say that they're sick, or a lawyer who will say that their plight is not their fault. This is a societywide problem.

REVIEW: So more and more people are presumed to be victims. Do you think that that speaks to a new racism that's emerging, or not "racism"".

SYKES: I would"say a values renaissance. Clearly I think that one of the real tragedies of the therapeutic culture is that it ignores the element of the sacred in human life. It reduces us to economic and psychological automatons - that's the reductionism that I oppose. I would probably agree with Harvard psychiatrist RoberlColes in saying that we need to restore a recognition that human beings are not ~undles of complexes or the sunr~f their economic and social experiences, but that they also have a spiritual dimension. That)s not my solu. tion to this; it's merely a recognition that we need to think of ourselves in somewhat more human ways.

It dovetails, however, with my call for more common sense. I think that most people can distinguish between bad luck and victimization. They understand the difference between a bungled past and an act of rape. They know what is required of them as people, they know that they have certain obligations, and I think that getting back to that would help a great deal. We need to return to the concept of civitas, that we do have social obligations to one another and that we ought to have some compassion - not the compassion that judges programs on how good they make us feel, but on the basis of whether they work. I don't claim that I have any solutions, but I think that the number one thing would be a moratorium on blame. We must stop looking for other people to blame for our problems and return to common sense in recognizing who is a victim and who is not a victim.

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SYKES: No, I think that it's fundamentally racist to say that a group in society needs to be regarded as permanent victims who do not have the ability to compete or perform at a certain level. That is one of the tragic consequences of compassion politics. Once you define a group as victimized, you're basically saying that they're always going to be a victim, and you basically begin to think of them as incapable of competing onit level playing field and abiding by the same rules as others. One of the things that people are beginning to recognize now is that the black community in particular is far more conservative than many believed. There are middle class blacks and intact black families doing better economically, but they also understand the need to maintain solid families, get education and fight back against crime. And they know that their efforts are often undermined by the allegedly compassionate explainers who will find ways to justify failures.

Here in Milwaukee, we have a black superintendent of schools who wanted to impose a very tough discipline policy on our schools. A black member of the school board said that he opposed this because it was unfair to expect black students to abide by white middle class values by requiring them to obey the same behavior policy as whites. He thought that there should be separate disciplinary policies for black and white students. The people who were most outraged by that were black parents. They did not want the message going out that because they were black, they were somehow different and couldn't be expected to behave. That's where I think that there's an intersection between the compassion of victim politics and a paternalism that borders on racism.

REVIEW: What do you think we should do to cure this plague of victimization and therapeutic culture, aside from reinvigurating the concept of personal responsibility? Are there other solutions, such as a religious or "values" renaissance?

REVIEW: If you had to recommend a book other than your own, what would it be?

SYKES: Aristotle's Ethics. Once you've been exposed to something like that, the rest of this seems very shallow.

September 30,1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW.

8

Book Review

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Racial Classification Impedes Progress experts are unable to agree on how many existence. The solutions to the problem races there are in society, if they exist at of racism advanced by liberationist writall, is a powerful argument in itself. ers vary enormously.

Throughout the years, the races have The liberationist theory has recently become so intermixed that it is difficult to been adopted by the leftist academic proplace most people in anyone category. ponents of multiculturalism. Their arguWithin each group are massive numbers ment that all cultures have worthwhile of different people who cannot be simply contributions to make to humanity, and categOrized as "white people" or "black that they therefore deserve equal study, people." is highly laudable. Unfortunately, instead In addition, the various definitions of advocating the objective study of all of race make a coherent discussion of the cultures, contemporary proponents of subject impossible. Race can be defined multiculturalism cynically seek to invert as a set of similar anatomical characteristhe cultural hierarchy which they simultics, a shared culture, an ethnic group, or taneously accuse Eurocentrism of creata mixture of these factors and others. ing. Their heavy-handed approach to The views of a black Baptist from incorporating diversity into this nation's rural Georgia and a black homosexual universities has spawned resentment and from New York City are likely to be increased racial tensions on campuses. dissimilar, even oppositional, yet most This result is the same as the one racial studies would lump them together which Webster finds to be caused by as sharing in the ''black experience." racial theories in general society. The Through his analysis, Webster conemphasis placed on racial differences by cludes that the concept of people being both schools further divides American society along racial and ethnic liI}.~"" placed into homogeneous groups simply on the basis of race, ethnicity, culture, These divisions poison race relations, or a mix of the three is ridiculous after which in tum spawns more race-based even a cursory examination of the facts. studies. This self-perpetuating cycle is Webster argues that his solution of sanctioned by politicians of all stripes removing racial classifications will elimiwho exploit racial differences and utilize nate the discourse which underlies racial race-baiting as a campaign issue. divisiveness. This, however, is a rather Webster writes that "exposure to simplistic solution which will not work naturalist and liberationist writings conon its own. Centuries of racially divisive tribute much to the proliferation of racial history and wrong-headed policies are sentiments and the development of raperpetually working against it. Webster's cial identities in the general population. idealist solution has appeal as a prinIndeed, naturalist and liberationist arguciple, but hypersensitivity to racial/ culments are aimed precisely at generating tural referents is firmly and irrationally racial divisions and organizations." He embedded in our collective awareness; goes on to say that claims of racial victimthey will be nearly impossible to eradiization and counterclaims of racial innocate completely. cence, along with remedial suggestions In addition, the attempt to de--emfoster an exaggerated or paranoid racial consciousness; unfortunately, the resultphasize racial and cultural identities could degenerate into a totalitarian ating situation is expected to be alleviated tempt to create a uniform society. This is through more of the same racial analyses not compatible with principles of indiand remedies. vidualism and liberty. The contributions Webster's line of argument contains of separate cultures would surely be lost little that is novel, but his remedy is in such a process of homogenization. almost revolutionary in its implications: Webster's solution fails to address he recommends "the abandoning of rathese concerns. It attacks the theoretical cial classification." It has been suggested basis of the problem, but does nothing that racial classifications be dropped from about the manifestations of it in society. college applications. To Webster, howA more realistic solution lies in a return ever, this would merely be a first step in eliminating all types of racial classjficato a strong commitment to equal rights tions. Under Webster's plan, citizens for all people, a focus on individual empowerment, and a truly objective evaluwould no longer be grouped into the ation of people's merits and capabilities. nominally homogeneous racial groups which, he argues, foster animosity and Eddie Arner is a senior in political sciseparatism. ence and English and a staff writer for Webster justifies this shift in policy the Review. by systematically exposing racial classification as a fallacy. The fact that even

The RllClllllutlon of America Yehudi O. Webster St Martin'. Press Hardcover, $22.95, 310 pgs.

cial theory was inspired by a naturalistic approach to social relations. The classification of persons followed patterns established by natural scientists. It was part of a biological explanation of regional

by Eddie Arner disparities in economic development and Heightened racial awareness and its civilizations," writes Webster. accompanying interracial tensions are Western European culture was characteristic facets of the contemporary uncritically asserted to be at the pinnacle debate over racial politics. We are delof a jingoistically conceived cultural hiuged on an almost daily basis with statiserarchy and thus the standard against tics and facts which attempt to prove that which all other civilizations were to be racial differences are a significant objudged. Unfortunately, the idea of a biostade to the goals of equal rights and logical hierarchy of the races was used to equal opportunity. justify slavery in America. "By the late The government nineteenth century, spends billions annually Herbert Spencer's writings on race-related studies and the 'science' of eugevand programs aimed at ics had created an influential tradition of biological eradicating racism and levelling the playing field determinism." Then in for all ethnic groups. From 1890, the U.S. CensTJs Buthe ou tset of T he reau began classifying citiRacialization of America, zens by race. At this time, Yehudi Webster argues American Indians were bethat this money is being ing pushed toward extincsquandered, because the tion and Jim Crow laws general perception of the were being enacted. problem is flawed, and ef- ,' ~ c , v In this way the natuc \, I .

T J j ralist tradition of Carl von forts to overcome the JtnU:{11 ", .J {reoote' Linnaeus and Arthur de problem are mistaken.

Webster, a professor Gobineau, which began as of Pan-African studies at a tool for scientific research, California State University at Los Angewas being perverted by bigots more inles, challenges the notion that race and terested in spreading the gospel of racial racism the real problems plaguing superiority than testing the validity of America. ror Webster, a flawed system biological determinism. of racial classification deserves the blame The liberationist school was founded for many of the "racial" problems which in the early twentieth century when Frank America currently faces.

Boas rejected biological determinism and In the United States, the "race issue" put forth the idea that the success of a is a catch-all phrase which encompasses race was to be judged by the extent to racism, ethnicity, cultural identity, racial which it flourishes in its (natural) envipolicies, and racial classification, among rorunent. Boas' school of cultural anthroothers. A myriad of racial studies use pology spawned the liberationist school these broad terms in an extremely hapwhich gained ascendancy during the civil hazard, undefined manner in conductrights movement of the 1960s. There are ing research. This lack of regard for wellnumerous factions within this school, defined terminology, logical methodolwith prominent writers and leaders repogy and the scientific method is a major resenting each. This school spans the focus of Webster's criticism. political spectrum and includes people Webster analyzes current racial such as Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm theory and its intellectual and social hisX, Shelby Steele, Walter Williams, Marcus tory, and attempts to answer the intriguGarvey, and Cheikh Anta Diop.

Boas' ideas were the starting point ing question of how the lunacy of racialism ever came to be such an integral part for W.E.B. Du Bois' and Marcus Garvey's of the American psyche. He criticizes writings as well as the "black liberation both naturalist and liberationist schools movement." The more contemporary of racial theory for contributing to the liberationist thesis is that "white society current state of race relations. is shot through with racism, racial disThe naturalist school originated as a crimination, and racial inequalities." scholarly attempt to determine why the Scores of studies and pages of statistics achievements of different cultures vary are used to prove that "institutionalized racism': pex;vad~ every ~or ?f human so greatly. ''The development of th~ ~~-

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THEMICHIGAN REVIEW

9

What has Decayed the American Character? at/on of VIctims: The erican Character Irles J. Sykes

Decay of the

'-'artin's Press th, $22.95, 289 pgs.

Adam DeVore Charles Sykes' latest effort, A Nai of Victims, is dense with evidence of Itural paradigm shift away from our titional concepts of personal responlity toward an obsession with sensiyand victimhood , Whether discussing ~ "Big Nanny" atmoere which has deIded upon many urU-

bogus claims of victimization depletes our patience and sympathy for genuine victims.

The first third of Sykes' book diagnoses the politics of sensitivity that underlie our growing acceptance of victimhood. As people have come to speak of ordinary annoyances and obstades in life as victimizing encounters with oppression or psychologically disturbing traumas, new groups of selfproclaimed victims have fonned to capitalize on the benefits that our guilt-ridden, hypersensitive society is eager to confer on them, Sykes offers a detailed account of the rise of thera-

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;ities, the eruption of OF peutic culture since the } 1950s - a decade characsuits filed by aspirants egally certified victim . , terized paradoxically by us, the expansive lists THE DECAY prosperity and anxiety. The OF THE anxiety, Sykes maintains, lisorders and disabiliAHERICAM resulted!tpJl\ a combinathat facilitate people's ns to victimhood, or the CHARACTER tion of .rIsing expectations, mately deleterious ef,,;~ naIve self-absorption, and LHABll~ ~m a Widespread, overwhelms of blaming society for ""'___ ing desire to attain perfect 's woes rather than takpersonal responsibility happiness, Sykes tracks them, Sykes forcefully demonstrates America's evolution toward therapeutic t our country is suffering from an society through the Civil Rights Move:?SS, rather than a deficiency, of regument, recalling that by the late 1960s: )n and sensitivity.

In place of appeals to justice and American Sykes accurately portrays modem fair play, the move~ent n~w pla~ed upo~ ,erican culture as "therapeutic" in that emoti?05 of fear, PItJ:' g~llt, and Ideologlis increasingly witnessed the replace~a1Iy tinged "co~paSSion, m,stead of equalal ti f al Ity of opportunity, the rhetoric of the move' t' il t 0 f t ra d 1 Ion no ons 0 person t d ded ' ti' 'b'l' d th I __ A t men now eman repara 005, >onsl 1 Ity an e ' anguage u~ 0 ASk ' d'ff' It t0 teII al Jargon . s y es no tes, 1't IS 1 lCU cn'be 1't WI'th me d IC an d a ·ti al I' t that perml \ 'ts nearIy evwhether psychology began to pollute I C C Ima e ,, ,, 'ct' f ' politIcs or pohtics psychology, although ~ne t0 call th emse Ives Vl Ims 0 or· , . can he suggests that the process was reopro' ty "[M}'ISbehaVlor 15tance or soae, oed f' d d' ", h t' cal, Black-power advocates, Sykes ex, e me as m t erapeu IC I' b egan t 0 d raw on 10 ' t e11 ec tu al h 't Isease M paIns, rure, e wn es.. oreover: founts such as the French writer Albert M ' h ded th M 't 'd e ethos of Victimization has an endless )acity not only for exculpating one's self emnu, w ~ exp~ e at'XlS I, ea m blame, washing away responsibility of class confhct to mdude the oppresslOn a torrent of explanation - racism, sexof "blacks, Jews, colonials, French Cana1, rotten parents, addiction pnd illness dians .. , women, and domestic servants" t also for projecting guilt onto others, '" in the historical dialectic. Memmi's decplace of evil, therapeutic society substilaration that "Everyone, or nearly everyed "illness"; in place of consequence, it one is an unconscious racist" set the tone ~es therapy and ~nder~tanding ... , for fue accusatory side of the politics of Sykes makes It plam that thIS cuivictimization. al tra?Sformation has had c!~monstraSykes expresses the insidious allure d~t~men~al effec~s ?n ,~ety by Ieof therapeutic mentality with preciSion mtzmg claIms of Vl~ation that 50 in a chapter entitled"Are We All Sick?": u:s ago would more hkely have been The modern American culture of the sup'n as signs of hypersensitivity if not port group grew out of a single epiphany: rchosis. Not only does the "contagion Once the language of disease and addiction lew illnesses and disabilities ... [have] could be applied to behavior rather than merely to biologic,al disorders, alm~st a~y :ial and economic consequences," ough its effect on our society's allocaaspect of human life could be redefined m n of resources, but the posturing of • medl~al terms, .. , More I,mportant, howf oclaimed' dims ultimat ly b ckever, IS the power of the disease analogy to -pr . VI , e a change social norms and attitudes. Almost i$ ~y er~mg thel~ self~eem and by definition, disease is caused by agents or tenng feelL'lgs of altenation and helpforces largely beyond the control of an indisness. Worse yet, the proliferation of vjdual...

1

To the extent that people can medicalize routine urges or difficulties, they may shirk virtually all personal responsibility for their actions, The remainder of Sykes' explanation of the evolution of victim politics - from his claim that the protestors of the 1960s were implementing their parents' ideals, not rebelling against them, to his description of how self-proclaimed victims came to hold a moral high-ground beyond question or reproach - is an intriguing lesson in modern (anti-)intellectual history, The most shocking and compelling evidence that Sykes marshals for his thesis, however, comes as a deluge of anecdotes peppered throughout the text which demonstrate the level of absurdity to which contemporary claims of victimization have sunk. It is in these exercis~ that Sykes is at his best and the book at its most jarring. ~Consider the Virginia special-educiMion teacher who filed a suit after failing eight times to pass" a standardized national test for teachers that measured 'listening, reading and writing, and tests the candidates' ability to understand and use the elements of written or spoken language.'" She argued, Sykes explains, that the test" did not accommodate her slowness in understanding written and spoken information."

Even more disturbing is a Miami court's ruling "that a woman would be paid forty thousand dollars in worker's compensation benefits after she complained that she was so afraid of blacks that she was unable to work in an integrated office."

The politics of sensitivity have also damaged public education: Attributing the continuing failure of urban education to lingering racism, critics have attacked efforts to implement standardized achievement tests or tighten graduation requirements ,,' Efforts to toughen disciplinary standards have been criticized as insensitive to minority cultures,., Reflecting the ascendancy of therapeutic approaches, selfesteem rather than analytic thinking has emerged as urban education's premier obsession, The result has been that teachers do not confront students or parents about academic difficulties; rather, they sensitively avoid conflict. Students are thus left to wallow in a cynically condoned, ignorance-perpetuating, feel-good mire of self-deception even while their own test scores belie their self-evaluations.

Sadly, the prophets of tenderness continue to do everything in their power to avert blame from the victims, even when their specious rationalizations only cau~ delays and impede ~bstantive reform efforts. SoCiologist Douglas

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Glascow, for example, would rather blame "rampant street crime among inner-city black males ... [on their} 'survival culture'" (which in turn is ostensibly a result of a racist society) than what Sykes earlier terms a breakdown of the social fabric in the black community brought on by a "wave of illegitimacy, desertions by fathers, [and} welfare dependency," among other things. The root problem, according to Sykes, is much deeper: liThe abandonment of social nonns and stigmas by the larger society left the inner city particularly vulnerable" precisely because, like all self- regulating communities, it "had been held together by a moral demand system in which 'censoriousness and blame' were the principle weapons in holding the s0ciety together," With the medicalization of disfavored activities, however, the community lost its power to maintain them as morally taboo.

In the realm of psychology, Sykes also provides an astonishing litany of disorders listed in the Diagnostic and Sta-

tistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Third E4i.titn'l,'Revised (DSM-III-R) which, in

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fhe average person's lexicon, describe anyone from raucous jerks to indecisive twits; more sensitive observers would refer to them as suffering from "Oppositional Defiant Disorder" and "Dependent Personality Disorder," respectively.

One could even diagnose a "woman who likes to stay at home with her children, for whom she cares deeply, as a classic sufferer of codependent caretaking behavior," Sykes notes.

Sykes also attacks the ambiguous language of various laws governing employers. Observe the FBI agent who was fired for embezzling $2,000 from the government (only to lose it in Atlantic City), but won reinstatement by claiming that his fondness for gambling with other people's money was a "'handicap' and thus protected under federal law ."

Similar episodes of ridiculousness are hardly rare, and Sykes does a masterful job of compiling them into discussions on timely issues from race relations and Afrocentrism to feminism and the portrayal of women in the media.

Sykes offers neither immediate nor facile solutions, but his remedies can be understood as requiring a renaissance of virtue, a reaffirmation of ourselves as free, responsible agents, and a moratorium on blame, which, if nothing else, would make people "question how useful it is to focus our efforts on self-exculpation and victimist posturing," Until people consciously begin to undo the paradigm shift that our country has seen, however, the prognosis remains bleak.

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THE MICHIGAN REvIEW

10

Continued from Page 1 was the chance to be back in the univer-sity environment."

Cain, who received a bachelor's degree in psychology from Iowa State University and a master's degree in business administration from Central Michigan University noted that she '"loves the environment of. the university, the campus setting, and the energy and the enthusiasm and the passion that students fee!."

In response to Leach's comments about her experience with people of other ethnicities, Cain stated that she was "di!r appointed that that would be the perception anyone would have of me. I believe in issues of. diversity, and I feel a strong commitment to that. ''The Oakland County demographics are such that of its one million-some people, only about seven percent are considered non-white. So there isn't a real huge blend, and there isn't the diversity that the University of Michigan has here.

But frankly, again, that was one of the very compelling reasons to me for wanting to be here: "I have been very involved on both the state and national level with issues that deal with diversity," Cain explained. "} have been considered for various task forces for women of color, lesbian task forces, and I've always supported that work. We brought speakers into our agency in Oakland County who dealt specifically with issues like homophobia and racism. So I was surprised by that criticism, frankly, and disappointed, be-cause \ don't feel that's reflective of my track ftlCQrd," Cain said.

Leach finally asserted that ''The committee [which selected the director) felt

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that Kata [lssari, who had been SAPAC' s interim director andwho waS one of the final two candidates for the job of director] was the best candidate to hire." Although Cain herself was "not familiar with that aspect of the search process," Bruce Namerow, president of the Interfraternity Council and a member of the committee, disagrees with Leach.

H(Associate Vice President of Student Services} Royster Harper (who made the final hiring decision) originally charged the committee to give her' a list of four or five candidates, rank them, and list the positive and negative aspects of each: But the list we finally gave her did not contain a ranking of the candidates.

So the committee messed up. Three members explicitly wanted Kata, bU!Jhe vote was by no means unanimous. The three people in favor of Kata had adl,lally worked with her; it would have peen difficult for them to vote against her.

"Royster, however, handle4 ,the matter oWfttively," Namerow continued.

"Since she knew Kata better"'than she knew G].in, she had to overcome her own personal bias in favor of Kata. Fortunately, Cain was dearly the better choice.

In my phone interview with Debra, 1 found her incredibly articulate, intelligent, well-rounded, and very experienced. It's unfortunate that this has become an issue of Kata versus Cain. Both of them are very talented, and in the end it was really a choice between a positive and a positive."

A group calling itself the Committee to Preserve the Integrity of SAPAC voiced yet another criticism of Cain, namely that her masters degree in administration rather than a social science will detract from her ability to adequately fulfill the

requirements of her new job. Cain's answer, however, is again compelling. "} believe that, based on my experience, I have the best of both worlds. It was very purposeful that I chose to get a degree in administration. My bachelor's degree is in psychology. The reality is that the job of director here is not a counselor's job. It is to a fairly high extent an administrative position, and therefore you need administrative skills and background. You need to know how to do budgeting and be responsible for money, and you need to understand personnel issues because you're responsible for hiring and firing and evaluating and all those kinds of things.

'1 have both job experience with that in having worked with a budget of well over a million dollars a year (which is larger than SAPAC's [and funds] almost 50 paid employees, compared to a much smaller nUlllber here), but I also have the fonna! training for that So I feel that [my master's degree) is a strength."

The most recent barrage leveled at Cain came in the form of an MSA resolution which expressed serious doubt about Cain and the process behind her~~­ bon. Sponsored by U!CSU.1, U1V-r~lUUon vowed to "investigate the search pfOCe$ and the decision thathas led to the hiring of the new coordinator of SAPAC." Brent House, one of three MSA representatives who voted against the res0lution, justified his vote on the grounds that he had too little information to support such a negatively-worded statement. '1 didn't know enough about her to condemn her and her selection. I didn't want to go on record as supporting some-thing I wasn't all that informed about."

House thought, however, that many of

his fellow members who voted in favor of the resolution may have done so for legitimate reasons. '1 think a lot of members are inclined to vote in favor of resolutions of that sort. It's also possible that they may have known more about Cain than I did, and therefore had valid reasons for voting for the resolution," he reflected. Given the intent of the resolution, namely to "investigate" Cain's hiring, the suggestion that representatives who supported the resolution "may have known more about Cain" is unlikely.

House was unsure as to why Leach has been so vocal in formenting opposition to Cain, but he was willing to venture a guess. "Colin Leach sponsored the MSA resolution. He was the main person who spoke on it, and his main supporters were from the Progressive Party. I'm sure he would just love to have a person in there [SAPAC] who would make SAPAC as political as possible, who would be involved in activism, who would deal in politics rather than combat sexual a!r sault. I ,must admit that since they [Leach and the Progressive Party] were so against ' her, maybe she's not going to be as bad as Hormer SAPAC Director] Julie Steiner w ...... rut'" maybe that's why they're so up in anns about her."

Although it is still too early to evaluate how effective a director of SAPAC Cain will be, one hopes that she will eschew the political contamination which pervaded SAP AC under the leadership of Steiner and focus instead on finding practical means of dealing with the problem of sexual assault on campus.

hibits and programs.

He additionally suggested that CMU "re-evaluate and improve its educational efforts to sensitize its students, faculty and staff to Native American traditions and culture" and use the Chippewa name in a broader cooteXl', such as Napplying the Chippewa name to a campus facility, for example."

Unlike CMU's decision, EMU President Shelton announced in 1991 that the University would be changing its Huron nickname to the Eagles.

Since then, Huron Restoration has been working to reverse that decision.

Brock said the group's goals are to restore the Huron name and modify the logo to be histOrically correct, establish a cultural center which would highlight the Huron tribe, and create a Huron scholarship fund. ''My imp~OI\" Brock says, "is that the tribes [with which we have worked} are disgusted with EMU and feel that the university has snubbed them."

Asked about the use of Native American logos or names for sports teams or schools, Susan Hill of the University of Michigan Native American Students Association declined to comment.

Tony Ghecea is a junior in English and an executive editor of the Review.

Chippewa Name Retained Continued from Page 1

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educational efforts and the elimination of related symbols and drumbeats. The committee, however, was divided on the use of the Chippewa name.

Jakubauskas then announced that for a trial period of three years, the name would be retained, but Native American logos; drumbeats and related symbols would be eliminated. CMU has not used a Native American mascot for over 20 years.

During the trial period, the letter "C" was used as an athletic symbol. Plachta announced with his recommendation that "the university will develop an appropriate university athletic symbol with the cooperation of Native American art-

ists."

Plachta said that no matter what his recommendation was, he would "please some and di!r appoint others." Neverthe-less he felt that the majority of the CMU communitY could be relied on "to work harder at using the Chippewa name with honor and resped" Along with his recommendation to maintain the name, Plachta made several related proposals. He suggested that CMU "expand educational assistance programs and other services to Native Americans" and increase its sponsorship of cultural ex-

Karen S. Brinkman is the publisher of

the Review.

eptember 30, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

-he Fortnightly Federal/st: Paper No.5 '"

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Fighting the Intolerance of Faction ,Kurt Schmautz

the only black family living in the workThe ideal of tolerance of others has ing class neighborhood where Viktora :cupied a prominent place in American resides. They entered the family's fenced.inking since the earliest days of the in yard and planted the cross, whidl they ttion. Many of America's earliest setthen proceeded to set ablaze. ~rs had experienced intolerance in their Two charges were filed against ltive lands, while others thought tolerViktora, one of which was the St. Paul , ICe was necessary to assure that groups Bias-Motivated Crime Ordinance. (The colonists could cohere and coexist to Court's ultimate ruling did not disturb 'rm a nation. The First Amendment to the second conviction.) The challenged le Constituor di nance on, which ..------------------~ read: larantees the Whoever eedoms of replaces on ~ion, speech, public or pri,d press, is vate property early di asymbol,ob~cted at the ject, appellation, charac~oblem of interiza tion or ,lerance, esgraffiti, in~cially that of 4"~,,),;" " cluding, but Dlitical intolnot limited 'ance. to, a burning The framcross or Nazi 's of the Constitution often referred to swastika, which one knows or has reasonltolerance with another term: faction. able grounds to know arouses anger, alarm or resentment in others on the basis of race, lction can serve as a more precise term color, creed, religion or gender commits I a First Amendment context because it disorderly conduct and shall be guilty of a ·cates the problem of intolerance a pomisdemeanor. tical phenomenon - an abuse of govSt. Paul sought to excuse its ordinance on 'nmental power - intended to silence the grounds that it applied only to "fightissent for presumably ignoble ends. ing words" - invoking an exception to lction captures the idea that an intolerthe First Amendment's free speech proIt govemment corrupted by cabal poses tection. Under this exception, states may much greater threat to liberty than inregulate speech which is likely or calcullerant individuals. \ lated to provoke violence.

This distinction is not obvious to the R. A. V. demoli shed this defense roponents of hate crime laws and camthrough a careful us conduct codes. Advocates of such examination of st. leasures would support the use of govPaul's motives for ~ment power to stamp out the intolerpassing the law. nce of private individuals. As the facFirst, the Court ons analysis might suggest, however, observed that the ~ent agitation for hate crime legislation st. Paul ordinance )rresponds to the rise in power of cerdid not apply to un left-leaning political elements in our all fighting words, xiety and on our campuses. but only to those When the Supreme Court overturned based on "race, t. Paul's hate crime ordinance in RA.V. color, creed, reli. City of St. Paul this summer, it ungion or gender." oubtedly had a similar historical perThe law would not pective in mind. RA. V. prompted the apply, for exJniversity to draft its proposed Stateample, if Viktora :lent of Student Rights and Responsibili,es because the decision almost certainly had spray painted anti-homosexual wuld have invalidated the Interim Code epithets on the on Discrimination and Discriminatory home of a gay :onduct. couple, or if he had thrown pig's blood In RAV., the Court considered the on a visiting general in protest of the Gulf ase of Robert Viktora, a teenage War, even though these acts could plaukinhead . On June 21, 1990, Viktora and Sibly have led to violence. The Court everal of his friends constructed a crude determined that St. Paul intended to isross made of broken chair legs. They sue a warning to those who held views hen went across the street to the home of

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punish "threats of injury or harm," diswhich it found to be unacceptable.

The Court discerned in the law's crimination on the basis of "race, ethnicity, gender, religion, sexual orienguidelines a pernicious effort to regulate the content of ..-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _--, tation, creed, national origin, anspeech. Moreover, cestry, age or it declared this marital status," regulation to be unand, perhaps acceptable despite most alarming in the government's its eye-of-the-b~ authority to ban holder quality, fighting words. The "harassment that Court thus adhered unreasonably into a rule which torterferes with an pedoed the in d i v id ua I' s University's interim code: the L..-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _--J work, educational performance, or living environpower to regulate fighting words does ment." not itlclude the power to impose content The broad generality of these provilimitations. sions leaves the full nature of the code's The Court drew an analogy between prohibitions relatively inscrutable, at least St. Paul's efforts to stamp out offensive until the administration starts to enforce speech and the recent flag burning cases: them. Students should be skeptical of the We have long held ... that nonverbal expresadministration's ability to enforce the sive activity can be banned because of the curren.!. code in good faith, espeCially in action it entails, but not because of the ideas <"".ligtttOf the fallibility of prior codes. And it expresses - so that burning a flag in while Hartford has promised that a new violation of an ordinance against outdoor fires could be punishable, whereas burning draft will be forthcoming, students a flag in violation of an ordinance against should not automatically assume that dishonoring the flag is not. the input the administration has solicited from students will be incorporated Simply put, the government cannot into it, either fully or accurately. use regulation to force people to assent to The fight is far from over. Students its concept of propriety when it comes to can work to prevent the adoption of the freedom of expression. As R.A. V. concode, but even if such efforts fail, those cluded, "St. Paul has no authority to lipunished under its regulation can still cense one side of a debate to fight freestyle, object to the way in which it is enforced. while requiring the other to follow MarAs the founding fathers predicted, quis of Queensbury Rules." factions, if unchecked, inevitably seek to While R.A. V.'s exercise and expand their power at the rule may be good expense of others. With the current code, news for oppothere is a faction in the administration nents of U-M's slowly encircling the University like the code, it does not coils of a snake, eagerly awaiting its opchange the uneven portunity to squeeze out disfavored viewbalance of power at points.

Students have the option of either the University. The placing their rights in the hands of the new code serves as University or continuing the fight to rea reminder that the tain those rights themselves. Given all of commissars of poits actions, past and present, however, litical correctness the administration dearly should not be still run the show, trusted to handle~,.ch an important reand they will not sponSibility as the preservation of those be deterred so easrights entails. ily.

Although Vice Kurt Schmautz is a third-year law stuPresident for Student and a member of the U-M Federaldent Affair s ist Society.

Maureen Hartford has stated that the "New and Improved Code" will not constrain speech on campus, the current draft contains language that could be interpreted to punish the expression of politically incorrect thought. The U-M reserves authority to

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Helmet is Tough, Despite Appearance

by Joe Epatlen So, where have you been all summer? In the fish canning factories of Alaska? Following the presidential campaign trail way too clO'lely? Stuck in some awful McJob working terrible hours for crummy pay? Have you missed what's going on in the music world? Well, here is a little snippet of what's been happening.

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It's obvious that even Nirvana could learn a thing or two from this "power trio." Check them out when they play Hill Auditorium on October 20.

Jawbox Helmet

Novelty

In The Meantime

Dischord Records Jawbox's sophomore effort shows real growth. Drummer Zachary Barocas, bassist Kim Coletta and guiartists/ vocalists Bill Barbot and Jay Robbins highlighted a tight, sissycore (read poppy, melodic, yet still hardcore) sound on their critically acclaimed 1991 debut Grippe.

With Novelty, though, Jawbox becomes more sonic without losing their tight sound. They seem to have dropped their sissy-ness without losing their core.

Despite Jawbox's guitar-heavy reputation, Robbins and Barbot take a back seat to Coletta's masterful bass playing and

Interscope Records I was talking to my friend Ed the other day, and the band Helmet came up.

"Oh, thooe guys are tough," he said. NeedSugar less to say this quite an understatement, Copper Blue even coming Rykodisc from Ed, Big Ed In the fall of that is, who 1990, Bob Mould bench presses played the Neca b ou t 35' 5 tarine Ballroom pounds and has and blew me biceps larger away . Armed than my legs. with tracks from Despite his booming Bhuk their Richie Sheets of Rain alCunningham/ bum and his Potsy Webber softer, introspeclooks, Helmet is tive, acoustic tough. With feWorkbook, Mould rocious metallic guitar riffs and proved to be the demi-god I fi st-pumping thought he was. rhythms, Helmet Once again, scored big with Mould and his their 1990 debut new trio, Sugar Strap It On, and (with drummer Hel~t are (I- r) John Stainer, Henry Bogdan, Page were signed to Malcom, Travis Harmlton and Peter Mengede.

Interscope and bassi6t Davis Barbe), come out with Records this past spring.

In the Meantime is more of the same. an ethereal slice of post-punk noise, and draw an instant comparison to the legJohn Stanier and Henry Bogdan, drummer and bassist respectively, may be one endary Husker Dii. "I was at every Husker Du show, I of the best rhythm sections in music todidn't miss one. It's obvious that there day; they're definitely the loudest. With would be some parallels," said Mould. tons of complex arrangements (Stanier Copper Blue, however, stands on its studied Orchestral Percussion at the University of Miami) they furiously pound own. "Changes" and "Helpless" are both throw-backs'to mid-1980s Husker in the out hard core / metal beats that leave the vein of Wherehouse: Songs and Stories, listener senseless. Meanwhile, Hamilton while" A Good Idea" sounds almost Pixscreeches out lyrics as if exorcizing deies-ish. Mould comes out of his lyrically mons while Mengede gels the whole therapeutic shell with more lighthearted sound with his shredding guitar. songs like "If I Can't Change Your Mind."

Particularly shining moments are a re-recording of "Unsung," Originally a 45 Single, "Role Model" For a mere $12 tax-deductand the album's title ible donation, you too can track. A few tracks fall sport the latest in Review victim to overpr04ucfonnalwear. With November tion, a problem that approaching, you'll want to plagues many bands 1\ remind everyone of George's making the indie--ma~.

"No new taxes" pledge, and jor switch. ~~ that Bill didn't inhale.

Call us After their blister:='-at 662-1909 for more inforing set at the Blind Pig - - - - _....... mation. Bottom caption reads: this past spring, Helmet "The Michigan ~vi~ The ~ght 4~. and tax-deductible too." returned to Detroit this " r

Michigan ReviL"'lD T-shirts!

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summer and also recently opened for Faith No More on September 24 at Detroit's State Theater.

Barocas' throbbing drums. Robbins shows off his singing voice, rather than indecipherable screams - a very nice change. Tracks like "Iinkwork," "Static," and "Spit- Bite" allow the DC-based band to flex their musical muscles without seeming gaudy or overbearing.

Of course there is a bit of Ian McKaye and his band Fugazi on Nooelty, but on a close-knit label like McKaye's Dischord, that is to be expected.

But don' t think Jawbox is in the shadow of their labelmates. After touring with Helmet and Shudder to Think this past spring, they are headlining in Europe this month and are hitting the West Coast later this year.

Joe Epstein is a staff writer for the ReVIew.

Safari! 'Well-Bred

by Drew Peters

at work on a solo project, so don't expect Bassist Kim Deal, while on a break to hear from the Pixies for some time. from The Pixies, has picked up a guitar Meanwhile, Deal and her band are and gone out on the road with her other out on the road breaking in its new memband, The Breeders. bers: drummer Mike Hunt (fake name, "The Pixies ' had to rest," explained say it quickly) and Kim's sister and guiDeal. . C 1路 :;::ZU;~}ftv:-EQi ,ji. II&!;搂R":'}"Y",: f -I tarist "Tanya, Kelley, our guitarwho ist, was livlearned to ing close to play a me in Bosmere two ton and we months used to before The hang out.

Breeders We started toured playing toEurope gether, and with Nirwhen4AD vana and found out, T eenag e they asked Fan Club. fora demo The tape. At The Breeders are ~l-r) Kelley Deal, Tanya Donelly, Josephine Wiggs, Breeders first we MikeHuntandK"nDeal. will perwere like, 'You're kidding, right?' but form at St. Andrews with Unrest and now we're like 'That was a good His Name is Alive this Friday, idea.'"

October 2.

Recently, The Breeders released an EP entitled Safari. The songs contain the Drew Peters in a freshman in LSA and a same Pixies fuzz-twang pop, while stressstaff writer for the Review. ing the soft, feminine vocals of such Pixies greats as "Into the White" and "GiI Crusty MWlcher is "on vacation," but I gantic." Elektra also re--released Pod, a I will allegedly return next week. He is I full length Breeders album recorded two I rumored to have been unaVOidably I years ago. detained while conducting top-secret, The Breeders will go into the studio I high-level negotiations between Iowa I to record another album in December, I and Nebraska. Nobody knows about I and Pixies vocalist Black Francis is hard Lwha~ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

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