vol_11_no_9 by Michigan Review

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

November 4, 1992

THE

Serpent's Tooth

MICHIGAN REVIEW In response to last week's front page article on a dubious charge of sexual harassment made by a Political Science 111 teaching assistant, two student groups have apparently formed: Group Really Opposed to Whiners with Unrestrained Power (GROW-UP), and Sexually Harrass Unqualified Teaching assistants Until Punished (SHUT-UP). We'd ask you to join one of the groups, but we wouldn't want you to incur the wrath of the Political Science Department. You are forewarned!

Things to Consider in the Wake of Yesterday's Election Published by the Michigan Republican Party

Clinton on a middle class tax cut "I want to make it very clear that this middle class tax cut, in my view, is central to any attempt we're going to make to have a short-term economic strategy and a long-term fairness strategy, which is part of getting this country going again" (ABC News, Primary Debate, 1/19/92). ''But to say that this middle class tax cut . .. is the center of anybody' s economi~ package is wrong" (ABC News, Democratic Debate, 3/5/92). Clinton on term limits: "I think it's a decision that people ought to make ... I wouldn't rule out term limits" (NBC, "Meet the Press," 1/5/ 92). ''I'm against term limits because I think that it takes choices away from voters" (Boston Globe, 7/27/92). Ointon on higher fuel efficiency standards: "We'll accelerate our progress toward fuel-efficient cars and seek to raise the average goal for automakers to 40 miles

per gallon by the year 2000, 45 miles per gallon by 2020" (Drexel University Speech,4/22/92). "I think we should be very flexible about imposing standards on the overall fleet as opposed to different sized vehicles. ... I don't think it's fair to impose a burden on an American fleet that has bigger cars in it than foreign competitors do" (Speech to Detroit Economic Club,8/21/92).

Sign spotted in West Quad arch last Thursday: "<- Women's Stud. 240." What we want to know is where is Women's Stud. #239? Probably being objectified in a corner somewhere.

Ointon on the presidency: '1 told you when I announced for Governor ... I'm gonna serve four years. I made that decision .when I decided to run.... That's the job I want - that's the job I'll do for the next four years" (KHOS/KHOG-TV Gubernatorial Debate, 10/15/90).

Rigoberta Menchu, the Marxist, feminist, lesbian from Guatemala whose autobiography is attacked by Dinesh D'Souza in Illiberal Education as the epitome of communist garbage masquerading in the drag of "multicultural literature" at Standford University recently won the Nobel Prize for Peace. Rumour has it that Madonna is the front-runner for next year's Nobel Prize in Literature for her classic work, Sex.

"Today I proudly announce my candidacy for President of the United States" (Announcement Speech, 10/3/91). Who is the real Bill Clinton? "He is whatever you want him to be at the moment" (Paul Greenberg, Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 7/15/92).

Pope John Paul II proclaimed last Saturday that the Catholic Church was wrong in forcing Galileo Galilei to retract his theoretical assertion that - contrary to what was then church dogma - the Sun, and not the Earth, is at the center of our solar system. Of course, it took nearly four centuries of denial and 13 years of close study by Vatican experts for the church to reach its decision. At this rate, it should apologize for the Crusades by the early 21st century and the Inquisition just after 2350 A.D.

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Face it: Calling for more "infrastructure" is masked socialism. We really, REALLY hope you voted for the Natural Law party. Tanscendental meditation, after all, is the only hope we have left for saving the world. Something to ponder over the next four years: According to the Detroit News, 98 percent of American childen can correctly identify Miss Piggy and Kermit the Frog. Compared to the pathetic rate at which most Americas can name their own elected officials, the Muppets muster some pretty hefty name recognition. Be on the lookout for the Kermit/Fozzie the Bear ticket in 1996.

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Letter to the Editor

Reader Dlsagrees.wlthColumbus Essay Dear Editor, Re: Nate Jamison's essay of October 7, 1992; "Reclaiming Columbus' 500 Year ' Legacy." , " My initial thoughts after reading this essay are that your readership would have been better served had it been published under the heading of either a book review, or an entirely new section titled Michigan Review's Cemdensed Books, for in reality the "essay" is just that, a regurgitation of Robert Royal's Columbus em ,Trial; 1492 vs.1992. Mature scholarship requires the citation of more than one source; in the course I teach on Native North American music, students must include a minimum of four texts in their bibliography for a paper the same length as Jamison's essay. LuCkily, as the author of a letter rather than an essay f I have a bit more freedom. Discussions of Columbus' merits as a human being often serve to cloud the larger moral issues brought about by his arrival in the Caribbean in 1492. It is easy to lose sight of the simple fact that had it not been Columbus, another representative of the European powers would have shown up here within the next decade or so and probably with similar results. European cultures had an expansionist bent unlike any others in the world of the time, as well ' as the propensity for imposing their religion upon unwilling recipi~nts, traits ,that Royal (and by extensidh Mr. Jamison) see as positive. Within this, worldview, Spanish actions could be considered appropriate and lawful; but two other ' elements should be-considered. First, within the Taino realm-of thought; which . possessed just as much legitimacy as that of the Spaniards, it was obViously not acceptable to lose their lands, way oillfe, , and within fifty years their very existence as a branch of the human race to become Christians, or suppliers of gold to an insatiable Eurqpean appetite. Secondly,'· European representatives ·of the Catholic Church, the supposed mOral authority in Europe at the time, decried Spanish behavior as brutal (see the writings of Bartolome de Las Casas). Although much of the T aino mortality can be ascribed to imported diseases, this does not excuse Sparush kidnapping and outright murder . of thousands (perhaps more than one hundred thousand) on Hispaniola alone. Genocide is defined as state sanctioned murder, and that is exactly what the Spanish did, much of it while Columbus himself was governor. By the way, the cannibalistic nature of the Carib People , wa,s _a myth, creat~ . by ~olumb"!s,, ~~ .

would still be alive at this point); then your dem9O'acy, and New World Order." justify their enslavement: TheTruno did head to be stricken o(f from your body. and .' In our Old World, t.e Taino People not welcome Columbus as a savior, but your body shall be divided into four quarters, lived lives of peace and prosperity, rather because .they were a hOspitable to be disposed of at the King's pleasure; and treating each other with a civility and civilized People (as were most may GQ<i bave mercy upon your soul. Natives). . practically URknown in post-medieval Europe. Look how Columbus repaid In discussing slavery, it is important Enough said. them, how Cortes repaid the Aztecs, to remember that it existed in many forms The larger issue here is not one of Pizarro the Incas, the English the and to; varying degrees worldWide. , evaluating Christoph~r Columbus by Chattel slavery of a race-specific form ' modem standards; he is long ,dead and Powhatans and Wampanoag, and on and on and on. What indeed is civilization if was a European invention; perhaps . therefore surely past caring. The primary not civility, ~something that the Native brought about by the growth reason toleam history is toleam jrom ,it, People of North America possessed in mercantili~m that Mr. Jamison mentions . noLenshrjne orj~stifr}t.,The cycles Of with such,pride. To ~e that Columbus' , . violence present foTcenturif?S inEUropean .' abundance? Perhaps rather than continue to define a culture by its material arrival ultimately resulte:d in the end of socie~iesspilled over not only North attainments; the time has come where slavery in North America is as ridiculous ' , America; .but reached their-mOst recen,t as saying the waves of Germanic: hib~s highpoint with the HolocausLCurrently . the superiority of Tamo society over that ofthe Spanish carl be recognized. After that destroyed Roman civilization~ere , ' at the lowereb\)call~ '~.e~cdeansmg/' responsible for ending Rornan pra~ces , the q.~le continu~;a.,ld.'~~\,continueas \ all, which' ispre£erable: a tradition ·of of slavery. Usingthaf Jogle, Attila the .. long as E~ropeans and'their AmeriCan' . peace or of war? .' Hun IS should bethlmked(or blamed) fOr cousiJ)sfeel it accept~ble to state that Tara Brawner our current state of affairS. lhelrcivilizatioris wereandar~ "above" . Ph. D Candidate It is eaSy give;exarnples of Native thOSe of the' oillie ~orId: this ujnight Music History/Musicology Ame"rican behaviors as another method makes-right" attitude,i~that 'pf a blillying of justifying the European invasion of child,and ·charaderizes culture the Americas, but a cloSer look shows just as well as the phrases "individual that European societies circa 1492 were liberty! human rights, political in the throes ofsu~ontinent, Wide, state-. ·, .......;.__________- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . . , sanctioned violence against their own populations; Wheaeverthe Aztecs come . to mind, try also to remember that during . that same era Europe was engaged in the Orte--Hundredyears war;, and Wave after wave ofpogromsagaillstits.JeWish ,~ population. After that collective bloodlettingl the inquisit~on to()k h()ld, burning approximately 100,000 people . at the stake between 1500 and 1600. To . state that human sacrifiCe \'Vas cominon in the pre-arrivalAmedca~ is misleading. Although practiced by the Aztecs, sacrificing humans was alm()st unheard of in North America, with the Skidi \\ Pawnee ~ the only doaim~nted example. ;'~~ When using examples of Iroquoian behaviors from the Jesuit Relations (the For a tax-deductible contribution of $25 or more, you'll receive a one-year actual source of the Royal citation) ; be 'subscription to the Mich{g4ll itev~, which includes 27 weekly issues and aware that not only are they a biased the 1993 Summer Orienta,ticm ISSlle, Your ~sCripti.onwill keep you:posted source, but that the Iroquois had a on the Iltate of acaijemiaat Michigan, the eontintiilig erosion of traditional perfectly legitimate reasonto bum Jesuits: standards of academic excellence, and the politlcization of the classroom. . ." , . : they spread smallpox everywhere they . • went After a decade or so o{this the Please send my subscription to: Hurons burned a few JesuitS themselves. ContrasUhis reasoned response towards Name: _____________________ disease containment with Eur9pean habit of. burning Jewsfor pQisoning'wells and sacrificing Christian babies. As far as Address: _ _ _~---------=-------brutality, how about Sir Walter Raleigh's sentence for "blasphemy and treason:"

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N ovemeber 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

From Suite One: Editorial

Settillg MSA's Goals for the Future Each Fall and Winter term University of Michigan students have the opportunity to elect new representatives to their primary student government, the Michigan Student Assembly. The candidates change frequently, as do many of the issues which receive attention during the campaign. What remains constant, however, is that campaigns almost inVariably devolve into petty squabbling matches. Few onlookers profit from these biannual rituals, which at best become annoying and at worst insult a voter's intelligence. Perhaps the parties' difficulties in filling their slates and the appearance of numerous independent candidates reveal the Widespread frustration that students feel about MSA. Neither the Progressives nor the Conservatives seem especially well prepared for the upcoming campaign. As of Monday, the Progressive Party was still in the process of drafting a platform; Conservative Coalition appears more organized and has a Wider variety of specific and tangible goals, but many of their plans seem to exist in concept alone. Both parties would do well to articulate clear and reasonable goals and policy recommendations; such an action not only make the campaign more interesting, but it would help students begin to take MSA seriously again. It is tempting to think that the parties should focus on explicitly political issues, for judging by their rhetoric, both want to help students (in general) and accomplish things (in general) and promote the greater good of the ''blah, blah, blah." Rather than . focusing, however, on the perennial issues - MCC, fee cap, onl off campus spending, etc. - the parties should engage in a little investigation and creative problem solving. • Why not look into fixing the computer centers? A student governrilent working for students should probably have some valuable ideas on how to alleviate both the technical (i.e. printing, resource access, etc.) and logistical (i.e. wait lists) problems which the U-M's computing centers currently face. • Why not examine the prospects for establishing a regental liaison to keep the regents regularly informed of student opinion and students up-to-date as to what sort of mischief the regents have been up to. In short, MSA needs someone who can keep communication lines open between students and the administration at all times, not merely when a threat like the Statement of Students' Rights and Responsibilities appears on the horizon. • Why not set up a commission to investigate U-M spending and suggest constructive ways to cut the budget? Such a commission would be able to present something more substantive to the regents when they plan the next inevitable tuition raise, as opposed to MSA's usual brand of futile whining (or, like this past summer, no opposition at all).

• Why not take steps to improve those horrible professor and teaching assistant evaluation sheets? Something more helpful than the current form-l.etter-style scantron evaluation sheets would go along way toward offering teachers more effective recommendations as to how to improve their sections. Better sheets and questions would, at the very least, make the expenditure on th~valuation process itself more worthwhile. • Why not look into the quality of undergraduate teaching - are students satisfied with what they're being taught and how well it is being presented? The administration seldom asks these questions, and chances are it would profit from the feedback that such an MSA-motivated survey could yield. Are we writing well enough? Are we learning foreign languages well enough? Find out. . These are but samples of what MSA should be doing. The parties also need to find problems and offer solutions to real, everyday problems which plague both the assembly itself and students at large. Which leads us to the follOWing recommendations: .Lose the silly resolutions. "Whereas the U-M needs an Indigenous Peoples' Day" and ''Whereas the University Cops are in part at fault for the Los Angeles riots" are not only ludicrous ideas upon which to base utterly meaningless resolutions, but they amount to a waste of student time, money, and paper. MSA should concern itself with students, not with making petty political platform statements. ·Start working to make the lives of students in general better, instead of coercively and selectively subsidizing organizations with wildly extreme political goals and dubious connections to student concerns as a whole. If this means denying exorbitant funding to the "Guatemalan Basket-Weavers-in-arms Association" in favor of installing a new vending machine in a student dormitory, then so be it. • Keep MSA as small and cost-efficient as possible. The less money MSA devours, the less money it has to extort from students. Whether this involves the application of a cap to MSA fees or a reduction in those fees overall, cost-cutting should be a definiteif not perpetual- MSA priority. In short, the parties vying for MSA seats should offer something more substantive to students this year than the usual political bickering which has come to characterize MSA campaigns. These are only a few suggestions; if would-be MSA representatives are actually concerned with furthering the goals of students, they would do well to take them into consideration and form more ideas in a similar vein.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

November 4, 1992

Essay: Conservative Manifesto

Debunking the Myth of the Loving Liberal -

by Jay D. McNeill

Sitting here on October 31, not knowing who the next president of the United States will be, I would like to turn my conservative manifesto into an address to the economically disadvantaged groups who I'm sure will pull the lever for Bill Clinton on Tuesday in record numbers. As a premise, let me note that what I'm about to say is rather general in nature; most theoretical analysis has to be. Unfortunately for you, liberals like Bill Clinton and Jesse Jackson are perceived by the voting public to be the people who care most about the plight of the poor. That's the way it has been for years. Liberals are portrayed as the voice for everyday, average, working-class citizens, while the conservatives' sole concern is supposedly to retain their wealth and power by way of neglecting those people. I'm absolutely fed up with thispernicious, self-perpetuating myth, and l'm here to set the record straight. No matter what liberals profess, it is not they who geniunely care about you; rather it is the conservatives. It is not liberals who seek to unite; it is conservatives. It is not liberals who wish you to succeed; it is conservatives. Jesse Jackson is not your real friend; Republicans like Jack Kemp and Newt Gingrich are. That, my friends, is the honest but often hidden truth. And like all truths, one day it will be recognized as such. Like it or not, liberals like Govemment Clinton, Mario Cuomo, and Ted Kennedy are empowered through your perceived need of them. To put it another way, they are elected to office by running on a platform whose fundamental idea is: "You need me, and you're nothing without me." A perfect example is the so-called black leadership of this country. What is their typical message? Basically that the United States is rigged against everyone but rich WASPs, that everyone who is successful achieved their status by shafting decent people like yourselves, that everyone in power is inherently racist, that you must segregate yourselves in order to fight this explOitation, and that the only way to do this is by voting for them In exchange for your vote, they'll create a new program to give you money, train you for upper-level employment, and find you a job. How nice. How understanding. How compassionate. That's what most people who don't passionately follow politics and really take the time to think about various issues believe-that co~p~o!,.and li~~Il},

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go hand in hand. This is wrong. By implementing such" compassion," those leaders are effectively telling you that you are inferior and need special treatment in order to have any chance of succeeding. Modern liberalism is inherently pessimistic about the ability of individuals to succeed by themselves and it fundamentally disbelieves in creating individual power. In addition, liberals face quite a

qllestion liberal solutions as contradictory to human nature dismissed as racist, hateful, and greedy instead of being answered with reasoned argument? Now, I do not believe that most liberals are "out to get those poor people and keep them in their place so I can be in charge," and I'll be the first to say that I am not sure what the true motivations of someone like Jesse Jackson are - I can only observe the circumstances and surmise. I do think most liberals Liberals are portrayed as voices for work- that honestly care about ing-class citizens, while conservatives' the plights of the poor sole concern is supposedly to retain their and the needy, but simply have been wealth. I'm fed up with this myth. indocrinated by the populist rhetoric of both the media and elementary school dilemma: if they succeed, then they fail. teachers before making an analysis of That is, if liberals really succeed in eliminating poverty, hunger, and every political thought and human nature for themselves. It's hard to withstand the other social ill, then their programs grow outmoded and must wither - just as highly emotional and humanitarianMarx thought that the state would wither sounding appeal of liberalism at such an under communism. But liberals' early age and be able to properly reason programs generally don't work and they later without the interference of that never wither. Witness welfare - it is indoctrination. supposedly temporary, but it actually But if one is able to get past that locks people into poverty and fosters barrier, one will soon discover the dependency on government. Witness surprisingly optimistic message found affirmative action, which, despite its in conservativism. It believes that all successes, has created animosity and has people are individuals with the innate treated women and minorities in an capability to overcome obstacles with arrogant, paternalistic way. It is unclear minimal outside help. Contrary to whether it can or will succeed, but there popular belief, we recognize that racism is reason for doubt It is also unlikely that does exist and that there are existing it will wither any time soon. barriers to minority advancement One could even go so far as to say because of that racism. But instead of . that there remains a distinct possibility perpetuating the myth that only by that s.ome renown liberals and socialists follOWing one person's lead or that only like Jesse Jackson hopefor their programs by voting for someone will these obstacles to fail. One must pause and seriously be overcome, we seek to reform the consider this. If one is aware that the system so that you may realize your full amount of success in a particular potential and become su~ful for community is inversely proportional to yourself. Our message is not you need the amount of power one holds, the us," but rather "you need yourself" and natural response would be to discourage "equality of opportunity for everyone." success - it is fundamental for people to Unfortunately these ideals are act in their own self-interest. twisted into something they're not. When Think about it. Why is it that those conservatives fight increased taxes on who rise up from poverty-stricken, the wealthy, it is not to pander to the predominantly minority-inhabited interests of the rich, but rather that we communities to become successful are recognize increasing taxes on the rich, or accused of selling out and not being true anyone for that matter, tends to eliminate to their roots? Why do liberals oppose jobs predominantly held by the poor and enterprise zones and private ownership middle class. Consider the 1990 budget of federal housing projects, both of which deal's luxury tax that Congress passed a would take power away from 10 percent luxury tax on yachts, airplanes, govemment bureaucrats and puts it into high-priced automobiles, jewelry, and the hands of the people, and subsequently firs. Yacht sales went down 85 percent tap the pride and entrepreneurial spirit when the tax took effect, and guess who which accompanies private property got hurt? The 19,000 yacht builders who were laid off,not the rich yacht buyers. .. ~wnership? yY,hy are people. ~ho

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To be fair, the question earlier asked of liberals must also be posed to conservatives: What if our ideas worked? That is, wh5! incentives are there for us conservatives if you succeed? The answer lies in the fact that, unlike liberals, conservatives fundamentally support the success of all members of society, rich or poor; we don't shame those who eventually rise up and become a part of the system," but encourage them to do even beUer. Therefore it is in our best interest if people succee;d, not fail, because we will be their voice either way. Now I recognize that some selfproclaimed conservatives believe what they do because they are racists and simply wish to protect their own. I should know; I'm from a small town in Michigan where red necks run free. Such folks are not true conservatives, for if they were, they would embrace the individualism and optimism that characterizes conservatism. Conservatives understand that equal opportunity and enduring equality can only be achieved through equal treatment - equal access to education, equal treatment under the law, etc. Liberals think that unequal treatment can lead directly to equality. Many people object to such wrongheaded social engineering; not all of them, however, do so for the correct reasons. I, for one, am very disappOinted in George Bush's failure to stress some of these points during his campaign. Only when asked did he ever address the topics ohace relations and the impoverished and ~hat conservatives believe ought to be do'ile; even then his comments were superfiCial at best. As a result, the truth remained buried 4n the rhetoric and populist muck of Mi~ton' s campaign. But Jack Kemp will be the Republican nominee in 1996, thank God. Then the truth about the bankruptcy of liberalism will be told. I eagerly await. II

Jay D. McNeill is a junior in business administration and a contributing editor for the Review.

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Interview: Paul W. McCracken

Economic Policy and the Presidency On October 21, 1992 Jay D. McNeill ' interviewed Paul W. McCraken, a professor emeritus of Economics at the University of Michigan. Professor McCracken graduated with his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1948 and arrived at the U-M that same year. He was named to the Council of Economic Advisors for President Eisenhower's second term, and was later named chairman of that same group for President Nixon's first term.

• mean this entirely jocularly, that a Republican president, particularly back then, didn't have the university economists to draw from. Because probably conservatively - three-quarters of the economists would have been Democrats. One survey I recall indicated about 90 percent. REVIEW: How do you assess that number now, the same? McCRACKEN: No. The Democrats

REVIEW: How were you chosen for your posts in the Eisenhower and Nixon administrations? McCRACKEN: Eisenhower had an assistant to the president for economic policy matters, Gabriel Hauge, and Gabe and I had been at Harvard at the same time. He was just coming out of the pipeline about the time I went in, but we overlapped a little. One does have to remember, I don't

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recall an occasional call from a cabinet member - could I help him get in to see the president. REVIEW: Do you have a favorite president with whom you've dealt? McCRACKEN: They're all different. The four with whom I had some continuing contact would have been Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford, and Reagan. I suppose I could also include Bush. I couldn't claim to have been a personal confidant or

.But if [Governor Clinton1 means heavy taxation on the rich ... then the alternative to trickle-down economics would be an unmitigated disaster for the people at the low end of the distribution. clearly dominate, but there's been a very substantial movement. I'm sure there's been a substantial movement statistically, but even more you find a much larger number of front-rank people who would be responsive to a Republican president's request that they be part of his team. For example, I don't know, but I would guess [Nobel laureate] Gary Becker - if Bush were to win - and if Bush told him, "Gary, I need you down here as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA)," my guess is that Professor Becker might at least consider it. REVIEW: What are your responsibilities as part of the CEA? McCRACKEN: You're always identified as the president's chief economic adviser. That ~ not incorrect, but it may be a little ambiguous because in a protocol-tonscious organization like government, clearly the ranking economic policy officer is the secretary of the treasury. In other words, at an embassy dinner, where the secretary of the treasury and the chairman of the CEA were both present, it would be the secretary of the treasury who would be sitting to the right of the hostess, not the chairman of the CEA. On the other hand, CEA members have an important advantage in that they are a part of the executive office of the president, so the chairman reports to the president, not to some assistant to the president. When I was there, I had much easier access to the presid~nt than many cabinet people did. In fact, I can even

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,buddy of Eisenhower - a whole generation separated us. But he had the aur~ of course, coming out of the war. He was a national hero and he had a million dollar toothpaste smile. But if he didn't feel very good, he was a mule-skinning army general. Now, the person with whom I had the easiest personal relationship obviously was Gerald Ford. He was a friend before he got dumped into the Oval Office. When he was vice president, I used to drop in occasionally to chat. And I remember I dropped in to see Mr. Ford very close to Nixon's last week in office. I had the feeling that he was asking questions about the economy with more of a sense of urgency than usual, and I think he sensed that the.jig was about up. After he became president I would occasionally go see him, and I ~ember that in some indefinable way I wasn't talking to Gerry Ford - I was talking to the president. He wasn't pompous or stuffy or anything like that, he was the president. The president clearly with the highest I.Q. that I've known was, of course, Nixon - a brilliant man, an extraordinary mind. The most winsome president clearly would have been Reagan. You felt drawn to him. He wasn't interested in the details of what was going on, but he was intensely interested in the big things that he wanted to accomplish. He wanted deregulation, he wanted more defense spending to put pressure on the Russians, and he wanted to cut the budget. I was a member of his economic policy advisory board which c~si~ted

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entirely of outside people, and I can remember one meeting in which we were trying to..persuade him not to go too far on his tax reduction package. He was flawlessly courteous, winsome, and congenial- and he didn't give one millimeter on the issue, Those who assumed that he was an aging movie actor who could play the·role of the president as an actor, of course, wouldn't have any idea of what was going on. I used to tell them, "Better think again. This guy is a toughminded politician on things that are important to him." REVIEW: Economically speaking, what are your reflections on what happened in the 1980s? McCRACKEN: In important ways, it was a very good decade - as we hear tirelessly, a decade of large gains in employment; a decade of only mediocre performance in terms of real income; and a very poor decade in terms of what was done with the budget. So the grade is mixed, but on the whole it would have to go down as a pretty good decade. Reagan inherited a bad inflation situation. REVIEW: What do you think of the 1990 budget deal which resulted in Bush's now infamous tax hike? McCRACKEN: Not good. I thought that when Bush took over, at some point there would have to be some backing away from the pOSition he had taken. But it would have to be in the context where it was perceived that the Democrats in Congr~ss gave-~ much ground as he did. They outmatt"euvered Bush on this, or Darman if he was the guy, and managed to get that budget deal in a way that managed to put the onus entirely on the president. Nobody points a finger at Congress for backing away from a promise or anything. It's entirely Bush. So, not good. ' REVIEW: Bill Clinton has been travel- ' ing around the country hooting that trickle-down economics doesn't work. Do you think that George Bush has practiced it? McCRACKEN: I'm not even sure I know what that means. What I do know is that poliCies that produce generalized economic expansion and prosperity particularly benefit the people who would otherwise be unemployed. Now, with what we just described as trickle--down eco-

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

November 4, 1992

McCRACKEN: Well, the miracle is that, facto, I think we're probi:lbly goifig to go center advisors if for no other reason nomics, the people that most benefit are the route of some sort Of national proin the give and take of getting three govthe people at the low end of the totem th~ t~ ~~w that part sf the party that he is responsive to their orientations. But I ernments to agree on a document, somegram. pole. would be very surprised iJ a Clinton But trickle-down economics is anthing emerged. Now, is that the docuadminstration starts off on a very leftother one of these catchy phrases that ment that I would have written, had I. REVIEW: What do you think a Clinton wing orientation. My guess is that some presidency would bring? they use in a campaign period. But when been given power of attorney to write it? you stop and ask, ,...-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _----, of his more left-wing advisors will tum out to be a littl:-disgruntIed by what a McCRACKEN: "Now just what does II it mean?" it suddenly 0) president Clinton might try - or not try One can never be -to do. sure in advance disappears. It would how any n~w adbe reasonable to as. REVIEW: What caused this year's recesministration will sumethat, well, if you sion? What waS' the main factor? look at the end of a don't like trickleterm. The country down, you want direct measures to re- ......_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _• is fundamentally McCRACKEN: I think, fundamentally, that our monetary policy, for much of the not left-Wing. distribute income. past two or three years, has been insuffiWell, I'm not sure that Governor Clinton Well, probably not, although I couldn't ciently expansive. It was too tight in the REVIEW: Why do you think that? has really thought this through that well. be very speCific. After all, it's a huge, summer of 1990. SomE~where around the But if he means heavy taxation on the 2000-page document with protocols and low point in March or April of 1991, until McCRACKEN: Suppose Clinton had run rich to move a lot more of the national so forth. But it's a good deal. It won't the end of the year, the M2 money supply income to welfare and people at the low on a left-wing program ... have any major effect on the US. economy (the broadest of the commonly accepted end, then the alternative to trickle-down because we're too big a part of the totality money supply categorizations) in real REVIEW: In my opinion he did. He just economics would be an unmitigated diof the three. But it's good for the domesterms declined. I do not recall another veils it well. saster for the people at the low end of the tic auto industry - it will probably mean recovery where there wasn't a signifinet additonal jobs in the United States. distribution. cant expansion of M2 in real terms. 50 the McCRACKEN: He's too good a politiIt will also help accelerate the rate of country was struggling against a restriccian. If you were to ask, "Where is the REVIEW: What do you think budget growth in Mexico. That's important to us tive monetary policy. Why? Well, in part idealogical center of gravity of the coundeficits will do in the long run? because they're our third largest trading because we were too preoccupied with try?" it's not left-of-center. In fact, it has partner now, and we run a net export McCRACKEN: Continue. Neither canthe exchange rate of the dollar. If they surplus with Mexico. It's not the other been moving to the right. Unfortunately, didate is going to be realistic about what moved more agressively, the dollar might way around. So we obviously have a the current administration, partly due to has to be done to reduce the deficit durweaken as if that's enough said. Well, stake in the prosperity of our trading the bad luck of the economy, over which ing the campaign. Ross Perot could be the answer was, "Well so what?!" The partners. Two hundred years ago, David they really didn't have all that much that way because he's not a serious conmajor objective of national policy ought Hume said something to the effect of "I control, and partly due to a little ineptitender. to be what's happening to employment. tude on their part, couldn't keep this pray daily not only as a citizen of his The main effect of a deficit like ours trend going. But if the fundamental ideomajesty, I pray daily also for the prosperin an internationalized capital market is, REVIEW: If you could recommend one ity of Italy, Spain, Germany, and France." logical center of gravity is going to the book to students, other than any you frankly, that more and more of our debt What was his point? Well, Great Britain right, and a .president starts to go this may have written, what would it be? obligations are held outside the country. was like any business: You're better off if way to the left, pretty soon he's in trouble. Therefore, more and more of the interest your customers are prosperous. A man usually doesn't get to be presion those obligations goes out of the counMcCRACKEN: Joseph Schumpeter's dent unless he's a pretty good politician. try. To go back ten years ago, the net Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy. He REVIEW: What do you think of nationAnd if he's a good politiCian, he senses inflow of interest income on our investunderstood better than anybody else the alized health care? where the country is. I give Governor ments outside the country was running a unfolding nature of the liberal economic Clinton credit that he's a pretty shr~Wd little over one percent of Gross Domestic M cCRA CK EN : I orc\~, or capitalism. Product. If we would have maintained don't know. I think It's ~ interesting new that we pay a lot we've gotten ourthat, then the net interest inflow would be running $60 to 70 billion per year. It's more attention to selves into s~ch a now running somewhere between zero morass there. I m not ~) • Schumpeter today and five billion. So that's the most tanthan. during his sure th.at some kind 'J a. J years at Harvard. of national health gible adverse effect. And in that sense, the federal government's finances are no care isn't inevitable. Now in this year of different from yours. If you have credit, It will be disappoint-.. • • full disclosure, I so long as you're living on that credit ing to a lot of people, IS should tell you that you're getting along very well. But more because it will cost a ,H he was chairman of lot more than people my dissertation, but and more of your income is having to go to finance the servicing of the credit and realize and will be that has nothing to do with it If I had to therefore you have less at home. much less desirable assign an article, it would be Hayek's than they thought it was going to be. student of politics. I would therefore exREVIEW: What do you think of the Uses of Knowledge in Society - a marvelpect him not to go off on some left-wing Here we are, spending these huge sums, trade agreement between Canada, ously perceptive paper. He's another man series of programs because he's too good and we do have people not covered. who was ignored and hooted at by the Mexico, and the United States? That's unconscionable. We can mandate a politician. His advisors strike me as intelligentsia in his more active years, coverage back on businesses - that'lll?e what you might expect: a mix of pretty but he wound up getting the Nobel Prize. McCRACKEN: If I were in the Congress, sensible and level-headed people. Some the great temptation. But there you'll be I'd vote right for it. And a lot of those who were doing the putting burdens on smaller businesses people who are pretty far to the left. That hooting back then are not candidates for that they simply can't carry, and these is a wing of the Democratic Party and I REVIEW: No problems? a Nobel Prize. are burdens for big business, too. But de could see how he would want left~f-

I' m no t sure th at some k·In d na t·10na 1·lZe d health care isn't inevitable. It will be disappointing to a lot of people, because it will cost a lot more than people realize ...

b h· . ne can never e sure... ow any admlnistration will look at the enrl-'J!fH a term The country is fundamentally not leH-wing ... II the fundamental ideo logical center of gravity gOIng to the nght, and a preSIdent starts to go to the 1eJa., pretty soon he,. sIn trou b1e. 0

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Book Review

Free Speech on an Open Free Speech in an Open Society

Rodney A. Smolla Alfred A. Knopf

Hardcover, 367 pgs. $27.50 by Michelle Wietek The ongoing efforts of the political left to impose a self-serving ideology of sensitivity upon America's collective consciousness presents a serious danger to our individual rights and civil liberties. While this effort is not limited to universities, the proliferation of campus speech codes chillingly demonstrates the result of the goals of social engineering being placed above a constitutional right - the right of free speech. In chronicling and critiquing efforts to abridge these rights, Rodney A. SmoIla's Free Speech in an Open Society is a timely and relevant book. Smolla begins by asserting that freedom of thought, conscience, and expression are exalted values, essential to the nature of man. He holds that an open culture, in which this freedom is upheld as being of fundamental importance, should be the goal sought by all individuals and nations. Once Smolla has explained why freedom of speech should receive special consideration, however, he devotes the majority of the book to identifying the sometimes innocent-looking challenges to that right and arguing for vigilance in the preservation of individual freedoms. "Neither an open culture nor an open government comes easily," he writes. "It is in the nature of government to be jealous of secrets and . confidences; it is a natural reflex to penalize speech perceived as inimical to national security, social order, or public civility." Smolla is a gifted lawyer and Director of the Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the College of William and Mary, Marshall-Wythe Law School. In Free Speech in an Open Society he presents his own criteria for ruling on the protected status of speech. Smolla formulates specific, rigorous requirements (based on the traditional arguments for protecting speech) which must be met before restrictions on speech can be justified. Degrees of freedom of speech form a continuum which ranges from absolute freedom - "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech... " - to strict, state-initiated censorship. Though recognizing the necessity of a few very narrow limits on speech, Smolla's model places him close to the absolutist position of complete freedom. His criteria, which are all premised on

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constitutional concerns, would not justify regulating speech that inflicted emotional distress or insulted human dignity, but would prohibit solicitation to murder and other physical or extreme relational harms. Smolla utilizes his model in an exploration of the relationship between American society and freedom of speech. It is easy to see the First Amendment as a clear, simple defense against censorship and oppression which, as University of Michigan junior Kathryn Weintraub put it, "lets us live without fear of punishment for saying the wrong thing, protects those, like artists or scientists, who might be viewed as wacky or dangerous by society, and [most importantly] allows us to get drunk with our friends free from the worry that one of them will call the police the morning after to report seditious speech." These are all eminently reasonable liberties, but when the freedom of speech conflicts with other values and rights, the case for censorship begins to appear intuitively reasonable. It is this tendency to relax in our protection of speech and give in to the "social instinct of censorship" that Smolla attacks throughout the book. Although the freedom of speech holds a special place in the hearts of Americans, it is not the only value which we fiercely protect. People also defend things like national or community symbols. Flag-burning is an assault on one such symbol, and when the Supreme Court defended this action as a type of protected speech, the country was instantly enraged. Congress, the same body that cannot motivate itself to fix a crippling budget deficit, promptly and enthusiastically went so far as to propose a constitutional amendment to prevent flag-burning. Smolla explains that this chapter in our political history "demonstrates how fickle and spineless the world of politiCS can be, and how unlikely it is that legislatures will have the courage to stand up and fight for the right of dissenters to engage in unpopular speech." This analysis emphasizes the importance of maintaining the constitutional guarantees which protect speech. Emotional issues such as these present the most clear and present danger to the freedom of speech preCisely because they are emotional and there-

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fore often difficult to approach rationally. People "know" that flag-burning is wrong and that it contributes absolutely nothing to the free exchange of ideas; therefore, they reason, it can be banned. It is this tempting presumption of "knowledge" against which we must defend, Smolla states, because beneath it lies intolerance for the message that flag-burning c 0 mm un i cat es . Speech that appears correct and reasonable to the majority or the government needs no protection. Dissenting and emotional speech do, even when they attack something held sacred. Hate speech and the emotional reactions it provokes present similar threats to First Amendment rights. Smolla defines hate speech as verbal attacks based on race, ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation. Smolla's chapter on this topic is interesting for several reasons. In it, he reaffirms the "bedrock" principle of the First Amendment - speech must be pnr tected especially when it is disagreed with, disliked, and thought to be of little value. But the indirect and irresolute manner in which he approaches his conclusion is markedly different from his argumentation in the rest of the book, even though he never abandons the rigorous standards which he laid out with such care. Smolla first frames the issue by deSCribing eight incidents on various college campuses which he believes demonstrate that racism is a growing problem in America. One of these occurred at U-M. Students were accused of painting themselves black anAearing rings in their noses at a "jungle party." SmCllla recognizes that efforts to prohibit such incidents through speech and conduct codes violate our free speech rights. Because his arguments against such infringement in the preceding chapters are so strong and systematic, one expects Smolla to declare unabashedly, as his criteria imply, that hate speech is protected by the First Amendment. Instead he presents the arguments in support of censorship of hate speech and explores them in detail from the perspective that hate speech is somehow worse than other types of offensive speech. Because of this assumption, Smolla seems reluctant to offer full constitutional protection to hate speech.

Smolla examines six arguments in support of the Ct!nsorship of hate speech. He finds only one of these - the theory that some speech is too base to warrant protection - to be blatantly unconstitutional. In handling the other arguments, Smolla is much less supportive of the case for freedom of speech. In one instance he states that an argument can be maqe for a very narrow regulation of hate speech when it falls under the definition of "fighting words," and then implies that because such a statute will "reach only a small percentage of hate speech," a further search should be conducted by would-be regulators to find legal loopholes. Only at the end of the chapter does he almost reluctantly equate hate speech with other forms of offensive speech, and conclude that "freedom of speech has its costs, and tolerance of even the speech of the intolerant is one of them." While it is gratifying to see Smolla continue in his defense of a strict interpretation of the First Amendment, and to see speech codes acknowledged as violations of this right, one may be surprised at his apparent reluctance to reach this conclusion - especially given the force with which he established his constitutionally-based criteria. In contrast to his previous direct and precise arguments, Smol1a here seeks to insulate himself from charges of racism before coming to his point. This hesitancy itself demonstrates the chilling power that censorship can have. If merely stating that hate speech is constitutional can create fear of persecution, making hate speech illegal would make the fear of being offensive stifling to the point of destroying the freedom of speech. It is\it<?nic that, in his own book on free speeCh.:'Smolla does not feel free to draw a conclusion which might be labeled as racist by those who would gladly sacrifice the First Amendment for the sake of sensitivity. Despite Smolla's cautious approach to the legitimate defense of the right to hate speech, this book is an excellent explanation of the concept of free speech, the need for it, and the efforts often made to abridge that freedom. This is useful reading for anyone interested in or concerned about civil liberties - which, in light of continuing threats to the liberties of students at the U-M, should include everyone on campus. Michelle Wietek is a junior in political Âˇ science and a staff writer for the Re-

view.

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Book Review

Educating Our Children for the Future Our Children & Our Country William J. Bennett Simon and Schuster Hardcover, 234 pages

example. action would likely violate the separation of church and state, and that morality must not be taught in school because The . second method of givmg nobody agrees on which moral values students a sense of moral literacy depends $19.95 are correct. While it is true that America upon selecting the proper content for the is culturally and racially eclectic, it is also curriculum. Bennett suggests a by Perry Thompson - - - -- ._ - -.., curriculum based on history, School choice is an issue that received geography, and civics for much attention during this year's elementary school students, and presidential race. For former Secretary of more of the same - along with Education William Bennett, Choice is just large doses of Western one of the "three Cs" that are vital to civilization . ~ for secondary reform the educational system. Content school and college students. and Character round out the list and are Bennett argues that this the major focus of Our Children & Our curriculum equips students to Country, a collection of speeches Bennett . handle the rights and delivered during his tenure as Secretary .responSibilities that they will of Education. have as citizens. Bennett's argument for school choice The needfor geography and is very straightforward. Under the current civics is rather,obvious. A person system, children must attend public cannot make in-formed deschool in their district, and Qften a precisions about world affairs if he determined one at that. The only cannot even find the relevant area alternative to this in most states is either on a map. Voting be-comes an to pay tuition to attend a private school absurd ex-ercise if one does not understand how the government or a public school in another district. works. Most people cannot afford either of these The need for history is options, so their children are trapped in Similarly important. According their district's public schools regardlesS to Bennett, "The study of history of the quality of education they are is an incubator of critical intelligence." receiving. Under the current system, true that there are certain ideals which all This is the case only if history is taught schools are not held responsible for their Americans can agree are worthy of properly. If students are asked only to educational failures. Bennett proposes a pursuit. Likewise, there are qualities of learn dry names and dates, they will character which Americans can agree are system in which parents are free to choose know, for example, that the Declaration to send their children to any school. He is virtuous and worthy of transmission to of Independence was signed in, 1776, but future generations. Qualities such as not specific about the details of his plan they will have no idea of its significance. courage, honesty, and fairness, like the in Our Children, but most likely he is Bennett argues that history classes must referring to the educational tax credits belief in liberty and equality, are things be based on critical analYSiS, not rote that every American can support in that President Bush has proposed. In this memorization, if the classes are to be of system, the market would force schools principle. For example, courage can be shown by a soldier resolutely fighting for to deliver a quality education, since failure any use. The study of Western civilization also to do so would result in loss of market his country or an activist opposing a War plays a vital role in Bennett's educational share as parents take their business that he truly believes is unjust. Such is the plan. The main reason for the study of elsewhere. role of moral literacy in Bennett's theory. Western civilization is, sim• .that it is According to Bennett, an education Bennett never suggests that students our civilization. Whether you love it or is not vocational training. While in school, be indoctrinated with any particular deplore it, if you live in America you are a person may learn skills that will help ideology. He merely states that children influenced by Western culture. Our him in the job market, but this is flot what must have some idea of right and wrong liberal democratic style of government is he considers to be the primary importance if they are to be able to make meaningful a Western invention, and when there is a of an education. Bennett sees an education decisions as adults. Bennett offers two problem in our society, Western thought as preparation for citizenship. As he means by which students may be is used to fix it. inculcated with such a moral sense. First, points out, "children in our public schools Here Bennett considers the example are future teachers, statesmen, and they must be given "moral examples." of Martin Luther King, Jr. When King He writes: corporate leaders. They are our future entered Crozer Theological Seminary to citizens, our future parents." To confront Students cannot be browbeaten into accepting educate himself in order to fight future challenges, and to become effective points of view. This would simply be segregation, he did not tum to Afrocentric citizens, children need to gain a sense of indoctrination, which we all deplore. I am diatribes. He immersed himself in the character or "moral literacy." Bennett talking about intellectual honesty and ethical writings of the great Western political claims that prOviding this moral literacy candor. To put a student in the presence of a philosophers, from Plato to Mill. He is the most vital role of an education. morally mature adult who speaks honestly to turned to these writers to answer When people begin to speak of them is the surest way to foster their moral fundamental questions about justice and teaching character in school, however, growth. In building character, nothing is as the nature of miUl. The answers he found cries immediately resound that such important as the quiet power_of mor~1

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in Western thought helped to change our nation. It is this slowly, imperfectly selfcorrecting impetus of Western culture which wi!l.become both our chilren's source of liberation, but it will also become their obligation, for they will be charged with transmitting it. Overall, Bennett's ideas on educational reform center on one idea: Truth. He cirgues throughout Our Children that if they are simply presented with the whole truth of history and Western culture children will develop a sense of moral literacy that will equip them to function as citizens and allow them to form their own ideas about what is right and wrong . Bennett summarizes his argument: In short. I am suggesting that the best global education for American students is the truth - the truth about ourselves, our political culture, and our intellectual legacy. And the truth about the world, in all its friendly and hostile aspects, for all its good and all its evil. Though our scholars and our statesmen are forever adding to its finer contours. we are~ most of us. agreed what the bulk of the truth looks like. It is high time. I think. that we began making sure our children can see it too,

Although Bennett does not claim to be speaking for our country's citizenry, one hopes that in fact he is. And although his insights are seldom profound, he effectively illustrates the need to rethink our approach to public education, in both structural and curricular ways.

Perry Thompson is a junior in philosophy and communication and a staff writer for th~~iew.

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

MSA Campaign

'!ii''''

Continued from Page 1

most recent code (whichever draft that may be by November 17 and 18); it then MSA's "effectiveness" under C(l,Stuasks students to indicate whether they think that any such policypught to be dents often perceive MSA's relative inacsubject to. student approval by referentivity this term as evidence of the Progressive Party's failure, "but the dum. Another prominent portion of CC's Progressives don't have a majority on the Assembly," he said. platform is devoted to improving educaCC, he charged, is in fact the party tion at the U-M. "Improving the quality of education on campus is something we which suffers from "political inad, equacy." Slick maneuvering by CC mem- started when Jeff Muir was academic bers to take advantage of MSA's parliaaffairs chairman, but it has been kind of mentary procedure reveals that CCmern- dropped now that the Progresaves are in hers "lack confidence in their own politicharge of it; said House. Specifictarg. cal ability to defeatproposals~ which for refOrm are easily found. House nOted they oppose, said Zimmerman. that some courses now are worth fewer One recent incident that Zimmerman credits than they used to be, and he cited finds demonstrative of this lack of confi"problems with the tenuring of>profesdence involved a CC member who left sors" and "problems with class saze" as the MSA chamber in order to deprive the the most important foci for aCademic Assembly of a quorum, thereby prevent.. refonn; By voicing such con~ms to the ing the passage of a particular proposal. appropriate administrators, hopes The proposal in question, had it passed, that MSA win be able to effect positive would have granted an approximated change. "W,eshould be con~about $8,000 bonus to the Ann ArborTenants' students, but the Progressives, seeD:l to Union (AATU), an organization which have ignored them," House said. automatically receives nearly 10 percent House also blasted the Progressives of MSA's half-million donar budget. for a weak record with regard to tuition. Rather than tinker with rules and ''The regents may not say, 'Ob, we won't abuse technicalities, Zimmerman sugraise tuition·if people come to us and gested, representatives must address the complain,' but the Progressives didn't weighty issues which come before MSA. even send:a letter to the regents «talk to House and Morales framed the con':' them about thetuitionhike," saidHouse~ trast between CC and the Progressives CC plans to. scrutinize MSA's Jirather differently. Rather than engaging nancesaS well. CurrentIy,·approximately·, in grandiose symbolic gestures (such as 10 percent of MSA's budget goes to supthe Peace and Justice Committee's recent port student groups. The Progressives resolutions blaming the U-M police for cut the funding o(MSA's Budget Priorithe Los Angeles riots and renaming Coties Cornnuttee(BPC) this year, yet it is lumbus Day as Indigenous People's Day), the BPe that funds student groups which CC plans to work with the administrarequest MSA support. A portion of the tion on palpable issues of importance to BPe' srevQked. funding had been tarstudents. geted for. the AATU and MCC, said According to House, the party House. "wants to start MSA talking about stuCC intends to push for greater nondent concerns rather than getting off on . MSA-affiliated student involvement on wild tangents." House added that CC is the BPe, as their presence tends to make contacting various student groups to asthe evaluation of funding requests more certain which topics students feel need to "objective" and less "politicized/' said be addressed by MSA. House. "The code will be our foremost conCC will alSo try to restructure cern. We are against any type of code AATU's funding "There's no reason why except that which may be requireq by the AATU should get preferential treatlaw," said House. He added that tllere ment," said House. "If students agree will bea ballot issue on the the Statement that it is a good organization - which a It will first ask whether one favors the lot of students have doubts about be-

House

Join the post-election debates. Sigoon to the Michigan Review's MTS computer conference and teD everyone what you think of the presldent-elect and the cballenges fadnl! him. $source MREV:Forum

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cause of the group's political activities we think that they should have to come to MSA, just like any other group that wants funding," House announced. CC ijso opposes the increased MSA fee of which Zimmerman spoke. Instead, the party favors a reorganization of the budget which might even permit a fee cut or a. transition to a voluntary fee. "Every time they have a problem, they want to raise the fee, and they think that that will. solve everything instead· of going into the budget and seeing where our mo~y.is going and how to reorgani2eit Th(;!reare a tot of things that can be to reorganize it, too, like commission and committee reform.. Really useless committees, like Peace and Justice, should just be eliminated." Where lack of utility is not problematic, redun~t service provision may be, and such providers might find their funding consolidated. "As far as the different groups tbatgetmooey, like AATU and Student Legal5eJ:vkes (Sl.S), a lot of their functions are redundant. Many . people are told thattheycangotoAATU, SLS or the Gty's services. We don't need

done

three different groups doing the same thing," House said. The savings that would result from these and other consolidations will go to student groups vis a vis the BPC if CC has its way. MSA election turnout is traditionally rather low, but Zimmerman encouraged students to turn out en masse. "People perceive MSA as powerless, but just because MSA doesn't have much power doesn't mean that it can't gain it," he said. Zimmerman seems to believe that student support of MSA is critical if the Assembly is to gain credibility in the admi.nistration's eyes. What Conservative Coalition, Progressi\;e Party, and. Independent candidates must remember, however, is that students will oruy begin to respect MSA and take it seriously when the candidates focus on palpable, local issues over which they may realistically have some effect. But neglecting to oppose a tuition hike and . passing a resolution blaming the U-M police for the LA riots are, shall we say, poor ways start.

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November 4, 1992

Music

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Jesus and Mary Chain Grace State Theater The Jesus and Mary Chain, w/sIg Curve and Spiritualize October 30, 1992

Sta1e Theater Detroit, Michigan by Andrew Bockelman

Certain bands just weren't made for touring music festivals or broad daylight performances. Take the Jesus and Mary Chain (JAMC), for example. During last summer's Lollapalooza II tour, the band was forced to play during the light hours of the early evening, wedged between Pearl Jam and Soundgarden. The captivating aura of a genuine JAMC performance was lost in the process. So when Jim and William Reid, the band's leaders, announced their current U.s. tour, they vowed not to hit the stage until after the sun went down. The Rollercoaster U.S. tour is the Jesus and Mary Chain, live, in concert, the way God intended it to be. The band brought its vintage stage show to Detroit's State Theater last Friday night - a welcome return to its natural environment. Bodies bounced off each other, fans dripped with sweat, high volume music resonated and punctured ear drums, and the smoke coming from the fog machines could hardly be distinguished from the smoke coming from the audience. Give the

infectiously wild "Blues From a Gun," JAMC a modestly-sized, dimly lit concert hall, and you will get a show that cannot off the Automatic LP, arid followed with a be forgotten: provocative, intense, and feedback drenched version of '10 a Hole." dangerous. This was the only Last Friday's song on the performance could evening's play list best be described as from Psychocandy, short, but sweet The the band's first LP, which has been show was vaguely reminiscent of the hailed by many as band's earliest days, one of the greatest albums to come out when it acquired a . of the 1980s. reputation for 15 minute live shows, Most of the live material , was off full of integrity, with no credence to Honey's Dead, theatrics or frills. including such hits as liT eenage Lust" The formula has and "Sugar Ray." always remained simple and honest: As could be walk on stage, play expected, the JAMC sent the nearthe music, and leave. capacity crowd into The 15-s0ng set an uncontrollable opened with an frenzy with "Far explosive rendition The Reid brothers, William (I) and Jim (r) of "Catchfire," off Gone and Out,". which thundered out in the middle of tKe the JAMe's fifth and latest album, Honey's Dead. No time was wasted between songs show. By that time, the audience had evolved into a massive slam pit. As soon - not even a subtle acknowledgement to the audience (reflective of the genuine as the opening drum roll to "Head On" was hammered out, pulses had arrogance and amusingly obnoxious accelerated so much that nothing could cynicism that characterizes the band). come between the audience and the band. The JAMC then ripped right into an

Sho'stakovich & Skrowaczewski Dimitri Shoatakovlch

Symphony no.5, op.47, and, Aram Khachaturian Gayne Ballet Music Stanislaw Skrowaczewskl Minneapolis Symphony, and, Antal Dorati London Symphony Mercury Living Preeence

by Frank Grabowski

The fabulous discography that Philips has compiled through its Mercury releases have been wellreceived, and this disc is no exception. I cherish my CBS recording of Shostakovich's Fifth with Bernstein and the New York Philharmonic Orchestra, but this disc with Skrowaczewski gives the CBS serious competition. Skrowaczewski does not m~rely introduce one monumental concept and lazily saunter through the rest of the work. He presents the Fifth with an even flow, a gradual release of electricity

that endures until the explosive finale. The presentation overflows with the angst of Stalinist Russia and Shostakovich's desire to express his artistry outside of the Communist sphere of influence. Once labeled as symbolic of the Communist rise to power, the finale sheds itself of this misinterpretation and presents itself as a fiery disapproval and a yeam for freedom. It represents a call to arms against conditioned nationalism and totalitarian oppression. Although not world-renown for their prodigious work, the Minneapolis Symphony (now known as the Minnesota Orchestra) does a fine job, with help from the exquisite Mercury recording technique. In addition to the Shostakovich Fifth, the disc also features the Khachaturian Gayne Ballet Music .. Keeping with the Russian theme, the Gayne, although not filled with the rebellious tones of the Fifth, creates a nice contrast to the political commentary of Shostakovich. This piece,

directed by Antal Dorati and performed by the London Symphony, is a fine performance in and of itself. Although I am not aware of another recording of the Gayne with which to compare it, the painfully commercial Sabre Dance is done with a certain rhythmic gaiety, the most appropriate interpretation for such a folk dance. The Khachaturian does make this disc conSiderably more desirable. The disc's reasonable price, about $10, also makes it rather appealing. The major selling point, however, is the marvelous performance of the Shostakovich Fifth. Skrowaczewski dearly deserves respect in the growing catalogue of Shostakovich symphonic recordings with this fantastic, historic performance.

Frank Grabowski is a juni,?r in philosophy and a staff writer for the

Review.

The路variety, range, and sheer force of the music spared no one during the hourplus that the band played. The JAMC also covered many of its older Singles, including versions of "Sidewalking" and "Gimme Hell" which had many audience members singing along with Jim Reid's snarling vocals. The band returned to the stage after an hour for a two song encore, which kicked off with "Nine Million Rainy Days," and ended with the hit alternative Single (banned in Britain) "Reverence." Jim Reid dosed the night wailing over his brother's guitar, repeatedly crooning, "I wanna die just like Jesus Christ. I wanna die on a,bed of spikes." When the lights came back on, most attendees, looking as if someone had just seized them violently by the throat, had to collect themselves before leaving the State. The opening acts by no means came dose to the performance of the JAMe. . Spiritualize, the first opening act, was little more than a poor excuse for noise, "-<fila certainly -not a band suitable for warming up an audience. Perhaps the most animated stage band since New Order, Spiritualize gave the audience a collective headache as it progressed through a tiresome half hour of boring, trancelike computer sounds. To emphasize a weak performance, Spiritualize played the same ridiculous chord for nearly five straight minutes. The next opening act, Curve, was a welcome departure from the ear sore music of the previous band. From the start, Curve delivered a haphazardly calculated, yet precisely performed stage show. In a matter of seconds, the audience signaled approval by revving up the pit. Singer Toni Halliday remained unfazed by the melee before her as she engaged the audience in a cold, fixed stare. All the while, she hit every note perfectly, and never missed a beat. As Curve covered much of the material off its first LP, Doppelganger, it was all too obvious that this band will be headlining its own shows in the near future. The Jesus and Mary Chain, with the help of opening act Curve, gave last Friday's audience at the State Theater a reason to cherish the unique flavor of a genuine alternative show. Aside from Spiritualize's nauseating performance, it was a fine alternative concert, the way it was meant to be.

Andrew Bockelman is a sophomore in economics and an executive editor of the Review.

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November 4, 1992

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Crusty's Corner

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Blind Melon: Vintage Rock, No Dumb Politics by Crusty Muncher

to be conscerned with a lot of issues in the from the next guy in the band," explains Hoon. "How intimate can that be? The world, but I remember when you liked a As far as I can tell, Blind Melon is the band because of the music and that was sole new band making truly timeless rock big rock stage isn't our bag. Clubs are n'roll. Taking the coolest elements of the more realistic, energetic, and intimate. it. There was nothing that came part and classic stuff (jams a /a the Allman Brothparcel with a band. These days there's It's fun to be elbow to elbow." ers and old Carly Simon melodies), lead just too many political statements, and You mean no big shows with a zillion vocalist Shannon Hoon and his band have TV screens, twice as many lights, and that steals the focus away from the mumixed in little tinges of earthy funk and sic." deep political ramble between each and seventies arena rock stomp, resulting in every tune? an album that still manages to sound "I like bands who just stick to the No Doubt, a ska band from Orange contemporary. Kinda a post-modern County, California, will play the Blind goddamn music," says Hoon. "It's great thing, a mix of the old Pig this Thursday, Nowith the new, but not envember 5. They will pertirely a rehash. Get it? fonn with reggae great Blind Melon's arena Palo Banton in support rock roots (Aerosmith, of their Interscope Allmans) poke through, Records debut, thirteen but after a tour with Ouy tunes that sound someOsbourne and Alice in thing like a blend of a Chains, the band found swing band with old that the big venues are Fishbone and the Brand not where they belong. New Heavies, with "In the arenas it sucks Siouxsie Sioux on vocals. ,cause I'm twenty feet up The show should be and ten feet back from Blind Melon (l-r) are Shannon Roon, Cristopher T1wrn, Rogers Stevens, Brad Smith pretty crazy ... the fans, and thirty feet and Glen Graham On November 24 t!J.e...~ Black Crowes will release theiF'liOI~e movie Who Killed that Bird Out on Your Window Sill. The ninety-minute h1ln includes hilarious interviews, tons of live footage, and all six of the group's videos. Highlights include a blues version of Bob Dylan's "Everybody Must Get Stoned" and a version of "Stare it Cold" recorded live in Moscow ... Jerry Harrison, former member of the Talking Heads, did a great favor for us all when he produced Live's amazing Mental Jewelry album, but the old timer falls short with his latest young band, a Texas-based punk-funk band called Billy Goat. These guys have been passing through the Detroit area for the last few years playing their played-out brand

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of post-Chili Peppers crap, and how they hooked up with a record deal I'll never know. Tumbleweed is as psychedelic as it gets in 1992. Influenced by the same sixties bands that inspire the melodies of Ride, Blur, and the Charlatans u.K., these Aussie bohemians sludge out their riffs in the good old MC5/ Mudhoney manner. In fact, Mudhoney's Mark Arm produced a single for the guys a while back. Weedseed is the name of the LP ... Detroit's own Junk Monkeys have released Bliss, their third album for Metal Blade Records. Why is it that if an ugly midwestern band wear flannels, have goofy haircuts, and do not crank the distortion knob all the way up they come off sounding exactly like the Replacements?

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