vol_13_no_9

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Sigma Alpha Mu: It's History

BY GREG PARKER

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ID FAREWELL TO ANother fraternity. Barely into the winter term, the University of Michigan's Sigma Alpha Mu (SAM) fraternity finally lost its charter. The fraternity was twice on probation, has a history of alcohol, parking, noise, and sanitation violations, and is involved in alleged. hazing activities. While it seemed only a matter aftime be.fure SAM was shut down, this is the third. major incident involving a U- M fraternity this year: first, the closing of Sigma Phi Epsilon; second, a fire at the Delta Sigma Phi house; and last, the SAM closing.

Apparently, the national chapter revoked SAM's charter because of what TelTy Landes, fraternity coordinator for the Alumni Interfraternity Council (lFC), called a "risk management" factor. In other words, the national assessed U-M's SAM as too much of a liability. Landes noted that the national chapter would not just shut down U--M's SAM arbitrarily the fraternity has a 70 year history at a highly respected. university. It took a significant series of events to provoke such a serious action as charter removal. Aside from mere parking and noise violations, Landes said that SAM had been in and out afthe 00UJt system. and at one time been placed under a peace bond. He also pointed out that while memMre afSAM maintain that the IFC refused to meet with them to attempt to solve the problem, the IFC never denied a meeting.

While the national chapter was not available fir cmnment, U-M's Vice Preaident fir'Studen.t Affirlre Maureen A Hartfurd. am that "the [SAM] cllapter was given multiple oppo:rt1mities to improve their behavior by their national" Hartford also stated that "losing a fraternity is an extreme s0lution and one that I hope does not happen."

3

Bome-Cooked Sectarianism

Dean Bakopolous wants to "sects" you up. ;A.' ,;;'<

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4

University Lecturer Ann main reasons was to create a social Savageau has been singled out as a scene outside of university control. major factor in SAM's closing.

Hartford, however, notes that "unlike Savageau lives on the same block as many campuses, the [U-MJ does not the fraternity, and while ' ... h M " W Savageau admits she filed complaints against the fraternity, she upholds that she was not ~~ t~i the only neighbor to do so. So â&#x20AC;˘. ,& surfaces the idea that Savageau's faculty position with the University influenced the U-M to force the fraternity to close.

The January 10, 1995 Michigan Daily states that "SAM members said they were SAM: ThIs old house told by their national chapter have an official relationship to [frathat Hartford gave the national an ternities]." She maintains that "the ultimatum: close the University's [U-M] has no power to 'shut down' a SAM chapter or the University would" If this is true, this would be a legitifraternity."

According to Hartford, U-M did mate complaint, because when frainform the national office~ of Si\l{'s ternities were first foImed, one of the

various problems and "urged" them to address the situation. The national's first action put SAM on probation; after the problems persisted, SAM's charter was revoked. The fact.of the matter remains that while U-M heard complaints from Savageau, and while U-M advised the national offices of SAM's offenses, the University has no power to close down a fraternity.

So goes SAM. At times, it seems that fraternities are closing down left and right Is the Greek. system headed for Armageddon? It is hard to say, as U-M has scores of fratenuties and a few of them closing down is not exactlya sufficient OCCUITence to conclude the downfall of all houses. Besides, the University and the IFC are working on a "university/fraternity relationship statement." And SAM may reopen in two years. So regardless of personal sentiment, do not write off 1hiternities just yet. Ml .

Controversy Surrounds Gelman ,.'

To~p

BY ERIC LARsoN

I

N 1957, CHARLES GELMAN, who earned a masters degree in public health from the University of Michigan, developed a dozen air sampling devices in the basement of his home. A short 35 years later, Gelman found himself holding the reins of a multi-million dollar corporation with nearly a third of the U.S. market share in precision medical filters and a large international base.

Gelman Sciences also found itself in the midst of a pollution controversy spearheaded by the city ofAnn Arbor.

The controversy started in 1963 when Gelman Sciences, still in its infancy, worked with the Michigan Department of Natural Resources (DNR) on ways to prevent potentially hazardous chemicals from entering the ground water af SUlTOunding Scio

From Suite One

The time has come to abolish the Department of Communication.

6

and Ann Arbor. Under the DNR's direction, Gelman Sciences implemented a system of chemical treatment ponds for 1,4-dioxane. The chemical was to be diluted and then sprayed onto the large span of land encompassing the factory. l,4-dioxane is a chemical used in the treatment of the medical filters produced in the Scio 'Ibwnship plant It is in widespread use and is contained in approximately 35,000 consumer products, including such items as baby shampoo. 'Ihis fact, and the fact that Gelman Sciences had complied with DNR regulations for the treatment of the chemical, did not seem. to 18ze the DNR during the mid1980s when it informed the nearby homes that a harmful chemical, 1,4dioxane, had leached. into their ground water and wells.

The chemical was found to be in

Interview: .

Nadine Strossen

The president of the AClU discusses individual rights and her most recent book.

9

At the Movies

A review of John Singleton's latest film, Higher Learning.

excess of 100 pa:rta per billion - much higher than the three parte per billion mandated by the state - in the groundwater of local residents. The residents, concerned by the information from the DNR, called upon the Ecology Center of Ann Arbor for guid-: ance and technical support. What they received was a massive attack from the Ecology Center and the city of .

Ann Arbor (specifically former mayor Liz Brater) on a corporation which, until then, had been known as a philanthropic and positive component of the community.

The DNR filed suit against Gelman Sciences, which responded . quickly by filing a countersuit. When all the dust had settled from the oourt proceedings, Gelman Sciences settled out of court, with the state agreeing to See GELMAN SCIENCES, IllQ9 9

10

Music Review

Find out if Kepone is named after an Italian sausage in this exclusive interview.

THE MICIDGAN REVIEW

2

January 25, 1995

o SERPENT'S TOOTH . ~.,' .!;'

According to USA Today, Labor Department auditor Gene Peterson. says that Clinton's $1 billion Job Corps program is not very effective, Besides insisting that participants have been caught in sexual acts and gang fights while on the job, Peterson says the Corps simply loses track of 25 percent ofits participants. Money saving idea: "Simply lose track of' the other 75 percent. Wink- wink.

O.J. Simpson's defense lawyer Jolumy Cochran says he has resolved fighting among members of the O.J. defense team, Afterwards, Cochran quipped to reporters, "I'm going to receive the Nobel Peace Prize very 8OOIl." Within minutes of that statement, Jimmy Carter anived on the scene.

U.S. Rep. Pat Schroeder (D-Colo.) was outraged over Newt Gingrich's history lecture, and let the whole U .S. House know about it. (It seems Mr. Gingrich made the comment that men are "bioligically driven to hunt gi-

raffes" when discussing gender roles in combat, a comment which Ms. Schroeder found sexist.) A few days after Schroeder's tantrum. on the House floor, the Kenyan Embassy called Capitol Hill claiming a beady~yed female leftist was harass· ing Kenya's giraffe herds.

Democrats are still worried about Speaker Gingrich's book deal as well, a topic that dominated partisan debate in the House last week. Apparently, Gingrich pacified the seething Democrats when he granted them permission to "tax the hell out of my profits."

Gary Pollack, a Newfoundland entrepreneur, is planning to market Canadian Iceberg Vodka, which will use chunks of North Atlantic icebergs to make a premium, Newfoundland destilled vodka. In a related story, Russian President Boris Yeltsin withdrew troops from Chechnya and sent them to Newfoundland.

THE MICHI(iAN REVIEW The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan "Don't Just Question Authority. Smash It.· TOP TEN RESPONSES TO ANN ARBOR VAGRANTS AND PANHANDLERS:

10. I'll give ya something to eat; how about a knuckle sand which?

9. Gee Mr, Ocean, it's been downhill since "Canibean Queen," hasn't it?

8. See that guy passing out MIM Notes? Hell help you out.

7. Hey, you certainly aren't as nice as Joe Pesci..

6. Sorry, I'm for temperance.

5. I'm sorry, all my change fell though those nasty vents outside of East Quad.

4, Senator Kennedy, this is really the lowest I've ever seen you go for beer money.

3. You're hungry? How about going to McDonald's and getting yourself a nice, juicy application?

2. No, I haven't a liver to spare, Mr. Crosby.

1. Sorry I'm broke , but that was a great communication class you taught last term.

DROVING PHOTOGRAPHER

by Lisa Wagner

What is the most embarassing thing that has ever happened to you?

Purdom Lindblad

Wilhelm VonLuka

LSA Freshman

Engineering Senior "At a crucial moment 1 accidentally called my partner by the wrong name.»

"'Building this snowman and having someone ron all the way across the Diag to take my picture.»

Carl Benton Engineering Freshman "I got my pants pulled down when 1 had Mickey Mouse underwear on. »

Stefali Nanavati LSA Freshman "When 1 was nine 1 got locked in an airplane bathroom. 1 screamed until the flight attendant said, (Calm down and unlock the door.'"

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EDITOR-W-CHIEF: ..mil A. Rob«1a, II PUBLISHER: Eric Larton MAHAC»NQ EDITOR: Greg Parker FEATURES EDITOR: Dun Bakopouloa MUSIC EDITOR: Drew Peters ASStSTANT EDITORS: Gene Kran, Mohan Krilhlllll FUNDRAISING DIRECTOR: Matt RechtIen IllUSTRA TOR: Brian O'Keefe PHOTOGRAPHER: Lila Wagn«

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EDITOR-A T-lARGE: HaW JamilOll EDITOR EMERITA: Tracy RobinlOll PUBLISHER EMERITUS: A_on Steelman

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Unslgnlld edi10rlals represent the opinion t4 the ed.orlal boaId Ergo. they are UneqlWoca.IiJ correct and just You ~ to lisprOie the logic that went i~o their formallon. for you canllOl Signed anlcles and canooos represent the opinions t4 the author and ~ necessarily those of the FWview. The opinions presented II this pOOl!calion 818 rQ necessarily thoee t4 the acNertisers or t4 the UrWersly t4 Michigan. We welcome letters and articles and encourage comments abW the jlunaL

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STAFF: a.oft Brown, Kevin Costello, Bob Gilmore, BanjMWt Kepple, Kort, Jennlt. Linker, Amln PIrIjw.I~ Rodaen RI/:IbII', Meghln RoeIde, Stu Ken Sleroma, Josh Tumer, Mike Wang, Anthony Wen

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January 25t 1995

THE MIcmGAN REVIEW

3

o EsSAY

Home-Co()ked Sectarianism ._r

BY DEAN BAKoPOUL08 ARTOONIST WALT KELLY said, "We have met the enemy and he is U8." Indeed, these words ring true today in an increasingly detached and isolated American culture. Once labeled a -:melting pot," America is now a sectarian society of opposing 8Ubcultures. No longer do we have the common enemy of communism to rally against, nor can we rally for or against the coWlterculture, nor do we have the common national wounds of Vietnam, Watergate, and the oil crisis.

Instead we have become a nation of sects, each citizen secluded and isolated in his own subgroup, reveling in an alienated and mind-numbing microcoem. Because we no longer label ourselves as Americans, sects are beginning to control the cultural and political world. 'l1Us rising phenomenon is a glaring threat to the classical liberal philosophies ofindividualiam and toleration. '!he recent national elections are a key example of Ameriam sectarianism. Partisan politics reached a new high this year with politicians on both the left and the right spouting forth their political stances without any justification of why they believe in their own stated platforms. Republican candidates were expected to support fiunily values and pro-life movements, while Democrats were supporting social programs and prochoice movements. It was as if each party was saying, "either you're with us or you're with them, and if you're with 148 'you better be ready to oppose them." nus "us versus them" philosophy trickled down to other levels of society, including religion. When religion entered the political arena, it was almost inevitable that there would be a highly-ch.arged debate over morality. Now, the Christian Right expects all Christians to embrace its ideologies and values. It's as if they are saying, "If you're a Christian, than these are your political views."

The postmodem phenomenon of multiculturalism is another component of this divided society. Instead of stressing common liberties and freedoms as Americans, multiculturalism dwells on the differences and divisions between races and ethnicities.

Multicultaralism encourages individuals to identify themselves with a detached group of society and to be-

C

Dean Baltcpouk>s i8 a sophomore in EnglUh, fea.tures edimrofthe Review, and founder ofDeani8m.

1088 of individuality is inevitable. And lieve that they are separate from other with the loss of individuality comes cultures. This is the same problem the death of toleration. If you're not that plagues feminism; it creates a one of 148, you must be one of them. gender war with its implication that women are oppressed by all males, ,. . ,- -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - , and the only way to combat that oppression is through a detached subculture under a large, more intrusive state.

But the alienation and detachment felt by Americans is only beginning to surface. In the last few years, more and more subgroups emerged into American culture, bringing with them truckloads of anger and angst. The Rush Limbaugh Dittoheads, rebelling against what they felt was a serious mismanagement of government, were a key factor in swaying :1i the elections in last November's Republican Romp. While one may ,1--_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _- - - '

They are tM bad guys. Black VB. White, Christian vs. Muslim, Man vs.

Woman, Gay vs. Straight. Conservative vs. Liberal. Postmodernist vs.

Traditionalist. Addict vs. Teetotaler.

US VS. Them.

It's already happening. The Dittoheads aim to control poli139U

view the outcome of this election as favorable, it seems odd that a conservative talk show host and his adoring fans could have possibly swayed the political sentiment in America. But they did, and that is a key example of the growing power of American sects.

The younger generations learn from the older ones, and watching a few minutes ofM'IV, one can see the alienation and detachment oftoday's youth. While most previous generations had an identity centered around. some common attitude or belief, our generation seems to be a hodge podge of alienated individuals who are touting the "us vs. them" philosophy.

Alternateens mosh away their Wlbridled angst, unsure to whom their anger is directed or why they are feeling it. They just know they are pissed off. Gangsta rappers are pissed off as well, feeling alienated by the white American. And hippie Deadhead kids are 'getting stoned in their collective subculture, renouncing their individuality and associating their identity with rock bands.

Where do they learn their anger?

From a world where abortion clinics have become war zones, a world where homosexuals are beaten in the name of morality, a world where one riots if one doen't like a jury's verdict, a world of the KKK and skinheads, a world of Louis Farrakhans. It has become a society where, if you don't like a particular group of Americans, you get your own group to fight them, and then someone else fights you, and then someone else enters the picture, and soon. '!his is where the threat to individual rights comes into play. In a society in which each member gives up his own individual sovereignty and becomes an adherent to an -ism, the

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sentiment. The multiculturalists aim to control academia. The Christian Coalition aims to control morality.

The Democrats aim to control social programs. Marxists try to kill capitalism. Go! Fight! Go go! Fight fight!

The more special interest groups gain power, the more the American individual and his civil liberties get trampled. America is a nation of sOvereign individuals, not of oppressed and angst-ridden subcultures.

Cliques are supposed to be for high schools, not for America. With the growing trend of sectarianism, we risk becoming .a nation whose only cultural commonality is that we've all read the @iI!? Bridges of Madison County.

If this trend continues to grow at an accelerated pace, it may be only a matter of time before we hear the nation's schoolchildren gather together and say: "I pledge allegiance, to my favorite "ism," and to the divided sects of America, and for the alienation for which they stand; many cultures, Wlder nothing, with liberty and justice for people who are just likeme."M!

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THE MIClllGAN REVIEW

4

January 25, 1995

o FROM SUITE ONE III Communication

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N THE APRIL 13. 1994 ISSUE OF THE MICHIGAN REVIEW, THEN assistant professor of communication, Richard J. Campbell, told a Review reporter. "I feel like a big. gigantic wound was inflicted when the dean came into our staff meeting on January 14th." Campbell was speaking of the Communication Department meeting in which Literature, Sciences, and Arts (LSA) Dean Edie Goldenberg assumed control of the fledgling department.

Campbell's statement proved to be prophetic, and the wound appears to be mortal.

A subject of debate and ecrutiny since its inception in 1979, the Department of Communication endured the disastrous and costly appointment of Neil Malamuth as department chair, the controversial tenure denial of Professor Richard Campbell, and the subsequent autocratic and ethically questionable departmental takeover by Goldenberg. But an announcement last Friday that qualitative courses (Le., film. studies, advertising, and journalism) will be dissolved or placed into other departments leaves the department in an even greater sense of limbo. Given the aforementioned circumstances, the University of Michigan should dissolve the Department of Communication and establish a separate pre-professional school of journalism.

The dissoJ:vement of the Communication Department now appears to be an idea based on common sense. The Communication Department's past is one of controversy. Many LSA officials never fully accepted the role of communication studies in the liberal arts, and thus the department has existed without the full support ofLSA 'l1le department has also been under attack and ridicule for offering students easier and less-demanding course work. Finally, the department is far behind other LSA disciplines in terms of prestige and excellence. Part of the reason for these problems is because communication is an interdisciplinary study; it is hard, if not impossible, to place the field of communication into one tangible LSA department. 'l1lerefore, it seems the best course of action for the U-M to allow ClllTent upperclassmen concentrators to finish their degrees, and then to dissolve the department. 'l1le dissolution of the department would not jeopardize the quality of the liberal arts disciplines at the U-M. A great deal of the department's nonjolll"1l8liam courses could easily be tmnsfeJTed to other areas such as sociology, political science, and psychology. Likewise, effective faculty and stafffrom the department could easily move with the courses they teach. With this ammgement, the U-M rids itself of the problematic and pathetic department, but continues to offer its students a diverse range of courses in the liberal disciplines.

With the dissolvem.ent of the journalism courses, the U-M falls behind other prestigious universities - like Columbia, Northwestern, and Iowa that offer strong liberal arts programs, as well as the pinnacle in undergraduate and graduate journalism studies. The U-M should follow the examples of these schools and create a new School of Journalism that offers both undergraduate and graduate concentrations. The new School of Journalism should remain independent from the LSA and the Rackham School of Graduate Studies. As an independent pre-professional school, the new School of Journalism's faculty would be free from the politics and prejudices of LSA, and its students would be free of the LSA distribution requirements.

1he School of JOUl'lla\ism, however, should set its own guidelines to assure that its students receive a strong and rigorous background in the field of jolll"1l8liam. Ajoumalism undergrad should be required to take 60 credit hours in the field ofjoumalism, 30 of which would be in his chosen area ofjournalistic specialty (i.e.• broadcast, print, etc.). 1he additional 60 credit hours should be taken in LSA, with the student meeting minimum requirements in a foreign language, economics, American history, and English. Also, the journalism undergra.d should have the option of minoring in a specific LSA discipline, much like students in the School of Education do. Finally, the faculty of the new department should consist of professors with actual experience as working journalists.

Although these changes are drastic, the dissolving of the young Communication Department and the establishment of an independent School of Journalism would only enhance the educational atmosphere of the U-M. Such actions would not only remove the struggling, if not dying, department from I.SA. but would also provide students injoumalism a chance to receive the best training possible. The longer the U-M waits to enact these plans, the fiutb.er the U-M will fall behind most of the other prestigious universities in the nation. Ml

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o COMMENTARY The United Statists

M

ORE AND MORE OFTEN, A CONFLICT BREAKS OUT IN A place of which no one has heard. 'Ibis time, the fighting is taking place in Chechnya, a small republic located about 1000 miles south of Moscow. Reminiscent of the breakup ot-the Soviet Union a few years ago (the difference being actual armed warfiu'eJ, the physical battle is accompanied by the issue of whether a small republic has the right to secede or whether Russia has the right to force it to remain. '!he answer is obviously the former.

For those llnfammar with the situation, Checlmya is a small, predominantly Muslim republic located in the southern part of Russia. About five years after Checbnya declared its independence, the Russian army began a brutal attack. on Grozny, Checlmya's capital, in an attempt to keep the republic from seceding. While exact figures remain unconfirmed, thousands of Russian troops and Chechen rebels have already perished in the three week war. While publicly opposing the war, Russian President Boris Yeltain has adopted a position that remains somewhat of a mystery - as does the question of how much control of the army he really has.

By this time, Russia has clearly exerted too much of an effort simply to keep such a small republic from declaring its independence. Besides that, what right does Russia have to force a republic which is easily capable of self government (Chechnya has a president as well as a population able to vote like anyone else) to remain in its territory--hungry grasp?

Secretary of State Warren Christopher recently said, "...the United States, and I think the rest of the world, recognized the right of Russia to preserve its territorial integrity. But the question is how they go about doing that. And they've done it in a very ineffective way." While most of the world has condemned Russia's invasion, the U.S. continues to support Russia's right to "territorial integrity," which tells us how the U.S. government views the right to secede, and what it might do if, say, Oregon wanted to break away.

Yet, on the basis of the Declaration of Independence, the United States should be the first country to support Checlmya's right to secede: "That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness." '!he United States support of the Russian intervention is clearly a contradiction on the principles of liberty and self-determination.

Russia's actions have thwarted the democratic process. '!he Chechen population decided to govern themselves. It is highly unljkely that the Russian Parliament ever considered the will of the Chechen population. Moreover, the right to self-govern is clearly more in line with the principles ofliberty than the right to govern one-sixth of the world's land surface. The United States, and any other nation claiming to champion democracy, should condemn Russia immediately.Mt -Gene Krass

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THE MICIDGAN REVIEW

January 25,1995

5

o EsSAY Red~fining

Racism

~ lI> ~\tt

BY MOHAN KRISHNAN

I

F ONE ASKED RANDOM

strangers whether they felt they are racist or not, one would probably find few who would answer "yes."

In fact, if one were to view any documentary about a civil rights leader such as Martin Luther King, Jr., one would find that the racism of the past was more pronoWlced than that of today. There are more open doors for students of any color or ethnic background to enjoy education at its fullest potential, hate crimes have been reduced significantly, and segregation has been destroyed - at least in the law itself.

But what is racism? Is racism the act of or the motivation behind killing someone because he is black? Does it mean riding aroWld in a white suit while burning down houses? Recent events beg to differ with those who see racism as being tbeee things. While the United States as a whole would claim to be much more tolerant and peaceful than it was in the 19508 and 19608, recent events like the release of the infamous book., The BeU Curoe,

accepted to colleges and universities?

The number of people who attend university is largely conserved - in order to increase one ethnicity's enrollment, another is decreased indirectly.

Though it seems morally wrong to be defending the U-M, what about the organizations that continually call the Mandate racist because it is not strong enough in its support of affirmative action? Do they wuierstand at all what they are saying? Is racism now some trendy buzzword, another accessory for our political wardrobe?

Does our generation insist on having every political thought be superficial enough to print on at-shirt?

This fashion, this popularity of supporting supposedly anti- racist causes such as diversity programs is just proof of a much deeper problem.

While advocates of civil rights, such as Martin Luther King, Jr., tackled issues like hate crime and the Klan, their point was somehow lost in the midst of celebrating MLK day. They believed that all are created equal, and we, the people of the United states of America, simply do not. Ml

we hold scholarships for show that perhaps this COWltry'S underrepresented etlmic minority stuthinking has not changed so much. dents? Some respond, "Because of a Why else would the world rise up history of injustice, poverty, and a and condemn what the author calls a lack of opportunities, you fool!" Persmall section of the book? Perhaps it haps I am a fool , but how long have is because people are afraid of the there been inner-cities? How long racist sentiments they feel deep inhave there been poor, illiterate people side of themselves, and fear the book for bringing these sentiments to the who are held from high positions, from learning opportunities, and from leavforegroWld. Real racism is a simple thing: assuming that a person's race . ing their current way of life? We all know that poverty has existed at least makes him more or less suited for as long as civilization. tasks or positions that do not inherently involve race. Racism includes So why do scholarships require ethnicity and not proof of a history of the Americans ofpre-Civil Wartimes who believed that Africans were dessocio-economic injustice? What does the U-M hope to achieve with its tined to be slaves while Europeans were destined to be their masters.

Michigan Mandate? And what real Racism also includes Nazi Germany, benefits will mandating an ethnically diverse workplace ensure? Put anwhich tried to solve its problems by other way, do we still believe, after so casting Jews as the source of all evil. many years and so many lives given So here is the thousand dollar to the cause of equality, that some question: Is it racist to choose an Afripeople are inherently and permacan American for a job over a similarly or better qualified Caucasian, nently disadvantaged because of the because the company perreives a need color of their skin? If The Bell. Curoe is so wrong and we don't believe that for a "multicultural" staff? Is it racist Caucasians and Asians are inherently to reserve scholarships for Hispanics smarter then other peoples, why do because they are "underrepresented?" we try to limit the number of them We must ask ourselves: Why do

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Murray Rothbard: RIP

RESERVE

The free society lost one of its greatest defenders earlier this month.

Murray N. Rothbard died of a heart attack at St. Luke's-Roosevelt Hospital Center in Manhattan on Saturday, January 7.

Rothbard was born in New York City in 1926, and received his Ph.D. in economics from Columbia University in 1956. He taught at New York Polytechnic Institute from 1963 to 1985, and at the time of his death he was the S.J. Hall Distinguished Professor of Economics at the University of Nevada'at Las Vegas and Vice-President for Academic Affairs at the Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama.

Rothbard was the dominant libertarian figure of his generation, influenc., ing the libertarian movement as did few others. At the core of his conception of liberty were the notions of self-ownership and natural rights, positions which he defended vehemently and vociferously. Indeed, it was the uncomprising nature of his views that led him to be criticized by both the left and the right.

A long-time opponent of military adventurism and the draft, he was criticized by conservatives for being a "heretical" libertarian who took the principles or individualism too far. And as a devout adherent and advocate of laWez faire, he was denounced by many on the left as a reactionary.

Rothbard, who did more than any other individual to popularize the ideas of anarcho-capitalism, first gained scholarly attention on a wide-scale in 1962 with the publication of Man, Economy, and State, a two volume, nearly 1000 page treatise on .economic principles. In Man, Economy, and State, he attempted to build upon the foundations of modem Austrian economics by, among other things, advancing a new theory ofmonopoly; Rothbard contested that there can be no such thing as monopoly on a free marlret, that monopolies can only develop due to governmental intervention.

After the publication of Man, Economy, and State, Rothbard continued his work on the eoonomic effects of intervention into the market with Power and Marlcet. But following its publication, Rothbard seemed to become more interested in developing his own theory ofliberty than he did in continuing his work 88 an economist, publishing such highly influential political tracts as For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Mani{e8to and The Ethics of Liberty.

Dr.J.WtllhQrd is.survived by his wife of 41 years, JoAnn. . '. , - Aaron Steelman

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

6

January 25, 1995

o INTERVIEW: NADINE STROSSEN ACLU President Defends Individualism .. ,

N JANUARY 16, AARON

O

Steelman of the Review interviewed Nadine Stro8llen. Ms. Stro88en, a graduate ofHaroard Law School, is currently preaident of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), a position 8he has held since 1991. She is also a pro{e880r ofconstitutionallaw at New York Law School.

As a member ofthe National Coalition Against CeM0r8hip and FeminisU for Free Expression, M8. StroBsen has been a leader in the free spe«h movement, often 'opposing 8uch pro-ceTUlOr8hip feminists as Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon. Ms. Strossen is the author of Defending Pornography' recently released by Scribner's.

She will speak about her book at Border8 Book Shop on Friday, February 3.

MR: Whit was yow goat In writing lWendIng Pomogtaphy?

STROSSEN: The major goal is to counter the very prevalent misconception that we have to choose between free speech on the one hand 'l nd women.'s rights on the other hand.

My emphasis was not on the traditional First Amendment arguments on this issue - I think they are much more familiar. It was to express the specifically feminist opposition to oensoring pornography.

MR: Don't you thin« that the work being done by Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dwortdn .. actually having the eftact of makIng women appear helpl. . and powerless, aImoet like OOll«en1

STROSSEN: Absolutely. And one of the many points in my book, one of the many reasons why I conclude that their work is doing more harm than good to women's rights, is because it presents profoundly reactionary ideas - namely that women are inherently victi.mized in the realm of sexuality, that women can never be free agents, and that if women consent to having sex then it is only due to being victims of false consciousness, and to essentially treat women like children as incapable of voluntary choice in the realm of sexual expression or even sexuality itself. I believe it is very odd that they are often described as radical feminists.

MR: Do you believe that the MacKlMonDwor1dn aegment within the feminist movement II IC1uIly pining In Itrength 8t thil point? Or do you believe 1hIt IIa ~ .. dwtndI~?

S1ROSSEN: It is very hard to know

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that. What I do know, however, is that their segment of the feminist movement has gotten a disproportionate amount of media attention.

One of the primary reasons why I wrote my book was to balance that. I have gotten many letters and calls from women saying, "Thank you for giving me cover. You have helped me to come out of the closet and to either say that I like pornography, or regardless of what I think ofpornography, I oppose censoring it."

that W9men can be sexually free.

cluding activists, academics, artists, journalists, lawyers, and writers agree

MR: Isn't there , larger point to this whole discussion, namely that people should be free to chooee what they want to do, as long as it doeen't harm others? By making further laws against pornography, aren't what you really doing is telling women, "No you cannot engage In this activity. It degrades you . whether you think 80 or not," and thereby further limiting the number of choices they cenmake?

with the thesis of my book: that censoring sexual expression hurts the fight for women's rights. To underscore this point, several organizations have been formed to oppose renaoring pornography specifically from a feminist perspective.

Although the anti-pornography position has a certain cachet today, largely because it has received a great deal of media attention, I think it is the MacDworkinites, and not the anti.censorship feminists, who are out of the mainstream. Their view , for example, that aU sex is inherently degrading to women, is certainly out of step with what most women, much less most feminists, think. Support for the First Amendment and for sexual autonomy have always been central tenets of the women's liberation movement.

STROSSEN: Yes. Ifthere is one single word that can sum up my thesis, it is "choire," individual choice for mature, consenting adults. I would put women in that category; I would not put children in that category. To suppress STROSSEN: I make no personal atwomen's choice in sexual expression tacks on MacKinnon and Dworkin. is to treat women like second class citizens. It is precisely the same kind Rather than criticizing them as perof rationale that in an earlier era sons, I criticize their ideas. I do so because, as I previously noted, their suppressed their choire in the job marideas have been so influential. My ket, in the political sphere, and in the economic sphere.

MR: Getting away from your book, what book focuses far more on what other women have said and written, in reThe realm of sexuality is one would you like to achieve 88 president of the sponse to MacKinnon and Dworkin, where choice has always been parAClU? than it does on what MacKinnon and ticularly important to women; reproSTROSSEN: Of co,urse, the overall Dworkin themselves have said and ductive freedom, contraception, sexual r .WI sa ",·"goal of the ACLU is to protect the written. fundamental rights of all people. We will continue to come to the defense of MIt: Clnile PagIa has all those who have their rights viogone 80 far as to say lated in this society. As president, I that pornography think I can best further those goals should not just be dethrough speaking, writing, and helpfended on free speech ing people understand the importance grounds, but also on the of civil liberties.

We have won many grounds that It can be a cases in the courts and quite a few in y«y positive thing in a the legislative arena as well; we operwoman's Itfe, ,lIberat· ate in both of those arenas. ing force. How would But ultimately, civil liberties are you respond? never going to be secure unless there is a base of public understanding and STROSSEN: I have support for them. And if there isn't, two chapters in my AClU President Nadine Strossen then politicians can run campaigns in book in which I q~ote which they scapegoat civil liberties many women who and individual rights - and that will orientation are very important issues make that point, including women ultimately lead to the appointment of for women. I think it is particularly who are very avid consumers of porSupreme Court justices and other damaging to say that we cannot make nographyand women who are projudges who are also hostile to indifree choices or that we should not be ducers of pornography - a growing vidual rights. We came within one allowed to make free choices in the segmentofthemarketisspecUUcaliy vote of losing a major civil liberty female-oriented erotica. ' area of sexual expression. It was th.t decision that the ACLU had won. Roe rationale that allowed the censorship But that's not my expertise. I am v. Wade was only one vote away from of birth control information earlier in a constitutional lawyer and my argu. being overturned in 1992. We also this century, and that allows, to this ments are the perspective of recently came within one vote ofhavday, the "gag rule," which is going to gender equality, reproductive free· ing the Supreme Court's decision to be reinstated under the Contmct With dom, non-discrimination on the basis ban government-sponsored prayer in America. Free speech in the realm of of sexual orientation, and free speech. the schools overturned. We are cursexuality is particularly important in But, I also thought that it was imporrently skating on very thin ice. the realm of women's rights. tant to layout there for my readers So my goal is to get people to that they shouldn't see pornography understand the principles that are at MR: Do you think you are out of the mainas an unmitigated evil in terms ofits stake in any particular civil liberty stream of the feminist movement on this content. Many feminists see specificontroversy. Most people tend to look cally feminist reaffirming messages Issue? at a controversy and say, "Why are in pornography - the liberation and you defending thatNazi. or, that porSTROSSEN: No I don't. As I said the breaking down oftrBditional gennographer, or that communist, or that before, many leading feminists, inder roles and stereotypes, the notion

MR: Some have said that your attacks on MacKlmon and Dworkin are personal. Why have you focused 80 much of your book on what they have said and written?

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January 25. 1995

criminal?" We have to get them to understand that it isn't that person's ideas or beliefs or actions that we are defending. We are defending their rights that pertain to everyone else as well- the right to express their own beliefs and convictions.

MR: Many civil libertarians - Including those who hive bean Involved with 1he AClU, Nat Hentotf, for example - have been very critical of the ACLU recentty. They have suggested that the ACLU hat strayed from its original purpose; that lneteld of defending civil liberties., the ACLU _ become more Interested In advancing I 1tft41bera1 political agenda. How woWJ you respond?

STROSSEN: I respect Nat a lot, and we agree on some issues, and we disagree on some issues. And I would say that his view of a civil liberties position is just not the same as that of the ACLU's board, in all cases, but that is legitimate. I mean, we take so many cases and deal with so many issues that there is not a single thinking member of this organization or its leadership that could reasonably agree with every position that we take.

I, myself, have been a dissenting voice, since I've been president, on some issues. And I am not embarrassed about that How could I be as a member of an organization that champions dissent and free thought, in a society where issues are very complex?

To take the strongest example of where Nat disagrees with the ACLU, abortion, I strongly respect his view, as I respect the view of Henry Hyde, somebody else who is profoundly on the other side of the ACLU on the abortion issue. These are men who really do believe that human life begins at conception, and if I had that belief, of course I would be pro-life, so I respect them for that.

MR: Historically, In the United States at least, 1he right has been more hoetile to civH Ilbertiea 1fW11he left. But recently, In the age of political correctness, you see that, particularly on coflege campuses. those who are most hoetIle civillibertiel are IImost all members d 1he left. Where do you now view the biggest threat to civil liberties coming from?

STROSSEN: It really is always a<7088 the board. The reason why the ACLU is a non-partisan, non-ideological organization is because civil liberties violations always cross the political spectrum. Many people are willing to sacrifice civil liberties in an attempt to advance their own ideological or political agenda, no matter what it may be. It's probably true that the majority of ACLU members are liberals, so I believe we have to be partkularly careful to not let our own ideo-

7

THE MIClllGAN REVIEW

against mandatory res;stration for 1he draft? logical preconceptions drive our MR: Many would argue that cer1aln vtcIImagenda. less crimes are serious civil liberties Issues; STROSSEN: Yes. We have always And I feel that we hav~~n sucthat drugs and prostitution should be legalopposed compulsory registration and cessful at doing this. RegUlarly we Ized on the grounds of personal freedom. the draft as violations of the 13th come to the defense of the civilliberWhat Is the ACLU's position on 1he decrimiAmendment Indeed, it was one of the ties of extreme right-wingers and nalization of drugs and prostitution? moderate conservatives. To STROSSEN: Our position has take a recent always been to oppose the example from criminallzation of consensual the recent sesconduct on the part of adults sion of Conparticularly prostitution and gress, the drugs. We recently, at the reACLU was on quest of some board members, the other side revisited our policy on the deof the Democriminalization of drugs. After crats on such crack became widespread, a issues as camboard member said that there is paign finance some evidence to suggest that reform, lobbycrack is particularly addictive ing reform, and particularly dangerous and violence on that we should reconsider our television position. In light of that intenwhere restricsive reexamination, almost tions were being advocated In 1992, Penn State University officials banished this reproduction of the cel- unanimously - there was only by no less than ebrated Nude",. by Spanish painter Francisco de Goya from a ciassroom wall, one dissent on an 83 person board liberal icon following a complaint from professor Nancy Stumhoffer that it made her and her - we reaffirmed the position of advocating the decriminalizaPaul Simon. female students "uncomfortable." tion of aU drugs, including crack, for We were defending the privacy rights major reasons for the founding of the all adults. One board member put it of Senator Packwood when everyone ACLU back in 1920. It has always best when he said, "We believe that been one of our major issues; we have was against it. No matter what your people have a right to shoot, inject or always opposed all forms of compulideological predisposition, you will snort whatever they want." Ml. sory national service. find the ACLU on the other side when ...•• 01!"""'....-. civil liberties are at stake.

MR: Did 1he ACLU, 88 an organization, 1ake a position on the way the situation In Waco was handled nearly two years ago?

STROSSEN: Yes, we wrote a couple letters and issued a few press releases about the civil liberties violations that occurred there - violations of due process, violations of Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable search and seizure, excessive force being used. And in response to the raid there and the raid in Idaho (the Randy Weaver case), the ACLU issued a report calling for restraints on federal law enforcement authorities. This report pointed out that the kinds of protections that are available against local enforcement agencies, namely civilian review and complaints processed for brutality and excessive force, do not exist at all in the case of the ATF and other federal law enforcement agencies.

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MR: Is the ACLU planning on being active In the fight to overturn Proposition 187 in Califomla?

STROSSEN: Yes. We were prepared to sue as soon as the final ballot was cast. '!he lead attorney on the case is the legal director of the ACLU of Southern California - which is based in Los Angeles - Mark. Rosenberg.

605 Church St, Ann Arbor.

741-8296

MR: Is the ACLU stili active in the fight

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January 25,1995

THE MICIDGAN REVIEW

o BOOK REVIEW

The Eloqy.ent Economist bution - which George Stigler would dub the "Coose Theorem" - that R0nald Coase was awarded the Nobel ENRY MENCKEN ONCE Prize in 1991. remarlred that Henry Hazlitt In addition to authoring was "one of the few econothis pathbreaking article, mists in history who could really Coase has authored two write." If Menck.en had lived slightly books The Firm, The longer he probably would have said Market, and the Law, pubthe same thing about Ronald Coose. lished in 1988, and Essays on Economics and EconoEssays on Economics mists, released last year. and Economists Ai! the title would sugR.H. Coase . gest, Goose has divided his University of Chicago Press, 1994 most recent book into two Cloth, 222 pages, $27.95 sections, with one section containing seven pieces on economics, and the other While Coase's sheer literary outincluding eight essays on put cannot compare with Hazlitt's economists. All of the esas Hazlitt estimated he had authored says have been published over 100,000 articles, editorials, and previously. columns, in addition to writing or In the section "Econoediting 17 books - Coase demonmists," Coase discusses the strates an eloquence with the written late eighteenth century word that few journalists, let alone economist Alfred Marshall economists, can match. at great length; four of the In an era when economists seem eight essays in the section to regard the quality of their work as Marshall, his ideas, and the deal with a function of how difficult it is for the impact his ideas have had on ecointelligent layman to comprehend, Coase continues to convey his ideas nomic thought. Also included are esclearly and concisely, often challengsays on AInold Plant, who Coase deing economic dogmas in subtle, yet scribes as his "teacher and mentor," profound, ways. Indeed, it was this and Duncan Black, a colleague of combination of lucid thinking and Coase's at the Dundee School ofEcoengaging prose that shocked the ec0nomics in Britain.

The two essays in this section nomics profession over 30 years ago when Coase published an article enthat will most likely interest libertarians are: "George J . Stigler," which titled, "The Problem of Social Cost," in which he argued that if property was written just prior to Stigler's death in 1991, and "Economics at LSE rights were absolute and transaction costs zero, then "negotiations between in the 19308: A Personal View." In the latter essay, Coase describes his rela... parties would lead to those ammgetionships with FA Hayek and Lionel ments being made that would maximize wealth, and this irrespective of Robbins; Hayek, Robbins, and Coase the initial assignment of rights." were all LSE faculty members in the '!he implications of the argument 1930s. were profound. Coase had shown, fol"George J . Stigler," is, largely, a biographical essay; Coase recounts lowing simple logic, that government needn't necessarily involve itself in the rather circuitous route Stigler took resolving disputes over very serious to the University of Chicago. After taking his Ph.D. from Chicago, Stigler problems. Take the example ofpollution. Ifpeople being harmed by pollutaught at Iowa State and the University of Minnesota. And then in 1946 tion had a right not to be victimized by he was offered. a professorship at Chipollution, then they could, by right, cago, but the offer was rescinded by force the polluter to stop polluting or the central administration for the osthey could sell their right to the poltensible reason that Stigler was too luter. And conversely, if the polluter empirical. Stigler's rejection, while had a right to pollute, then he could obviously shortsighted, was not a toeither pollute, or if he did not value tal loss for Chicago, however. To fill his right to pollute as much as the the position that had been previously victim of pollution valued being free offered to Stigler, the Universityoffrom pollution, then he could sell his fered an appointment to Milton right to pollute. In either case, whoFriedman, which he eagerly accepted; ever values the right most, not who as a result, Stigler would later say cummtly poese88e8 it, dominates. And that his failure to be appointed in both Bides reach a peaceful resolution 1946 was his "greatest service to Chiwithout the benefit of state intervencago." tion. It was, primarily, for this contri-

BY AARON STEELMAN

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ludes to his opinions of positivism, but it is in "How Should Economists Choose?" that Coase's view of economics as a "science" is explained most clearly.

Coase concedes in the first essay of the book that he believes empirical, mathematical analysis to be an important economic tool and that its usage should be encouraged. But he also believes that the positivism of a Milton Friedman, as outlined in Friedman's 1953 essay "The Methodology of Positive Economics," is grossly inadequate in explaining economic principles.

In "The Methodology of Positive Economics," Friedman stated, "the ultimate goal of a positive science is the development of a 'theory' of or 'hypothesis' that yields valid and meaningful ... predictions about phenomena not yet observed," and that the assumptions necessitated by such a hypothesis needn't be realistic; the only thing an economist need concern himself with when formulating a Nobel Laureate Ronald Coase theory is whether or not it can produce accurate predictions. Coase takes latter he counted the young Murray exception with such a position: Rothbard as one of his students. And The view that the worth of a theory is then in 1956, Chicago once agaj.n'of,:-' to be judged solely by the extent and fered him a position, and thistlme it acCuracy of its predictions seems to wasn't rescinded. Stigler accepted and me wrong. Of course any theory has remained at Chicago. with the excepimplications.

It tells us that if sometion of a brief stint at the Hoover thing happens, something else will Institution, for the rest of his career. follow, and it is true that most of us .AI! for the other section of the would not value the theory if we did book, "Economics," there is much to not think these implications correbe gained from all of the essays, but sponded to happenings in the real two are particularly worth noting: economic system. But a theory is not "Economists and Public Policy" and like an airline or bus timetable. We "How Should Economists Choose?" are not interested simply in the acIn "Economists and Public Policy," curacy of its predictions. A theory also serves as a base for thinking. It Coase attacks ethical subjectivism, helps us to understand what is going saying that an economist, when inon by enabling us to organise our volving himself in public policy rethoughts. Faced with a choice belated questions, needn't restrain himtween a theory which predicts well self from saying that one policy is but gives us little insight into how objectively better than another; that the system works and one which certain value judgements can be made gives us this insight but predicts about public policy and that they badly, I would choose the latter. should be made. He writes, Essays on Economics and EconoI know, of course, that there are mists is Ronald Coase at his best. some economists who argue that ec0While it is unfortunate that the only nomics is a positive science and that previously unpublished piece in this all we can do is to explain the oonsevolume is the preface, there is much quenres that follow from various ec0to be gained here. For those not acnomic policies. We cannot say quainted with Goose's work it will be whether one policy is preferable to an excellent introduction, and for another, because to do so would rethose who are, it will lend greater quire us to introduce value judgements, in the making of which we insight into Coase, the man, as well as have no special oompetence. [S)uch the economist. Ml. self-restraint is I think unnecessary. We share (at least in the West) Join The Review! a very similar set of values, and We have regular staffmeetings there is little reason to suppose that Tuesday nights at 7 p.m . on the the value judgements of economists 3rd floor of the Michigan Leagu~ are particularly eccentric.

Stop by and join. ' <".

From this statement, Coose al-

After his initial rejection by Chicago, Stigler moved on and taught at Brown and Columbia, where at the

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

January 25,1995

9

OAT THE MOVIES

The Politics of Higher Learning BY

GENE KRAss

T

HE WELL-CONSTRUCTED commercial for John Singleton's latest film, Higher Learning, mentions something along the lines of, "Now see what it's [college] really like." Of course, seeing images of skinheads and swastikas, I expected this to be a biased take on already liberal university atmospheres that grossly exaggerates the covert racism some see on campus.

Therefore, I was surprised to find Higher Learning a very powerful film that bypassed blatant one-sidedness in favor of brilliant filmmaking.

One oftha strongest points of the film is character development, which is aided by superior acting. Malik (Omar Epps), a mediocre student, gradually comes to believe that "the system" is l.lllfB.ir to all black s. Kristen (Kristy Swanson) bean:nes a feminist/ peacenik after a frat brother rapes her. Remy (Michael Rappaport) is an outcast whose inability to fit in with any traditional campus group slowly leads him to become a Nazi skinhead.

On the surface, Higher Leamine

tion routine is not an opinion shared involve the police. At one point, a by a great majority of black. students. couple of cops simply watch as Kristen's predicament is probably skinheads beat up a gay couple. Later, the movie's most realistic aspect. when the police break up a fight beSwanson plays her character as if it tween Remyand Malik, they let Remy was she who was raped and is now go but start beating up Malik -- a frightened of intimacy with all men. scene reminiscent of a familiar 1991 No, not all college women are raped, videotape. The police is portrayed as but yes, some are. Of course, the faunrealistically racist, and such antimiliar "1 in 4" statistic had to pop up, police sentiments simply seem out of but only in the context of a rape awareplace in an otherwise great film. ness group and not Singleton's Also, the movie dwelled too much affirmation of those numbers. on black. fears of white control. After Interestingly, while Remy is the Fudge's group seemingly defeats the unlikeliest character in the movie, Nazis in a fight, Fudge says, "They his joining an underground group of still won. Do you know why? 'Cos they Nazi skinheads makes the most sense. own all this. They own this street, this His roommates throw loud house parhouse, this couch. They own you." I ties, no one at a frat party pays any am doubtful of how many militant attention to him., and his heavy-metal black. activists would go that far.

About a year ago, a hilarious film, look sets him apart from the crowd at a welcoming rally. Becoming a PCU, tackled university life in a coskinhead is presented as the logical medic light. It too relied on exaggerathing to do. And while the group itself tion to make its point. Considering all is portrayed as evil, Singleton disthat really takes place, it is very easy tances himself from the unforgiving, to stereotype colleges in such a way. "smash the fascists" crowd with his Somewhere between the satiric PCU sympathy towards Remy's catch-22. and the dramatic Higher Learning, There are, to be honest, a few minus the exaggeration, the real colquestionable scenes -- most ofwhich"._,...lege experience lies. Mt

looks highly exaggerated; not every college student is a black activist, a violent white supremacist, or feminist rape victim. This, however, is exactly what makes for a good drama.

It would be impossible to capture everyone's college experience in one movie, so by focusing the storyline on fringe groupe, Singleton captures their perception of higher learning. Consider an elevator scene where lone passenger Kristen clutches her purse a little tighter when Malik enters.

The fact that Malik notices tells the viewer that Singleton wanted to project the alienation honestly felt by some black. students rather than saying that all whites are racist.

Indeed, very little of the movie that deals with Malik involves excessive moralizing. His girlfriend keeps reminding him not to be paranoid. ills West Indian political science professor, Professor Phipps (Laurence Fishburne), constantly tells him that no one owes him a thing. And neither his girlfriend nor Phipps come across as sellouts or "Uncle Toms." By putting two such presences in the movie, Singleton shows that the victimiza-

Gelman Sciences Continued from page 1

pay for 95 percent of the necessary clean up costs. After this small victory, however, Gelman Science was about to fuce a surprisingly powerful and relentless city council and environmental organization.

The city of Ann Arbor refused Gelman's initial offer of$1 million for laying municipal water lines to the nearby homeowners. The city demanded an additional $30,000 per house, totaling another $1 million.

Also in its proposal was the annexation ofthe homes, which was a 1ra.nsparent ploy to increase the tax base and control of the city.

The Ecology Center, which continued to fuel public debate, was a particularly bothersome thorn in Gelman's side. Gelman mentions with disdain, "[The Ecology Center] is opposed to cleaning windows with synthetic chemicals and they are a big advocate against the use of chlorine."

He continues to say, "[They] used us as a target for public policy." Indeed, the Recycle Ann Arbor program. is nul by the Ecology Center, which is then reimbUl'8ed by the city. This creates the interesting possibility for a seri,,,-,',"",",,,~,,,",",,,,,,~"",,",,,,,,,~<Âť

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ous conflict of interest.

The toxicity ofl,4-dioxane qualifies for debate. The American Toxic Substances Disease Registry publishes a toxicity report for each chemical and submits an advisory fur chemical levels which constitute a risk of one in a million of developing cancer (this is the same registry that was used in the recent Alar debate). ,,[1,4,-dioxane] is not very toxic." says Professor Steven J. Wright of the Civil and Environmental Engineering Department. He continues, "From experimentation on rats and mice, on the order of thousands of parts per billion, the epecimen may show signs of kidney problema." In fact, because of the contracted kidney problems, the rodents experience increased levels of cellular activity which increases their risk of developing cancer. He goes on to explain that the method of giving massive doses to mice and rats, and then extrapolating to a safe dosage for humans, is questioned within the scientific community.

An interesting twist 00C'UlTed during the public debate over the levels of dioxane release. The city of Ann Arbor owns an abandoned dump on Ellsworth Road wllose water drains

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into the city sewers, then to the water treatment plants. The city is unable to remove any of the dioxane and instead discharges it into the Huron River at over 2000 parts per billion.

Gelman contends that this shows the hypocrisy of the city council and Ecology Center, both of which knew of the Ellsworth dump well before the Gelman dispute.

Mike Garfield ofilie Ecology Center counters by saying, "Gelman has tried to incite people to hassle the city and he has tried to portray the city and environmentalists as holding a double standard." Garfield claims that the Ecology center has also pressured the city to clean up its site. "The city was slow to clean initially, but moved swiftly after the Gelman case came to light." He finishes by pointing out that the city is complying with the state standard of 2000 parts per billion.

Gelman Sciences has begun implementing a clean up program to reduce the levels down to the specified three parts per billion. In the meantime, Gelman has moved nearly 200 jobs to its new Pensacola plant in Florida, which was built primarily due to the anti4>usiness attitude on ..

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the Ann Arbor city council.

Kim Davis, president of Gelman Sciences, told Corporate Detroit, "We have lots of room to grow [in Scio Township]. Obviously, the local community rertsinly has not been fiiendly.

Gelman is the third or fourth-largest employer in Ann Arbor, but does anyone even care if we lock, stock, and barrel pack up and go somewhere else? I get the feeling they don't."

In fuct, the animosity did not end with the settlements. In the past November election, Scio 'lbwnship introduced a millage proposal to raise a three year environmental millage for unspecified purposes. From the discourse at the township board meetings, however, it was to be used for continued litigation against Gelman Sciences. The millage fulled after initial support from local residents because of an organization, Citizens for Rational Environmental Action (CREA), created to defeat the proposal. In a month, CREA had successfully lobbied against the millage.

Despite Gelman's attachment to Ann Arbor, it is quite obvious that any new jobs and plant additions created by the booming company will be located in Pensacola, Florida. Mt

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10

THE MICIllGAN REVIEW

January 25,1995

o MUSIC

Kepone Monkeys .Around BY:

DREW PETERS

"W

E LIKE A LOT OF that Touch and Go stuff," admits Michael Bishop, bassistJvoca1ist for Richmond, Virginia's own Kepone. Fittingly enough, they are on ~ Touch and Go m~ Records. Just as fit- wt1h ting, they are coming Kepone to town with Helmet.

No one could ever guess what they used to do.

"About three and a half years ago, Michael, Seth and I startedjamming," explains guitaristlvocalist TIm Harris. "All three ofus had other bands. I played in a band called Bunna Jam, it was an experimental reggae band, we did some touring with Eek-A-Mouse and bands like that. " "I was with Gwar for seven years," says Michael. "I was able to do both bands at the same time for awhile but Gwar was making me less and less happy. I had been doing it since I was in high school. Not only do I enjoy Kepone a lot more, I also have a lot more control over it. " "We did it on weekends, just for fun, " continues TIm.. wrhen we started liking it more, practicing more, and when our other bands would go on tour, we'd start missing it. It got to the point for all ofus where it was all we wanted to be doing. It's been that way ever since."

So Tim dropped the reggae thing, Michael hung his Beefcake the Mighty costmne in his closet, and Seth Han:is made them a trio named after a pesticide dumped into the Appomattox River by Vuginia's Allied Signal Corporation.

After developing a small following, releasing a 7" on local record label Tenderizer Records, and later a 7" on Alternative Tentacles, Kepone landed a deal with Touch.and 00.

"Part ofhooking up with Toucll and Go has to do with Helmet," explains TIm. "We played with them about three years ago and Page [Hamilton of Helmet] was into what we were doing. He got our tape and talked to some people."

In August of 1994, Kepone released Ugly Dance, a collection of tunes that ranged from the fast-paced punkrocker "Leadbreath," to the melancholy instrumental "Brainflowr."

Kepone are all players, indicated by the minute and a half"Eenie Meenie," the kind of noise laden, spastic semiIn the wintertime, Drew Peters /.ikes to go sled.tl.in8. Drew is mlUlic editor of the Review. ."..

funk that would make hippies vomit. focus for the next album we record is next one, we want it to sound even They even have some time to throw a more real." going to be the lyrics. For me, there is this impassioned three days of writfew harmonies into different shades Mike, however, feels that "the main of brutal rock and roll. ing, then you work them into the "The songs on Ugly Dance songs, and then you forget what the were written over the course lyrics are. You don't think about them of two years," TIm explains, untifthey are on the album and you "and we throw everything have to listen to them. In retrospect, in. 'Loud' comes from a tribal some of the songs were too ambigubeat that Mike found when ous. It would be too hard for people to figure out what I was talking about, he was in the archives in D.C. researching music. We to get the feeling that I had when I try to use different rhythms was writing the lyrics. I was trying to and different chord patterns make them abstract, in some senses just to make things interestthe abstraction was too much." ing. They end up being fairly That explains the lyrics on Ugly weird mixtures.

Dance, but one wonders about the monkey on the album cover. Are you "One of my favorites on guys into monkeys or something? there is 'Brainflowr: the in"Coincidentally, we are in Florida strumental. I like it because it's something that can't be right now at the very home of the reproduced live. It turned woman who gave us that photograph. out really beautiful, with all It's of her friend's mother. We really of the strings we put on it." like the photo, it's like this weird struggle going on, but she's happy."

"There are certain ideas that, when we sat down to Uh,ok. assemble into songs, had no Kepone open8 for Helmet at St. room for vocals," explains Andrew'8 in Detroit on Monday, JanuMike. '"Fly Bop' used to be a ary 30th. School is not very important Button up yow shim and comb your hair, fell ... ._,~. to you, 80 go. Ml five minute song with vocals. Then we chopped the shit out of it when we realized that we didn't like it. "Brainflowr" could have vocals, but the song is so dramatic that anything sung over it would have been stupid or detracting. We'll have more instrumentals on the next album."

On the rest of the album, TIm provides most of the harmonies while Mike screeches vague yet colorfullyrice.

"I'm interested in screen writing, so I have a lot of the material to use when I sit down and write lyrics. For 'Wrong,' I took screen plays and chopped them up, tried to add the motion of poetry to them, and made them into lyrics. A while ago I started getting into other lyricists that didn't use all of these images, like Iggy Pop. I tried to write songs that were only one sentence." '"Henry' and 'Wrong are songs that we have had the most luck with, because they are true stories. At least something I'd seen or been told.

'Henry' is about a monkey that my father owned, all of the shit that he did. There are so many things that you can do with lyrics, I really enjoy the experimentation."

With all the experimentation, Kepone fans might wonder what to expect on the next album.

"There's a bunch of good songs on Ugly Dance, says Tim, "but for the next one we are going to put more of a live feel on it. Most of the tracks were recorded live on Ugly Dance. On the

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Mass

Meeting:

Sunday, February 5th 7:00 PM

Michigan League 3rd Floor

(See page 12 for more details)

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THE MrcmGAN REVIEW

January 25, 1995

11

o MUSIC

Duke Ellington's Royal Sound

BY GREG

PARKER

B

RIDGING THE GAP BEtween the Decca, Verve, and Columbia re<x>rding periods of Count Basie's repertoire, The Indispensable Count Basie does more than just span an era - it captures some of the best Basie on a two volume, 37 track arraignment consisting of well over 90 minutes of r~Count Basi ' music. With a Thelndls~' mon~ge of vocal Count Basi, and lnstrumental RCA numbers re<X>rded l'-----_ _ _ _----' from 1947 to 1950, this collection draws from the complete Count Basie Orchestra as well as various combinations of the orchestra, leading various permutations of musicians for each song. The result is a pleasant diversity that can only add to the listening experience.

Born William Basie in Red Bank, New Jersey on August 21, 1904, Basie immersed in piano at an early age.

Schooled by piano master Thomas "Fats" Waller at age 15, Basie jumpstarted his career, eventually turning professional with Waller's help. Aside from various gigs in the 1920s, Basie

fo.und ~self bankrupt ~ Kansas City, fortuitously an area qUIckly surpassing New Orleans and Chicago for the number two jazz city in the country, behind New York. Luckily, he stayed in Kansas City and joined Bennie Moten's band in 1929. From there, Basie formed his own band which played a major part in defining the Kansas City style.

Collating a highly-talented group of musicians , Basie attained more and more popularity outside of Kansas City. By the time Basie's band reached New York in 1936, its leader was already christened with the name "Count" - a prophetic Kansas City club announcer labeled him "Count" Basie because, after all, jazz already had a "Duke" in Ellington. From there, Count Basie went big-time.

His talent is big-time as well.

Because many of Basie's venues were ballrooms, it is interesting that Basie's music is equally constructed for dancing as it is for pure listening. This makes sense, as the famous rhythm section leads the band through many up-tempo songs. An imaginative listener can imagine a packed dance floor, crowded with sweaty, sultry men

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Count's s!owersongs, some c o m p i e t e C 6 1 t r a n e with passionate vocals. .

The recording quality of The Indispensable Basie is quite adequate, to say the least, considering its time period. The era of 1947 to 1950 was J()lm Coltrane,.Ev~IJ'tlililg either. of not exactly the age of digital teclmol- them touches. tum8to . ~ld,~u~ ogy; appropriately, the tracks were Ellington & Joh1J Ooltraned~tIi~ recorded to tape (analog) and remas- SlUUe~ but$~both of~lri~ tered in the 1980s, when technology are on it, does that allowed. The result is a sound that, mean one gets . i···.·· .......... . .• ··th··· 'ld ~ .'. .John CoItra»t while not up to the standards of early tWIce e.go~or Impu~1962 . ..... .... ..•..... / 1960s or even mid 1950s recordings, half the price? Put does not detract from the listenability simply, the answer is ."yes,,.... .. •.• . ......\ of the album. Besides, it's almost as if F,rom"Ina Sentimelltal¥Q()(}':'t<t it's supposed to sound that way; it is the aptly titled "Takethe¢ol~;rr reminiscent of the era. it'$ . allhere. A. quinteasendal'.··· ............•.....~'.~ ................•.; In short, The IndUJpensable Basie the album isa ma8terpi~.~e~Cf· is quite a collection. Number 27 in companiment is more ~pl~.i RCA's Jazz Tribune series, the album mehtary, with ElyiIl~OnE!8,A8.ro* is just one of many similar compila- BeU, Jimmy Garrison•. tmd.Sam tions. Many are double disc sets as Woodyal'd. With the ~yriadof"C)ld7 well, so the recordings are complete. jazzdiSC$ o~t there to~O()~frOm.it It is hard to see how one could go is hard tobeginsomewhere~build wrong with any Count Basie, but it a jazz library. But takethia advil?6~ most certainly will not happen with heart: begin with this disc. You'llcllever this collection. Ml. 'gretit,Mi

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than

o BOOK REVIEW Debt oj Honor Repayed

BY BENJAMIN KEPPLE

T

OM CLANCY'S LATEST bestseller, Debt ofHonor, while expensive, is well worth it. '!hose Clancy fans who are anxiously waiting for Debt ofHonor to come out in paperback. or who still haven't picked up a copy will be pleased to see

Debt ofHolWT Tom Clancy

Putnam, 1994 Hardcover, 766 pgs., $25.95

that th.ie may be his best novel yet.

While the novel is by no means dependent on any of his other books, it would be helpful to read his past novels. Clancy includes a plethora of characters and events from older works.

The plot of Debt of Honor is extremely well-constructed, with many twists and turns to keep the reader in suspense. The beginning of the novel

Benjamin Kepple is a fruhman in LSA who changes his major hourly, and has to color away grey hair from hi8 facial stubble.

is an introduction to many of the major characters and exactly what they are doing. Here we see where Dr. Jack Ryan is asked/ordered by a new president to serve as National Security Adviser when the current political appointee is found to be incapable of doing the job. Along with Ryan, John "Clark" and Domingo "Ding" Chavez (from Clear and Present Danger) are working as CIA operatives in Africa, and later in Japan. In the Far East, Japanese executives and politicians secretly meet to discuss internal politics and external problems with the United States. In the Indian Ocean, fleet manuevers by a resurgent Indian Navy alarm the local U.S. Navy contingent, fueling fears of an Indian takeover of Sri Lanka.

As in previous novels, Clancy uses the same sort of bridge to lead to the "meat" of the storyline. A seemingly insignificant acc:i.dent at a car plant in Kentucky and a freak patch offog on a highway lead to massive death and destruction as the gas tanks of colliding cars collapse, causing a fireball that incinerates five people. Investigators at the scene deduce that this really should not happen to a gas

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tank, and when an outraged Senator Al Trent makes it his mission in life to punish those responsible, a mere freeway accident leads to war between Japan and the United States.

The basis of the war is a bill railroaded through Congress and authored by Senator Trent called the Trade Reform Act, which leads to "reciprocating trade" between the United States and Japan. Anyone famiJiar with what American exports go through on Japanese docks will know what this means for Japanese imports here. As a result, the number of exports to America dramatically decreases and the Japanese stock market collapses.

In order to force the U.S. to revoke the law, Japan goes to war with the U.S. The United States and the Soviet Union have destroyed every last nuclear weapon they posess in a hope for peace, however, and Japan has secretly built ten nuclear missiles capable of reaching the United States.

Events spiral out of control from there, as the Japanese attack not only physically, but economically, causing the N ew York Stock Exchange to collapse in an extraordinarily well-

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contructed plot twist. Facing real threat from Japan and a perceived threat from a newly imperialist India, the United States is forced onto the ropes.

I will not ruin the rest of the plot or the ending for any of those who are interested in reading Debt of Honor, but for those who are waiting for it to come out in paperback or who just have not gotten around to picking it up, they are going be in for a very good read. It certainly is a good book for reading when you have a spare minute or when you really don't want to go to your 9 a.m. lecture on Monday morning and you are already up and it is 80 blasted cold outside. Ml.

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The Michigan Review the University of Michigan's student-run j'ournal of classical liberal and libertarian thought will be holding a Mass Meeting for all students on ·Sunday, February 5, 1995 at 7 PM on the third floor of The Michigan League. .. .--' The Review is currently looking for new staff writers, investigative writers, photographers, ' people to fill business staff positions, and future editors.

The only prerequisite for joining is a strong interest in the ideas of liberty; no previous journalism or writing experience is required.

So stop by and join, and become a part of The Michigan Review.