vol_25_no_10

The Michigan Review T he J our nal

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03.20.07 Volume xxv, Issue 10

Task Force Holds Final Meeting on Day Before Spring Break

Features Examining substance abuse at Michigan P. 3

By Adam Paul, ‘08

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A look at campus bars: why some fail while others flourish P. 12

News While Michigan bans preferences in admissions, Wisconsin goes holisitc with applications P. 8 The growing trend of all-out smoking bans on college campuses P. 7

Opinion When feminists attack, and MSA’s irrelevance Editorials, P. 4 Praise for Kwame from an unlikely source, and Christian complaints Columns P. 5

Arts & Culture Students line up behind candidates P. 10 Hip Hop for justice P. 11

MR

M ichigan

Barricades close off Washington Street for the Arena’s annual St. Patrick’s Day celebration.

The local bar faced opposition from the Ann Arbor City Council while planning for this year’s event.

Councilmember, Community Group Aim to Curb Excessive Drinking

By Michael O’Brien, ‘08

and no other bars have to go through such rigorous requirements by the city. ocal bar The Arena is known for “We’re the only events who have to have its annual St. Patrick’s Day and March ‘storm troopers’ at our event,” said Flore.

Madness NCAA Basketball Tournament celLowenstein is a member of a new Ann ebrations. Students and Ann Arbor denizens Arbor group, “Ann Arbor Campus-Commualike crowd into the off-campus bar, dressed nity Conversations” (A2C3). The Department in green garb while anxiously comparing final of Education gave the group a grant to build scores to brackets. a bridge between the University and the widIt was a different group of students and er city of Ann Arbor in curbing “excessive” community members, though, who recently drinking by students. sought to shut down the event.

While her group did discuss The Arena’s Councilwoman Joan Lowenstein recently permit request, she said in an interview that no attempted to deny The Arena a permit to set decision had been made by the group to come up a tent and outout against the perdoor toilets and mit request.

“We’ll be looking at all sorts of shut down a block The main focus events where we can influence of A2C3, said Lowin downtown Ann Arbor for its yearly behavior. I think that’s the job enstein, “will be educelebration.

The cating people as to of city government. We have a whether they should City Council eventually approved the responsibility to look after the use alcohol, rather permit, citing the health, welfare and safety fo than proscriptive lack of an official means or ordinancthe people.” policy on events ines.” volving alcohol.

Mayor John Mike Flore, Hieftje was a mem-Councilwoman Joan Lowenstein The Arena’s owner, ber of A2C3 in its said in an interview beginning stages, that his bar was being discriminated against. but he said he has not been involved with the “I can look across the street and see Ann group on a regular basis since. Although he Arbor Brewery and having their yearly Okto- voted in favor of The Arena’s permit request, berfest,” he said. “They use volunteers every he indicated his support for a more permanent year.” standard by which applications for drinking-reFlore said that instead of the usual private lated events could be judged. security The Arena hires, the City is forcing “There are events where people have a run his bar to hire two off-duty police officers to or children’s bicycle event. Those are in a difman their tent, at a cost of $1500. Addition- ferent category than drinking-related events, ally, Councilman Christopher Easthope is ru- namely because of what we hear from the pomored to have suggested that there should be a breathalyzer placed at the St. Patrick’s Day See “Drinking” event.

Flore claims that his bar has been targeted, Page 9

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he Diversity Blueprints Task Force, whose creation was announced the day before winter break, held its final public forum the day before spring break.

“This is not the ideal day as many have already left for spring break,” said Provost and Executive Vice President for Academic Affairs Teresa Sullivan to kick off the event. She ran the event with fellow Diversity Blueprints cochair, Senior Vice Provost for Academic Affairs Lester Monts.

“Even though the last forum was on February 23, the day before the break, we had a full list of speakers and a substantial audience,” said Sullivan, stressing that each of the four forums was held in an attempt to accommodate the greatest number of participants.

“I don’t see a lot of students here. It’s kind of disappointing; I guess they all left for Spring Break,” stated engineering student Darshan Karwat. Karwat explained that he had attended several of the events hosted by the Task Force and had found all of them to be conveniently located for the administration.

“Past Diversity Blueprints discussions were panels. I thought it would be interesting to see, in a controlled environment, in front of administrators, student reactions,” Karwat said.

“I also wanted to see if anything has changed before they release their final report.”

Speakers expressed a range of views.

“I would ask the committee to also consider the effects of previous Proposal 2, which excluded all state organizations from recognizing same sex relationships” explained Alexi Smith, a graduate student in Archeology. “Having same sex-benefits [either] sends a message about the University’s commitment on actually following through on anti-discrimination policy or…it’s just empty words,” said Smith.

While most speakers focused on changes they would like to see made, graduate student Steve Schrader spoke about existing policies such as minority lounges which he characterized as “proactive racism.”

“The task force received so much input that the final report will necessarily focus on larger themes,” said Sullivan, explaining that each member of the Task Force has a unique background, and has learned different things from community input. “I learned some new things about the University’s current outreach to K-12 students and some additional ideas for future outreach.”

A preliminary report was presented to President Coleman in February.

“The preliminary report was intended to be preliminary and advisory and not released to the public,” said Sullivan.

The final, public report was released on March 15th. The report outlines goals including a focus on admissions and outreach programs. Specific recommendations include extending the 2007 Day of Change to all students and holding a 2007 Fall Diversity Summit to review the success of the recommendations.

The report emphasized Michigan’s leadership role, concluding that, “Across campus and the country, there is strong interest in how U-M will respond to the challenge of this moment.”

MR

W W W. M I C H I G A N R E V I E W. C O M First two copies free, additional copies $3 each. Stealing is illegal and a sin. (Exodus 20:15)

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW www.michiganreview.com

Editorial Board:

Nick Cheolas Editor-in-Chief

03.20.07

page two. the michigan review

■ March Madness Meets Diversity Blueprints How did the Diversity Blueprints Task Force come to their final conclusions?

Your guess is as good as ours - we were on break for most of their meetings. But in the spirit of March Madness, here is our best guess.

Michael O’Brien Executive Editor Adam Paul Managing Editor Amanda Nichols Content Editor Brian Biglin Assistant Managing Editor Business Staff: Karen Boore Publisher Danny Harris Jonny Slemrod Associate Publishers Staff Writers: Michael Balkin, Steven Bengal, David Brait, Erin Buchko, Kelly Cavanaugh, Jenni Chelenyak, Rebecca Christy, Jane Coaston, Marie Cour, Lindsey Dodge, Blake Emerson, Christine Hwang, Eun Lee, Anna Malecke, Brian McNally, Miquelle Milavec, John O’Brien, Katie O’Connor, Adam Pascarella, Eddie Perry, Danielle Putnam, Shanda Shooter, Chris Stieber, Evan Wladis, Christina Zajicek, Zack Zucker

Letters and Viewpoints: The Michigan Review accepts and encourages letters to the editor and viewpoints. Letters to the editor should be under 300 words. Viewpoints can be arranged by contacting the editorial board.

We reserve the right to edit for clarity and length.

Send all correspondence to mrev@umich.edu.

About Us: The Michigan Review provides a broad range of in-depth coverage of campus affairs and serves as the literary voice of conservatism and libertarianism at the University of Michigan. The Review is published bi-weekly September thru April.

Donate/Subscribe: The Michigan Review accepts no financial support from the University. Therefore, your support is critical and greatly appreciated. Donations above $35 are eligible for a 1-year (12 issues) subscription. Donations can be made on our website at www.michiganreview.com, or mailed to:

911 N. University, Suite One Ann Arbor, MI 48109 The Michigan Review is the independent, student-run journal of conservative and libertarian opinion at the University of Michigan. We neither solicit nor accept monetary donations from the University. Contributions to The Michigan Review are tax-deductible under section 501 (c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Service Code.

The Michigan Review is not affiliated with any political party or any university political group.

■ From the Editor

I

n this issue of the Review, we take a look at an issue facing many of today’s college students – substance abuse.

Our cover article, Councilmember, Community Group Aim to Curb Excessive Drinking, examines Ann Arbor City Councilwoman Joan Lowenstein’s attempts to combat excessive and underage drinking on campus. Lowenstein is a member of the newly formed “Ann Arbor Campus-Community Conversations” group, which seeks to “educate people as to whether they should use alcohol.” Recently, the Ann Arbor City Council sparred with local bar The Arena, whose annual St. Patrick’s Day party – characterized by an outdoor tent on Washington – came under fire. The City Council allegedly forced the Arena to hire two off-duty police officers (at a cost of $1500) to supervise the event.

Our feature story, Ann Arbor Drug Culture Remains Shrouded in Smoke (Page 3), takes a look at the nuances of the University’s drug policy, and the nature of drug use on campus, while Colleges Initiate Smoking Bans on Campuses Nationwide (Page 7), examines the growing number of completely smoke-free college campuses. We also examine a number of campus bars in Sink or Swim: While Some Campus Bars Succeed, Others Flounder (Page 12), their finances, drink specials, and clienteles.

Our coverage highlights an interesting trend among college-town governments and University administrators who act in loco parentis (in the place of parent, for those of you not fluent in Latin), and raises interesting questions about

-Editor-in-Chief, Nick Cheolas

■ Serpent’s Tooth

vestigate similar powdered-filled packages sent to his senate office.

Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the editorial board.

Ergo, they are unequivocally correct and just. Signed articles, letters, and cartoons represent the opinions of the author, and not necessarily those of The Review. The Serpent’s Tooth shall represent the opinion of individual, anonymous contributors to The Review, and should not necessarily be taken as representative of The Review’s editorial stance. The opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the advertisers or the University of Michigan.

Copyright © 2007, The Michigan Review, Inc. All rights reserved.

The Michigan Review is a member of the Collegiate Network.

responsibility. To what extent are Universities and governments responsible for the decision made by their (adult) students? Should local bars be liable for the actions of their patrons? Councilwoman Lowenstein and Arena owner Mike Flore take decidedly different stances on the issue.

On campus, we look at the return of Students for a Democratic Society (Page 6), as well as the renovations to the University’s Museum of Art (Page 6) – renovations that may alter the Southwest entrance to the Diag (which is fine, since I never really walk through the Diag anyway. Too many weird folks out there).

We also bring you news from other campuses, including our annoying little brother school to the north, Michigan State where students can be sent to a pseudo re-education camp for arguing with a girlfriend (Page 8). At the University of Wisconsin, administrators have decided to go “holistic” with admissions (Page 8) (read: admission

by Ouija board) in an effort to increase diversity. In doing so, UW administrators have discovered a new problem: there aren’t any minorities in Wisconsin.

In our opinion section, the Review comes out against campus feminists who have declared, in Bush-esque fashion, “You’re either with us, or you’re with the rapists.” Meanwhile, Columnist Brian Biglin praises Kwame Kilpatrick’s low-tax policy in the face of budget defects.

Federal authorities investigated a suspicious powder-filled package sent to the campaign headquarters of Presidential candidate John Edwards. In a related story, Senator Ted Kennedy told federal authorities that there was no need to in-

In squeaky-clean Democratic Presidential candidate news, Sen. Barack Obama articulately called Sen. John Edwards “kind of cute.” Currently, the race is down to the clean candidate, the good-looking candidate, and Hillary.

Many students at a California high school have been caught showing up high at school with a medical marijuana card as an excuse. Robert Downey Jr. is pissed that such an easy excuse comes 20 years

late.

A 300-pound man used his excessive weight to float in the ocean for more than 8 hours with a collapsed lung after falling off of a cruise ship. Despite the motion of the ocean, he proved that size still does matter.

Former Vice President Al Gore has collected over 300,000 signatures from citizens concerned about global warming.

Rumor has it that Gore will present the signatures and a strongly-worded letter to Mother Nature asking her to “stop it.”

P. 3

Features

03.20.07

features. the michigan review

Ann Arbor Drug Culture Remains Shrouded in Smoke A

lthough Ann Arbor hosts the famed Hash Bash and has decriminalized the possession and use of marijuana, whether or not the city or the university possess a drug culture is a topic for debate. Most college campuses support a variety of drug cultures, the University of Michigan is no different.

Marijuana, pain killers, alcohol, tobacco and even caffeine are not out-of-reach from any college student who wants them. But the lax drug laws in the city of Ann Arbor sets it apart, and it implies that the University of Michigan a more developed drug culture that is more accepting of illegal and recreational drugs, Since the sixties and seventies, Ann Arbor has been known for its relatively liberal stance on the legalization of marijuana. Hash Bash, the annual event held on the first Saturday of April is centered on the goal of reforming marijuana laws. The event began in 1971 as a protest over the incarceration of Ann Arbor resident John Sinclair, who was given a ten year prison sentence for the possession of two joints.

In 1972, Ann Arbor’s possession of marijuana law was changed from a misdemeanor under the state law to a civil infraction with a fine of five dollars. Since then, the laws have tightened up some, but not much.

Today, possession of less than two ounces of marijuana within city limits still results in a civil infraction. However, the fine has been increased to $25 for a first offense, $50 for a second offense, and continually increasing fines per offense.

The Ann Arbor Police Department (AAPD) retains control over the city of Ann Arbor. A representative of the AAPD and the Patrol Supervisor clarified that, on campus or not, the sidewalks and streets are all part of the city limits.

At the store that sells bongs in the city where marijuana is decriminalized, any mention of pot will get you kicked out.

While these areas guarantee safe passage under Ann Arbor’s lenient laws, there is a threat to this relative immunity from

After questioning, Ashley was informed that she would be receiving a letter in the mail containing more information on the charges being pressed and the penalties to follow.

She was told she should not expect the letter for three to six months. She is still waiting for a letter, and it has been over four months. the Washtenaw County Sheriff Department or the State Troopers, both of which prosecute under state law.

On campus, DPS jurisdiction means state laws are enforced, and drug offenses punished more severely

The University—mainly its buildings—is also under the jurisdiction of the state. The criminal penalties dictated by The Department of Public Safety (DPS) are much more severe than those of the city. Possession of marijuana on campus is a misdemeanor, and conviction could cost as much as two thousand dollars or a year in prison.

DPS, to the surprise of some, is a full service law enforcement agency and has authority to investigate, search, and arrest to protect persons and property and to enforce the laws of The State of Michigan and the ordinance of The University of Michigan. They also work in cooperation with the Ann Arbor Police Department.

One student, Ashley (name changed to protect her identity), was arrested by DPS for having pot after her roommate turned her in. The roommate had contacted the Resident Director of the dorm who was then required to contact DPS. This evidence provided enough probable cause for DPS to search and arrest the student on drug possession charges.

Ashley was brought in handcuffs to the Washtenaw Country Sheriff ’s Department where she was taken into an interrogation room, fingerprinted, and received a mug shot.

After questioning, she was informed that she would be receiving a letter in the mail containing more information on the charges being pressed and the penalties to follow. Ashley was told she should not expect the letter for three to six months. She is still waiting for a letter and it has been over four months.

While Ann Arbor policies stay relaxed, total drug arrests on campus, however, have increased significantly over the past few years. Drug arrests on campus jumped from 36 to 85 from 2003 to 2005. These numbers do not include violations which go unreported to police.

Many students agree that the University and city of Ann Arbor host to a drug culture.

Victor Carnego, an LSA Freshman said, “Most college campuses have drug cultures, but at Michigan it’s different.

People may be using drugs in their hometown, but they are drawn here.” Lisa Choinard, an LSA sophomore agreed.

“Ann Arbor may possess a drug culture year round because of its liberal policies, but when school is in session, the University and Ann Arbor both have an obvious drug culture.”

In addition to illegal drugs, alcohol and prescription drugs are also making their presence known on campus and in a very large way.

Alcohol arrests on campus fluctuate from year to year, but it always remain high. Alcohol arrests on campus in 2003 were at 489 before jumping to 547 in 2004. These numbers decreased again in 2005 to 465.

Despite the arrests, however, alcohol is the drug of choice on all college campuses, but prescription drugs come in a close second.

Prescriptions provide a few uses that many students take advantage of. Adderall and Concerta are used to aid studying and concentration, while Vicodin and Xanax are normally taken with alcohol. MR

Opinion

P. 4

03.20.07

editorials. the michigan review

The Review welcomes letters to the editor. Send letters to:

The Michigan Review

T

he Michigan Review is the independent, studentrun journal of conservative and libertarian opinion at the University of Michigan. Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the Editorial Board. Ergo, they are unequivocally correct and just. Signed articles, letters, and cartoons represent the opinions of the author, and not necessarily those of the Review.

Liberties sacrificed in attempts to stop substance abuse

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e Blame Rob Reiner. Whereas forty years ago it was in vogue to chain-smoke a la Betty Davis, now it is fashionable to ban the use of any form of nicotine, marijuana, or alcohol. And this crackdown is not only common among would-be politicians, but has spread to universities, restaurants, and even into the law books.

Ann Arbor college students may began to notice this trend as the Ann Arbor City Council and local community groups aim to curb on-campus drinking. While such efforts are well-intentioned, it leaves one to wonder if local government and university administrators will take a more paternalistic stance toward students.

The hypocrisy of the substance abuse crusade is evident simply by walking into a local store in Ann Arbor, selling solely items suspiciously shaped like bongs. If any reference passes the lips of the unfortunate to “hash,” “marijuana,” or anything not aromatherapy-related, they will be kicked out of the store.

Stretching beyond hypocrisy, universities across the U.S. are beginning to pass laws forbidding even legal drugs on their campus. At Washington State University, it is now against the law for anyone to smoke any form of inhalable drug within 25 feet of campus. This includes those who are legally allowed to smoke cigarettes or cigars.

Such a rule is more than just an annoyance that would arise from a typical on-campus restriction; it is a limit on

The semi-annual efforts to protect students from themselves are futile, misguided, and will necessarily infringe on civil liberties civil liberties. It is legal for an 18-year-old to smoke a cigarette. However, there are places in the country where even the “smoking” areas of restaurants are not safe to these individuals who choose to smoke. People have been known to be kicked out for no other reason than they were disturbing the other customers in their separate “non-smoking” area.

No one is arguing that it is healthy to smoke cigarettes, or marijuana, or to drink. In fact, the latter two are for the most part illegal to college students, and all three are dangerous in excess.

However, when have restricting these behaviors by law ever aided the cause of resisting them? France has far fewer alcohol-induced car accidents among teenagers, with far higher speed limits. Is it a complete coincidence that their drinking age is 16? The United States has the highest drinking age in the world, with the highest number of teenage automobile deaths related to drinking.

The problem is not that the drug abuse laws are too permissive. That will only exacerbate college students and others’ resistance. Furthermore, all of these drugs will inevitably be available to college students. It will serve no one’s best interest to make these drugs more “rebellious” in an institution without parental check.

To tell the truth, people are no more likely to smoke a joint in the middle of class than they were in the sixties.

This fear is unfounded, and based on an imperfect knowledge of college life - at least at U-M. It is ironic then that it is the Woodstock generation who is spearheading the antidrug movement. MR

MSA perpetuates cycle of irrelevance in current, coming administrations

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he administration of Nicole Stallings as the President of the Michigan Student Assembly (MSA) might be characterized as the “do-nothing” Assembly—not that we are complaining.

Unlike the past few years, where debates over divesting from Israel, losing money on a concert, and spending $50,000 of student fees on creating a lobbyist group loomed large in MSA politics, this year’s campus politics have been marked by relative calm.

It seemed as if things would have been different, given the contentious nature of last year’s elections. The Stallings administration entered office under controversy, after all. The denial-of-service charges successfully leveled against Students 4 Michigan party members could have tarnished Stallings’ tenure as president from the outset. But as the saying goes, time heals all wounds (or, at least, summer vacation does).

The stealth under which MSA has operated during the past year, though, has not been all good. We have been grateful for the lack of gimmicks and wasteful spending this year. But alas, we remain curious about what was made of the nearly half-million dollar budget MSA receives every year, if not spent on ill-advised Ludacris concerts pursuing “diversity.”

The MSA has not been given to the political gimmickry characteristic of years past, but it has still had its fair share of token, irrelevant votes that supposedly speak on behalf of students. The difference this year, if anything, has been the lack of coverage by campus publications of these extraneous actions by MSA this year.

There was very little controversy when MSA opposed the MCRI, especially given its non-profit status. The vote encouraging divestment from the Sudan may be well-intentioned, but we doubt that the oppressed people in Darfur are heartened by the vote.

The radar silence by MSA has also hid just how anemic this year’s Assembly has not only been in substance, but in attendance, as well. According to some estimates, as many of a quarter of the representatives elected to MSA—a body that oversees a substantial budget—have simply stopped showing up to meetings. This means that a body that could barely muster a fifth of the student body’s vote last spring is only running on 75 percent capacity. If nothing else should attract students’ attention and ire, the one thing that students might actually demand is that some higher threshold of support be met before these students are allowed to gallivant around campus with little oversight, and a cool half-million in the bank.

We have wondered, many times, whether the election of Michigan Progressive Party or Student Conservative Party leaders last spring might have changed the tenor of MSA this year. Their election might have taken MSA in more entertaining directions, but not necessarily desirable ones.

And so, students are left to choose from the virtually uncontested Michigan Action Party (MAP) or the scion of Students 4 Michigan in this spring’s elections. This year, candidates Zack Yost and Mohammad Dar are running for President and Vice-President of MSA, respectively. Their platform includes the same yawn-inspiring promises that have come from candidates year after year.

In essence, Yost and Dar promise to continue the status quo, however little innovation or inspiration it embodies.

It is no wonder that MSA has attracted so little positive attention: they have done nothing to deserve it. It inspires a kind of ironic apathy on our parts. We have no interest in this election, no reason to care, no candidate in which we can invest ourselves.

Of course, this means there is also no obstacle to the impending Yost administration, either. MR

mrev@umich.edu The Review reserves the right to edit letters to the editor for length and clarity.

Criticism of feminism exposes intolerance by campus left

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ou’re either with us, or you’re with the terrorists.

Conservative foreign policy hawks have often used this aphorism to polarize the debate over the War on Terror, much to the chagrin of moderates and liberals everywhere.

Every Democrat in Congress who has disagreed with the Bush administration’s policies in the Middle East would bristle at the implication that there is a stark dichotomy of two camps, Freedom Lovers and Terrorists. In another example, much of Stephen Colbert’s humor is centered on his constant efforts to paint America into two groups, the party of Jesus and the party of Osama bin Laden.

In reality, however, there are many more options than “black” and “white.” This makes the current efforts of many groups on campus to vilify their opponents in blackand-white terms all the more ironic. Apparently, many of them don’t see their own tendencies to polarize when complaints about the “oversimplified” debate about the war, or diatribes on the “culture” of rape, sweatshops, or racism.

The phenomenon was most accurately displayed when former Review Editor-in-Chief James Dickson had the audacity to question the existence of a “rape culture” as defined by some campus groups.

But what is a “culture,” anyway? Is there a “culture of losing” on the Michigan football team? Few people would make that argument, but if we were to use the same tactics as campus groups, we would see the 2 losses out of 13

You’re either with us, or you’re with the rapists games and decry the team “enabling losers everywhere.”

There is a spectrum of descriptors for any problem, and it would benefit every student if hysterics and absolutes were used sparingly. Our campus is hardly “rapefree,” but it is also just as unlikely that Ann Arbor harbors a “culture of rape.”

As Alexis de Toqueville wrote in Democracy in America, “social power superior to all others must always be placed somewhere; but I think that liberty is endangered when this power finds no obstacle which can retard its course and give it time to moderate its own vehemence.” In any society where majority opinion is the power behind decisions, it is tempting to attach blame or praise the masses for the state of affairs.

There is undoubtedly an element of guilt-mongering amongst these tactics as well. It is much easier to guilt the “silent majority” into action by claiming they are contributing to a problem than to persuade them that their time is best spent in helping a cause. The tactics of groups like SOLE, the F-Word, or BAMN are rooted in emotionalism and sensationalism, and ignore reason and thought.

Rather than appealing to those at the center, these groups focus on accusing and alienating those who they attempt to persuade – at their own peril. These tactics may gain traction on mono-ideological college campuses, but they are useless tactics against a diverse population bloc.

In his Viewpoint, Dickson sought only to suggest that the tactics of campus über-feminists were misguided. The venom subsequently spewed in his direction was indicative of the “how dare you question our righteousness” frame of mind held by far too many on this campus.

This inability to handle criticism, and uncanny knack for misinterpreting the motives of critics, is a common trait among many on the campus left. It’s also a warning against leaving such campus orthodoxy unchallenged. In the end, this orthodoxy polarizes the campus, and eliminates the chance for any constructive debate. MR

Columns

P. 5

03.20.07

columns. the michigan review

■ Big Talk

Detroit Mayor Breaks with Party in Crafting Pro-growth Policies

K

wame Kilpatrick is one of the major reasons that Detroit has seen a prolonged turnaround against the odds posed by the statewide recession.

Go ahead, laugh.

But despite what the suburbanites standing at a distance and laughing at the corruption “uncovered” on local news channels would like to believe, and despite what city residents who voted for Freman Hendrix, having been motivated by declining city services, would tell you, Kilpatrick and his pro-growth policies, which make him an anomaly among Democrats, are a timely blessing for the city.

Brian Kilpatrick, in his second term, has distanced himself Biglin from past allegations of corruption, and has created an image of responsibility through his concerted efforts at enticing investment in the city and earnest attempts at crafting new policy.

This image of responsibility actually bears itself out through real results, making it more than a facade. Kilpatrick has earnestly undertaken measures which follow an

urban adaptation of classical economic policy; he has gone the opposite direction of the democratic governor, who proposes tax hikes. Detroit has, therefore, swam against the tide of recession in the region— with limited success— largely thanks to Kilpatrick’s responsible policy making.

Now there is no doubt that Detroit is finally starting to be influenced by the trend of urban revival touched off in the major East coast cities five to 15 years ago. But it has been up to Kilpatrick to channel these impulses and give them a breeding ground; this is especially imperative in a region which has a history, over the last fifty years, of harboring anti-urban provincialism, with an ongoing hint of racism and fear which puts the inner city at a disadvantage.

Besides focusing intensely on downtown redevelopment, through tactics such as luring major events, working with private and non-profit groups, and fully utilizing the Detroit Economic Development Corporation and Downtown Development Authority to expedite development projects, Kilpatrick has created policies for the neighborhoods, too. Tax abatements for many neighborhoods are already on the books thanks to Kilpatrick, and Kilpatrick’s most recent economic plan, which garners high praise from this writer, extends responsible economic policy to the neighborhoods.

In the face of a massive deficit, Kilpatrick has proposed property and income tax cuts, yet promises to improve neighborhood services by issuing bonds. He has

been counseled by investment firm Goldman Sachs, and has modeled his proposal after Philadelphia’s use of bonds to fund tax cuts and neighborhood services.

In general, Kilpatrick has embraced business, big and small, because he knows that enticing investment will lead an economy to grow. This stands in stark contrast to the governor, who has decried corporations in the face of Michigan’s recession.

Prefacing his state of the city address in various newspaper interviews, Kilpatrick has emphasized the importance of Detroit in Michigan’s economic recovery; no longer does Detroit drag down the rest of the state, Kilpatrick said. Indeed, as seen with the rate of building permits being issued in Detroit as compared to the rest of the metro area, Detroit is actually leading growth.

Still, Detroit does not have wide enough appeal, nor the amenities and dynamic neighborhoods to match other large cities. This has to come into play when it comes to retention of college-educated people, and was on display when Comerica Bank, a Detroit mainstay since the 19th century, announced the moving of its headquarters, citing a lack of qualified white collar employees in the Detroit area.

“There is no recovery in Michigan without Detroit leading it,” said Kilpatrick. It would be nice to see the governor agree and take action on Detroit’s behalf. It might be too much to expect her to match Kilpatrick’s sense of responsibility, though. MR

■ The Deep End

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Christianity often left out of “multiculturalism”

hen many at the University talk about “diversity” and “inclusion,” they’re seldom talking about one of the most overlooked student demographics—that is, Christian students.

We read about it in the Crime Notes when a racial or ethnic epithet is scrawled on a whiteboard somewhere in Markley. And when a business school student feels uncomfortable in the post-MCRI environment at the B-school, it’s a front page story at the Daily. Even when a “hate crime” is alleged, regardless of its veracity, it prompts indignation on campus, and the creation of the Expect Respect campaign.

For a campus of supposedly progressive values, intolerance Michael was supposed to have been done O’Brien away with a long time ago. However, the last socially acceptable prejudice for today’s students is a casual statement here or there deriding Christians, or their beliefs.

Multiculturalism dictates that groups who have been left out in the cold for generations finally be brought into the mainstream. For the most part, that’s an admirable idea.

But taken to its extreme, multiculturalism on college campuses legitimizes spite towards institutions that underpin

the society we live in.

Last year at Northwestern University, the daily student newspaper published a viewpoint claiming that the common enemy of Jews and Muslims is (you guessed it) Christianity. The freshman writer was enraged at Christians for, of all things, their evangelization, and claimed historical atrocities by Christians were far more offensive than the September 11th attacks.

Currently, at the College of William and Mary in Virginia, a debate rages at the president of their university, who unilaterally ordered a small, golden cross be removed from the altar of the campus’s historical chapel. The chapel is used occasionally for school functions, and the president didn’t want any non-Christians who passed through to be offended.

Just last Friday, while I was at a party, a girl went into an ill-advised tirade about politics. She claimed the Republican ascendancy of late was because fundamentalist Christians are so profoundly stupid that they’re able to be easily manipulated by the GOP. These examples are far from exhaustive, and only represent a smattering of the events that arise all-too-frequently during every school year. It’s difficult to argue that these represent isolated events, given the volume of similar incidents, year after year. How many more events go unreported, with students of faith squirming uncomfortably, and moving on.

The issue here isn’t about the angry, white male needing to reclaim his status in society—far from it. Rather,

it’s about not having double standards; ill-informed vitriol against Christians should be held to the same standard as using a racial epithet.

Almost 50 years ago, a special panel reviewing the study of religion here at U-M observed that the University focuses so intensely on non-traditional groups that it pushes knowledge of the beliefs underpinning American culture to the margins of student life. Would it be that unreasonable, for instance, to offer a class in the philosophy department that engages the development of theology in the history of the Roman Catholic Church?

Students can make flippant statements suggesting that only an idiot—someone profoundly irrational—would believe in God. They make these statements practically with the authority and power of a deity; after all, they know there will be no repercussions to their words. Many students have shocking little actual knowledge about Christianity and its actual practices and beliefs.

Let’s practice what we preach: we should tolerate the majority’s beliefs just as much as we tolerate the minority’s.

It’s admirable that students are able to commit to a coherent philosophical system, and then have the guts to live it out.

But sometimes it’s almost a little too much to expect students to show respect for Michigan’s Christians—the silent majority on campus. MR

Hysterical global warming debate could use some ground rules

By Chris Stieber, ‘08

G

reen is the new black. From Washington to Hollywood, celebrities are lining up to kiss Al Gore’s ring and proclaim concern for the “impending” environmental crisis. Whatever your Staff beliefs, here are some ground rules for Opinion discussing An Inconvenient Truth and other such pieces over your lattes at Café Ambrosia: 1. Those of us who disagree with the position of the Environmental Left are not “Global Warming Deniers.” If the issue of climate change is as self-evident and important as the supporters claim, equating us with those who deny the Holocaust not only is disrespectful and insensitive to those

affected by the actual events of WWII, it belies a lack of confidence and makes you look hysterical and unbalanced.

2. If you feel the urge to throw more reasons for action that don’t involve the environment, please stop yourself.

The most prevalent argument I’ve heard in Ann Arbor is that making various industries “green” will improve the local economy, make our public transportation (for example) the envy of the region, and attract new companies to town. This is silly. As someone born and raised in Dallas, I can assure you that the Detroit-based Comerica Bank’s relocation to Texas is not for hybrid buses or well-funded trains. (In fact, Comerica might be moving to Dallas in spite of the public transportation.) Don’t shy away from the costs of “greening.” If the environment is nearing self-destruction, saving the earth will be worth the costs and disguising the process

as “economic improvement” is frivolous and dishonest.

3. The issues of terrorism and the environment are not connected in any meaningful way. Politicians from both parties are advocating government regulation for gasoline so we can be “energy independent.” Oil is a fungible good.

That means it doesn’t matter from whom we buy the oil, the Ayatollahs in Tehran will still pocket money. So please do not claim that your Toyota Prius is helping fight the Global War on Terror.

While hardly exhaustive, these ground rules address the tendency to overinflate claims, a problem that is unfortunately not limited to arguments over the environment. Perhaps our adherence to these rules will allow for serious discourse and progress could be made in the discussion about our environmental policies. MR

P. 6

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the michigan review

Addition Doubles Museum Size, Changes Face of Diag Museum officials insist that pedestrian access will not be hindered by finished product

By Brian Biglin, ‘08 The UMMA additions may fundamentally alter the southwest entrance to the Diag

Revamped Students for a Democratic Society Seeks Cooperation

By Anna Malecke, ‘10

a stance the organization is necessarily taking. hey’re back.

“We are a non-partisan group and would After more than thirty years of absence, be happy to align with any other campus the Students for a Democratic Society have group that supports such causes surroundreturned to the University of Michigan cam- ing student power,” said Simmons. pus after the national chapter was revived a The Michigan chapter of SDS has adfew years ago. opted the Rights of University Workers as “I think it’s about time,” said freshman one of their first issues on campus.

Kelly Goodman, who is considering joining “We are currently working on a tempothe newly-formed chapter. rary workers rights campaign, and will be Already located at several other univer- presenting this at the board of regents meetsity campuses including Columbia, DePaul, ing,” said Simmons. “Our main goal is to and Duke, the first SDS meeting took place support the workers and their needs. They in early February and involved students from are currently in the process of unionizing other Michigan universities. and we are there to offer our support and The new organization has some con- hopefully to mobilize the campus around nections to its past. The first SDS president, the mistreatment of the University’s emRobert Alan Haber, is directly involved with ployees.” the Michigan SDS chapter.

SDS has also partnered with Anti-War “Alan Haber, from Action to ask the Unitime to time, attends versity to divest from “Every minute we spend our meetings and profirms with military conhelping this University is tracts. The pair took vides valuable input a minute invested in the into the historical relpart in a demonstration war machine.” evance of issues were of Campus Unite before working to fight today,” the March 15th Board Anti-War Action member, said Kelly Simmons, an of Regents meeting.

Yousef Rabbi LSA junior and a memMembers of ber of SDS. SDS, Anti-War AcAlthough SDS’s tion, BAMN, GEO, original Port Huron Statement advocated the Sweat-Free campaign, and MSA’s Envinonviolent civil disobedience as a means to ronmental Issues Commission spoke at the attain a “participatory democracy,” because rally. of the connections between SDS and violent “Every minute we spend helping this protest group, the Weathermen, the reincar- university is a minute invested in the war nated organization remains controversial. machine,” stated Anti-War Action member, “We have decided to keep the original Yousef Rabhi. Members also pasted peace name because today’s SDS is structured signs to the Cube and chalked messages such around the same basic ideas as the original as “science for peace not war” outside the SDS, those of student power and student Fleming Administration Building. rights,” said Simmons.

“Coalitions unite different students with The name SDS comes with certain as- different interests with a common end,” statsumptions, though. ed SOLE member, Stephanie Surach. Some “People are going to expect certain po- members of Campus Unite resisted the cositions out of [the group],” said Goodman. alition brand and requested that The Review Simmons has already witnessed this at- refer to them as a “student collective.” After titude. the event, SDS and the other organizations “It is surprising that we have been au- spoke before the Board of Regents. tomatically considered a dynamic left wing When asked if she will eventually progforce on campus,” she said. ress from a “bandwagon participant” to an According to Simmons, SDS has auto- actual member, Goodman said, “If they can matically been positioned as an opposite to gain their footing with the worker’s rights isconservative groups like YAF, but that is not sue, then yes.” MR

T

W

ith re-opening planned for early 2009, the University of Michigan Museum of Art (UMMA) expansion and restoration project is proceeding according to schedule, Stephanie Rieke, Associate Editor and External Relations Coordinator of UMMA, said.

The finished product will provide the UMMA with roughly 96,000 square feet (over twice its current size) to accommodate over 18,000 works of art, which will be moved in beginning in late 2008, Rieke said.

The modern design of the addition and the major change the structure will make on the landscape of the Diag has created some discussion among observers, spurred on by the closing of a major pedestrian path connecting the Diag to the Union during construction. Both aspects of the project have been defended by UMMA officials.

“We felt that it was important for the language of the building to be of our own time, rather than invoking a historicizing language,” said Rieke, explaining the modern

rector James Steward.

When it comes to pedestrian access between the Diag and the Union, bus stops, and dormitories, Rieke insisted that what observers see today in terms of the construction site does not exactly display the space that the finished product will take up. She said that much of the museum space will be underground, and while the outdoor pedestrian path will have to make a slight jog around the new buildings, it certainly will not be to the extent that pedestrians have been forced to shift their path around the construction.

“After construction, substantial green space will remain, as will the main footpath to the Diag adjacent to Tisch and Haven Halls. We have pushed as much of the building underground as possible specifically to achieve this,” said Rieke. “The building itself will be at grade, encouraging pedestrians to use the building as a barrier-free ‘pass through’ with the addition’s interior serving as an easy alternative to the modest displacement of the sidewalk.”

Steward emphasized that the finished product will fit well with campus because of its height in proportion to neighboring buildings, and the quality of the materials used.

Rieke said that historic preservation guidelines suggest differentiating additions to historic buildings. In other words, “expanded historic facilities must declare where the ‘old’ ends and the new begins,” said Rieke, and this is not without precedent. On

“We felt that it was important for the language of the building to be of our own time, rather than invoking a historicizing language,” said Rieke, explaining the modern design which is in contrast to many central campus buildings, even newer ones such as the Ford School of Public Policy.

-Stephanie Rieke, External Relations Coordinator of UMMA design which is in contrast to many central campus buildings, even newer ones such as the Ford School of Public Policy.

“Over time, the University campus has become known for its eclecticism ‑ ­ which has come to be a strength to be played to and enhanced in our opinion, given that there is not a single prevailing architectural vocabulary here,” added Rieke.

Regarding the change in the built environment of the Diag and the State Street landscape, Rieke invoked historical precedent.

“We are actually building on what was not intended to be an open site, but was occupied until 1955 by the original University Museum, later home to the Romance Languages Department,” said Rieke, adding that the position of this former building influenced the site location of Angell Hall.

“So in a sense we are in fact seeking to reestablish those physical relationships and proximities, in ways that we feel will improve this quadrant of campus,” said UMMA Di-

campus, the Randall Labs complex is one example. The Max M. Fischer Music Center attached the Orchestra Hall in midtown Detroit is another example of differentiated additions to historic buildings.

Also important to note is that the existing UMMA building, a 1910 Beaux-Arts landmark, is being refurbished as part of this $35.4 million project; one such improvement will be the restoring of original skylights. The project as a whole is part of the Michigan Difference campaign, and is mostly funded through donations.

The finished product will accommodate temporary exhibitions, lectures, concerts, classes, and community meetings, according to the UMMA project website. Improved visitor amenities including an expanded museum shop and café will also be included in the project. MR

News

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news.

the michigan review

Colleges Initiate Smoking Bans on Campuses Nationwide Similar ban finds some support among U-M student groups

By Jane Coaston, ‘09

A

s smoking bans in public areas are becoming increasingly common, colleges are experimenting with extending such bans to their campuses.

According to USA Today, 43 campuses across the country have banned smoking, mostly community colleges and those with a high commuter population, but several large universities, including the University of Iowa and Indiana University, are also considering such bans.

The issue has sparked controversy over how much authority colleges can have over the lives of their students. The concept of in loco parentis, in which the university or college acts as a surrogate parent for the student, had fallen largely by the wayside in recent years.

However, as health concerns regarding the dangers of smoking and second-hand smoking continue to be voiced, college administrators are taking the stance that a danger to public health outweighs personal liberties.

The recent changes have vocal opposition.

“If the University isn’t willing to let us grow from our own mistakes, then it should live up to its academic and institutional commitment to let us weigh our own options,” explains Kirk Nathanson in an editorial for the Indiana Daily Student, Indiana University’s student newspaper. Nathanson criticizes the proposed ban as an intervention by the “nanny state.”

At the University of Michigan, smoking is already banned from all buildings. On all properties owned by the University Hospital System and School of Nursing, smoking is banned inside and outside all buildings, and smoking is only permitted within individual vehicles and outside of the “smoking border.”

According to the University of Michigan Faculty Handbook, “the University tries to provide as close to a smoke-free environment as practicable for its faculty, staff, students, and visitors. The right of a nonsmoker to protect his or her health and comfort takes precedence over another’s desire to smoke.”

One proponent of a possible ban is Elisabeth Siciliano, representative of Relay for Life, an organization that promotes cancer awareness and hosts smoking cessation workshops.

“I think it’s a good idea. At U-M, I think it would be an even better idea to get a ban on smoking in public places, like many cities and states have already done,” said Siciliano.

However, a ban on smoking campuswide has not yet become an option.

“Private enterprise may choose to restrict smoking within its establishments, but the government should not regulate smoking. Ann Arbor is a great example of a community with many smoke-free establishments, co-existing with a few restaurants and bars that allow smoking. This gives more freedom to individuals who prefer to frequent places that either allow or disallow smoking,” said Jeff Conley, a student in the College of Engineering and president of the Michigan Tobacco Club. Conley described the issue as one of personal choice. MR

Courtesy of www.dontsmoke.com

Thank you for smoking.

Led by Texas Congressman, House Considers Bill for Hemp Legalization

By Jonny Slemrod, ‘10

A

nn Arbor is no stranger to marijuana culture. Known for the annual prolegalization Hash Bash festival held on the Diag in early April, Ann Arbor has come to be regarded as a haven for marijuana smokers of all creeds.

Beyond the general legalization arguments, particular emphasis has been placed on the hemp plant. Hemp, which cannot be produced in the United States, is typically not used as a drug. Several major groups, including Vote Hemp, National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML), and the Hemp Industry Association are fighting the current ban on hemp production. Even George Washington had kind words for the plant when he stated “Make the most of the Indian Hemp seed and sow it everywhere,” in 1794.

If Congressman Ron Paul (R-TX), with the support of nine Democratic members of Congress from Wisconsin to Washington, has his way, the law may change.

Last month, Paul introduced the Industrial Hemp Farming Act of 2007, which seeks to exclude hemp from the definition of marijuana and to give states the jurisdiction to decide whether or not hemp can be domestically cultivated. Seven states, inclusing Hawaii, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Montana, North Dakota, and West Virginia all allow for the production of hemp within state borders. The Federal Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) must grant farmers a license in order for production to occur.

Industrial hemp is utilized in many products, including clothing, paper, dry foods, and plastics. Hemp does contain THC, the psychoactive substance which causes marijuana users to experience physiological ef-

fects when consumed. However, the THC levels in hemp are so small that it does not have the same effects. While hemp can be legally imported from other countries into the United States, hemp cultivation inside of the United States remains illegal because it contains THC. Paul took the cause of in hemp legalization directly to the House floor in February. With the permission of majority leader

“It is unfortunate that the federal government has stood in the way of American farmers, including many who are struggling to make ends meet, competing in the global industrial hemp market.”

-Congressman Ron Paul (R-Texas) Nancy Pelosi, Paul scolded the fact that “The United States is the only industrialized nation that prohibits industrial hemp cultivation.”

Indeed, thirty countries, including Great Britain, Germany, and Canada, all allow for the production of hemp. Paul stated his opposition to the ban, citing its negative economic impact: “It is unfortunate that the federal government has stood in the way of

American farmers, including many who are struggling to make ends meet, competing in the global industrial hemp market.”

Opponents of hemp legalization contend that the difficulty of monitoring marijuana will increase if hemp is allowed. In 2006, California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger vetoed a bill intended to allow the production of industrial hemp, citing a possible drain on police resources and a belief that this would complicate law enforcement in general.

Other opponents, including Barry McCaffrey, President Clinton’s Director of the National Drug Control Police, have expressed doubts about the effect of hemp on law enforcement.

“What [hemp production] would do is completely disarm all law enforcement. . . from enforcing anti-marijuana production laws…The bottom line is a thinly disguised attempt to legalize the production of pot,” McCaffrey said.

Congressman Paul introduced a similar resolution calling for the legalization of hemp production in 2005. Even though Paul hosted a luncheon for one hundred congressional staffers that included hemp foods, the bill did not pass. The 2007 bill packs an extra punch, however: nine co-sponsors from the majority party.

While the Industrial Hemp Farming Act of 2007 most likely will not get much attention on Capitol Hill, the bill remains a glimmer of hope for proponents of bringing the production of hemp to the United States. MR

News

P. 8

03.20.07

news.

the michigan review

As Michgan Outlaws Preferences, Wisconsin Goes “Holistic”

By Rebecca Christy, ‘08

L

ast September, the University of Wisconsin system announced a holistic approach to undergraduate admissions which will be implemented by 2008. The UW System, which includes the main campus at Madison, hopes to use this method as a means of achieving more diversity on campuses across the state. An Executive Summary from June 2006 defined diversity as “differing personal characteristics, experiences, and talents as well as social and cultural differences such as gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, nationality, religion, physical ability, and sexual orientation.”

The goal of holistic admissions is to give students who may not meet certain academic standards, such as grade point average and standardized test scores, an opportunity

“Is our current system admitting some people who are flunking out of UWMadison, [people] who without these preferences would be graduating from UW-Oshkosh? Are we harming these kids?”

–Wisconsin State Senator Glenn Grothman for admission. The UW System identifies holistic admissions as a review which “considers race, extracurricular activities, work and life experiences, and other factors in addition to traditional factors.”

Following the announcement, many have questioned how this will change current admission policies. Representa-

tives from the University of Wisconsin at Madison claim they have been using the holistic approach for up to 15 years, and potential students should expect relatively little change. According to a report on holistic admission in the Milwaukee JournalCourtesy U-W, http://www.uc.wisc.edu/ Sentinel, more potential UEven if this picture of Wisconsin’s campus wasn’t black and white, there still W, Madison students will be wouldn’t be much color in it. placed on the waiting list due to uncertainty regarding the coming freshman instead of firm academic guidelines. High enrollment of accepted students. school guidence counselors say the profile provides little Some have come out against holistic admissions, citing aid to help students know their odds of acceptance to UW, what they believe to be overlooked negative consequences. Madison. Some believe this could lead to similar problems According to the publication Diverse Issues in Higher Education, in other schools in the UW system. In an interview with the chairman of the California-based American Civil Rights Co- Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, Dave Forecki, a high school guidalition Ward Connerly visited the U-W, Madison campus in ance counselor, stated that “[holistic admissions] creates December of 2006 to speak out against holistic admissions. more uncertainty. Without upfront criteria, it will be difficult Connerly is famous for bringing Proposal 2 to Michigan, and for students to assess if they’re a good candidate.” his visit has prompted discussion that he may try to pass a Regardless of the opposition against holistic admissimilar proposition in the state of Wisconsin. sions, it appears that the UW system is looking to find an Other oppononents voiced their opinions at Connerly’s effective way to increase the racial diversity on its campuses. speech, including Sen. Glenn Grothman, from West Bend, Currently, 11.5 percent of UW-Madison undergraduate stuWisconsin. Gothman believes that while holistic admissions dents are minorities; U-M Ann Arbor has a 25 percent mimay be the extra boost some students need to get into the nority population at the undergraduate level. more prestigious UW-Madison campus, those students may Recruiting more minority students may be an uphill not have the ability to remain in the more rigorous school. In battle, however. The state of Wisconsin may have trouble an interview with Diverse prior to Ward Connerly’s commit- reaching the minorities they wish to recruit to their universitee meeting, Gothman wondered, “Is our current system ad- ties. According to the United States Census Bureau, the state mitting some people who are flunking out of UW-Madison, of Wisconsin ranks 13th with a white population of 88.1 who without these preferences would be graduating from percent, while Michigan ranks 27th with a white population UW-Oshkosh? Are we harming these kids?” of 80.1 percent. With few opportunities within the state, the UW recently published a freshman profile, which in- UW system may need to offer significant scholarships to encludes average test scores and grade point averages of in- tice potential out-of-state students. MR

Michigan State Institutes Controls on Speech With “Re-education” Program

By Kate O’Connor, ‘10

F

or the past few years, a controversial program at Michigan State has given MSU students extra incentive to think before they speak.

The University’s Student Accountability in Community (SAC) program, which is intended to serve as an early-intervention for MSU students who display behavior deemed unacceptable by administrators, requires that offenders attend “re-education” courses.

Recently, the program has taken an enormous amount of criticism from the free speech group FIRE, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, which attacks the program’s violation of numerous constitutional protections, most significantly the First Amendment.

“You don’t get into the program because you choose to; you’ve gotten there because you’ve been found guilty of something,” MSU President Lou Anna K. Simon told The State News.

According to the SAC’s program materials, those actions which students can be found “guilty” of include: humiliating a boyfriend or girlfriend, disrespecting other students’ academic freedom, insulting instructors or teaching assistants, or making sexist, homophobic, or racist remarks at a meeting.

Students can also be referred to the program by displaying aggressive behavior, which in the past has included slamming a door or playing a practical joke.

Students who are referred to the SAC program attend four sessions where they discuss what they have done wrong. They learn to express their offenses in very specific language which must be deemed acceptable by the administrator they are working with.

In his February 7, 2007 opinion piece in The Detroit News, Greg Lukianoff, President of FIRE, gave an example of the type of language that is required of students in SAC sessions.

“If the offense is being rude to a dorm receptionist, the student cannot simply state that he or she should have been more polite. Rather, the correct response is ‘I feel

entitled to be in the residence hall’ and that’s wrong.” Students continue to discuss their offenses until they have expressed them in the approved manner.

“As bad as it is to tell citizens in a free society what they can’t say, it is even worse to tell them what they must say. Michigan State’s program is an immoral and unconstitutional program of compelled speech, blatant thought reform, and pseudo-psychology,” wrote Lukianoff.

In addition, students who are referred to the program are unable to register for regular classes until they have paid the fiftydollar SAC fee. There is an additional ten-

dollar charge for a student who misses one of the sessions.

“As a public university, funded by taxpayer dollars, MSU is certainly a government actor, and thus bound by the first amendment,” said Will Creely, an attorney and Senior Program Officer at FIRE who was been working to eliminate the SAC program.

“Whatever principle they believe themselves to be following, it can hardly be more morally and legally binding than the First Amendment’s guarantee of freedom of expression and conscience.”

FIRE directed its criticism of the program to Dr. Lee June, Vice President for Student Affairs and Services at MSU. Dr. June’s response conceded that FIRE raised “serious questions that call for a review of the SAC program.”

The program is currently being reviewed but whether the intent of the review is to revise, amend, or abolish the program is uncertain. FIRE however, is calling for nothing less than the complete destruction of the program.

“FIRE is currently weighing all options, from increased public pressure to coordinating a constitutional challenge to the SAC program... Simply put, the SAC program is a legal minefield,” said Creely.

FIRE’s next step hangs on the outcome of the program’s review. It seems that for the time being, Michigan State students will have to keep those unpopular opinions to themselves. MR

News

P. 9

03.20.07

news

the michigan review

“Drinking” From Page 1 lice,” the mayor said.

A2C3 and the permit controversy participants are not without their critics. Popular blog “Ann Arbor is Overrated” has characterized the group as part of an “anti-drinking crusade” by Lowenstein.

While the webmaster of that blog—who wishes to remain anonymous—said she is “surprised” so many people saw through the opposition to the permit request, the potentially laudable goal of A2C3 is lost when they extract themselves into the political process.

The blog’s webmaster singled out Lowenstein in an interview, though.

“I would say she’s anti-underage drinking, but if you look at her group’s website, they’re clearly targeting drinkers of all sorts. I don’t see how stopping The Arena necessarily targets excessive drinking.”

The group is not lacking members with real influence in the local community. Along with Mayor Hieftje and Councilwoman Lowenstein, Provost Edward Gramlich, then-Spokeswoman Julie Peterson, and Dean of Students Susan Eklund all attended A2C3’s kickoff conference at the Trotter House in late October 2006. The conference sought to diagnose the situation of drinking on campus, and discussed strategies to abate what they see as excessive drinking on campus.

While gathered, the group identified the lack of visible “role models” within the student community who choose alternatives to drinking as a major obstacle, as well as the lack of example-setting on the part of students’ parents. Thirteen participants supported the creation of such positions for students that would possibly reward them with either credit hours or a stipend. Additionally, many at the conference supported the creation of latenight alternatives to parties. One small group even advised enlisting the support of “student opinion leaders” to aid their effort.

A3C3 has met throughout the fall to coordinate how to advance their agenda. The meetings have included members of the University community such as Bob Winfield, then-University Spokesperson Julie Peterson, the Director of University Health Services, the Director of New Student Programs, and the Director of the Office of Greek Life.

One member, Washtenaw County Drain Commissioner Janis Bobrin, was arrested in 2005 for drunk driving. Only one student, Katie Proos, an LSA Sophomore, is a regular member of the group. She did not return requests for comment.

Many of A2C3’s meetings have focused on changing the “culture” of drinking on campus. Included in this has been an internal debate within A2C3 about what constitutes “inappropriate” or “excessive” drinking activity. Beer bongs were mentioned as an example of these concepts.

Dr. Winfield said in an interview that the group certainly does not seek prohibition or anything close to it.

“The policies for underage drinking are set by the legislature,” he said.

He also acknowledged, though, the unique situation of bars.

“On campus bars are owned by local merchants and members of the community. They earn their living from these businesses, and they should be treated with respect.”

“This puts these merchants in a paradoxical situation, as their best financial interests may be in conflict with some of the best interests of a community or an interest group in the community.”

Lowenstein stressed the group will not be telling students what to do, but will be focusing on students making good decisions.

“We’ll be looking at all sorts of different events where we can influence behavior. I think that’s the job of city government. We have a responsibility to look after the health, welfare, and safety of the people,” she said.

Mayor Hieftje said that students should become more involved in the process.

“I think they should step up to the plate. I’m not telling people of age what they should be drinking or when they should be doing it—as long as they’re doing it legally.

Mike Flore took a different tone, though.

“As an adult, you’re supposed to be able to make these decisions for yourself,” he said. “The bars shouldn’t be held responsible.” MR

From Minnesota to Michigan: College for High School Seniors

By Zack Zucker, ‘10

I

n the future, high school students’ senior years could look radically different. In fact, many students may be walking the halls of a local college instead. A recent push has led some school districts around the country to experiment with early college programs for high school students.

Lewis Andrews, executive director of The Yankee Institute, a conservative think-tank based in Connecticut, is pushing a program that would have motivate high school students to graduate in three years by foregoing electives and taking solely required classes. They would then get a two-year scholarship to attend a local community college.

Andrews said the state of Minnesota is leading the nation in pushing early college programs, although still on a small scale, and Colorado could soon implement similar measures.

Additionally, these programs would save cash-strapped states money because tuition for community colleges is on average thousands of dollars less that the per-student cost that states spend on public high school students.

Michigan is looking into also such programs; Governor Granholm seems to support this development, as she talks about the importance of sending children to college in building Michigan’s future economy.

One of the brains behind the idea is Gary Weisserman, a professor at the University of Michigan’s Flint campus. An early college program will be implemented in Genesee County, which houses one of the state’s worst performing school districts—Flint. Flint Public Schools has one of the lowest graduation rates and aggregate test scores in all of Michigan.

Only 40 to 50 percent of Flint Public School students graduate high school, compared to about the 88 percent graduation rate of Ann Arbor Public School students.

Though still in its early stage, the pre-college program could significantly raise high school graduation rates and college attendance by Flint students. Additionally, the cost of attending college would be significantly lower for these students, the majority of which come from low income families.

Weisserman said the program will focus on “preparing students for academic and professional careers in the health professions and life sciences.” The all-encompassing program will take students from 9th through 13th grades. Students would spend five years in high school. Here’s the kicker, though: those students would get transferable credits to use towards their college degrees—up to 60 credits worth, from U-M Flint.

“The program has the support of each of the higher education institutions in the area, all twenty-one K-12 school districts, and every major health care provider in Genesee County,” said Weisserman.

While Genesee’s program will focus on health and science (and fill critically understaffed positions in Michigan), the future for the program is bright. Currently, less than 100 early college programs are in operation nationwide, but that number could grow rapidly in the near future, thanks in part to substantial support from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. If the experiment works, expect wide acclaim and a widening of the program in the future. MR

Though still in its early stage, the pre-college program could significantly raise high school graduation rates and college attendance by Flint students.

Military Consultant Examines the Legality of Guantanamo Bay

By Adam Pascarella, ‘10

U

niversity of Michigan students got an insider’s look at the legal processes at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba when Gregory S. McNeal, a senior fellow in counterterrorism and international law at Case Western University School of Law, spoke at the Michigan League. McNeal was also an advisor to the Office of Military Commissions for the Defense Department. He said that he was essentially a consultant who gives objective advice to military prosecutors.

McNeal, co-author of the book Saddam on Trial, explained that after the 9/11 attacks, the American people wanted firm punishments for alleged terrorists that were trying to cause harm in the US. Congress acquiesced to public opinion, and they did not challenge the newly formed Guantanamo Military Commissions.

“Congress sat on its hands and punted to the courts to do the heavy lifting in the War on Terror. The legislature sat back because the political will wasn’t there,” McNeal stressed.

President Bush enacted the Guantanamo Military Commissions in November 2001 in the ultimate hope of preventing an imminent terrorist attack. The use of military courts soon proved controversial, however.

According to McNeal, “Under the Guantanamo Military Commissions, hearsay evidence was allowed to detain individuals. The presumption of evidence was in the government’s favor and only three detainees have been charged with a crime so far.”

Although there was precedent for President Bush’s actions, the 2004 Supreme Court case Hamdan v. Rumsfeld eventually ruled against the design of the Guantanamo Military Commissions. Hamdan, Osama bin Laden’s personal driver, was caught in Afghanistan with anti-air weapons in his vehicle and sent to Cuba. He was attempting to fly to the Americas.

When Hamdan challenged the legality of his detention in the Supreme Court by filing a writ of habeas corpus, the

Court found that Guantanamo Military Commissions did not comply with Article 3 in the Geneva Convention. In response to the decision, President Bush amended the Military Commissions Act in late 2006.

“I don’t ever hear descriptive discussion of what’s going on in Guantanamo Bay,” said McNeal “The administration has not done as good job articulating the process as they could have.” For these reasons, despite a vast amount of scrutiny, the public often knows little about the Military Commissions Act. During his lecture, McNeal highlighted differences between military court procedures under the Military Commissions Act and legal procedures in criminal courts. One key difference is that in a military court, detainees need not be informed of the allegations against them if their attorneys know them. McNeal claimed that if the defendants’ attorneys are ethical and professional people, however, they would not purposely lose their case in order to permanently incarcerate suspected killers.

Releasing detainees has proved difficult. While releasing detainees to their country of origin has been proposed as a viable idea by military analysts, McNeal says this often proves difficult.

“The United States cannot send a detainee back to a country where he will likely be abused,” he said.

When asked when detention will end, McNeal said it would correlate to the end of hostilities. Yet defining this time has proved difficult.

“The Supreme Court knows we are still in hostilities because we are still actively engaged in hostility against the Taliban in Afghanistan,” said McNeal. This standard will provide limited guidance in a protracted War on Terror, however. MR

Arts & Culture

P. 10

03.20.07

arts & culture. the michigan review

The American Press: Out of Order

Romney and Clinton Campaigns Spur Student Activism

By Brian McNally, ‘08

By Danielle Putnam, ‘08

C

laims that the media have a liberal bias are nothing new. While talk radio has been pointing it out for years, and renegade Bernard Goldberg has published several books on the topic, there has been no admission of such a bias by the media, nor has there been constructive dialog regarding possible solutions or causes. Out of Order by Thomas Patterson stands apart from other critics of the media due to both the approach taken and the suggestions advanced, as well as his insistence on looking at the issue holistically, not focusing on media coverage in terms of political parties.

Out of Order tracks the evolving nature of the news media, particularly network news and newsprint, in relation to election coverage and analysis. Though published before the rapid growth of the Internet and the elections of 2000 and 2004, the trends outlined in his book, based on the 1960 election through the 1992 primaries, hold true.

Included are detailed looks at the increasing amount of negative coverage on each candidate, the evolving role of journalist as analyst as well as reporter, and the changes in coverage accompanying a candidate’s position in the polls.

Patterson focuses primarily on the negative coverage that the press gives each candidate, independent of any political party, and the margin of bad to good news expanding, hitting roughly 60-40 in 1992. Tracing much of the negative coverage to a belief within the press that political candidates are dishonest, will not keep campaign promises, and are only looking out for their own good to Watergate, Patterson argues that newsmen actually interpret events in a matter much differently from the common man.

His research shows that, when asked about candidates after a debate, voters tend to focus on the stances that were taken on the issues; in contrast, journalists focus more on the “campaign strategy” that the candidates exhibited. For the voter, the campaign is a time for viewing a candidate’s plan for the country. For the journalist, the campaign is a game which is played much like chess, in that it involves shrewd statements and misdirection intended to “win” the White House.

Out of Order also contains an analysis of the types of pieces written about the campaigns of the candidates. Articles were di-

vided into two categories, interpretive and descriptive, depending on which framework they best fit in. The results were striking.

Above 90 percent of the pieces written in 1960 and 1964 were more descriptive, i.e. involved reporting the news, falling to 70 percent in 1968 and then under 50 percent in 1976. Since 1976, interpretive pieces rose to a 4:1 margin in 1992.

In addition, the tone of the articles has changed significantly, or has at least come from a different source. A study on the tone of the election stories on the front page of The New York Times is very revealing. Until 1968, the tone was dominated by partisans who were interviewed, e.g., a rally participant building up their candidate and tearing down their opponent. In 1972, there was a fall of 30 percent in the number of stories whose tone was dictated by partisans, and a rise of 30 percent in the number of stories whose tone was dictated by journalists. That gap has since widened.

Even more interesting is that a candidate does not receive consistent coverage throughout his campaign, most noticeably in the primaries. Patterson breaks down the candidate’s campaign into four stages: “Bandwagon,” “Losing Ground,” “Likely Loser,” and “Frontrunner.” In each of these stages, patterns emerged with respect to the amount of negative coverage that he received. “Bandwagon” candidates were increasingly favorably portrayed as time went on while “Losing Ground” candidates slid in reputation with the press. Most interestingly, “Likely Loser” and “Frontrunner” coverage was almost identical both in the percentage favorable and in the trend displayed as time went on. A candidate may go through several of these stages during the course of his campaign, illustrating a double standard which the press applies when reporting during any given phase.

To combat the media, Patterson proposes several solutions. Most notable among these solutions is increasing the number of televised speeches and debates which are free from interruption. By increasing direct exposure of the candidates to the voters, Patterson claims that much of the negative image that the press builds around each candidate will be dispelled, a claim which is supported by several studies in his book. MR

W

ith nearly fourteen presidential candidates to choose from for the 2008 election, it makes the decision seem somewhat impossible. The 2008 election will also be the first election in eighty years without an incumbent running, hence, making the decision even more difficult Citizens will have to select a president based on a candidate’s capability and projected performance based on past performances in the political arena.

As recent national polls have shown, favorites for both parties have already emerged and are generally sustaining their status as frontrunners. For the Democrats, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama are leading the group. For the Republican Party, Mitt Romney, Rudy Giuliani, and John McCain are the frontrunners.

On college campuses, the same pattern seems to hold true. However, because candidates are directing more campaign tactics at the college aged group to garner support and to increase voter turnout, it raises questions as to what a college student is truly seeking in terms of a qualified presidential candidate.

Janee Moore, LSA junior, believes that if Hillary Clinton were to become President and Barak Obama the Vice President the country would be in great shape.

“Hillary is pretty moderate and therefore electable. Also, she is very experienced in politics and has the intelligence to fix the current depressive state of American politics and society,” said Moore. “If Obama had more experience I would vote for him…however, I would hate for him to get in office and fail at international politics. He needs time to grow and being Vice President would give him that.”

Many Obama supporters argue that he is prepared to take office because of his success in the Illinois Senate. His supporters also believe that his commitment to public service and civil rights make him a qualified candidate.

As for the popular Republican candidates, Mitt Romney seems to be pulling the biggest support, especially on college campuses. “I see him stand out from the rest in terms of his ability to articulate his views and plans clearly, confidently, and assertively.

When asked questions he reveals an under-

standing of the issues,” one student said.

Also, college students seem to be supporting Mitt Romney because he has proven himself as a governor and a manager who could apply those skills effectively to the presidency. He also has the ability to appeal to both moderates and conservatives as seen by his ability to win overwhelmingly in Democratic Massachusetts. Although he never completely ignores his most fundamental principles, one student noted that, “He has very practical answers while at the same time casts a clear vision of the American ideals he believes in.”

“He believes in small government and knows first hand how successful conservative fiscal policy can be when left unfettered by bureaucracy and big government,” said Romeny supporter Dan Hammaker. His ability to deliver the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics from financial problems are cited as a great strength of his in terms of his capability of preventing or turning around possible economic crises as president.

Romney “seems to match up to the others or even surpass them with his resources for the campaign and the high profile members of government saying they think he is the best man for the job with their endorsements. Those things tell me he has a good chance of getting elected and that he will do the job well,” another Romney supporter noted.

Giuliani supporters argue that because he is a liberal Republican who supports same sex unions, tax cuts for the middle class, embryonic stem cell research, is pro-choice, pro-welfare reform, and pro gun control – among other things – he is the most viable candidate for President in 2008.

Although it would seem that college students would choose candidates who address issues that effect them directly when making their selection of which candidate to support for president in 2008, this does not seem to be the case. Many students select “their candidate” based on the candidate’s projected performance while in office as well as their electability. MR

Michigan Considers Mandating HPV Vaccination for Young Girls

By Rebecca Christy, ‘08

A

s part of the “Ethics in Public Life” series, a panel discussion on mandatory HPV vaccinations was held on March 14th at the Ann Arbor Public Library to discuss mandatory HPV vaccinations for Michigan sixth grade girls.

Human Papilomarvirus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted disease among college students. According to the UHS website, 50 to 60 percent of women will be infected with HPV by the time they have completed college.

Since sub-clinical HPV does not display visible symptoms, such as genital warts, many do not know that they may be transmitting it. There are over 100 different types of HPV, and certain strains of the virus can develop into cervical cancer. Gladasil, a newly available vaccine, prevents infection from four strains of HPV which are strongly linked to cervical cancer. The vaccine is not therapeutic, meaning it is only effective if given to someone who has not contracted HPV. However, if an individual is only infected by one type of HPV virus the vaccination will decrease the risk of cervical cancer from the other three strains.

The panel featured a variety of doctors including Dr. Janet Gilsdorf, who discussed the importance of giving the

preventative vaccine to the 11-12 age group. Gilsdorf said that 26 percent of Americans are sexually active by age 15 and that by age 19, 77 percent of teenagers have made “their sexual debut,” justifying the need for early vaccination.

Bev Hammerstrom, a former Michigan senator, discussed the current legislation pertaining to the vaccination.

House Bill 4164 was introduced in January of 2007 and would require that girls aged 11-12 be vaccinated against HPV before starting school. Michigan is the first state to introduce a bill requiring the vaccine, which would add HPV to the list of vaccinations girls are required to receive before attending school.

Dr. Gary L. Freed, the chair of the United States National Vaccine Advisory Committee, spoke about potential problems which may arise from making the vaccination mandatory.

“We have a culture of vaccine acceptance in this state,” said Freed, and he added that the cost may prevent many people from receiving the vaccine. Gladasil, which consists of three shots, costs $360. Many individuals with full health care are covered, but children with only partial health coverage would not have the same benefits. In the present system, children with partial health care can receive free vaccines

from the Public Heath Department. Gladasil is the most expensive childhood vaccination on the market today, and the bill does not include any measures for additional financing.

When asked why she decided to get the HPV vaccination, Melissa Burns a U-M junior said, “a big part of it was that my insurance covered it, otherwise I wouldn’t have gotten it.” Members of the panel added that another vaccine will be presented to the FDA for approval in April of this year, which may drive down the costs.

Some individuals feel the suggested age for the vaccination is inappropriate. Gilsdorf explained that the 11 -12 age group was recommended because younger children respond better to vaccines by creating more antibodies. She also reminded the group that the vaccine is preventative, and should be administered prior to any sexual activity.

Other opposition has arisen because monogamous relationships drastically decrease the chances that one will contract the strains of HPV the vaccine protects against, and thus opponents believe that mandatory vaccination will encourage promiscuous behavior. One audience member was greeted with applause after his comment that the panel did not feature any one holding an opposition opinion. MR

Arts & Culture

P. 11

03.20.07

arts & culture. the michigan review

U-M Professor’s Long-Awaited First Novel Lives up to Expectations

By Amanda Nichols, ‘07

I

t’s not often that a writer is named one of Granta’s, a British literary magazine, Twenty Best Young British Novelists before actually publishing a novel. In 2003, Peter Ho Davies, U-M English professor and former chair of the MFA Program in Creative Writing, received that honor after publishing two highly acclaimed collections of short storyies. In February 2007, his muchanticipated first novel, The Welsh Girl, finally hit bookstores. Davies is also the author of The Ugliest House in the World and Equal Love.

Set in a seaside Welsh village in 1944, The Welsh Girl follows the lives of three very different outsiders in the midst of the Second World War. First, the reader meets Rotheram, a German Jew refugee who escaped to England and is working as an interrogator with the Allied forces. Following the D-Day invasion and somewhat against his wishes, he’s sent to Wales to question a new influx of German prisoners.

Here, Rotheram encounters perhaps the most famous POW

of all: deputy führer Rudolph Hess, who conveniently cries amnesia.

Rotheram, then, must determine if Hess is truly insane or if he can stand trial in Nuremburg with the other war criminals while simultaneously dealing with Hess’s seemingly innate knowledge of his otherwise concealed Judaism. While this tête-à-tête weaves in and out of the story, it provides a pseudo-historical framework for the events that shape the other characters’ lives.

Davies’ central Welsh figure (and titular character) is Es-

Davies masterfully presents questions of identity and alliances here: the Welsh, after all, are historically enemies with the English; why should they house their POWs? And as enemies of the English, are the German prisoners and the Welsh farmers actually allies? ther Evans, the teenage daughter of a sheep farmer and beer girl at the local pub. Unlike many of the other villagers, Esther speaks English, and can therefore converse easily with the English troops stationed there on a top-secret mission.

When the company departs, however, a violent event forever changes Esther’s life.

When the English depart, their secret task is revealed: they’ve been building a POW camp, and German soldiers

Performers Comment on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

By Jonny Slemrod, ‘10

N

othing pushes U-M campus controversy to its boiling point like the Israeli-Palestinian debate.

However, controversy, protest, and argument were absent from Hip-Hop for Justice, an event hosted by several student groups and University departments on March 8th in the Michigan Union. Students Allied for Freedom and Equality (SAFE) managed to secure a diverse group of performers including Detroit-based female emcee Invincible,

the media will blame me.” Zayid’s humor kept the crowd engaged before the headlining acts took the stage.

The Native Guns, a California-based group consisting of Filipino rappers Kiwi and Bambu, took the stage to a crowd of pumping fists. “Put your fists up if you’re not satisfied!” they yelled. The crowd cooperated, and was more than happy to hear the Native Guns’ self described “machine gun lyricism” and “unapologetic critical content.” Unapologetic may be an understatement. Rapping over tracks from their mix tapes and debut CD “Barrel Men”, the rappers stated their distaste for the status quo through their dialogue with the audience.

“George W. Bush can suck my dick,” yelled Bambu.

Next to take the stage was The Philistines, a group of Palestinian-Americans, BDub and Ragtop. On the track “Free the P,” the group speaks of “domination from another nation.” Their positive message about the state of the Middle East captivated the

“George W. Bush can suck my dick” Palestinian standup comedian Maysoon Zayid, and The Native Guns, who made the trip from California to perform. Also present were The Nomads, The Philistines, and Rama Salhi; all featured a distinctly pro-Palestinian message.

The message of the concert was clear early on. First to take the stage was Rama Salhi, a U-M student and spoken word artist who proclaimed, “make them let my people go.” Continuing with her poetry, Salhi cited the year of 1948 not as the year of the establishment of Israel, but as the year that “we became refugees on our own land.”

Maysoon Zayid, a self-described “Palestinian Muslim virgin from New Jersey with cerebral palsy,” poked fun at the current situation of Arab-American relations in the U.S., the media, and the Bush administration.

Zayid proclaimed that “if my plane crashes,

audience, who nodded their heads in acceptance.

Although all of the performers came with a clear and persistent message about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, controversy and argument did not surround the event.

Indeed, the concert was a breath of fresh-air from the typical campus climate surrounding the Middle East.

“The purpose of Hip Hop for Justice was to spread awareness about issues of social justice, domestic and international, with an emphasis on the plight of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories,” said Andrew Dalack, an LSA freshman and member of SAFE. “As an organization, SAFE would like all students at the University of Michigan to understand that the situation in Palestine is multifaceted; issues of coexistence are not the main impetus behind the conflict.” MR

captured during D-Day take up residence there. Here, Davies introduces Karsten, an eighteen year-old naval officer who deals with the humiliation of having surrendered to the British. Like Esther, he alone speaks English; this is why his squad sent him in, waving the white flag, and also why, following their capture, Karsten becomes an easy target for the other soldiers.

The locals flock to the camp fence, mostly to taunt the new prisoners. Through the help of Jim, an air raid child sent to stay with Esther and her father, Esther and Karsten soon develop an almost unspoken bond through the barbed wire.

It is this story—the relationship between two outsiders—that is central to The Welsh Girl’s narrative. Moreover, the book is about those at the margins—Hess, the Nazi leader who flees the party; Rotheram, who doesn’t think he’s Jewish but has his supposed ethnicity constantly called into question; Karsten, the German soldier who speaks English in a non-English speaking land; Esther, whose own knowledge of English both advances and hinders her life; and even the boy Jim, who feels isolated and alone in a strange land in the midst of a war.

Davies masterfully presents questions of identity and alliances here: the Welsh, after all, are historically enemies with the English; why should they house their POWs? And as enemies of the English, are the German prisoners and the Welsh farmers actually allies? He works these issues in seamlessly, all the while writing, as another reviewer once said, “like a dream.” MR

The Politics of Religion

By Eun Lee, ‘10

G

od is Not a Republican. Or a Democrat. This was the slogan that Sojourner’s, a religious and political magazine with a mission for social justice, used when they circulated a petition before the 2004 elections to identify liberal religious followers. In 2005, Jim Wallis published God’s Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn’t Get It. Jim Wallis is an author, a graduate of Michigan State University, a professor at Harvard University, a religiously liberal political activist, a proud husband and father, the convener for Call to Renewal (an interfaith activist group for the end of poverty) and the founder and editor of Sojourner’s. An active advocate for peace and social justice, Wallis wrote God’s Politics to get a message across to its readers, and this message was the same one of Sojourner’s petition: God is neither a Republican nor a Democrat.

It is quite clear in God’s Politics that Jim Wallis is a politically and religiously active citizen, with plenty of brief anecdotes mentioning famous people with whom he has brushed elbows. He also describes his proud moments as a father with his son, Luke, to whom he dedicates the book.

Wallis discusses the majority of significant issues in contemporary society, including the role of faith and religion in politics, the War on Terrorism, poverty, taxes, racism, gay marriage, abortion, feminism, and others. For Wallis the key consideration is that all of these issues are moral issues, even if social convention considers one to be specifically political, economic or social. And Wallis thinks as long as morality plays a role in discussing an issue, religion must be a part of the discussion, too.

Wallis believes: the discussion of faith and religion in politics is necessary because it is a method which can lead to social, economic and political change (imagine Martin Luther

God is not a Republican. Or a Democrat.

King, Jr. with The Constitution in one hand and The Holy Bible in the other as he gives his motivational speeches), the War on Terrorism was unjust as well as immoral, the reduction of poverty is obviously what Jesus would do, minimizing taxes – especially for the rich – is unfair, racism is “America’s original sin,” gay marriage is only a part of the larger concern about the stability of the nuclear and extended family and regardless of the conservative rules of priesthood in the Catholic Church, women do deserve equal rights and opportunities.

While Wallis makes some points based on his personal religious persuasion, God’s Politics is not so much a Bible-thumper of a book as it is a rather endearing, rational and intelligent persuasive tool in order to understand the Religious Left. The book itself is easy to read, and Wallis’ opinion on matters is pretty clear.

Wallis wrote the book with a simple purpose. He simply wants to inform his readers that the Religious Right has no right to use God as a tool to justify their opinions, but rather we are the tools of God to justify His morals and standards. The secularist left needs to allow faith and religion to play an active role in their politics since it is essential to any political movement. Wallis wants you to know that “God is not a Republican. Or a Democrat.”

MR

P. 12

Features

03.20.07

Sink or Swim: While Some Campus Bars Succeed, Others Flounder

By Amanda Nichols, ‘07

T

he windows are covered, the doors are locked shut, and the date Good Time Charley’s expected to reopen— February 1—has come and gone. The oncepopular campus bar has been closed since December 22, and despite conflicting reports of possible renovations, Charley’s appears to be up for sale.

The closing caught the campus community off-guard, especially while other bars experienced success.

Old standbys including the Brown Jug and Scorekeeper’s, as well as Mitch’s Place, which reopened at a new location in December 2006 after a two-year absence from campus, are flourishing in the otherwise frigid Michigan winter.

Mitch’s owner and manager Jody Thompson said that, after reopening in December 2006, the bar was quite busy in January. This, of course, was the same time that the doors at Charley’s were locked tight.

“I really like Mitch’s,” said Engineering

senior Derek Coatney, “because it fills a void in the Ann Arbor bar scene. It has its fair amount of seats but, more importantly, they left enough room between tables so that moving around the bar is not a pain like at the Brown Jug.” With its darts, pool tables, and jukebox, Mitch’s also has the ability to attract a more varied crowd.

“We try to be good at ID-ing people,” said Thompson, “so we get mostly older undergraduates, but we also get a fair amount of people from the law school and MBA program.”

And, at least for some, including Coatney, these amenities and the atmosphere mean Mitch’s wins out over other area bars, perhaps including Charley’s, had it remained open only a block away.

“Darts and pool are missing from other bars that undergraduates often frequent,” said Coatney. And, on top of their identification policy, “they are strict on the one-forone line, so the bar never gets to an uncomfortable level of people,” he said.

While Mitch’s has the sports bar atmosphere without the uncomfortable crowds, Ashley’s is famous for its burgers, and the Brown Jug has Backroom Pizza.

“When you order pizza at the Jug, it’s Backroom Pizza,” said one Jug employee.

While their cheap slices don’t keep the Jug afloat, the two businesses-in-one approach

No more good times at Charley’s: the bar has been closed since December.

helps economically.

However, even greasy pizza at 1 AM might not be enough of a draw to bring students out of their warm houses on cold winter nights. The Jug’s slowest months are often January and February, said the employee, because of Michigan’s winter weather.

Andrew Draganski, a manager at Ashley’s said, too, that business in the colder months is not as good as it is in the spring or fall,

and Thompson said Mitch’s saw a decline in business in February.

“There was something like 21 days in a row below freezing,” said Draganski. “That definitely kept some people in.”

Senior Bar Golf, a competition enticing seniors to visit a range of local bars, has been one strategy to counter the drab winter months.

“We participated in Bar Golf last year,” said the Brown Jug employee, “and we definitely wanted to do it again this year.” Although it does not bring in extra business throughout the week, she said, the number of students who have to visit the Jug one night a week—this year, on Monday nights—does help generate revenue for the restaurant.

Ashley’s and Mitch’s are also participating in Bar Golf, this year.

“Although they [bar golf events] have only [occurred] twice, we’ve seen a little jolt in business both times,” said Thompson.

Bar Golf organizer Kourtney McLean said that Bar Golf visits the bars seniors like best, and with approximately 160 participants, they try to schedule their visits on off-nights.

“That way, we bring business to the bars on nights they usually don’t have a crowd,” she said. “They are more willing to give us deals on those nights.”

Still, rumblings around town say that the popular State Street bar and eatery Ashley’s has also seen better days. Some speculate the wide selection of (relatively costly) expensive beer just cannot draw in the student-based crowds like the 60-oz. pitchers at Mitch’s.

Or, perhaps their stringent ID policies turn those underage students away. According to Draganski, though, Ashley’s shows no signs of closing.

He said that the bar’s crowd—an interesting mix of students, grad students, professors, and community members—is well established, much the same as Brown Jug’s.

“We have an annual Father’s Day lobster-fest and tent during the Ann Arbor Art Fair in the summer,” said Draganski. “We’ve been here for about sixteen years, and often, we have parties of people come in who’ve been coming in for twelve years, or more.”

Echoing Draganski, Thompson remarked that, “a lot of people who go out love their certain bars. Sometimes it seems like whatever you do to get people in, they go to their favorite place.”

Perhaps, then, Charely’s simply fell out of favor with the local crowd. But Charely’s absence may make bargoers’ hearts grow fonder; if the former U-M bar crawl staple reopens—and if the popularity of Mitch’s is any indication—crowds may flock there again soon. MR