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EVIEW Volume4. Number I

We seek the truth, and will endure the consequences.

Ann Arbor, MI

Interview: Bill Lucas

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Nicaragua: Revolution Betrayed ~--.......:-. ~

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Welcome Class of , 89 . ""

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page 2

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Septerilbcr, 1985

I •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

Serpent's Tooth According to its sponsors, the Green Bicycle Project is due to return this falL Many of the bikes from the previous incarnation of the project were stolen or vandalized. We at the Review oppose any trashing or vandalism committed against Green Bikes.

.'.

Serpent's Tooth IS mmpilt'd hI' the Stlltl

vI Th~ Rev;~w.

The Democratic Party narrowly held on to the 1st Congressional District in Texas. Some are proclaiming that the Republican dream of realignment is fantasy. Perhaps they are correct. But ideological realignment is perhaps even more important, and the election of a conservative Democrat in Texas does nothing to dispel this,

Have we detected a sliver of sense in the peacenik kamp? By tying a ribbon around the Pentagon, they have accomplished what many have yearned for. Yes, inside this gift wrapped Pentagon box is an anatomically correct Caspar Weinberger doll. Just wind him up and hear him howL

** **

We must note, however, that last April's issue of The Michigan Review was stolen and trashed by members of a number of groups, such as the Progressive Student Network, the Latin American Solidarity Commit- . tee, and the Green Bicycle Project.

One prominent Green Biker and MSA member was seen taking stacks of Reviews away from the Grad library. He later told us that he was making sure that everybody at MSA had a copy. Or six. Or ten,

....

It wasn't exactly The Year of Living Dangerously, but ... Delta Smegma

---~

Thigh fraternity used their Art Fair parking proceeds to throw a party down at State and Hill. As the evening regressed, they set up a barricade on Hill Street, using their massive trash barrels. Viewing this as an infringement upon freedom of movement, your intrepid Review staff ran the barricade.

**

Such hypocrisy s typical of campus leftists. They're all very good at ridiculing their opposition, Heaven forbid that the opposition pokes a little fun at them. If anybody dares to do that, well, then they should lose whatever First Amendment rights they have stolen from the oppressed masses.

From the sunshine state: The news from WSVN, channel 7 Miami, tells us something about that state's economy. On a recent trip we noticed that the NBC affiliate in question broadcast the latest price of coke (the one with the small 'c' ), but not the stock prices.

No wonder Miami Vice is the hottest show in town.

**

•• lit

The Review has learned that frisky adolescent heartthrob Samantha Smith will appear ina ::rv sitcom this falL It certainly looks like Yuri's favorite tourist has made it big time.

Our keen political analysts here foresee a possible Democratic vice-presidential nomination. Or, at least, a comedy special with Jane Fonda and Ed Asner. More predictions taken,

Don't leave home without it! The Review has learned that during Smiling Mike Gorbachev's visit to England, Raisa, his wife admired a pair of Margaret Thatcher's earrings. So what, you say. The earrings, custom designed for Thatcher by Cartier, were said· to have been paid for on an American credit card.

With a cacaphony of fanfare the Reriew officially commences its contest series. Seen below are two prominent political figures, and one who is married to a former prominent political figure. As you can plainly see, they all look alike. One of the three holds the additional occupation of International Terrorist Supreme. In twenty-five words or more, tell us who you think the real terrorist is and why. The winner will receive a gift certificate at Steve's Ice Cream.

*

Gee, can't you see his credit application? Occupation: Heir to the Czars. Income: ....

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** ** State Representative Lloyd Weeks recently went fishing near the the mouth of the Au Sable River. He caught a 22-pound, 48-inch bomb.

The solon initially believed that he had caught a live Mighty Mouse missile, but it proved to be as dead as Governor Blanchard's tax rebate.

MSA President Paul Josephson has told the Regents that if he had known in advance about the out-of-state tuition hikes of the last two years, he might not have attended the University.

Darn!

Entries must be postmarked no later than midnight September 20, 1985.

Michigan Review Contest No. 1 P.o. Box 4435 Ann Arbor. MI 48106 ~

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September. 1985

page J

THE 1\1ICHICi.·\ N FU:V IEW

..................................................................................................................... .- .................................................... "" ............................. .

Welcome Class of ' 89

THE MICHIGAN

REVIEW PUb/i.IIIN Sandra A. Collins

It was only a year ago that L too , set foot in Ann Arbor, a somewhat appreh ensi ve freshman , quite overwhelm ed by the enormity of the campus. The tranquility of late summer. the co mfort and security of famil y and fri ends was quickl y replaced by the multitude of returning students and entering freshmen, descending at once upon t'i previously serene ca mpus. There \Vere the usual tales of unbreakable red tape. endless lines for regist rati on . and seemingl y unatt ainable overrides. all spun duri ng orientation. bu t all realities th at one must face at a large university.

Like eve ry other incoming fres hman. I was a "star" in high sc hool. \Ve achieved the highest grades: some of li S \'aledictoriaJ1s, were involved in a myriad of activities. and accumulated man y an honor and award. Our motivation , our desire to achieve, was onc of the reasons why we were accepted at the university, However, with' 6,000 new peers, each having his

Edilor-in-Ch ie( Seth B. Klukoff Edi!ors

Steve Angelotti Joseph McCollum I { ollr)l'(lI ), LeIters F:clilor

Michael Burton Prod lief i OIl ;\1a nager

Da vid A, Vogel Slafr

Peter Cook Michael Davidson Karl J. Edelmann James Eridon Jeffrey Evans Choonhye Lee ~i<l~~~\~.Charlcs D. Lipsig ,. . .. .. "Oavid 'N orquis\

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Contributors Da vid Klocek William Smith

HONOR\RY\[) \ ' ISORY i-lI).\RD C William Colburn Pau l \\ . McCral'ken. Steph . en J. TOlhu r Sl ' ppnRTER S (jerald R. Fo rd. R. Emmett TYr rel l. Norman Podhorell. In ing Krist ol Will iam F. Bucklev. J r.

EdwIn J . Ft·ulncr. Jr. The M ich igan Rn iew welcomes and apprec i. ates letters from readers. L.eltt· rs Ii' r p ublicat io n mus t includ e the 'H iter's na me. add ress. and Idephune nu mbt·r .

We' "1\0 \\'clconw the ,ubmi,,,,'n of arllClcs. All \\ork WIll he rC "lcwed by Ihe editori al siall and considered in light 01';1\ structure and ('ontenL -\11 ani ck, il nd !clters mu)! he do u ble ·spaced.

Those interested in submin ing knees or artic le, shou ld ,,' n(l the m to:

Freshmen , i\ is important to avail yo ursel ves of all the opportunities that the University of Michigan offers you. Take time to exa mine the plethora of student orga nizations. programs. social organizations, publicati ons, and cu ltural events on campus. A wa lk across the Diag will reveaJ the vitality present at Mich igan. Essentially, you sho uld try to become an acti ve participant in the life of th e uni ve rsity. As my freshman class arriwd a year ago. eager, though uncertain abo ut th e path to follow . so it is your tllrn to begin a new chapter in you r life. \Ve at The ,Hichigu ll R ('\'if'I \ ' wish you success and fortune in all yo ur pursuits during th e upcoming year.

Best of luck '

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b eco me tn . t'lml'd a t e d ,

easy 0 .. . . lose that motIvatIOn, and slip Into the mass. Succumbing to these new pressures is all too common at a large university. To lose the desire to achieve will only hinder the experience of a successful college education.

Academics, of course, !nllst be valued as the first priority, but there exists anot her face t of the uni ve rsit y outside of the class-library cycle: involvement in the life of the univers ity. Wh en combined with successful academic achievement, involvement will ultimatel y lead to greater personal growth.

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Thcrl' \..; l'\ al' l l ~ pnt" 1\

Dear Slr.

fO ('ounl ''I n'se~r as one of yo u r

The M ic hi gan Rn jew is an independent sludenl·ru n journal at Ihe Uni'ersi t\ of Michigan .\nn .-\rbor . The RC\iew IS In no way represent"ti\(' of Ihe poliCIes and opinions of the admini stration . and accepts no mont') from the Un,,·cr.

Copyri'ghl ':>1985 by The Michigan Review, Inc.

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THE MICHICj·\N REVIEW Suile One 911 North lini\ersn~ -\nn \rbor. MI -t SIM

T\ pc ,elt ing i, pro"ided by Trade Graphi c, Incorporated . Our printers a rc Obscrver ant Eccentric

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ru \\ hume'S n Ih e ('erho r is: Y, n!r ncwspapcr trllll a ra~ . '\ lo \\'!\ fres hm an 1\ t'd,tllr' ln c hier and a imos l l'STr\(lIll' t'lsl' IS a n edllor "r '>l, me k i nd . ()nll .\ ix-ople rnake up \ 0111' ",lafr" You bCller make' up so me f:Jl1c\ nt'\\ edllm,>hlps for them or they ma) soon qUll I al,o Il oli n' lhat the ilHlr pe' o plc \ OU S', palronillllgl \' call your su pporters had lhe goo d scn\e nOl to con tribute an\·thin g to thi s issll<" Gerald Fo rd. Ru"e l Kirk . Ir ying Krlstol. and R. Emm ett T) ITt'I! The nne tl1mg you (lid right IS print th e' anKle h\ Prof,'''''' Yal1 o \ . Nih\ . I f \llU co uld onh dI sc a rd the re,1 of thl' Un/('''' th is issu,' wou ld be' ;] , uccess.

You a 1'1.' ob"lou sl) dre'am ing when you talk about '0131' "ar.,. rlll' am ount 11 IS )If'() \l'n lapab k of dUln)! " 111\ l'rwh propo rtional to Its co,\. Rl gl ll I1n" It is '<'pable of no thing. Ze w. (; orh;,l'I1C\ ISl lI get th t' h es l d \I\lI th umh'licking k cagani tc' ' ·Cl. IS

by Seth B. Klukoff

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co m in gs . 't·e\. I bl'lic\c \ ou f:lIle d to co nSider a Lurh Ob\lOU ' ImpllC;lllOI1 of' )our argument. Na meI,. ho\\ do) ou prupme "'t' rear ran ge the SOCial u nderpinnin gs rcs p omib lc for lhe ckplorcabk lot of " u n\\;lrllcd c hildren:" I think vou came very cll1Sl' to addrrs sing. thl' feal i~su(' (hut fcared you might have been encroaching on liberal territor,) Isn't our S()(,lc ly uSing th e abort10n (kba tc 10 hide fro m lh(' real probl ern \\'flich is hm\ a n I'tlorrn Ollsl! \\Talth y. repu· tedl , p rog ress i\:(' soei('\\· C,ln harbor slich a grossl\' inadequate s\-stem of handling its own social problems" The RUSSians. desplIe tile man\ short com Ings In their 50eld \. haVe' dC\lsed a syslcm

whi ch ensures that l'\l'J'\ child will have a reasonable chance to become a produCl i\·l'. ",'ell·adjustcd memher of society regardles s of his or her parentagr. Problem s') .-\ fcw. But we ~ren'l ('St' ll close. (Llk(' il or not. the Commies have surpa ssed us In onc area) .

Perhaps you are willing to acknowledgr the cxistcnCe' o f so mc dccpl y rooted social problems. but frankl \' . I think liberals and consefS'31i\'cs a like \\ould ralher just Ignore th e ISSUt'.

Sin cerely.

Ruh('J't;! Let' .lone's. L.SA Senior.

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page 4

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

September. 1985

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Nicaragua:

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hy Jeffrey Evans

As the government of Anastasio Somoza was overthrown in those eventful days of July 1979. the world witnessed the end of a brutal family dynasty that had ruled over Nicaragua for nearly five decades. A broad and popular coalition led militarily by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) had succeeded in bringing about the historic changing of the guard after an intense struggle and many pledges of democratic reform.

On the 20th of July, the new government formally took power and immediately expropriated all of the former president's property and dissolved the dreaded National Guard and the Congress. Tens of thousands of Nicaraguans gathered in the capital's central square to cheer the arrival of the five-member Junta of Na lional RcconSlruCl ion govcmmcnl from ~ I S provisiona l capi tal in Leon.

"Today we begin a new Nicaragua," junta mer )er Sergio Ramirez said, "that all Nicaraguans made possible with their blood. Today we bury Somozaism forever." Sandinista leader and junta member Daniel Ortega told the crowd "the junta puts itself at your orders. It is you who will decide our future."

These statements seemed to underscore pledges made by the Sandinistas - pledges to respect human rights and to hold free elections, pledges of political pluralism, a mixed economy, and a non-aligned foreign policy. It appeared that Nicaragua was on the road to democracy.

It has been six years since the <;ollapse of Somoza, and the hopeful early days have given way to a new reality. Nicaragua has moved not toward democracy but toward a new dictatorship - one closely aligned with the Soviet Union and Cuba.

Many groups are quick to attack this statement. They point to the 1984 elections as definitive proof that the Sandinistas are the legitimate, democratic government of Nicaragua. After all, they say, the opposition parties captured 35 of the 96 seats in the legislature.

Others, however, have taken a position quite contrary to this. Their studies indicate that the election was actually a "window dressing to deceive world opinion," and a perfect example of the politics of communism.' . Throughout the months pre-

ceding the election, the Sandinistas exerted total control over the media.

The turbos dil'inas or "divine-mobs." composed of Sandinista militants, were used to harass and intimidate potential voters for optfosition party presidential candidate Arturo Cruz.

Opposition party leaders were also subject to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for six months without being officially charged or given a right to appeal (all in the name of democracy).

The November elections consolidated the Sandinista's control over both the government and the military. Their grasp on the economy was strong; nearly half of Nicaragua's industry and 40 percent of its agriculture had been placed under direct state control. The remainder of the industry and agriculture sectors are kepi under a tight belt by the maniplIiation of monetary and labor laws.

The government's policy of forced participation In Sandinista organizations keeps the general population in line. Media outlets are controlled by censorship. Even La Prensa, the only major opposition newspaper, is censored and its writers and editors are closely watched.

Now Nicaragua is once again plagued by trouble. The pledges made in the past are only memories.

Thousands of rank-and-file supporters have fled the country citing the Sandinista's betrayal of the ideals of the revolution and a betrayal of their patriarch Cesar Augusto Sandino, the fervent nationalist of the 20s and 30s who was opposed to all forms of foreign intervention. It is from Sandino that the Sandinistas take their name.

Former Deputy Defense Minister Eden Pastora explains his reasons for leaving the¡ Nicaraguan government and taking up the fight against his former colleagues; "They isolated themselves from what Sandinismo is supposed to be about. Violations of human rights, Cuban troops in Nicaragua, the alignment toward the Soviet Bloc, the moral deviations, it's a long list."

The Sandinistas are also openly racist and anti-semitic. Thousands of Miskito Indians have been killed or imprisoned. Their villages have been destroyed in acts of official genocide.

The once sizable Nicaraguan Jewish community has been forced to flee as

Synagogues have been burned or seized for Sandinista use - a situation reminiscent of Nazi Germany 50 years ago. It has been estimated that at least 120,000 Nicaraguans have fled their homeland into exile (some estimates are significantly higher) and a large number of citizens have taken up arms against the Sandinistas.

Many feel that this underscores the argument that there is discontent among the Nicaraguan people.

The armed group which began in 1982 has grown in strength to some 15,000 (nearly three times as large as the number of Sandinista guerrillas at the July 1979 victory) and continues to grow. The Sandinista's mismanagement of the government, and their refusal to uphold their promises made not so long ago, has pitted brother against brother. as men who nee fought... sidc-by-side.9?)/'i.fm4 themselves fl glHing against one another. The ideals and promises of the past have been disregarded, and the once cherished ideas of Sandinismo have given way to the reality of communism. "Marxism-Leninism is the scientific doctrine that guides our revolution," declared Comandante Humberto Ortega. His position was reconfirmed by Tomas Borge, the Minister of the Interior, who is himself an admitted communist. He stated that "you cannot be a true revolutionary in Latin America without being Marxist-Leninist."

In many ways, Nicaragua is following in the footsteps of other communist nations. The military buildup the Sandinistas have pursued since taking power in 1979 closely parallels the development of the massive military establishment in Cuba. Once in

r~

power they began to build their army.

Then in February 1981 the Sandinistas announced that they would begin building a 200,000-man militia 10 de fe n d ,a g a ins t " co u n t e rrevolutionaries. " The announcement of the buildup stunned the world. A Nell' York Times article correctly pointed out that there was "surprisingly little counter-revolutionary activity" at the time. The Sandinistas themselves. less than a year and a half earlier, admitted that there was "no clear indication that an armed counter-revolution by Somocista forces beyond our borders is going to take place and jeopardize our stability." Yet the buildup continued and it continues even today - four years later.

In 1983 the government instituted the first draft in the nation's history.

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,g~net:qledslrons.

resentm.enl

among the youth of the country, and thousands fled to avoid conscription.

The military continued to grow.

From a paltry 5.000 men in 1979, estimates are that the ranks now exceed 62.000 with an additional 57,000 in reserve. It is now the largest combat force in Central America.

Arms shipments from the Soviet Union began arriving in Nicaragua shortly after the militia announcement. This was still one year before significant armed opposition developed. In the last four years Nicaragua has increased its forces from three see page II

Jeffrey Evans IS a SenIOr majOrtl1g In Political Science and a staff writer for the Michigan Review

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by William Smith

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As each school year begins at the University of Michigan, the intelligent student remembers certain scenarios from previous days on campus, wondering, perhaps, whether they will be repeated. Undoubtedly, one of the more vivid of the sundry newsworthy occurrences from the year just past would have been the dramatic protests against apartheid in South Africa, with their nationally-acclaimed demand that the Regents of the University of Michigan immediately and unconditionally divest of all the school's holdings in that country. And what memories those protests bring~ Any student who even so much as caught a glimpse of the protestors cannot fail to become wistful, and possibly teary, when recalling them and their noble sacrifices. There, in the famous square before the Graduate Library, they stood, nobly foregoing their finals, their gradepoint averages, and their personal hygiene to serve the cause of liberty for the South African underprivileged.

A wonder to behold, this network of such admirably progressive students; in the clamor of their poignant folksongs demanding "justice and ocial change~' accompanied by the d ulc et strumming-of guilars (no matter that they were slightly out of tune), in the allure of their appearance, so uninhibited by the established norms of conduct and cleanliness, in the defiant symbolism of the placement of the tent in which they made their stand against those students who were, apparently, too morally bankrupt to join their cause (by blockading the steps to the Graduate Library, they proved that studying could not possibly be the true purpose of education), in all of these images, the observer could only wonder at the ghosts present. The bystander could almost feel the spirit of Abbie Hoffman and Tom Hayden returning, like Liberty leading the people of Paris over the decaying bodies in the painting by Eugene Delacroix, to lead their charges in a heartfelt riot against anyone not enlightened enough to believe their cause. And when the national news_ media appfauded such scenarios as the glorious return of the student political consciousness of the Heavenly Jerusalem that was Berkeley during the 1960's, the solidarity of the apartheid pro~ests with their mentors was made blindingly lucid and could only elicit sighs. Yes, this was quite a moment.

Picturesque associations aside, hQwever, the student ought to ask whether a repetition of last year's colorful "tent-ins" for divestment will be an effective or intelligerrt remedy for the social ills of South Africa -- or. indeed, whether divest-

s ment itself is a worthwhile solution.

Even the protestors admit that the political attitude of the typical UM student of the mid-1980's is considerably different from that of the 1960's. Whatever the hopeful assumptions of the popular media may be, they are nonetheless contrived.

The representative student of the .present decade does not greet protests and protestors blatantly modeled after the sideshows of the anti-~iet­ nam period with unquenchable nostalgia for some Age of Awareness presumably more golden than the present. At best, the modem student ignores "sit-ins," "love-ins," "be-ins," and their ilk, passing groups he or she considers much too noisy for their size as he or she moves on towards the library or the classes which give satisfaction of a more empirical nature. At worst, these students look at the tents, the hair, the outrageous clothing, and the endlessly chanted slogans, and they giggle, wondering with pity at what appears to be nothing more than a display of historical naivete and a desperately dramatic need for attention.

Perhaps the protests of the Vietnam generation were an effective technique for political , deba.t~ ,.f,lwjl}~.

otests by a small but insistent group of the student body, the Regents of the University of Michigan decide to make and immediate the complete withdrawal of the school's corporate holdings in South Africa. Feeling their collective muscle, the fearless tiny band of protestors also demand that the Regents act as arbiters of their views; the protestors, believing their media power to be invcincible, expect the Regents to require that all universities and colleges in the nation follow their example and divest.

Naturally, because of Michigan's stature in the academic community, this, too, is forthcoming. After this, the protestors become as jubilant as the Israelites when they felled the walls of Jericho, and it is only a matter of time until they achieve their final demand--the complete economic and political di'smantlemen! of America's ties \vith South Africa. And what a glorious day for the protestors when I-Ieaven smiles upon their cause to the last miracle, as all Western governments condemn South Africa by removing their presence from the country as well.

The student must continue to follow this scenario. What is its logical t?Ilchl~ionJ~al~pdlx,tb,(!

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the war, but with the college student '~" ". ricane~ono'mysufters ~. t~emendous of today, they are undeniably impodecline; it may even have collapsed. tent. They do not raise anybody's In order to protect itself, the govern"political consciousness;" they do not ment initiates severely Draconian earn the admiration of administrators measures against its most convenient or professors; they serve only to scapegoat, the South African Black. justify certain lingering stereotypes The student need not imagine the which so many adults outside the exact kinds of measures the apartheid University community continue to government would take: they would hold. For their own good, and of undoubtedly be horrible. Horrible course only if they are serious about enough to be the catalyst for the helping intelligent politicians and indebacle which had been successfully tellectuals solve the sad injustice of avoided until the West decided to South African apartheid, the proleave South Africa to its own probtestors who. are so quick to utilize the lems. The hatred erupts, the slaughintimidating tactics of anti-Vietnam ters ensue, and South Africa becomes era civil disobedience may wish to a racial holocaust of a magnitude find an outlet for communicating which this century has seen much too their position less dependent upon frequently. the force of the mob and the lionizaHas the covert violence in the tion of the media. apartheid protests resulted, indirectly But, in the interest of fairness, or otherwise, in producing a ghastly perhaps the student should imagine that these protests will have an effect. if they are repeated enough. With an imagination clear of emotional partisanship, the student should reflect on what divestment might produce if the protestors become the voice which determines the policies of not only the University of Michigan, but all educational and corporate institutions in this country. Obviously, an issue which generates such enormous attention--and noise--ought to be contemplated, and the student should follow the scenario which would most likely result in a logical conclusion.

So let the student imagine the .,,!f..~.It Of~.,§§J.'WSN, In the forceful '~~e.r}~\~~'-Q~ coldrful protests 1

"

overt violence in the nation of South Africa? Perhaps: in the interests of hope, the student should imagine another scenario. The Regents do not act upon the demands of the protestors on campus; they ignore them, politely, as the majority of Michigan students do, regarding them and their antics as mere fantastic dramas expressing a colorful nostalgia for a previous generation. They maintain their holdings in South Africa, as does all of academic and corporate America. Remaining in South Africa, American corporations slowly begin to not only hire black South Africans, training them to become managers as well as laborers, but begin to provide them with financial and educational opportunities denied to them by their own government. Companies build special communities for their black workers modeled after similar communities in this country. Companies aid the schooling of of the children of the black employees_ High wages, to state the obvious, arc paid without question. Slowly, such incentives become implemented, and as the SllCcess of the black S uth Afl'ican is abetted by thc Amer 'in corporation, the government gradually realizes Jbat~p~rtheid is an archaic waste of a resource which can only better its country's economy and political stature.

Of course this is a scenario which requires the lumbering pace of several generations to achieve its ends, but perhaps time is the price of peace.

The happy results of this scenario, in which the rights of an oppressed people are achieved without gore or racial animosity but through civility and prosperity, will doubtless arrive only gradually. Nevertheless, the student should ask whether the often unnervingly heavy trend of peaceful change is not preferable to the quick but chaotic and ultimately tragic result of common violence.

~

Wilfiam Smith is a regular contribulor /0 the ,\.fichigan Review.

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page 6

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TH E \llClll ( j -\N REVI EW

Twisti gAr • with Ul

For t he ...ccond q~ur in n row. Go\'. James Blandlard ha . blackmailed the Uni;cr<\i ty of Michigan into freezi ng in-stat~ tui tion. /\s studellls. \\ e arc ohviousl) interested in capping skyrocketing tuiti on co'>t... hu t nm in this way. Last year. despite a 7% increase in out- ol:'!)l<.Itc ra tes. the University incurred a $1.4 million deficit. While small compared to the total operating budget of the Uni\l'rsi ty. v.l' mu st bea r in mi nd the adage. "A million here. a mill io n there. prelly soo n it adds lip to rcal money .. ' Michiga n's, universi ties deserve mo re than arm-twisting fl'b m Governor Blanchard. Freezing tui tion is a good idea. if coupled wi th major programs to find alternate sources of fund ing. Wit hou t such an effort. Gove rn or Blanchard's in -state tuition frce7l's will become just another election plo) . A pl oy leaving hi m looki ng good at the at the long-term ex pense of atade mic excellence. and fina ncial solvency.

Plans are in motion again th is year to raise out-of-state tui tion by 7- 10%. Todav. ou t-of-state tui tion runs three times that of in -state.

Thi s dispari ty tllrl'utcns to hit U of Michiga n where it hurts most- the pocketbook. As state fu nding wa ned in rece nt years. from 60% of the 's hudget in 1975 to 47.5% in 1983. the Uni versi ty has begun accepting more and more out-of-state stude nts. At three times the tuition. why not? These out-of-state can he ex pected to co ntinue as a major so urce of into me in the coming years, if the pri ce is right.

During the latter half of the 1980's, college entries will drop. and un iversities will begi n light ing for a dimini shing suppl y of freshmen.

The skewed tu iti on schemes. while profitable now. will cost dea rl J then .

The State and Universit y need to undertake a major program to revamp college fundi ng, one th at pays more attention to the numbers. and k~... attention \0 the cameras. ~

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Revise Antiquate Policy The Re. .earch Policy Committee and interim Vice Preside nt for Graduat\.' Studies and Research Alfred S. Su'>sma n. rejected Professor R a~ mond '1anter's resea rch proposal to look at how inform al agrce ml'tlts ca n be u ~e fu l in arm s lim itatio n. Wh y? Beca Li se Tanter's proposal didn' t fi t iOlo the 13 year old Uni"ersity poli cy on Classified Research. It seem'> that although all a r~ agreed that Professor Tanter's proposal: "Clearly shov. s long-term be nefit s and promise. and could gr~a tl ~ enha nce movements toward peace:" the research. sponsored by the U.S. Arms Co ntrol and Disa rm ament Age ncy, wo uld ha\'e utililed classifi ed documcntc; a nd thus might not have bee n full y pu blished .

W c agree with Regents Baker and Roach, who recentl y proposed rC\'ising the Classified Research Policy. Roach noted: " I sympathize with the Uni versit y commun ity'S need fo r the freedom to publish. But that's an ideal and maybe it's not possible in the rea l world ." Alread y the one )ear publ icati ons deadline is bei ng violated by negotiat ions with drug companies. In these agreements secrecy is pledged unti l the ubseq uent patents are issued.

V.P. Alfred SLls'Iman tried unsuccessfully \0 negotiate changes in the research co ntract '.vith AC DA. to all ow re tention of the project. Onl y the prohlem v. us n'l with ACDA. it was here at the U. The Research guideline') are hal.) enough to let the Research Policy Commi ttee decide one way or the other. Under ex isti ng guidelines Tanter's work could ha \'e hee n all owed . When will wc stop dri ving away good research projects and fac ult} because of personal and partisa n ri valry?

I\ n ~ number of other un iversi ti es could wa lk right in a nd offer Tanter ca ne blanche to do hi !> resea rch. Clearl y, the Uni versit y wi ll ha\ c lost a most vi tal reso urce. It is high tim e for a nother look at the Classified Resea rch Policy. The war i~ ovc r. the resea rch projects on the agenda loda ~ arc peul'efu l. Arms con trol resea rch should enjo) wide c;upport on cu m pu~. not lx' ha n ned h) an impr('cisc and archaic Classified RC'>l.'arch Pol it) . ~

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·····"·Star····Wars'·'····or············ "Earth Wars?"

SPECIAL FEATURE

by LI. Gen . Daniel O . Graham

On March 23. 1983 the president called on the U.S. technical community to come up with the means to destroy long range nuclear missiles in flight. He didn't even use the word "space." Nonetheless. the press immediately dubbed the President's initiative "Star Wars," Some newsmen were merely being clever. (I know one of the first newsmen to use the term who was all for the idea publicalya year before the President.)

Others were deliberately trivializing.

After all. it was Ronald Reagan who broached the idea. and that to them was reason enough to mock it.

For good or ill, the term "Star Wars' has stuck. Occasionally, the President's challenge to U.S. technology is referred to by its official name: Strategic Defense Initiative: more often as High Frontie!' defcllses after the original study that gave rise to the concept. Proponents have tried hard ;t-·.' ':{(F 'elitriiriate "theteri'n ' ''Sta:r ' Wars" because it conjures up science-fiction battles in outer space and obscures the fact that defenses in space are not warlike: you couldn't kill anyone with defensiv e systems. Hardly a day goes by at the offices of Project High Frontier without another suggested name for the concept -- "Starshield."

"Starpeace," "Astroshield ," etc. But as far as the press is concerned, it remains "Star Wars_" For obvious reasons. opponents of strategic defenses are the most adamant about using the "Star Wars" appellation. But they have been a bit disappointed to find that the impact is not as negative as they might wish.

Especially among younger people (and the young at heart). "Star Wars" is positive.

Perhaps more important is the fact that those who argue \'oiciferollsly against "Star Wars" find themsehcs arguing for " Earth Wars." True. they (as VoL' 1I as those who argue in favor or space-born defenses) are against ha\,ing any war at alL especially a nuclear one. But the opposition is arguing that the threat of war on Earth IS preferable to the threat of war in outer spare, They seem to prefer a war that starts with nuclear missiles raining down on Earth to one that starts with an atte mpt to break through defenses 300 miles out in space And they definitely prefer to try to pre\Cnt such a war by perfecting "Earth Wars," They wish to continue reliance on each side's being able. at any moment, to blow up the other side's half of the world.

Some "Earth Wars" spokesmen are beginning to feel uncomfortable \oicing utter opposition to the President's views. They are finding it tough to argue thilt the country is oetter off being totally defenseless Some now take the positIon that "Star Wars" is okay if. and only if. the Prl'sident and his men will shut up about defending people. DefendII1g nuclear weapons is fine, because that Just enhances the chances for successful "Earth Wars" retaliation with nuclear weapons, A "Star Wars" defense of people, on the other hand. would destroy the whole Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) theon' which is central to "Earth Wars" thinking, The trouble is. you can't just defi.'nd weapons with the High Frontier space-borne systems. You must do your best to destroy every missile headed your way. If the missile is aimed at peopit'. "Star Wars" will save people, As things stand now, any Soviet missile aimed at your neighborhood will get there since nothing will stop it. If High Frontier were in place. the chances are very remote that any missile aimed al you would slIccede in reaching its target. Don't let the "Earth Wars" proponents tell you either that you shouldn't be defended or that "Star Wars" won't derend yOll, Take your choict'. If you don't like "Star Wars." how about "Earth Wars')"

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Flight

ITerrorist Dilemma b) Da\id Klocek

by Charles D. Lipsig

Sometimes, one has to be amused by certain historical events. People who are experts, and some who are not. make predictions with great certainty, based on selective evidence, guided, in some cases by their prejudices. When the irrefutable evidence comes in that they are wrong, there is little they can do but blush.

Take, for example, the development of the first airplane. Many eminent scientists considered the possibility of such a machine technologically impossible. Some ev'en considered it scientifically impossible. In 1901. Professor Simon Newcomb was asked by .\fcC/lire's ;\faga::illc to write an article entitled "Is the Airplane Coming?". Newcomb was an astronomer and mathematician, considered to be the most honored scientist of his time. His calculations of planetary motion are still accepted among scientists today.

The article appeared in the September.l901 issue. Newcomb tried to remain objective, writing "Ifl should ,m~\Ver no. Isho.uld ... :Qe .!:it oJ'l~e ... charged with setting limits to the power of invention, and have held before my eyes, .. more than one philosopher who has declared things impossible which were afterward brought to pass." However, Newcomb was unable to keep an open mind. stating sarcastically, "The first successful flyer will be the handiwork of a watchmaker and will carry nothing heavier than an insect." Finally, Newcomb showed what he completel)' believed: "I have shown that the construction of an aerial vehicle which would carry even a single man . . . requires the discovery of some new metal or some new force."

Newcomb's beliefs were held by many, including the Engineer-inChief of the Navy, who wrote, "A calm survey ... leads the engineer to pronounce all confident prophecies at this time for future success (of the flyingmachine) as wholly unwarranted if not absurd."

However. there are always those who are willing to try what others term as impossible. One was Professor Samuel P. Langley. then Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. In 1896, Langley had built and twice flovin a twenty-six pound model of an airplane, equipped with a steam engine. With this accomplishment, the Department of War gave Langley a $50,000 grant to develop a flying-machine capable of carrying a man.

It was seven years before Langley was able to get an internal- combustion engine light and powerful enough for his airplane. On October 7, 1903. at Wildwater. Virginia, Lan-

glcy's assistant. Charles Manly, climbed into the machine for its maiden voyage. The plane was to be catapulted from a boat on the Potomac Ri'er. into the air. where it would fly. Instead, the plane was catapulted into the river where Manly and the machine were fishe~uL The newspapers were jubilant. The "truth" that they saw had been proven: man could not fly. The JJ 'ashillg(Oil Pos{, which had nicknamed the airplane "The Buzzard," cried: "The experiment resulted in a total and admitted failure . . . It was demonstrated that the 'flying-machine' ... was incapable of flight as a dancingpavillion floor."

Langley's final failure came on December 8, 1903. when the airplane once again plunged into the Potomac.

An outcry occured over the money that the government had "wasted" on a "hopeless" invention.

Ironically. it is now believed that it was not Langley's airplane that was at fault but the launching system. Langl~y) .misHd~.ew~$ .his ~Jief.tbat.an

airplane could not take off under its own power. However. if Langley had tried that method, the plane would have probably flown.

In any case, only nine days after Langley's final failure, Wilbur and On'ille Wright flew their airplane four times at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. This event was ignored by the press. partially due to their belief that man could not fly. It was not until 1908, when the news had spread and many people had seen the Wright Brothers fly, that their success was widely accepted. Now the irrefutable evidence was in: man cOllld fly.

So what does this have to do with anything in the 1980's? Consider the following quotes, referring to the Strategic Defense Initiative program: "The computer would require 10 million lines of error-free code. I don't know anyone who knows that that is possible," says Richard Garwin, a top scientist at IBM and a member of The Union of Concerned Scientists." 'Star Wars' is going to fail and ... I'm willing to stake my professional reputation on this." said David Parnas, a professor of Computer Science at the U ni versity of Victoria in Victoria, British Columbia, and a former consultant to the Strategic Defense Initiative Of[ice. see page II

('har/es D. Liplig is a ./lIlIior major-

illg /I/I{a{is{ics ami a staff' \\,,.it(',. for (he .\lich/gall Rene\\'

The problem of terrorism, especially the Middle East variety, has grown worse in recent years. as TWA flight 847 recently demonstrated. The reason for the growth of this international cancer is very clear: terrorism achieves its objectiws. In Lebanon, just as in Iran, the terrorists won: They challenged the greatest power in the world, and made it appear impotent. Rescue operations became infeasible in both cases after the hostages were scattered to a number of separate locations. The media assisted the terrorists both times by causing the news to be dominated by the incidents. magnifying their importance (and hence magnifying the victory of the terrorists and the dilemma of the U.S. gowrnment). In both cases. the terrorists achieved substantiw concessions. Their greatest victory, however, was their ability to violate the most basic norms of international law and order without being punished.

What can the U.S. do about this problem? Clearly, .0o¢:oLthefirst steps to be taken is to restrain the media attention given to terrorist incidents. This attention only helps the terrorists. It makes them appear. to themselves and to the world, as victors. There they are, a small group of gunmen. issuing threats and ultimata to a superpower. ihere they are, on the front pages of the major newspapers of the world. taking up perhaps two-thirds of the evening newscasts. The tremendous amount of attention given to the terrorists forces the U.S. gowrnment to put all other issues on the "back burner" and devote all its attention to resolving the crisis. .\ terrorist incident should not haw such power to control the U.S. political agenda. Strange as it might ~ound to the average American. the safe return of hostages is not. nor should it be. the paramount concern of the U.S. government when confronted with an act of terrorism. It should be possible for the U.S. government to go about its business and to ignore the terrorists, after warning them that the U.S. reserves the right to defend its citi'zens and property by force if necessary. Perhaps a rescue mission would be infeasable: perhaps U.S. policy makers would have no other reasonable option than to wait the terrorists" out. They should be allowed to exercise this option, and not be forced by overwhelming media attention to either use military means or capitulate.

Defenders of the media need not take fright: no one wants to abolish the first amendment. If we think,

howC\cr. of the struggle against terrorism as a "war on terrorism." and the terrorists think of it themselves as being at war with the U.S. (as they do). then it seems only reasonable that the U.S. government should be able to exercise some form of censorship o\er the media in these cases. as it did during World War II. It is pleasantly surprising to see a number of commentators come 'to this same conclusion. although there do not appear to be an) mows at present to adopt such a polICy. One method of dealing with a terrorist incident could perhaps in\ol\e the selective assasination of the leaders of groups involved in terrorism. There is nothing unethical about killing people who so egregariously attack the U.S. and violate international law. Our anti-CIA left-wingers should not trot out old slogans about the immorality of the U.S. engaging in such activities abroad. Which is more immoral: abnegation of our right to self-protection. thus allowing

murderers and thugs to operate freely and to continue (heir attacks agamsl LIS or other nations: or the killing of the leaders of those thugs, perhaps illegally, but certainly justly? Which is the greater violation of law: terrorism, or the punishment of terrorists'> Of course. engaging in such a policy would require us to improve our intelligence capabilities in the Middle East: it would probably also require changes in the regulations and laws that govern the CIA. A f{)rl11 of congressional oversight that would nol lead to the inevitable "leaks" each time an assasination would be carried out. would also have to be adopted.

Whatever policy is followed in a given terrorist incident. it is essential that the U.S. government not negotiate, either officially or through the media, with the terrorists. Unofficial. .. beh i nd-the-scenes" d i scu ssion s should not be absolutely ruled out: howewr, the demands of the terrorists should never be agreed to. Doing so would only encourage more terrorism. The usc of ;l1ilitary force, even if rescue operations are infeasible, as a means of retaliation or coercion against hijackers, should certainly not be dismissed, Again the lives of hostages ought not be the supreme concern. If force is used ~l'C

page 9

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Interview: Bill Lucas The questions for this interview were prepared by the editors and staff of The Michigan Review.

REVIEW: Do we live in an opportunity society? How does your attitude relate to your own personal experiences? Based on your personal experiences, how should we build an opportunity society?

LUCAS: I definitely believe we live in an opportunity society. While the road may be difficult for those with limited resources and a lack of education, there are opportunities for anyone who can manage the stamina to overcome discouragement.

I was raised in one of the poorest, most depressed areas in the nation-Harlem. Yet, with the encouragement of my family. and other helpful adults, I was able to receive a solid education. I kept my eyes open for opportunities. and if they passed by, I never allowed myself to become too discouraged to try for the next one.

Temptation to embrace the easy solution--the quick fix--is tremendous in poor neighborhoods. The most outwardly visible symbols of success, flashy cars and stylish clothes, generally belong to those engaged in illegal activities--prostitution, drugs, numben;, welfare fraud, etc. .. ··.'~lji:"·:II\;~'~~n,\~·who·Bt1.)ws.c".U:p,in:··tJti$ envi;'omne~t musthave the vision to see beyond the neighborhood-beyond welfare--to see the big picture, and aim for those opportunities which will grant meaningful achievement in the long-run. Welfare is essential for people who have no other means of surviving; but those who have gone from public assistance to a real job are amazed at the improvement in the quality of their life and self-esteem.

An opportunity society must be built on the principle of fairness.

Institutions which discriminate against people on the basis of their age, sex, religion, or any other factor have no place in a land called America. Opportunity to achieve is not something that can be handed out, or given away. It must be earned through hard work, and in a· democratic society, it must be available to all.

REVIEW: You are one of a growing number of Democrats switching to the Republican Party. Did you leave the Party or did the Party leave you? .

LUCAS: I have heard Jeane Kirkpatrick make that statement. and I found myself relating to those words.

I continue to have a great deal of admiration and respect for many of the principles espoused by the Democratic Party. Many of my good friends and trusted allies are Democrats.

The problem with the Party is that ',ilt' has now become so .stdetly' c?~r~'

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trolled by special interests that it cannot effectively enact its own platform.

I now view the Republican Party as the Party of the future--a Party much more tolerant of new ideas, creative concepts, and different points of view, and of course new members. I have maintained a relatively consistent philosophy throughout my career. I am fiscally conservative and sensitive to human needs.

I feel welcome in the Republican Party. I am not interested in representing a party unduly under the influence of special interests. Therefore, the party switch seems quite natural to ~.

REVIEW: You have played a major role in saving Wayne County.

However. Governor Blanchard claims that he saved the county. How much credit does Blanchard deserve?

LUC4S: Until I took office, and ordered Wayne County financially analyzed by professionals, nobody had any idea of how bad the problem actually was.

The severity of the financial mess was obscured by unconventional bookkeeping methods, but the bottom line was that public officials in Wayne County were spending mas,,; . . .~ivei'rn~~nt~Qt::.~Qne)".:,tbat.4i4n't . . exist. we'~an t~ unt~~:!i1e these problems, we concentrated on the most serious debts first. A disparity arose between the county and the state as to how much was actually owed to Michigan.

To his credit, Governor Blanchard appointed very knowledgeable and diligent staff members to these sessions. Now. many months later, I am hearing this excercise referred to as a "bailout." This was no bailout. This was a hammered-out, negotiated settlement. Beyond that, I cannot imagine what the Governor might be referring to in "saving Wayne County." The Governor was not here to help us with the hard choices--when we placed our employees on four-day work weeks. He did not design the programs which streamlined and consolidated our departments. He didn't negotiate the lease of the Hospital or ieorganize our pension system to cut costs in half. Those w~re all things we did independently in Wayne County.

REVIEH': In 1983, you endorsed Governor Blanchard's tax hike. You have recently been critical of his taxing and spending policies. What has caused you to change your mind?

LUCAS: The tax hike was too much, for too long. At the time a moderate tax increase was proposed, I, along with many other Democratic and Republican leaders, recognized the State's financial problems and vie-wed 't,fle pl~n.as a r esS4tj lI).~fl~l!fe. ;:,_V:e certainly did notl ant\cip,aft' .tll~t

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the tax would last so long, and that the Blanchard administration would increase state spending substantially.

I believe that in times of economic crisis. the citizens prefer to see government scale down to save money. rather than increase taxes to raise money.

REVIEW: Does your attitude toward Atlirmative Action differ from the ideas of the Reagan Administration? If so, how'?

LUCAS: I believe that my attitude toward Atlirmative Action is quite similar to President Reagan's. The President believes that every individuaL regardless of his race, color, or creed, should have an equal opportunity at everything America has to offer. We also both disagree with the blanket use of racial quotas to redress past discrimination in hiring.

The only area of disagreement regards police and fire departments. In these instances, racial quotas can be appropriate. These are sensitive areas. Police and fire fighters interact with the community in emergency and crisis situations, and I believe the make-up of these forces should reflect the racial composition of the community as closely as possible.

REnEW: Do you support prison e~pansionand :constru~tion'l

U}CAS: Yes, consistently. In October of 1984, I commissioned a group and charged this committee to study the problems of recidivism and the multiple offender, including the amount of prison space needed to remove repeat offenders from the community for the entire lengths of their sentences. They also studied the regional economic impact of crime, and the economic implications of prison location.

After analyzing the data generated, we called for the construction of 4,000 additional state prison spaces.

In addition to a greatly improved quality of life, and a fresh sense of security for our citizens, building new prisons makes economic sense for Michigan; and that's why I have been lobbying so diligently for action. Our

citizens need to know that elected officials are doing everything in their power to make our communities more safe and secure.

R/;TIEW How do you assess Michigan's business climate? How can it be improved') Is it important to lure big plants to the state, to discourage plants from leaving the state, or to encourage small business formation and expansion'?

LL'C4S: Let me begin by saying that I see tremendous potential in Michigan. There is a considerable amount of land suitable for industrial development, plenty of fresh water. an adequate power supply, a skilled and willing workforce, an excellent network of roads, raiL ports, airports. and shipping. We are also centrally located. Many people don't realize that over half of the Nation's popu· lation is within the range of an overnight truck-haul from Detroit.

The negati yes arc: taxes are too hIgh. th(' recent. so-called Worker's Compensation Reform did not go nearly flu enough to make busil1('ssrnen fed comfortable about locating in Michigan, and one report I have read lists Michigan as the worst State in which to do business. $400 million projects like Mazda are extremely important, but the mom and pop businesses have just as much priority. Nationwide, small businesses hire and employ far more people than the multi-national corporations. Therefore. our business assistance programs concentrate on both large and small employers.

I believe that once Michigan gets better control of the crime problem, once urban counties can receive a more fair share of transportation dollars, once the positive impact of diversification is realized, and once we become more flexible and creative in accomodating the business community, you will begin to see Michigan, once again, flourish economically.

REJ 7 IEW: During your tenure as Wayne County Executive, you oversaw the sale of Wayne County Gen-

COMPLETE

AREA CODE 313

ATHLETIC OUTFITTERS

668-6915

?lttte SfuPzt S~ E.J. "BUD" VAN DE WEGE, Pres.

HANKY VAN DE WEGE, V.P. 71 1 NORTH UNIVERSITY MICHIGAN WEAR

ANN ARBOR, MI

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page

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THE

~lICHIG\N

REVIEW

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••• ~ ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 6 ••• 6 •••••••••••• •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

continued from page 8 eral Hospital. Do you support efforts to privatize Michigan state services if such private services could be shown to save money?

LUC4S: Saving money is only one criteria that should be considered when government is deciding whether or not to contract a service out to the private sector. The quality of the service to be delivered, the impact on government employees and on the local economy, and the opportunity for continuing oversight should also be carefully )11easured.

In the case of Wayne County General Hospital, utilizing the private sector saved the facility from closing.

The hospital was plagued with empty beds, an inefficient billing system, not enough private patients, restrictive work rules, overstaffing, and employees who were earning far in excess of their counterparts in the pri-'

by Gerald Weis The Cast Roger Moore James Bond Grace Jones May Day Christopher Walken Max Zorin Tanya Roberts Stacey Sutton Patrick Macnee Tibett Scarpine

Chuck Lee

Patrick Bauchau David Yip

Just when you thought that Bond was finished, there are afterall no more Fleming books, the perennial box office draw and ladies man is back. Of course he is back you say, after all America is back and we know who the real villians are. Right? Well yes and no. In the stock James Bond mega buck opening scene, it seems the Russians are the enemy. The film opens on a remake of the "Bond escapes troops with machine guns by skiing down a mountain" scene, with Russian troops inserted in place of some evil neutral army. This new realism, sometimes described as the New Cold War realism, ends there.

The spirit of detente lives, at least in the movies, and the focus quickly changes to just such an evil neutral enemy in the personna of Max Zorin.

Zorin, a psychopathic wonderkid and former KGB agent, seems to have it all. A country estate that would make Gorbachev blink, a stable of racehorses, cars, women, a blimp, money, power, the whole ball of wax. Yet, as with all Bond villians, he wants more.

These wealthy villians are central to retaining the fiction that anyone other than the Soviet Union or its client states can put up forces that offer a military threat to the free world. Zorin wants more, in particular, control of the world by controlling the supply of microchips.

How does one control the world's supply of silicon chips? In the movies one merely sets, UP a syndi,cate. and

vate sector in wages and benefits.

Had we not been able to work out a lease agreement with a private operator, the facility most certainly would have closed. This is an example· of how privatization not only saved tax dollars, but also maintained jobs and services.

REVIETV: How should the U.S. deal with South Africa? Do you support Reagan's policy of "constructive engagement"') Do you support the Sullivan Principles?

L CC4S: Yes, I sup~ort tIfe Sullivan Principles. The posture of our government should be to totally oppose and condemn apartheid. However. to simply condemn apartheid and require the removal of American companies, as some have suggested, would serve no useful purpose.

American business presence in South Africa, for the most part, has been a

•

constructive force for economic progress and social reform.

Companies not in compliance with the Sullivan Principles should be denied the right to expand, and should not be able to call upon the intervention of our government in commercial disputes. This posture would encourage social and economic progress in South Africa. and would provide a powerful incentive for noncomplying companies to join those of us living in the 20th Century.

REVIEW: Speculation abounds over your future candidacies. Let us in on your plans for higher office; LCC..J;>: It's no secret that I am exploring the possibility of running for a statewide office. I have recently huddled with my close advisors and loyal friends. We have been discussing the pros and cons of such a move .

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destroys the competition. How'? You ask. Simple: Just flood the San Andreas fault with enough water (several lakefulls) and set off a small munitions factory in an old mine. Presto chango, no more Silicon Valley. The gra.phics are wonderful. In the inter~ ests of detente, afterall "Where would we get our technology from?". the Russians cooperate with Bond one more time. They aren't happy with their prodigy, "No one quits the KGB.", so they put forth an inept attempt to kill Zorin. In the end Bond gets both his man and girl, in this case Tanya Roberts. That in no way gives away anything you did not already know, this is afterall a Bond film.

Despite the wild vision of Silicon Valley sinking into the ocean,there may be a deeper reality lying just below the surface. As the world moves into the next stage of advanced mrcrochip development, Silicon Valley becomes weaker and weaker. Traditionally new products and innovation come from' small companies created by dissatified engineers and executives who leave the stilted big companies. These small high tech firms are usually funded out of the pockets of their employees.

According to Business Week, by 1990, the cost of a plant to turn out leading edge chips may double to $200 million. At the same time, the expense in designing a new chip, now about $5 million, could rise to $50 or $100 million. The increasing costs, largely due to the robotics required in sub-micron chip production, will likely force small companies out of the running for leading edge technology.

The deep pocketed Japanese consortiums are well aware of this. During the. pre5ent Silicon V1!lley reces-

sJOn they plan to increase production of 64k and 264k chips from 17 million to 30 million a month. The intent is to steal away the mass production business that funds much of chip development costs. As we go to press, dumping charges are being filed against the Japanese. It seems that they are selling 64k memory chips, that cost $.60 to $.75 to produce in Japan, for $)5 in the United States. The result? Already INTEL has announced that it has lost the mass produced market and will concentrate on specialty chips. The battle lines are drawn. Will the U.S. chip manufacterers survive their plight? It is too soon to tell, but they sure could use Bond on their side.

Clearly. one can't judge reality from the state of Bond movies. Yet the fight for first place in the fast moving electronics market may parallel fiction. Like the film, the 'villians' will not be Russians, rather the Japanese, and the flooding of Silicon Valley will be symbolic.

Real or not, the latest in a seemingly unending series of Bond t1lms (Is there Bond after Sean and Roger?) offers an entertaining diversion in true Bond form. Christopher Walken I r I pays. a very be. levab e psychopath, devlhshly laughmg as he pours machine gun fire onto his people. Roger Moore shows he still has it. Perhaps the most interesting twist in A VIEW TO A KILL' h dd" f G' IS tea !ttOn a . race Jones. Jones makes a very formidable enemy. Ian Fleming had difficulty with female characters. Now that the films haverhoved beyond the books '.

,

one can loo~ forwar~ to more developed female roles m future films.

Yes, according to the tag at the end of the credits: BOND WILL RETURN. Gerald

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I am greatly encouraged by the reception I ha \e recei ved as I have travelled throughout the state, and I must reveal that there is a surprising amount of positive interest throughout Michigan for a Lucas candidacy.

We will continue to explore these options. Any announcement regarding this matter would not come before the end of 1985 or early in 1986.

In the meantime, I am doing the best I can to continue to streamline and improve Wayne County government and assure its ongoing solvency.

~

continued from page 7 against terrorists, or their training camps, bases, etc .. some greater punishment should be reserved and threatened if the terrorists harm their hostages.

Perhaps it is useless to even consider this question, however. It seems that the US go\'ernmcllt and politlcal leaders do not have the will to come up with a coherent and serious strategy je)f the next terrorist incident, which is sure to happen all too soon again. The U.S. government should not just hope that increased security alone will prevent future terrorist incidents. There are always ways to circumvent even the best security measures. Rather, plans should be d~awn up and options prepared in case security measures fail. The capabilities to implement those plans should be developed. The terrorists should not be allowed to humiliate the U.S. again. They have declared war upon us; we should at least try to deny them the fruits of victory. ~

Lette rs continued from page 3 StC\C Angelotti responds: Miss Jones i., correct in pointing out that man) liberal;;, and conservatives ignore the underl) 1ng probkms that cause thiS nation's high abortIOn ratl'. I support fundmg birth control and birth costs for the indigent I feall) don't care If these arc "liberal" or "SOCialist" solutions.

Jones' endorsement of Soviet policy. how('vet. is abhorrent. Nobody could serlouslv ,uggest that the Soviets have created th~~ scenario she describes. The average Soviet woman has 6 abortions III her hfcome. Children who do no! lurn out "well adjusted" are thrown into the Gulag or the insane asylums.

Children whose parents are not Party members or are cOllsidered troublemakers (Jewish refuscniks for instance). are denied any opportunity fo~ higher education. regardless of ability. The Soviet UnIOn IS noshtnmg example. but rather a pathetic mess. ~

page 10 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Septemher, 1995

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Student Leader used to be Conservationist

Colon Cancer: A Killer that can be Stopped

by Joe Typho

by Karl J, Edelmann

"

Marxist Student Association Gen- neat courses where they could learn eral Secretary Eudora Phillips is a everything about one side of every woman with a varied background, conceivable issue, They suddenly Once in Weith, she nmv works long discovered that there \vcre nuclear hours without pay for her group, weapons and that a nuclear war Such tireless dedication is rare, Ah, would probably end their dreams of that elusive MBA, Most of them but let her tell her own story: "When I was in high school I was \vorked for McGovern and Hart, begrowing up poor in a rich upper-class cause they both reminded everybody white suburb, called Weith, Connect- . of th05e neato Sixties, \\here rich kids icut They used to say that they could go to college and spit on the couldn't afford the 'a's for the signs, high school kids who didn't go to HA' In Weith I knew that I was college and didn't get an exemption different from all the other ehildren--l and got drafted, After alL as Gary was underprivileged, I didn't have a Hart noted last year (I was with some car, a stereo, an interior escalator, or of my friends and tears filled their designer contraceptives, What I did eyes), the Sixties generation suffered have was the undying love of my much more than any other generation seven stepsiblings, all of whom took before or since: Vietnam, Watergate, turns raising me and my conscience, I unsUl passed economic growth, a delbecame aware at a very early age that uge of expanding freedoms, Woodpoverty was caused by the affluence stock vvithout toilets, Reggie bars, of my neighbors and I often marched three cars and only a two-car garage, fr~rn .. "1ys~~ckbehind the McClos- Perrier shortages, and Ringo Starr,

'.key·sgarilgS6f~ft6tbenefgbb6tli6od·.~~So ·abUnch .•·Of them wefif'leftist

fertilizer barn (Yes, it's true! Rich and that caused me to revise my own white people have communal property! They just pretend that communal property is only for socialists), There I would picket for hours, or at least until that Nazi M1'. McCloskey bought me ice cream, "This repression led me toward radical thought. At tlrst it was just Abbie, then I moved on to the quotations of the Chairman, the man who made the People's Sit-In Co-op what it is today-- a place for rich white kids to feel guilty, Reading the Chairman helped me immensely, especially those times where he put both a noun and verb into the same sentence, It was through this that I learned grammar. Unfortunately, the Chairman wrote in Flemish, No wonder why his book never made the best-seller list.

"By 1976 my transformation was complete, If I had been eligible to vote that year (I lost my birth certificate on my way to City Hall) (they probably wouldn't have let me in anyway, given that my hair was symmetrical and thus inappropriate for my town), I would have voted for ,Lyndon LaRouche, who ran on the ul~:a~leftist U,S, Labor Party ticket, LIke Lyndon, I underwent some sort of transfor~ation over the next four years, My nch neIghbors went to college and became 'radicalized', They began to read Sartre and spent their parents' money on all sorts of

thinking, I began to wonder if there wasn't something to Anarchism, I joined an anarcho-syndicalist commune over in Pinckney, We all gathered together and raised natural foods using natural fertilizers and natural herbicides, Nature mixed in salmonella virus during our natural milk processing and half the people died naturally and the rest were ill and, naturally, we had to call it quits, That experience really influenced me and in 1980 I would have voted for the Conservationist Party candidate Euell Gibbons (someone said he should have been the Preservationist Party candidate, since he was dead), I didn '( vote--my calendar said it was year 137 since Marx, thus I didn't realize it was an election year. I fail to see why we allow this interference of church with state through the use of the Christian calendar and the quadrennial election system, see page II

-j-o-s-ep-,c-1 - 1-:I'-p-'-h(-)-is-'-a-S~e-f-l/-o-r-it-l-t~he School of' lVat lira I Resources and Buddhist' Studies and is clIrrentlr protesting the Afghan genocide at the Soriet Embassl' in [Tlan Bator, MOIlgolia, ' .

•

Colon and rectal cancer is the second leading cause of cancer and cancer death in the United States today,It is also one of the most preventable and potentially curable forms of cancer that medicine deals \vith, The tests for its presence are simple, inexpensive and could save your life, Physicians have for many years talked about the importance of an annual physical exam for anyone over forty, Part of the reason for this exam is to evaluate your general health and to check very routine, inexpensive tests like the stool guiac test and the rectal exam, Over 40o/b of all colon cancers can and are picked up by a simple manual examination of the rectum by your physician, What he or she is testing for is the presence of poil'ps, small .tufts of tissue that can indicate a tumor farther up inside your colon,

These tests ate finished in less than tlve minutes during your routine physicaL Other tests arc recommended on a varying basis depending on yOLU' age and physical condition, These tests are knO\vn as the sigmoidoscopy and colonoscopy and each looks at a different part of the large bowel. with the colonoscopy looking at the entire length of the large boweL Who should have these tests') It really depends on what your physician feels is appropriate, but, anyone who has had a polyp removed or has had cancer in the past should undergo yearly ex-

aminations by colonoscopy to detect recurrence very early, What are the signs of colon caned) Quite often they are minimal and frequently silent On the right side of the rolon, signs arc often unexplained weakness or' upset stomach, occult (nol1visible) hluod in the stool. right sided pain or a palpahle mass on examination by your physician In the left colon, signs include a change in howel habits, visible hlood ll1 the toilet bowl or on your stooL or sIgns of obstruction, In the rectum, yOll will notice rectal bleeding, a change in your bowd habits, or a feeling of incomplete evacuation of your bowels, Any of these signs warrant a visit to ;;our physician, What can be done if colon cancer is found? It often depends at what stage the cancer is found, If your physician tlnds a single polyp in the rectum, it is possible to have it removed without major surgery an~ be cured for life, On the other hand, a well advanced cancer that has invaded other organs and spread throughout yuur body is less likely to he curahle, Colon cancer is graded on a system of i\,B,C and D, What this dues is tell physicians what the cancer has done and what your surVival outlook would be given a specific diagnosis, St't'

page II

Karl J Edelmann :\!!()!UjCfll

IS

Medical ('orre-

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I>uring your last two years in college the Navy pays for uniforms.

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Call your Navy representative for more information on this ch. llenging program. ipplicillion Dead/!I1e. Jan. J /, 1986 (all II Jolin Co"!'//o -:64-141)8 Yorth Jlall

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-~.-"--"'-~ ,. ,.,

September, 1985

page 11

THE MICHIGAN REViEW

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Leader Flight

N icaragua

continued from page 10

continued from page 4

tanks, 25 armored cars, seven helicopters, and three artillery pieces to at least 340 tanks and armored vehicles and more than 70 long-range howitzers and rocket launchers. In addition they have a fleet of 30 helicopters, including six of the world's fastest, most powerful attack helicopters, the Mi-24/HINO 0 - the principal attack helicopter of the Soviet army.

The Nicaraguans have also acquired 40 flatbed trucks, designed to carry their T-55 tanks, and six large ferries, which are ideal for shuttling tanks across rivers to fighting zones. This past year they have received 30 PT -76 light tanks with river crossing , capability (an added plus considering the fact that long stretches of borders with Honduras and Costa Rica are rivers).

Finally, the Sandinistas have been provided with 1,000 field kitchens, a number of mobile maintenance workshops, and about 75 gas tankers.

These are all classified as requirements for an offensive thrust. Given .Jheir statements in 1980 of spreading ,/' the revolu.ion beyond!.,tileir .bQr4~rs,. , their early claims of defense against '''SQunter-revolutionaries seem highly i~prausible. Similarly, President Daniel Ortega's recent statements that the buildup is for defense against a potential U.S. invasion has little credibility once the offensive nature of his military is considered.

A Gallup International public opinion poll revealed that 80 percent of the public in Honduras, Nicaragua's northern neighbor, felt a military threat from the Sandinistas, and that 79 percent thought that their government was being destabilized.

Similar results were found in Costa Rica, the southern neighbor who has no military, and in EI Salvador.

Nicaragua is quickly becoming another Soviet satellite. Cuba, Bulgaria and East Germany are currently building critical infrastructure facilities which will have significant military applications. There are approximately 7,500 Cubans in Nicaragua with at least 3,000 attached to the military in some way. In addition they are supported by contingents from Libya, North Korea and Eastern Europe.

Hundreds of millions of dollars from the Soviet bloc have been invested in the Nicaragua. 40 new military facilities have been built, and a 10,000 foot runway at the Punta Huete air field is under construction.

When it is completed, it will be the longest military runway in Central America, capable of accommodating any aircraft in the Soviet arsenal.

The Sandinistas have often declared their intention of acquiring combat aircraft and the Punta Huete airfield has been designed to accommodate them. It is reported that Nicaraglan jet pilots and mechanics have already been trained in East Europe and are currently flying in Cuba. Completion of the landing strip in the near future, coupled with potential Sandinista acquisition of fighter aircraft will further destabilize the region. Nicaragua will be in a prime position to continue to "export revolution" unhindered and the Soviets will have gained a strong strategic asset.

It is clear that the Soviet Union places a high value on Nicaragua. The massive investments indicate that Soviet leaders feel that it is a perfect complement to Cuba in their strategy to pressure the U.S. from the Caribbean Basin. As for the Sandinistas, they have shown all too often that they are willing to be just another Soviet puppet. The recent "slap in the face" visit that Mr. Oqega "made to the Soviet Union, just as the Congre$s, y,Pte<l4()~Jl· ,·6.JQding

.,to . the

Contras, is one such example. Supporters of Nicaragua may argue that this trip was needed since the United States obviously was not about to provide economic aid. Yet these supporters must be reminded of Ortega's first such trIp. It occurred in April 1980, at a time when the U.S. was providing more economic aid to the Sandinistas then it had in twenty years to the government under Somoza.

Throughout the years the Nicara-

"Over the next four years I discovered est, although I belong to a special sect who don't allow me to discuss mv faith. We're called the Know-Nothings, . although we do admit Masons. I still hate materialism. I also hate it when poor people can't afford to participate in student government. I think we should offer poor people goods, like free cars or People's Sit-In Co-op trading cards, to convince them to join the MSA. Last year I finally did vote and I wrote in George ¥cGovern. He seemed to me to be a simple, honest man who understands the Soviets and why intelligent leaders like Yuri Andropov would try to have the Pope killed. Remember when Stalin asked 'How many divisions does the Pope have?' ? Well, nobody knows anymore. And given the paranoia of the Soviets, you'd have to expect them to be concerned. Vatican City may only cover 700 acres, but you can hide an awful lot of troops in there and thus they were probably justified in shooting him. What if the Pope started praying one day and unleashed his troops? The Soviets 'vV0uldbecaught~y $~rprise, ~nfact,

weshOuld '3\'oid bffettditi!f theS6vi': ets in any way, so we shouldn't have an army, permit religion, or grant citizenship to that Fascist Solzhenitsyn, or do anything without asking Soviet permission. They're really no worse than we are. So I support men like George McGovern who understand Soviet leaders.

"In the future I hope to achieve further personal growth and earn a few bucks on the side. Could you pick up the tab?" ~

continued from page 7

It seems that those who are against the SOl program for scientific reasons may be falling into the same trap that Professor Newcomb .and Th e Washington Post fell into. As the facts are not yet all in, no one can tell whether a system such as SOl will work. That is what research is for, and anyone who is sure that SOl research is such a waste is in danger of finding out that today's WriMt Brothers have flown.

18

Cance conllnued from page 10

For instance. Stage A has a 90% five year surVival rate while Stage D has just greater than 15% five year SUfVIval for all patien ts with th a t stage 0 the disease. Staging also tells the ph)'slcian whether surgery would be valuable for you. olon cancer is a killer, but it ca n be stopped. It takcs a lillie time each year. bUI it may save your life. SImple examination by your physician and home testi ng of you r stool can pick up the very early stages of the disease.

For more infonnation on colon ca ncer, co ntact yo ur ph ysician Of your local chapter of the American Ca ncer Socic ty. II may save your life.

~

guanpeoplehaven~been~lent. A ~I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

poll in 1981 found that 65 percent of them did not approve of the Sandinisla rule. The government's response to this news was an immediate ban on poll taking. "We are living with a totalitarian ideology that no one wants in this country," Nicaraguan Bishop Pablo Antonio Vega stated. The Sandinistas have betrayed the cause of the people. Salvadoran guerrilla leader Augustin Farabundo Marti summed up the situation saying, "(Sandi no ) did not wish to embrace the Communist program . . .

His banner was only for independence, a banner of emancipation, and he did not pursue the ends of social rebellion." ~

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Solzhenitsyn: A Biography

by Steve Angelotti

SOLZHENITSVN : A BIOGRAPHY, by Michael Scammell. W . W. Norton Co., New York and London , 1984. 1051 pages.

,

,

,

)

A while back I was talking to an acquaintance, an intelligent person and one who is reasonably well-informed on both current events and history, at least in comparison to most U-M students. She expressed an opinion about the Soviet Union that was based on a rather naive interpretation of Soviet history, and, with a mind toward helping her add to her limited stor.ehouse of Soviet facts, I recommended The Gulag Archipelago, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's devastating study of the Soviet Union's I~rimes against its own people. "Who wrote that?" "Solzhenitsyn."

A tentative flicker of recognition.

"Oh. WeH, I' II have to remember to read it someti~e .. . What was the title again?"

I have little doubt that she never read and never will read the book.

But many people who have made the effort 10 begin reading' (Ju/aghaven', gotten much farther. It seems di fficult to explain why-volume I of Gulag is only 600 pages (Gulag is actually a 3-volume 2000-page work), not that unreasonably long. Few would dispute Solzhenitsyn's writing ability and Gulag is generally considered to be his most outstanding work, with brilliant usage of characterization, irony, and just plain storytelling to chronicle the Soviet penal system.

The problem seems to run a little deeper than length or style--the book's topic and Solzhenitsyn's sense of urgency drive people away.

Imagine a 2000-page description of hell, populated with real characters who have no way to escape save death. Imagine a system of justice where "the sentence for doing nothing at all is 10 years." Imagine the relentless (but rarely redundant) onslaught, 1he stories of hundreds representing the millions of victims.

Imagine an unparalleled intensity.

Then imagine the poor reader in the den , sitting at his desk next to the MacIntosh , trying 10 absorb what Francis Russell called "the greatest leak in history." ~eaders accept horrors most easily when the story is old and the blow is delivered subtly and not unabatedly.

In Gulag Solzhenitsyn unveiled his own nation"s Holocaust and the painful fact is that not only have none of this Holocaust's perpetrators ever been placed in the docket, but the savagery continues today. It's , 'easiet to Say "never again!" than it is

to say "stop it'" . We ma' observe this lesson every day in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Ethiopia, as the classic Marxist , methods of control through "re-education" , genocide, and famine are applied once again while no one seems to care.

Thus the most important book and author of this century are often ignored. The re(lction to Solzhenitsyn has not helped his cause either. He has moved from being fashionable in all non- Stalinist circles (including Khrushchev's) to the center of controversy . Upon the publication of One Day in the Life oj /van Denisorich in the USSR in 1962 (during the brief de-Stalinization period), he was characterized in the West as a loyal Communist critic of Stalin's excesses.

Even after his later, more daring novels came out in the West (they n,e ver were published in the USSR), he was still applauded by the Left-the best and the brightest of Lenin's " useful idiots" were more than willing to claim him as a compatriot.

In December 1973 Ihe first volume of The Gulag Archipelago was pu~ blished in Paris. Gulag chronicled Lenin's greatest inventions: "mass terror" and the concentration camp, and Gulag's author was revealed as an anti-Communist, an anti-Marxist.

It Gidn' t take too lon~. for the fashionable Left to denounce him as a rural reactionary, a Slavophile nationalist, even an anti-Semite (Norman Podhoretz and others have discussed the latter charge at length in recent issues of Commentary). It was acceptable for Solzhenitsyn to critique Stalin, but he should never have criticized the holy trinity of Marx , Engels, and Lenin.

The interesting aspect of the far Left's reaction to Solzhenitsyn is that he has done more than anyone to weaken the Sartre-Ied pro-Marxist school of philosophy in the West. In France, as Le Point editor Georges Suffert noted, Gulag had "forever eclipsed the beacon of Communism."

An unrepentant American radical of the Sixties admitted that he knew that the so-called New Age would never arrive when he saw dozens of young people around the Cal-Berkeley Alumni Pool reading Gulag. Solzhenitsyn once stated, "in our Eastern countries Communism has suffered a complete ideological defeat, it is zero and less than zero. But Western intellectuals still look at it with interest and with empathy." This empath"y is no more and Solzhenitsyn has himself to thank . One man and one book have destroyed an intellectual movement. The only place today where

Marxism is taken seriousl y is in academia, where people have yet to face up to Solzhenitsyn's rhetorical questions:!\lf Marxism is a science then why have all of its predictions been wrong? If the implementation of Marxism heralds Utopia then why does it inevitably lead to mass murder?

Solzhenitsyn's controversial status in conventional circles is a result of his statements since arriving in the West as an exile in February 1974. In several major speeches, specifically his speech before the AFL-CIO in July 1975, his 1978 commencement address at Harvard, and his 1983 Templeton Prize acceptance speech, he has upset many through his criticism of Western society. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn is not a "modern" man in the mold of his fellow dissident, Andrei Sakharov . Solzhenitsyn is a strong believer in sprituality and the growth that may be achieved through suffering (Volume 2, Part IV of Gu/ag, "The Ascent" , chronicles this belief most ,beautifully). He bas often de no unced' t he do-you r-own-thing Iife-without-responsibility attitudes of many in the West. One mayor may not agree completely with his critiques (as William F. Buckley noted after Newsweek had claimed that Solzhenitsyn's "writings glorify the ·..visdom of the simple peasant and the righteousness of the most rural communities.": "So did Thomas Jefferson's." ). Those who have heard only snippets or have read New York Times columns whining about Solzhenitsyn's "reactionary" attitudes should read the speeches themselves.

It's true that most papers and magazines wouldn ' t touch the texts, finding it easier to simply distort his statements, but National Review printed them. The texts are as near as the local library, in the issues of August 29, 1975, July 7, 1978, and July 22, 1983. Readers should make their own judgments. Unfortunately, the controversy over Solzhenitsyn's philosophical views leads people to avoid his books, even though his views are not as extreme as some believe. These issues should not take anything away from his books, whose value is conceded by all except some Marxists and a few morons. " The figure of Solzhenitsyn towers over any attempt to review his life.

Past biographies have been incomplete or inaccurate studies that do not measure up to good biography, let alone a great author. Michael Scammell's biography of So\zhenitsyn, however, is out- standing. Those who want to understand the man better, to

learn about him in an objective manner, should read Scammell ' s book, Solzhenitsyn's life was the basis for his novels and thus his story, properly told , is fascinating enough to hold readers' attention. Scammell benefitted from a period of cooperation from Solzhenitsyn and gathered many hitherto unknown and important facts about his subject's early life.

Scammell has sorted through the protective smokescreens that Solzhenitsyn had to maintdin while in the USSR to get at the true story , Nearly everybody associated with Solzhenitsyn's public life (his first wife, his first translator, his friends , his rivals, himself) has written his or her own memoirs and Scammell has done his best to sort through the many, often contradictory accounts. What emerges is an objective view of the man (yes, objectivity is possible In journalism) that allows readers to draw their own conclusions.

I would recommend the book to anyone, because any well-written authoritative biograpJ;ly of such an important writer deserves to be read.

I would hesitate in making such a recommendation for Scammell's book for one reason~-most people have not even bothered to read Solzhenitsyn, let alone any book about him . Volume I of The Gulag Archipelago is still available in paperback for $1.95. People should force themselves to read it--I admit that it was the most difficult read of my life but it was also the most rewarding. People who speak about the Soviet Union without having experienced Solzhenitsyn's writings are lost souls speaking of a mythical land that never existed . Solzhenitsyn's greatest triumph has been to bring the atrocities committed in the name of Marxism out into the open for all to see.

One shouldn't avert one's eyes to the horror--one should read the testimony that the witness has granted us.

Solzhenitsyn stated in the introduction to Gulag, "I dedicate this to all those who did not live to tell it. And may they please forgive me for not having seen it all nor remembered it all , for not having di vine all of it."

One hopes that the victims also forgive those whose fear of seeing the true face of Marxism leads them to keep their heads in the sand by avoiding the writings of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. ~ --~------"

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Steve Angelolli is Executive Editor, oj the Michi~an Review.