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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Serpent's Tooth If, as our liberal friends say, sanctions won't affect Nicaragua, how come they say that sanctions will affect South Africa?

MSA Milifary Research Researcher Ingrid Kock has published her first study of military research in the Daily. Her ire seems aimed at those who have defended Professor Raymond Tanter's arms control research as "Peace Studies". You see, Tanter has also supported SDIj"Star Wars" and Tanter actually dared to respond to the Union of Concerned Scientists' claims about SOL To Kock, that amounts to apostasy. Never mind that the UCS data is cooked and misleading as anyone who has any familiarity with the issue knows. Irigrid should start doing research and keep her reactionary prejudices to herself. After all, that's what all of us students are paying her to do.

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** The staff of The Michigan Review offers its sincere congratulations to the Soviet Union. The psychologists and government officials there have· changed their mind and decided that left-handedness is neither socially deviant nor a handicap.

**

**

Attention all hackers: The Soviet Union has begun a plan to put desktop computers in every secondary school and university, despite misgivings that this could undermine the USSR's control of information. If you want to enjoy yourself while helping lhecause of freedom, the Review staff suggests that ,you act to hClp realize the Soviet government's fears.

Some of those complaining pointed out that it would be hard for "liberal" Paul to work with "conservative" Phillip. If it's so difficult for people of different political persuasions to .~et . aJong then they . b~;i'$.be~t:et 'lf Mrt" screening people who room "blind" at the University to prevent such conflicts.

**

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** " Progressive" Student Network underling Tom Marx has complained that we often identified him as a PSN "leader" in the past. Sorry,Tom. We won't do that anymore.

** Does anybody remember SmootHawley? How about the Great Depression? 25% unemployment?

APPLEs at cheap prices? Want to relive the glorious days of yesteryear?

Support protectionism.

** By the way, to Josephson's he did appoint Cole.

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Or could it be that receiving input from a different perspective would cripple student government .by challenging its premises? If so, maybe the .

MSA members holding that attitude should reconsider the true purpose of student government, which certainly is not a propaganda blitzkrieg.

MSA President Paul Josephson faced a great dilemma recently in appointing a new MSA Vice President. Having pledged to appoint a minority or a woman to the post, he seemed to have found the perfect . choice in Phillip 'Cole, who is black.

But, heaven forbid, Cole is regarded by some as a . . . a Fascist? Nope. A book- burner? Nope. A mass murderer? Nope. Cole's great crime in the minds of some was that he is regarded by some people to be a conservative.

THE W6RL.D DEF/NEO SY MICH. '<Evlcw

Yes, boys and girls, MSA is paying :ts military research researcher to look into an issue on which she's already made up her mind. That's a portion of your MSA fee. ... .

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The illustrious gang arrested at Congressman Pursell's office last week seemed to be an all-star team of campus radicals. Several of them had plenty to say, but PSN minion Tom Marx had no comment.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

October, 1985

page 3

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From the Editor Who Cares About Apathy?

THE MICHIGAN

REVIEW Publisher Sandra A. Collins ssociafe Publishers • James P. Frego Gerald Weis Edifor-in-Chief

It is quite evident that there are some members of the radical~Left who exhibit an extreme intolerance and rejection of the current upsurge of moderate and conservative attitudes on college campuses. Leaders of the radical left, and their followers, have attempted to portray today's youth as apathetic and ignorant of the issues.

For example, there have been cries from various functionaries of the Left for a return to student activism. The likes of Abbie HotTman, Jane Fonda, and hubby Tom Hayden, as well as assorted campus radicals and their leaders, have become frustrated with this current assault on their ideology and yearn for the utopian Sixties. Not surprisingly, the line of communication in this plea is not directed toward pursuing activism within the framework of one's particular ideol-

Selh B. KlukofJ ExeclIliI'C' Editors Steve Angeloffi Joseph McCollum Production Manager David A. Vogel ,\<fiddle EaSI Correspondent George Yaple SIa.ff . Brandoll Crocker

J\I/ichael DOl'idsoll Karl J. Edelmann James Eridon Jeffrey

Paul Flack 'hoollllye L Char/('s D. Lipsig . David Norquist SCOIf T. Rickman /vIol(I' SUl'ssmwh

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SlIPJ'ORTER<' ierold R. Fl)rd. R. Emm,'11 T)rrdl. Norman PodhorclI. Irv. ng KmlOl \\',Ihllm F. Ruc\(le~. Jr. E•.h.in J feulner. Jr

, he Michlpn Rc' le\l wl'l{'oml'~ and a p pr~('I. 1l1<'> Itllers rrom r"adl'~ LI'IICr\ for pubhul ion rnu\! inC'ludl' Ihe wmcr's name. uddrc" . und Il'Icphvnc number.

We 01\0 "deomc Ihe ~uhm i~sion o r articles. ,\I I \lurk \11 11 be rC \I,'''cd b) Ih~ cd llonal ~latT und ton~idcrcd In IIghl or II~ siructure and romc nl.

All article, and INltf'i mll~1 be double-spaced. ho"," InlCre5ICd In suhOlIl,. ng klle~ (If anicles shou ld <.end Ih('m Ill: HE !\<I ICUI(; ·\" Rf\' I1'\\ !)U IIC O ne 'll l " " rl h lInl\.-r~II~ -\ nn -\roor.

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\ ment, which many of us choose not to do, clearly reveals an interest in . surrounding events. Second, the major issues were on the minds of the moderate and conservative population who supported Mr. Reagan.

Issues such as a strong defense, a vibrant economy, and a positive outlook for the future concerened these students, and they voiced their concern in large numbers. Third, witness the institutionalization of alternative journals, voicing moderate and con, servative opinions, on college campuses. This is another form of activism, which does not fit the "criteria" set up by certain members of the radical-Left. Healthy debate is being introduced to the radical-Left camp , and they are rather uncomfortable .

Competition for ideas on college campuses has arisen and they are . befuddled in its wake.

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Letters To the Rel'iellc I would like to thank you, before I leave town, for the enjoyment I have received from your magazine.

I would also like to take this opportunity to correct an error in your latest edition. In your column, Serpent's Tooth you claim that the leftists don't like it when their "opposition pokes a little fun at them." On the contrary, as a member of several groups that are regularly made fun of in your magazine. I can tell you that your magazine is greatly appreciated on the left. It is the best humor magazine on campus.

Keep up the good work, and thanks for all the free pUblicity.

Sincerely.

Lee Winkelman

***

Thank you and yuur cohorlS for ginng us so Imllch 10 hefimny ahOIll. Infacl, lOt was no/jur rOll peuple. une of Ollr J()reign correspondents I\'uuld hare 110 reason 10 /il'e. BOil vuyage. , .. u" .............

CONTEST, ....................,. ....." .. .

Hev/ew Contest Willner.

The most dangerous terrorist is New York Governor Mario Cuomo. He has taken it upon himself to lead many of OUf nation'S failures and malcontents in their irrational and hate· inspired attacks against those who would maintain America's J)MSperity, stability, and morality. It is true that Amal leader Nabih Berri held 39 Americans hostage for a couple of weeks. However, Cuomo. the left wing's latest Golden Boy and demagogue, seeks to hold millions hostage for four years with regurgitatrd Raw Deal policies.

F.W. McBride Ann Arbor. M1.

EdilOr's Nole: The O{lilllOfl5 expressed above do 1101 tlccessarilv represent Ihose o(lhe .Hichi· gan Rencu or ill' atherIJsers. This munrh's

favor of selectively chosen radicalLeft labeling the moderate and conservacauses. Thus, student activism is only tive upsurge as apathetic. The definirelevant in this situation to those who tion of apathy has been severely are willing to ramble for divestment twisted by certain members of the of stocks in South Africa and the radical-Left establishment to signify termination of SDl research. an opposition to their causes. ReThe members of this narrow sliver sorting to labeling is a convenient on the ideological continuum and substitute fo an intelligent assessment their ideas have remained in stasis, of a situation, in this case, the growoperating within their fixed loathing ing moderate and conservative popof current attitudes and possessing a ~ ulations on college campuses. hatred toward those who express I"jllllcr Will recell'c a g(fi certificate/rom .<.,'/i'\·e'5 them. Rather than engage in mosIerIce Cream. Walch f()!' Rel'il'H· COnlesl #2 /fi ation and rational discussion, they ,Vol'emher. REMEMBER: You 100 could be a resort to labeling those who do not winner' identify with thei~ ideas, and are Seth B. K1uko.l! is a Sophomore in The three figures were (left to right) Nabih sub,sequently not \0 at.tendance at LSA and Editor-ill-Chief of the Mich- Berri. John Zaccaro and Mario Cuomo. their protests, as apathetiC. igan Review . .

• With a denunciation as h e a v y - . · .""'.~~~~___....._ _ _ _ _ _... handed as that it is necessary to take ' IS IIIsil'/1/1 ItOI'P ~lIidl'rl my" •. · (hif/kllt~ and I 01'1 prOlm , . .

In counf ml',;;,e(( as nne oj your *;IJ·nenH " --RnN~U) RJ>,.. AN a. peek at the defiOltlOn of the word apathy. Several dictionaries of well repute define an apathetic person as Thi. boo. hi' t-n Ihe sprin,boord from which millions have come to one who lacks interest, emotion and understand (he basic truths about t'Conomk!-and tht eronomit feeling. Apathy, in the true sense of fallacies re\pon\~lc for innllion. unemploymt1U hi,h taxfl. and the word, denotes an intended oblivu _ .. tend me •. ___ Copift 01 I r«n\~n. Henry Hazhll IS 1M dun of AnKfKan (r« fTlafke1 KOnomisu. ~ Hazllll'I Economic. In 0... I iousness to surrounding people and L...on f'" only h.95 _h. pIut ...00 . . and his clur. cond~ Myle i1Iuminlt~ lor poIIl. and I>and!lng ($<100 lor idtl~ t hit all Itntf al lIOns shoukf events. Let us test the logic of this 10telgn ordo<~1 knnw and aJ"Pft'Cilft .. denunciation on some of the more Now you cln purrh.~ this qualily 1 1 s.nd me 'fOOt utatoo ~ m booIl1 PlIp<rba<k .dilion (or only $6.91 Hb4>tty \ recent actions of the large moderate Add il 10 YOUI ,.r...net ,helr-you'\I look throush it oft-tn-or mlkt It I My cMct oro.. tt tot and conservative populations on our special ,ift for I fr~nd or I c,ludml nation's campuses.

11 PtflINb,uMvl t VtS. I! M.~'" "(HozlilI) is one oj Ihe jew K'Onomi.tI.S in hi.~IOtI' This group of students, as a sizewlto cOlild f('OI(,· wnlt'. " -11.1. Mf."«:lIFN able bloc, voted for President ReaONLY $6.95 FROM LAISSEZ FAIRE BOOKS ......._1#. gan. For that action alone, they have MONEY BACK GUARANTEE You~J!"'byO;:::a~ been villified by the various Leftist It IOf anY"feawn .,.00 "It unhdOOy ..... 1!h your VISA or MasterCard. Call (21~ ........

VOUI OfW lUSI Itluln " 30 oar' ~-8992 beI_ 100~:IlO E..t"'~ chic as apathetic. This labeling is lor ,} Itlund Tlmo. Monday \I,roogh Friday c., L. __________ ~ clearly flawed. First, the simple fact i _ S~HD TO; Lal ... z Fair. 8001<..

Dept II" !l328foa<lway 7th Floor that these people did vote. Partici New York. NY 10012 1212) 92!>-8992 pating in our system of franchise-I I

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Capital Punishment: Justice in the Balance

by Jeffrey Evans

"Let's'do it~' -- the profound last· before the voters has once again: face regularly. They follow: and of social protection, more than· words uttered by Gary Mark Gil-' 'generated controversy. Spt"Alrheaded:, 1) The death penalty is barbaric. offsets the moral and material costs: more, a professional criminal who by Oakland County Prosecutor L. i The general line of argument is thus; of miscarriages of justice, just as our! spent months in the spotlight trying Brooks Patterson, Citizens Support-! '''Laws which punish homicide . . . inte~st in traffi~ ~ffsets the ~sts to: to "get hisself capital-punished.". ; ing Capital Punishment, has already commit murder themselves" by the mnocent VICt1m~ of .acc~dents·1 After appearing on the front pages of begun a state..wide petition drive imposing the death penalty. Capital Else we could have neIther JUStIce nor' more newspapers than newly elected aimed at placing the question on the punishment is legalized murder. traffic."

President Jimmy Carter, Mr. Gil-' . 1986 ballot. This renewed effort es-!

The problem with this argument, 3) There is a disparity in death: more got his wish. tablishes a need for a thorough ex-' as Professor Van Den Haag points sentences. Many of the early aboliAt 8:07 a.m., January 17, 1977, he I amination of the capital punishment out, is that it stems from the phrase tionists were led by top flight lawyers was pronounced dead after sitting! question. ' "legalized murder" which is oxymoin the service of the NAACP. They The Declaration .of Independence' ronic. Murder is the unlawful taking presented a case proving that de~th calmly before a firing squad only moments earlier. It had been nine tells us that to secure the rights of '> of an innocent life. Executions, being sentences to the black population were h.ighly disproportionate to those' years, seven months, fourteen days 1'-1 "life, liberty, and' the pursuit of ,legal, are not murders, and they take and twelve hours since another happiness . . . governments are in- ·the life of a person who has been of whItes (nearly.half of the .occu-, American had died as punishment for stituted among men." These govern- found guilty, not innocent. pants of death row were black at the!

Although both may be physically time of the 1972 ruling). This is still a a crime and his death meant that W'I ments prohibit interference with capital punishment had returned to rights by creating laws, which threat- identical - both kill - they are not ~n~mental ~rgum.ent of the aboli-, the United States. en punishment to those who violate necessarily morally or legally identitIOnIStS. StudIes pomt out that nonNot many topics raise quite the them. cal. Physical similarity to crimes does w.hites, an? the poor, still receive same furor as the debate over the Throughout the years, theorists not morally disqualify punishments; disproportIOnate share of death sen-' death penalty. In the last two centu- have agreed upon four additional they are morally disqualified if tence~ .. ri~s capital punishment, originally reasons for punishment; rehabilita- grossly excessive, or if useless and ThIS IS not, howev~~, a powe~l beheading, has become the ultimate tion, incapacitation, justice, and gratuitous. Hence, capital punishattu. ment for the abol~tton of caPItal deterrence. The latter two are, with- ment is not instituted for parking pUnIshment. Instead It teaches that form of penalty.

As time went on, and societies out a doubt, the most important violations. the criminal justice system needs. continued to develop, life expectancy (although many people are uneasy Another argument along these lines corrections, but more importantly, it increased. Death soon became acknowledging justice as such). suggests that since all of the countries shows a need for sentencing deterProfessor Ernest Van Den Haag in western Europe have abolished the mined by the severity of the crime' thought of as the worst of penalties.

The United SUltes .~med. CQot.ml",\P ...... ,rlefine..;; .ilUl.tice.a& .. 1~the.,2tt....mo.nt,1A\ .. tA.i~.d_t<b~~;.~W_~LGu.i....ta:' c'\li~"~,,,.<DGt:·byopiniona'6bout thecrim&\' i:':i!:..,~~.~Ii~_$<y.\!t&t~1i~~b}~~~~f1ih;fri;tibns;·~o shOUld .the '. and its elements. "mate penalty in' its. justice system. .not to punish innocent persons, and United States. After all, the Soviet 4) Revenge or retribution. It is, Members of the Supreme Court (c) to punish the guilty according to Union and South Africa have the frequently argued that the death pen-, found themselves consistently in what is deserved by the seriousness of death penalty, and we don't want to alty is only a means of gratifying a' agreement that the Founding Fathers the crime and the culpability of the be in the same company as them, do desire for revenge and retribution.

Abolitionists feel that capital punishhad exempted the States from the persons guilty of it." When it is we? provisions of the Bill of Rights. perceived that justice will be served, While it is true that South Africa ment is the criminal justice version of In June 1972, however, this the criminal will be deterred, or else has the death penalty, it also has a "an eye for an eye." Is this the case? changed. A sadly divided Supreme punished in a manner consistent with free press. Is this any reason that we While it may be that revenge and should do away with both? The Soretribution playa role in establishing Court, in Furman v. Georgia, ruled the severity of the crime. that the sovereign power of the States This is where a large portion of the viet Union has the death penalty and punishment, there are other more pertinent reasons. over death penalties was in conflict capital punishment debate is focused. legalized abortion. Should we do with the Eighth Amendment's "cruel Most theorists are in agreement that, away with these as well?

Revenge is a private matter, a wish and unusual punishments" clauses. on the scale of crimes, murder in the 2) The death penalty is irrevocable. to "get even" with someone who has, The small band of dedicated aboli- first degree is the most serious of all Unlike other punishments, the death injured one, whether or not what was tionists that had worked so diligently, offenses, and' consequently, should penalty is unique - it is irrevocable. done was legal. Retribution, on the had succeeded in bringing about a have the most severe penalty. Deter- There is no guarantee that an innoother hand, is legally threatened be· constitutional earthquake - one mining what this penalty should be, cent person will not be put to death. forehand for an act prohibited by law. hundred eighty-one years after the however, has generated disagreement. There are imperfections in our cri· It is imposed by due process and only adoption of the Bill of Rights. A A variety of the arguments ad':' ininal justice system; mistaken eyefor a crime, as threatened by law. It is' vanced, both pro and con, deserve witness testimony, inept defense also limited by law. plurality of three, ruling against discretionary jury sentencing, was joined attention. On the con side, the argu- counsel, faulty police work and specBoth retribution and revenge may

by Justices Brennan and Marshall, ments appear to have a common link ulative circumstantial evidence. Abbe included in the motivations for punishments, how~ver moti ves who held that the death penalty was - it is wrong to take a human life. olitionists contend that these comclearly unc~nstitutional.

Abolitionists tend to take a moral bine to present an unacceptable risk should not be confused with purIn response to the ruling, many stand, arguing that the death penalty that an innocent person will be conposes. The punishments for crimes is barbaric, that it is irrevocable, and victed, and killed. have certain purposes. They are set states passed new capital punishment laws to meet the requirements set by that it stems from man's sense of a The response to this is that yes, up to attempt to deter people from the Court. Many precedent setting I need for revenge. In a moral sense, there is a possibility that some percriminal activity, and if the detercases provided a framework for the· they argue, capital punishment is sons 'sentenced to death are innocent. rence fails, to inflict punishment. development of constitutional death wrong, because as John Conrad states, "As long as we punish criminals we 5) Deterrence. The most frequently penalty laws. As of January, 1984, 38 "to kill the offender is to respond to. may unintentionally and despite all argued contention in the battle over • the death penalty is whether or not it states have instituted capital punishhis wrong by doing the same wrong to precautions punish some innocent ment - Michigan has not. In fact, no him. He thus becomes a victim him- peqp1e, just as traffic accidents will actually deters a person from the self, and all too often he enjoys a occur, despite precautions, as long as commission of a crime. While there is executions have taken place here since statehood was gained in 1837, perverse and undeserved sympathy we drive cars," argues Professor Van no definitive empirical proof to supalthough the legislature has made that trivializes his crime."

Den Haag. port the assertion, there is also no many attempts to instate it.

Throughout the debate over capital "Our interest in punishing crimiproof to the contrary.

The latest move to place the i.ssue punishment several arguments sur- nals, however, for the sake ,of justice Lack of statistical evidence clouds

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October, 1985

page 5

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the issue, Proponents attemPt to use logical analysis to sway votes in their favor, while opponents contend that without empirical proof, the taking of a life cannot be justified. Whichever the case, those in favor of capital punishment appear to be winning the battle.

Public opinion polls consistently show overwhelming support for the death penalty. With the petition drive in Michigan gaining memontum, it is likely thatothe 1986 ballot will contain the question; Should capital pun'ishment for murder in the first degree by made legal in the state of Michigan?

Dan DeGrow, a state senator for the 28th district has stated' that "while public opinion is not the sole factor in making a legislative decision, surely it cannot be a poor policy to allow citizens to vote on such an important issue . . . The democratic process demands that they be allowed to. vote on such major policy issnes periodically." ~

Ye)jrey Evans is a Semor majormg In Political Science and a staff writer for the Michigan Review

Enterprise Lones: Alternative Urban Policy

by Seth B. Klukoff

5. 5% credit to zone employees for In 1980. enterprise zones were income earned in the zone. proposed as an alternative remedy for 6. No capital gains tax on business the problems of this nation's cities. or property,in the zone, Based on the United Kingdom 7. Speeded-up depreciation withmodel, which has already worked out restrictions that apply to other successfully in Cardiff, Wales and in businesses.

Edinburgh, Scotland. the American 8. Foreign trade zones. version of enterprise zones was first 9. Requirements for local governintroduced as House legislation by ments to lessen regulations. or proRepresentatives Jack Kemp, a convide improvements to the zone area. servative Republican, from upstate New York and Robert Garcia, a The first two incentives are primarily for the purpose of improving liberal Democrat from the Bronx.

Briefly, the purpose of enterprise the area in order to lure businesses.

Additional responsibility is put on zones is to offer tax incentives within designated zones to entice jobs and the citizens to assist in attracting the businesses. Thus, if the citizens want businesses, especially small businessto improve their economic situation, es, into decaying urban areas. The they must do their share as well. The original bill, sponsored by Kemp and rationale here is antithetical to that of Garcia, bounced around in committee and was revised in 1981. The the Model Cities program of the late Sixties and other government spendideas set forth in Kemp-Garcia (June ing programs. Under those programs, 1980) and its revision became the the citizens of a depressed area. relied backbone of President Reagan's urban policies. In 1982, Reagan inon others to improve their position itiated his own . enterprise zone bill, rather than help themselves. Neighwhich incorporates the Kerrip;.Oarcia borhoddprograms such "',as," tbose t ' '''" f ' proposals. and hjas" subsequently . whe~ > a group of cltizens ban:<;l,.l<r beetire\lltroouced in'1984an<I 1985. gether"to . rehabilitate 'dilapidated President Reagan's own enterprise buildings fit under the first two zone bill was introduced in March, incentives.

1982. The bill has Isince been reinThe next five items proposed are troduced in 1983, 1984, and 1985. tax incentives, which serve as inThe Reagan initiative stresses strong ducements for small businesses, or State and local contributions as less' often, a larger company to reloessential for the success of the enter- cate in a depressed area or start up prise zone program. In this program, operations there. The tax breaks are the local government must apply for rewards for doing business in a enterprise zone designatiori' and has decaying urban environment. The to meet certain qualifications. These key to success for an urban enterprIse include high unemployment, a high zone is the viability of the small number of poverty- strick;en resibusiness which locates there. It is dents, a population decline, and an thus the purpose of the tax incentives ongoing abandonment of buildings. to maintain the viability of the small The secretary of Housing and Urban business by reducing its start-up costs Development, along with 'the Treasand ensuring its profitability. ,\

Peril continued from page 7

greatly strengthened the value of the U.S. dollar. For example, in 1980, the British pound was worth $2.45. Earlier this year the pound sold for $1.18 (before rising back to $1.32 in recent weeks). The story with other currencies, such as the German Mark and the Japanese Yen, is similar.

Regardless of any "unfair competition", the surge in the dollar's strength has a significant impact on the trade picture. Even with identical production costs, a Japanese (or British or German) company will have a tremendous price advantage over its American competitors solely as a result of the big shift in exchange rates. This is a problem that protectionist measures cannot solve.

The solution to soaring trade deficits, which result from an overvalued dollar, is to reduce the budget deficit.

This is the root of the problem.

American industry will not be able to compete in international markets until it is solved. The wrath of the textile workers, autoworkers, and others in endangered industries should not be aimed at erecting barriers to free-trade. Rather, their energies should be directed at their ()ng~~ssI}1~n. {o.r failing to. eoact. a responsible fiscal policy. ~

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For the employees, residents of the zone, a tax cut will allow them to benefit financially. They will be able to retain the majority of their salaries.

Reagan further proposes the designation of suitable enterprise zones as Foreign Trade Zones, which will provide relief from tariffs and import duties for goods exported to other countries. The proposal for the lessening of regulations is the vaguest part of the initiative. Specific regula~. tions are not mentioned, though ; Reagan stresses the maintenance of health and safety regulations. Finally, although government revenues are being decreased by the enterprise zone tax incentives, the increased economic activity is supposed to provide a larger tax base.

Several major groups have endorsed the bill, inclllding the NationalLeai.}1e of Cities, tpe US Conference oiMayors, the NAACP, and the US Chamber of Commerce. Accord,ing to David Birch, the Director of MIT's. Program on Neighborhood ,. ,.~JlA,,:,\i~9ll~c..J'~* w}:'he4tTge manufacturing plants are now flocking to the growing areas. At the same time, smaller,. service oriented. jobs are' building in the older cities." In a 1979 study by the Joint Economic Committee, a conclusion was reached, stating: "There is evidence that smaller firms generally provide the greatest number of all new jobs an<\. expanded operations." The Committee, which based its findings on re-

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see page 7

Seth B. Klukoj/ is a Sophomore in LSA and Editor-in-Chief o/the Michigan Review.

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designate 10-25 enterprise zones each. year through 1985. The areas will be considered zones through 2001, unless their status is prematurely revoked by the HUD secretary.

Moreover, when the local govern. ment. applies for enterprise zone desIgnatIOn, It must consent to 'reduce burdens' on employers in the zone.

These burdens are a relaxing of local regulations.

The proposed tax incentives in the bill are as follows: 1. 3-5% extra investment credit for capital costs in personal property.

'2. 10% extra investment credit for real property.

3. 10% credit to employers who raise the wage base in their zone for that year.

4. I.Qcome tax burden equal to 50% paid to disadvantaged employees.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Lights On! As school moves into full swing, our attention turns to serious campus issues. At the forefront of these issues is campus safety. Students must be aware of the prevalence of rape and sexual assault on campus.

Among the factors which come in to play in rape prevention are public awareness, vigilance and campus lighting. Several precautions must be taken to ensure students' safety, some' of which are common sense. For example, women walking or jogging at n~ght should do so with .a partner. A woman alone in the dark is easy prey for rapists.

Nor can the University's responsibility to campus safety be neglected . Campus lighting must be improved and maintained. A recent midnight stroll on campus showed several areas of

central campus to be totally in the dark. Lighting around East Quad, Lorch Hall and th~ Hill areas behind Mosher-Jordan and Couzens are in disrepair.

Major areas of student housing below Hill Street and above Huron Avenue have no street lamps at all.

Rape is not a pleasant subject, but public discussion is necessary as a first step in rape prevention. The University and Ann Arbor should work together to improve city and campus lighting. Ann Arbor has an excellent record for sensitivity to this issue, having already set up .

Night Owl bus and taxi service.

Mayor Pierce should have little opposition in establishing a strong bi-partisan commitment to work towards further improvements in city and caI1JOUS safety. ~

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highway travel. P<mring reThe federally mandated 55 sources into the battle for 55 on mph speed limit was first ra..,.:~(),n;V)~~~ as .,.~ij ..::!!l),~J;iy-sav~ng )h~ . freeways takes police.,Qtt haZardous back "roads and dOes " -speed limit. " At the tinie it little to further public safety. made good sense. However, However. safety is not the real • today most Americans drive reason for the 55 mph speed cars with two to three times the limit. The truth, perhaps, lies in fuel economy of.1973 models. the self-interest of state and local Yet, the speed limit has remunicipalities who collect the mained at 55, no longer justified fines, and the insurance comby saving fuel, but by saving panies who find reason to inflate lives. premiums. In several Western Has the ' 55 mph speed limit really saved lives? U.S. highway states no fines are issued for travel between 55 mph and the designs permit the safe operaold speed limit of 70-75 mph. tion of motor vehicles at 80 mph. Passenger cars now ride on . The ticket is written as an " energy speed violation" and no tires more advanced and safer report is made to the insurance than those used in racing just 10 companies. Alas, in Michigan, or 15 years ago. Further, enthe insurance industry is much forcing compliance with 55 runs better at lobbying than its taxcontrary to overall safety. Major paying citizens, who veto the 55 highways account for less than ~ mph with their right feet.

5% of roads posted at 55 mph; yet they account for 50% of all

October, 1985

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Protectionist Peril

by Scott Rickman

intended to increase sales of these products, then it simpl y domestic U.S. BECOMES NET DEBTOR follows that American consumers will TEXTILE INDUSTRY be stuck with the bill. An example COMPLAINS OF UNFAIR may clarify this case. Assume AmerCOMPETITION icans bought 100,000 cars last year, of Headlines such as these have been which 20% we re made in Japan. The . appearing ever more frequently in average price of an American-made our nation' s papers. These reports of car was $10,000, while a similar steadily escalating trade deficits have Japanese car costs $9,000. Now if a worried many Americans about the tariff of $1,000 per car is placed on health of the economy and the secuthese Japanese imports, then those rity of their jobs. Congress has feIt the 20,000 Americans who would have pressure to take action and has respurchased imports will be stuck payponded by initiating more than 300 ing higher prices. Although thi s tariff protectionist trade bills. The hue and revenue goes to the go vernment, the cry is one of, "Save American jobs for effect is that U. S. co nsumers are Americans". subsidizing the auto industry.

But protectionism is not the cure A second problem with protectionfor our current trade ills because it ism is that it often sparks retaliation. does not address that problem .

If the U.S. erects barriers to free-trade Moreover, it is counter-productive. in order to protect American indusLet us examine the underlying issues try, we cannot assume that our tradof trade deficits and the arguments i~ partners will remain idle. If anfor protectionism. other country' s auto sales to the U.S. The advocates of protectionism are reduced, then they may seek to .!>;.· ·claimvtbat .tllesources..Qf our current make up those sales by closing their tnide deficits stem from unfair formarket to American exports. The eign competition. Unfair, because U.S. does not exist in a vacuum and American access to markets abroad is protectionism could easily lead to a limited and because foreign oountries trade war. This certainly would not often have much lower wage rates. benefit any of the parties concerned.

These lower labor costs in tum allow Still, the protectionist might say foreign companies to underprice their that he is willing to pay higher prices American rivals. American firms to protect American industry and cannot compete under such condithat , after air, foreign markets tions and thus lose business and jobs (notably Japan) are already closed to to other nations. us. Here lies the crux of the problem.

The protectionist solution to such If, as the protectionists claim, trade unfair practices takes two forms. barriers are the answer to unfair Tariffs on imported goods would competition, then perhaps we should raise the prices of the goods and bring be willing to incur higher costs to them more in line with domesticallyhelp American industry . However, made products. Quotas would simply the problem is not simply one of restrict they quantity of imported unfair competition.· The U.S. accugoods and expand the markets open mulated trade surplusses through to American firms. By implementing much of the 1970's. In the past five tariffs or quotas, or some combinayears, few new barriers to American tion thereof, more American dollars products have been erected. What has will be spent on American goods and changed is the budget deficit. In 1980, American jobs will by saved. the deficit was $60 billion . In 1985, At first glance this may seem a very the deficit will be in 'he neighborsimple solution . If foreign firms are hood of $200 billion . This sudden, selling the same product for less, one massive increase in government borcan raise the price through tariffs, or rowing has raised U.S. interest rates. limit the amount sold through As foreign investors discovered that quotas. However, there is much more they could gain a higher return on to the problem . In the first place, their money , they shifted their funds there are hidden costs in protectionist to U.S. investments. This, in turn, measures and, secondly, their effectiveness is questionable. see page 5 .' What the American consumer is not told about protectionism is that it Scoft T Rickman is a Junior in will cost him money. If American Philosophy and Economics and a sta.ff products cost more than similar forwriter f or the Alichigan Review eign products and if protectionism is TRADE DEFICITS SOAR

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

October, 1985

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continued from page 5

by David Vogel

"You can walk into any town hall meeting, any senior citizens center, any Grange Hall in this country, and one of the first questions citizens ask is what in the world are we going to do to stop these outrageous (Defense department procurement) practices."

Rep. Ron Wyden's (D.-Ore) comments reflect the opinion of most Americans - that our government has been ripped off by greedy defense contractors. As William H. Gregory, editor-in-chief of Aviation Week and Space Technology (the bible of the aerospace sector) notes, "Citizens are always ready to believe waste in military procurement despite any explanation to the contrary." Sadly, though, the real crime had gone unnoticed - that Congress and the public have forced changes in the military procurement procedures, changes that could end up crippling the system.

The basic fact underlying the entire proc\lfemenl problem is that .few ' people truly understand the system including many Congressmen. Those who do understand the system are, of course, the defense contractors and Department of Defense (DoD) officials. "Where -these explanations of these horror stories (about military procurement) run' into flak is that to understand them often takes the background of a lawyer or an accountant familiar with defense procurement," Mr. Gregory explains. "(T)here are few who thoroughly grasp the complexities of the problem well enough to deal with the accusations (against the contractors) effectively." While these people are biased, most of their explanations are undisputable; they are veritable facts.

But Congress has ignored their explanations, and has charted a new path for the military that will eventually increase the very costs they are seeking to keep down.

In the past twelve months, 25 contractors have been cited for numerous accounts of fraud and waste included in the list is the prestigeous Johns Hopkins University. The "highlights" of these charges are the $659 ashtray, $404 socket wrench, and a $2,900 wrench. Three thousand' dollars for a wrench? Well, not quite.

What many people do not understand is that most of the money is not being spend on the wrench, but on other costs.

Each corporation has "overhead" lighting for their offices, paper, pencils, and a slew of other goodies. They

also have "engineering costs" - the costs of designing and perfecting systems they are building for the government. These costs are legally and rightly - passed on the consumer, in this case the 000. Until last year, these costs were applied equally to each "unit" sold, resulting in some very strange prices. For example, perhaps Grumman sells the Navy one ejection seat that costs $10,000 in parts and labor. To continue along that line, perhaps they sell a wrench that is specifically designed for the seat ($80). But say it costs Grumman $50,000 to design the seat. In the past they split that "engineering cost" and apply it to each "unit" sold - in this case two units, one seat and one wrench. Thus, the Navy buys the seat for $35,000, and a wrench for $25, 080. But really, the government is not buying a twenty-five thousand dollar wrench; it only looks that way.

This is why the Navy bought wteRches ftom General Dynamics for $2,917.45 apiece. The wrenches (which needed to have a notch cut in the top and, because they were to turn pins bathed in a cryogenic liquid, had to be specially coated) actually cost $80. But GD was selling the wrenches as part of a "set" that included the F-16 fighter and other spare parts.

Each part, including the planes, was one "unit". GD's engineering costs were split up evenly for each unit, and the cost of every unit was thereby increased by $503. But GO also took their total overhead on the F-16 project and split it evenly. Thus, $1,930.43 is added to each unit. The wrench ends up near $3,000. The planes also increased by $2,900, but compared to its $16 million sticker price, it is hardly noticed. Since then, most defense contractors have changed their practices, and split their overhead proportionally to the cost of every unit. What must be noted is t,hat this practice is entirely legal, and necessary, for if General Dynamnics could not pass off these costs, they could never stay in business.

Then there is the $659 ashtray for the E-2C spyplane, sold by Grumman to the Navy. In June, 1985, the Naval Air Rework Facility in North Island, ~f

page 7

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page II

David Vogel is a Junior in Aerospace Engineering and Production of the Michigan Review

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sponses from 1,2YU businesses in ten cities, further concluded that "quality of life factors" such as crime, adequacy of,public facilities, cooperatIOn play a major role In luring small businesses to enterprise zones.

The heaviest opposition ,to ~he proposed enterprise zone legIslatIOn has come from the AFL-CIO. They criticize the proposal as " . . . fundamentally a tax cut proposal which will further distort the tax laws and weaken them." The AFL-CIO is primarily concerned with the fairness of the enterprise zones. They state: "The most likely outcome (of enterprise zones) is a reshuffling of existing jobs and encouraging destructive interand intra-state competition for industry." The AFL-CIO further believes that the tax incentives, particularly the 5% wage credit, will favor those who work in the zone. If citizens of the zone work outside, they will not get such a benefit. Moreover, the AFL-CIO criticizes the bill's qualifying criterea for tax relief, stressing that existing firms in the zone will not be able to compete with a new firm that is subsidized through tax benefits.

Enterprise zones can only succeed in a city with responsible, competent government. It is the local government's duty to ensure that the enterprise zone is safe for a business to locate in. The local government must also lessen the regulations that will hinder the business' ability to generate a profit for both itself and its employees. However, the local government has to ensure that the business will treat its workers fairly and will not use the tax incentives to make a profit and run. Thus, the amount of government responsibility needed for the success of the enterprise zone is no different from the amount needed for UDAG grants and Community Development Block Grants, two government spending programs. For example, Atlantic City, New Jersey received a UDAG grant to begin construction on casinos. The casinos assured the local government that the profit generated by the casinos would aid the poor and elderly. However, the poor and elderly were subject to gentrification as new casinos were built in their neighborhoods. Thus, the casinos made enormous profits and the citizens of Atlantic City, who are mostly poor and elderly, were the losers.

This is obviously the result of poor local government responsibility in enforcing :,regulations. Without local government responsibility, enterprise zones will fail.

Urban enterprise zones deserve experimentation. In January, 1985, the US Conference of Mayors urged

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an economic recovery, the CIties, particularly those in the Industrial Northeast and Midwest, are experiencing a slower rate of growth, if any at all. The time is right to experiment with a solidly supported alternative. Moreover, enterprise zones are succeeding on a scaleddown basis in New Haven, Connecticut and St. Louis, Missouri. The New Deal programs were experiments legislated in a time of depression. Some programs, like the TV A and Social Security, worked, while the NRA failed, Furthermore, Johnson's Model Cities program was enacted and experienced mixed results. Perhaps the AFL-CIO's complaints about the enterprise zones will be valid. However, that and other questions about the proposed enterprise zone bill can only be answered if the bill becomes a law.

Green contInued from page 10

may bet up to $500. How much do you bet?

FB74: I I D bourgeois dollars.

ALEX: What?

FBU:路 We use heptadecimal to protest discri~ination against those who have 17 fingers. In your language my name is 76997 and my dollar amount is $319.

ALEX: The answer is . . .' the world's largest breakfast stop.

FBU: What is glorb?

ALEX: I'm sorry, that is incorrect.

FB74: 1 WIN! I WIN! I HAD AN ANTI-ANSWER! ON BEHALF OF MYSELF I DECLARE "WHAT IS GLORB" TO BE AS RELEVANT AS ANY OF YOUR POTENTIAL QUESTIONS. THE ANTI-FORCES HA VE TRIUMPHED! COMMENCE WITH THE CELEBRATION! ALEX: What the hell is going on?

FB74: Bring o'h the bikes! Bring out the anti-pod! (green people on green bikes dragging green dogs on leashes ride onto the set, knocking over the board. The last one carries a sphere, or should we say, an anticube.)

FBU: We have destroyed the jeopardizing capitalistic spirit!

VOICE: What do we do with spirits?

CROWD: BURN! FB74: Or annihilate . . . Bring me the anti-pod. (Cheers) The anti-pod contains a suspended module, a module held up by anti-gravity.

ALEX: And the module is made of . . .

FB74: ANTI-MATTER! Release the supports! Turn off the anti-gravity. Annihilate and exorcise all the bourgeois matter .. , BOOM! SARTRE: (From behind curtain) If hell is other people, then what am I ' ~ doing all alone down here?

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page 8

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

October, 1985

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the refusal to become adults and take their places in the responsible world of adults pointed to something deeper which was manifested in the radical wing of the women's movement and also in the increasing acceptance, among men , of homosexualit y. Both of these phenomena I see as flights on the part of either sex from the natural imperative to take their places, even biologically, in the world of adulthood through the breeding and raising of ,children and the responsibili ties that come with the breeding and raising of children. This is, I suppose, . Norman Podhoretz is the editor of rate from what used to be considered of the earliest expressions of this the most controversial section of Commentary Magazine and a na- a Reaganite point of view. This is came from the author ofa book about Breaking Ranks. perhaps even more tionally syndicated columnist. He is espeCially the case in foreign policy.

Columbia University called The controversial today. regarded as a chief spokesman for the He has been moving, I think, quite StrQlt'berry Statement. Some years REV/Eli ': With the recent shakeneoconservat ive movement. Mr. steadily toward a repackaged version later, in the mid-Seventies, he wrote a ups in the Soviet Union, the removal Podhoretz has authored severa! books, of the detente agreements that were piece in Esquire saying that he had of Andrei Gromyko and Grigory Roincluding Breaking Ranks, Why We negotiated in 1972 by Nixon. I should bought a Porsche and how wonderful rna nov, the Soviets appear to have Were in Vietnam, and The Present add that the movement in this direcit was. I remember being struck by the strong leadership they lacked DanRer. tion began taking place before the that article, as many other people since the late Brezhnev years. How REVIEW: In the months following second term and was discern able as were, and seeing it as the end of an should the United States deal with President Reagan's re-election, Jew- early as the third year of the first era. In that sense, the 'Me-Decade' Mikhail Gorbachev? ish neoconservative leaders have term . As a matter of fact, I wrote a did represent a repudiation of some PODHORETZ: The United States been criticized for an unsuccessful piece in 1982 warning against this aspects of the radicalism of the Sixshould deal with Mikhail Gorbachev, attempt to mobilize Jewish voters as tendency and it became even clearer ties. in the first place, by recognizing that a bloc to support the President. As during the campaign in 1984. Since But there is also an element of his relatively fashionable wife and one of theseleaders1 how do , you his reelection there h~s been an accontinuity here in the very fact of superficially civilized manners are respond to'this Criticism? '" " celeration which is slightly camouself-preoccupation . I never believed, irrelevant to the realities of his posiPODHORETZ: First of all, you flaged at the moment by charges from even when I was on the Left in the tion in the Soviet hierarchy and to have to make it distinction between Moscow and also from the media of early Sixties, that the youth culture the objectives of Soviet foreign policy the neoconservative intellectuals and deterioration in relations. All this is a and even the radical movement of and the strategies that will be followpolitical activists within the Jewish pre-summit smokescreen. The fact is that periop were particularly idealised in the conflict with the United community. In no sense have the that unless something une~pecte<:l , tic in the normal sense of that term . . State~ and , the ~est in ~ general. Gor, jewish.· conservative int ellectuals ·s houldfOccur. the.

Reagan 'A,d:- '~""":WHat ~,w€,~i{~ll'~'M~byt'fdeaiisrii'>' bachev. ~ \ike ~other "Soviet teaders, is ' involved~ in any attempt' tomit'iistration~ili bemiiiatis-mulanthe tran~cendence of self-interest dedicated, by whatever means necesrnobilize Jewish voters as a bloc to ' dis. a replay of 1972. If so, it will have The truth of the matter is that there sary, within the limits of prudence, to support President Reagan or anybody the same consequences, or perhaps was an enormous component in that establlshmg Soviet hegemony over as else. It is not my job; in fact, I don't worse consequences, than detente did culture of sheer selfishness and th~ much of the world as possible. There engage in partisan politics of that sort the first time around. pursuit of self-interest. As almost has never been any change from the at all. Nor is it the job of someone REVIEW: In Breaking Ranks, you everyone now recogni zes in retrodays of Lenin to the days of Gorbalike Irving Kristo!. We are not ward describe sixties radicalism as ' . . . a spect, the anti-war movement was chev in that objective and in that healers or electioneering activists. We form of idealism that really reprevery popular among young people so strategy. Lenin prescribed maximum are intellectuals who discuss issues sented a refusal to be who they (the long as they were in danger of being tactical flexibility in the pursuit of and try to clarify the realities as we radicals) were and to assume respondrafted. The minute that danger th is objecti ve ~ one step forward, two see them . We are not particularly sibility for themselves by taking their faded, the anti-war movement faded steps backward, two steps forward , committed to either party. I, for place in a world of adults.' Were the on college campuses. There are many one step backward. So long as you example, remain a registered Demo- 1970's, the so-called 'Me-Decade', a other examples of the same tendency. know what direction you are going in erato It just happens rhat Ronald manifestation of this attitude?

There is a great misreading of what and what you wish to achieve , you Reagan , ,especially early on in his PODHORETZ: Not really. Actualthe young people of that period were can afford to be flexible, You can administration , seemed to stand for )y, the so-called 'Me-Decade', as like. They were called idealistic. They launch a peace campaign if that certain values and traditions that derived from what Christopher Lasch were not idealistic. Never. Not then, seems to be the best tactic. You can coincide with what you might call a and others have called the 'Culture of and not when they moved away from become very belligerent and go to war radicalism as a strictly political attineqconservative position and to that Narcissism', can be seen to some if that should seem necessary or extent I supported him. I have also extent as a reaction against the tentude. s(,(' page 9 been highly critical .o fhim, especially dency that I detected in the radicalMy own emphasis in talking about lately when he has been departing ism of the Sixties and that J described from those values. So I respond to in Breaking Ranks as 'the refusal to COMPLETE AREA CODE 313 this criticism by saying that it is assume responsibility for themselves ATHLETIC OUTFITTERS 668-6915 highl y irrelevant to what I do and has '. by taking their place in a world of no bearing one way or the other, and adults.' Actually, the habits, mores is, moreover, a product of a kind of and values that came .to the fore in Philistinismabout intellectual life what was called the 'Me-Decade' and which is reduced here to electioneer- that are still visible among the soing. called Yuppies today, were.a disRE~,[ EW: Many critics of Presi- guised form of retreat from the E.J. \\BUD" VAN DE WEGE, Pres. dent Reagan , both liberal and con- countercultural values that were asservative, believe that he has entered sociated with one side of the radicalHANKY VAN DE WEGE, V.P. a lame duck period. This assessment ism of the Sixties - the side involving . "" is rather hasty. How would you the repudiation of material goods, of characterize the President's term thus middle class values, of work, ambi71 t NORTH UNIVERSITY far? tion , and success. The retreat from MICHIGAN WEAR ANN ARBOR, MI PODHORETZ: I don't think that that whole ethos expressed itself in a Champion Sweats " Reagan is a lame duck, though I do , kind of defiant assertion of the desire . . ~,

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desirable in a given situation, such as fact, we have done the opposite.

A..fghanistan. In any event, the tactics There is a lot more we can do to help can vary, but the overall strategic the Afghan resistance, Savimbi in objective remains consistent. Gorba- . Angola, and the Contras in Nicarachev, no less than any of his prede- gua. These are all important, but they cessors, is committed to the expan- .all take their place in a strategy that sion of Soviet power and influence .we have not agreed upon. The Soviets and to the establishment of Soviet have a strategy in relation to us. We imperial sway over as much as the :do not have a strategy in relation to globe as will collapse, preferably jthe Soviets. We have yet to develop without having to fire any shots. ;one, even after 40 years, beyond the This means that the United States Idefensive idea of containment, which has to remain strong. We have to is very good as a minimum but not continue to work toward a restoration good enough for the long haul. It was of the deteriorating military balancejnot even envisaged as a long haul because so long as the military bal- istrategy by George Kennan when he ance favors the Soviet Union, this , ~wrote the original Mr. X article. Most ..will result in greater political aggress- ~ people don't remember that Kennan iveness. We have allowed that bal- 1himself said that containment would :: ;ance to slip from a position of .', lead within IO or 15 years to either a American superiority to a position of, mellowing or breakup of the Soviet at best, parity. Nobody doubts that ' ' Empire. That was 40 years ago. r they have caught up to us. Some of us would like to see a more forward think that they already have a net strategy adopted. We have to stop .superiority of military power. Others helping them. Most people do not disagree, but nobody claims that we ' r~cognize the extent to which the now enjoy military superiority, as we Soviet Union depends on Western did for a very long time. This is help, economic help basically, to extremely dangerous and the first evade the consequences of its own order of business remains what it has economic and political system.

REVIEW: The riots in South Afribeen for five years now: to make sure that the balance does not slip any ca, created 'by the barbarous tenets of . further. There has been an enormous apartheid, have been at the forefront amount of talk about the unprece- . of the media's agenda for many dented Reagan military buildup, but,\ months. In Ethiopia, a Marxist re- : in fl,lct, the Reagan military buildup gime is starving its population into "has not been all that great. The rates submission7Both ~yent~haye gone . are turning out 'te, 'be what Jimmy, ;largely . urtcovered' fofmany "'years ' Carter promised after the invasion of only to become major stories. Do you .. . Afghanistan, and what he would have believe there is a set of selective pursued, at least if he had kept his blinders worn by the press? What campaign promises of 1979 and 1980. . should be done about this?

It has not been so gigantic a buildup PODHORETZ: There is not the and, in fact, in my opinion the slightest doubt that the press wears buildup has not been great enough selective blinders. I'm not sure there and the balance has still not been is anything we can do about it, berestored. yond constant criticism in the hope The second thing we have to do is that people who edit the newspapers to resist the enormous temptations to and run the television news divisions rush into arms control agreements, in will 'have their consciousness raised.' order to have an agreement or in There are signs that criticism has order to fool ourselves with the illu- been having an effect, particularly sion that an agreement will make us since the hostage crisis. Grenada was safer or reduce the risk of a nuclear also a great trauma to a lot of the war. It won't. We particularly have to people in the media. Given the enorbe careful about SOl, not to trade it mous power that the media people away for some promise of reductions command, it is unrealistic to think by the Soviets in offensive weaponry. that anything legal can be done.

I believe that the Strategic Defense Anyhow, legal measures would be Initiative is a promising direction for unwise, but one has to' keep criticizus to go in. It would be an enormous ing and making the point, especially mistake to yield to the Soviet presin situations like the TWA hostage crisis when the problem becomes so sures on us to give it up.

The third thing we have to do, and visible to so many people. this is something I fear we will not As for the question of what causes the condition of selective blinders, I do, is to move much more forcefully toward the destabilization of the Sodon't know anybody who has given a viet empire. That means using presreally satisfactory answer: It is true that most media people are in some sure in the places of the empire that are most vulnerable. That, incidensense liberal. There is not the slightest tally, does not involve the risk of war doubt of that. Studies show it over and over again. Anyone who lives in with the Soviet Union. I'm talking about Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Pothat world knows that this is a fact land; Angola. In each of these places and it is ludicrous to deny it.

But the problem goes deeper than there are things we can do to weaken the Soviet position. There are ecotheir liberal attitudes. What you have nomic weapons :0 be used in relation he(e is a sociological condition. Colto Poland which we have not used. In leges and professional schools are so •

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ovemhelmingly liberal that even if favorable geographically. In a sense, Jesse Helms were to buy CBS, he we deserved to lose because we were would have great difficulty, perhaps. not willing to pay the price of victory, he would find it impossible, to stock When I say we, I mean the nation as a the news division with enough whole, 4 presidents in a row. succescompetent people who share his sive Congresses. Looking back, I felt point of view. On the other hand, we that our political leaders, had they have to remind ourselves that we are been wise, would have known that talking here about businesses. They the country would not be willing to are in this to make money, just like pay the price that would have to paid any other corporation. to win such a war. In this case it The gap between their view of the turned out that Eisenhower did have world and the world of their audience : the kind of wisdom that the Kennedy is growing so great that it threatens to ; people lacked. Eisenhower certainly inflict some commercial damage. ; was anti-Communist and certainly That certainly is one kind of pressure I understood the importance of trying that might, in the course of time, ; to contain the spread of Commuhave an effect. ,B ut I don't at all nism. Nevertheless, he believed that underestimate th~possible effects of it would be a big mistake to get constant, responsible criticism. involved in another lan~ war in Asia, REVIEW: Wh'a t lessons did particularly in Indochina. If you look America learn from Vietnam? What . back and see some of the things lessons should America have learned j Eisenhower said, he was remarkably . impressive. from Vietnam?

PODHORETZ: The lesson that . The people who think that we was learned from Vietnam, at least , could have won the war are right in a for the first few years after the war, is strict1ymilitary sense. But being the that the entire policy of trying to : kind of nation we are, it was unlikely resist the spread of Communism - ,that we would do what would have that is, the policy)rnown as contain- ' been necessary. So we 10st.The peoment - was not only unworkable but ' pie of Indochina paid a terrible price morally flawed. ··The lesson that : for the loss of the war. We paid a should have been learned was not . different and lesser price which we ~hat this entire Wlicy was flawed ~r ,~311 ~~in!. But I don't think it Immoral but, on t'hecontrary, that It ; wasanytlung to be ashamed about. was at the very least morally sound. We made a mistake out of an excess Witness the terrible ;<>nsequen s of ,ofidealistic7.eal. We went to war and 6uf defeat 'ifi Vietriiirit .and th~ trl~"" :': we sacrificed . Wb)I 'did we do this? umph of CommunIsm there, which ~ There was nothing in it for us in the certainly justify the morality of the :: material sense at all. It was a purely efforts to fight those consequences. idealistic venture. There is a kind of The other lesson that should have mons.ous irony in the fact that this been learned was that any policy, purely idealistic venture should have however sound, has to be prudent1y been condemned by virtually the applied. Vietnam represented the whole world as some kind of impeimprudent applicatjon of a funda- rialistic crime.

The questions for this interview mentally sound policy, and I think we are beginning to come to that view of were prepared by the editors and staff the war. This is evident in some of afthe Rn'iew, ~ the more recent writing on the war, challenging the anti-war orthodoxy .,.._• • •_ _ _ _ _• _ _ _. . and looking for more specific reasons . having to do with imprudence or mistakes that don.'t go to the heart of I containment itself, but involve the , way the war was fought.

As I said in my book, looking at the whole story at some distance, with some historical perspective, it seems clear that going to Vietnam was an act of reckless, quixotic idealism that came out of the Wilsonian side of American foreign policy. One can Originate/Answer criticize Wilsonian idealism as naive, • Direct Connect b~t not as immoral or imperialistic. It • Carrier Detect Indicator is also clear from the consequences of • Full Duplex our defeat that President Reagan was right when he said that Vietnam was 11100 a noble cause. We made an enormous UST PRlCf: $99.UO (Sh. wt 2 Iba,) number of mistakes in the way we

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October, 1985

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It's Not Easy Being Green

by Joe Typho

ALEX: Hi, I'm Alex Trebek, host the New Journalism. We seek to of the new, fresh, synthesized stimulate without using stimuli, to 'Jeopardy.' Welcome to today's show. pontificate without being hierarchiWe welcome back our returning cal, to illuminate without enlightenchampion, Harold Pottholz, a pro- ing, to . . .

ALEX: Sounds nice. Let's get on fessional rust repairer. How's busiwith the show. Our categories are ness, Harold?

POTPOURRI, FRESH FRUIT, THE HAROLD: Quite fine, thank you, CIVIL WAR, SHAKESPEARE, and Alex. You might want to remove that two for Ed McMahon: POTENT microphone - studies indicate that stainless steel can cause warts and POTABLES and THE WEARING 0' THE GREEN. Harold, as defending elephantiasis. champion, you start.

ALEX: Thanks for the advice. . .

HAROLD: I'll take THE CIVIL Our first challenger is Marietta $100.

WAR for Holmes, a pilot for United Airlines.

ALEX: The answer is . . . the first New tier or old tier? state to secede.

MARIETTA: Old tier. Do you (FB74 screeches) really want to be Jane Fonda's stepALEX: FB74, would you please step-father? .. use your buzzer?

ALEX: (Pause) Our third con~es­ FB74: A buzzer implies a Pavlovtant has no name. He is simply known as 'Anti-Author FB74.' What ian response. I am a free thinker.

Therefore, I use an anti-buzzer . . . does that mean, FB? FB74: I am the anti-editor of the The first state to secede.

ALEX: Is that your question?

Green anti-newspaper. We represent

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That's identical to the answer I gave.

FB74: It is an anti-question. Your alleged authority has no meaning.

You cannot be completely objective in judging our responses, so why even bother to give reasonable questions?

Siunce we cannot be completely objective, we shouldn't even bother to try. Objectivity i~ a tool of the old journalism. We reject it.

ALEX: That's like saying that since we can't have complete peace we should start a nuclear war.

FB74: You are worthless and meaningless. We seek a New Way. We seek to disorient, dislocate, disperse, . . .

ALEX: and disgust. Your antianswer is wrong. Anybody else?

MARIETTA: What is South Carolina?

ALEX: That's right. You now have $100.

FB74: Stolen from the oppressed classes. My anti-money will be given back, by paying people to read our anti-publication.

ALEX: Marietta, would you choose a category?

MARIETTA: I'd like to try POTENT POTABLES for $100.

ALEX: The answer is. . . gin and vermouth.

FB74: What is a martini?

ALEX: That's right. Your back to zero. Pick.

FBN: I'd like to create an anticategory. How about FASCISM? ALEX: I'm sorry, we have no Fascist questions.

FB74: That's what you think.

ALEX: You must choose one of the categories on the board.

FB74: All right, I'll temporarily conform. POTPOURRI for $350.

ALEX: You can't choose $350.

There's no question . . .

FB74: You fail to see the forest for the anti-trees because you stare at the trees labeled $100, $200, $300, and so on.

ALEX: Well. we didn't think to include the anti-trees, so choose a tree.

FB74: . .. All right. POTPOURRI for $300.

ALEX: The answer is (DING DING DING) the Daily Double. You have no money but in this round you see page 7

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Joseph Trpho is a Senior in the School qf Natural Resources and Buddhist Studies and was reportedly shot down while hang-gliding mer Sakhalin Island.

R···eJ',/ew · The Kiss of the SpiderwoIpan

III • • l"~O,,,e~I''''''

by Paul Flack and Molly Suessmuth

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After seeing The Kiss of the Spiderwoman , the viewer is left with a devastating feeling, similar to a Shakespearean tragedy. Like the famous tragedies Hamlet or Macbeth , the hero in The Kiss of the Spiderwoman is driven to destruction by an inner obsession. The tragic hero is always an otherwise noble person, but his circumstances force him to yield to his obsession.

The main characters are cell mates in an unnamed police state, torn by political turmoil. Raul Julia plays Valentine Arregui, a member of the underground resistance, arrested by the secret police while attempting to help the founder of the resistance escape the country. Louis Molina, played by William Hurt, is Valentine's homosexual cell mate being held for "corrupting a minor." Essentially, the movie revolves around the close relationship that develops in the jail cell, and eventually the pair ironically understand and accept each other's way of life.

Molina is a window dresser who lives with his mother, and spends most of his life longing for a "real man." Molina is convinced he should

have been a woman, and refuses to give any information to the warden, hide his feminine qualities. He he is released. The secret police asdresses in the most extravagent sume that Molina is now involved in colors, and makes himself up like the resistance, and wait for him to Marilyn Monroe. Her pictures deco- make a contact. Molina sets up a rate his walls, not because he enjoys meeting with the resistance to deliver her beauty, but because she is his a message from Valentine, but when the secret police follow him to the idol.

Valentine is a journalist who is meeting place, a member of the redeeply distressed about the injustice sistance shoots him for fear that he he observes, and feels compelled to will be arrested and forced to disclose help stop the persecution of his fellow valuable information.

Even though the action develops countrymen. However, he is deeply in love with a woman in the ruling rather slowly, the movie never lags. class, who nearly talks him out of In addition to the intricate plot, the characters are developed to the point participating in the resistance.

Valentine has been tortured, but that the viewer thoroughly underrefuses to disclose valuable informa- stands each person. The photography tion about the resistance. The police and music are not overdone, but warden then promises Molina an serve as vehicles to enhance the early release if he can get Valentine to characters. The music is so skillfully talk. However, during the many con- integrated that is does not draw the versations that take place in the jail viewer's attention from the plot. The cell, Molina sympathizes with Valen- film's view of the world is through tine's suffering, and later falls in love the perspective of the main characters with him. Although Valentine is in- and therefore the photography enitially antagonistic and scorns Mo- hances the audience's understanding lina's behavior. he gradually relies on of them.

Political themes are an important Molina to get through the torture and part of the movie as well. In addition sickness, and returns Molina's love.

When Molina refuses repeatedly to to the description of the police state

and its atrocities. the movie portrays certain members of the resistance as self-serving killers. However. the film centers on people and the tragedy of sacrificial love. ~

•

Paul Flack and Alolly Suessmutl! are Juniors in English and staff writers for the Michigan Rel'iew.

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October, 1985

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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II

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Murray

Waste

continued from page 12

continued from page 7

California estimated how much it would cost the government to manufacture the same ashtray. Their estimates: $1,159.11 in labor, $46.70 for materials. Net cost: $1,242.11. It seems Grumman saved the government 50%. Of course, the very need for the ashtray is debatable, but that is not Grumman's decision to make.

Most spare part costs are seemingly unreasonable (such as a $9,000 coffeemaker for the Army), but some people do not realize that most of the cost is not for the actual unit sold, but the method by which companies pass off overhead to the government. But Congress, led by various loud-speaking members blasting the 000, quickly instituted new rules for the 000 to follow. These rules are going to increase the very costs they are attempting to diminish.

In the past year, Congress mandated that the 000 buy directly from subcontractors for spare parts. In the past, when the 000 bought major equipment from a prime contractor (such as a tank from Chrysler or a plane from Grumman), the government directed the contractor to purchase spare parts and tools for that equipment, and to pass on the costs.

The contractors turned to smaller subcontractors who actually produced these small but important pieces of hardware. (This practice is still followed some 60% of the time.)

Now, in some cases, the 000 is forced by law to "direct-buy" from the subcontractors, and buy at the cheapest price. While having the prime contractors do the buying is an expensive way of business, the new way is twice as expensive.) There are three major reasons why this new method will increase spare part prices and cause unnecessary delay. Firstly, the 000 must accept a bid from anyone who wishes to supply them with a spare part. Then the DoD must contract with the. lowest bidder.

In most cases, the 000 will be unfamiliar with each bidder. As an official at a large aerospace firm stated, "The government can't deal with suppliers the way we do. They have to accept the lowest bid and they get into political situations as to where to place the business. We as private contractors don't have to get into that." He also said that there is a high risk factor not readily seen - that the lowest bid probably comes from some minor company that has never produced the part before.

Secondly, the time to procure the actual part is significantly longer. As Al'ia/ion Week reported in the conclusion of one study, prime contrac-

•

tors can produce a spare part for the military in 30 to 60 days. However, when the 000 has to do the shopping, must unforeseen red tape gets in the way, and often the "lead time" is a year - 10 times as long!

Finally, the costs to the 000 are exhorbitant. For every dollar the· government pays to prime contractors to produce or buy spare parts, the 000 could buy directly for 60 to 70 cents. But it costs the military another 80 cents in administrative work and sales activities - resulting in a higher cost per unit than the government pays now!

The shame is that the higher costs and longer procurement times have hurt the overall efficiency of the military. "Direct buying has already resulted in disruptions of supply, but the impact on readiness rates will not likely by connected in the public mind to changes in buying practices brought about by horror stories," lamented Mr. Gregory. ' The "horror stories" of fraud and overPriced equipment have brought needed attention to the problems that still exist in defense procurement.

Mr. Gregory notes that "there has been a flavor of business-as-usual at the Pentagon and within industry, an aura that the public treasury is bottom less." There are still many cases where corporate officials have passed off vacation costs as "overhead".

There problems are, of course, only the tip of a very large iceburg.

For the most part, Congress' attempts to curb the problems have been well-intentioned. Unfortunately many members are not equipped with the most important tool knowledge of the procurement system - to combat the problems correctly. Some of their solutions, such as July's bill that imposes criminal penalties on executives who commit fraud, are laudable. But until Congressmen and other citizens curtail their sometimes uninformed complaints about "waste and fraud", and instead turn to knowledgable sources inside the military, the problems will only increase. As costs rise, the taxpayer loses. As procurement times rise, the military loses. As the military becomes weakened, the nation loses. Nearly everyone agrees that we ought to get the best military for the money. Mr. Gregory: "The hysteria of the moment with ill-studies charges of waste, fraud, and abuse is going to damage the nation's military posture an<;l its defense base. " Do we understand what we'ye. done?

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poverty," or the amount of poverty apparent before government transfer payl11ents.

Besides acquiring the inability to earn money for themselves, the poor also had to bear the burden of an increasing rate of crime and decreasing quality of education. During the.

1960's, the rates of arrest and conviction declined substantially. As a result, the rate of crime rose accordingly, and the poor were victims of it to an inordinate degree. The new ideology was that failure was not the responsibility of the individual, but of the system. Thus, lower SAT scores and strict discipline codes indicated "cultural bias," and the real problems were ignored.

Murray proposes three solutions to reduce poverty. In social policy, we should adopt the color-blind interpretation of the civil rights laws. as they were originally advertised. Both Blacks and whites could benefit from such a policy. Whites would not have to worry about being excluded from certain jobs arbitrarily, and blacks would not have to worry about that or earning less money later in their careers. A research finn that is required to empl()yabhlck on its seni()r staff in 'order to Qualify for a government grant will not make intense demands on him under current policy. Without learning the apprenticeship skills, that employee's career can

. never grow; he may bear the title and collect the salary of senior staff, but that is it.

In educational policy, there should be more achievement tests. Children would learn that hard work leads to success, and educational progress would acquire more meaning. In welfare policy, the current system should be entirely dismantled. However, programs at the local level could still operate. Participants would not be arbitrarily excluded, and the real causes of failure would be found more easily.

Murray's portrayal of people always following the profit motive may seem inappropriate to some.

However, the universal language of money does promote a certain cultural understanding. One of the roleplaying exercises features a farmer in an underdeveloped country who rcfuses to switch from growing rice to growing jute despite his government's advice to do it. While experts have to study this man's culture for years in order to find a satisfactory answer, any reader of Murray will know that the farmer cannot afford to lose the gamble. He knows that rice is a proven winner, and he cannot risk failure of the jute.

No matter what one's political ideology is, it would be a good idea to read this book. The New Revolution (l\ay \)e upder w.y~ . ~ . M.~y ~df conCluded, "If reforms do occur, they will happen not because stingy people have won, but because generous people have stopped kidding themselves."

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Harrington continued from page 12

tions have a bit more substance to them, but he realizes that any solutions are going to be difficult to implement.

One way the United States might achieve full employment for itself would be to aid the poor countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. An ironic aspect of this solution is that Harrington complains that there are homeless people in New York because there are steel mills in South Korea, that large corporations have no country to be loyal to, and that other countries are building factories for. these corporations. If Harrington's solution is implemented, and it succeeds, what currently underdeveloped country will be given the chance to exploit the United States as South Korea has?

Since economic planning is inescapable, we may as well do it right.

Even conservatives seek to stimulate initiative by·· means of laws rather than of markets. There should be no tax breaks for any company that eliminates jobs or. chooses not to create them, such as when a company

closes a marginal operation to save on its social security taxes or gobbles up an existing business rather than invest in a new market. However, the Kemp-Garcia Enterprise Zones should not be supported. They institutionalize the notion of an inferior work force. Also, the United States tried a similar experiment on Puerto Rico in the 1940's. It attracted only unreliable businesses, and it ended up driving Puerto Ricans to the slums of New York City. Such a program could victimize them again.

Before anyone reads this book, he should be aware of the meaning of words like "exploitation."

If the situation of the United States and South Korea were reversed, how many people would be saying that we were exploiting the South Koreans?

Nationally, some women's groups have said that the anti- homework laws exploit women trying to work; To others, those laws are protection against the exploitation of women in the workplace. One also has to decide whether free market laws allow the free market to operate, or is it the free market that pays taxes in exchange for ace r t a i n service?

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page 12

October, 1985

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Books in Review The New American Poverty

by Joseph M. McCollum

THE NEW AMERICAN POVERTY,

by Michael Harrington. Holt, Rinehart, and Winston: New York, 1984.

271 pp. $18.95 Michael Harrington cam'e out with

The New American Poverty last year ..

It is an answer to the recent conservative books on social policy, including Murray's Losing Ground and Thomas Sowell's Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality? Harrington's book is not entirely new; he synthesized parts of it from previous articles he had written. For that matter, the other two books are not completely new.

Harrington anticipates what each of them will say from their previous statements. He takes issue with Murray's "Homo economicus" on the grounds that it is a stereotype, Thomas S')well, the well-known black economist from Stanford, preaches the free market as the most effective way of rising out of poverty. Harrington disagrees with him, pointing out that the gains blacks have made in recent years have come in public

.~HltW~~~f~¢~~i~~~~9.~~n~> Harrington's main technique is the emotional appeal. He tells the tragic story of the deteriorating Mononga-

hela Valley, the "Superfluous People" in New York, the "feminization" of poverty, and neglected Appoalachia and the American Indian Reservations. There are poor wages and working conditions in the textile industry. The illegal aliens are easily exploited, and they all unwittingly exploit each other by settling for lower and lower wages.

During the "War on Poverty," there was not such a tremendous expanse inb social programs as many imagine. There was a large increase in some social spending, but most of it went to the non poor, especially the nonpoor elderly. Most people forget about "welfare for the rich" in the guise of uncollected capital gains taxes. AFDC may have appeared to grow at an outstanding rate, but there was never any saturation of the problem. In 1960, there were about 3 million AFDC recipients among 40 million poor; in 1976, there were almost 11 million AFDC recipients among 5 million poor.

According to Harrington, the job training programs of the 196'O's were

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marbble, consIdering that the programs had the responsibility of training unskilled people for jobs when there were increasing numbers of

Losing Ground J-"

by Joseph M. McCollum

LOSING GROUND: AMERICAN SOCIAL POLICY, 1950-80, by Charles Murray. Basic Books, Inc.: New York, 1984.323 pp. $23.95 In 1962, Michael Harrington wrote a book called The Other America. It brought the poverty problem to the public eye, and it helped to set the manner in which the United States would deal with that problem for years to come. It capped a change in the ideology of public policy makers from the President to the campus ideologue. In 1984, Charles Murray published Losing Ground, a book that indicts that ideology. Using microeconomic role-playing exercises and macroeconomic statis~ics, Murray shows how the position of the poor has deteriorated over the years due to social programs and liberal ideology. Years from now, political observers may view this book as one that sparked a new change in public policy; whether it actually will is a problematic role-playing exercise.

To demonstrate this point, consid-

er Murray's "View from 1966."

Imagine a poverty expert who is asked about the large disparity in the socioeconomic status of the American Negro, as he was then described, and that of his Caucasian brother.

Could the disparity be diminished by passing broad civil rights laws, motivating employers' to hire Negroes, and offering free job training to anyone who wants it? Though he cannot believe that the hypothesis could materialize soon, the expert believes the situation would improve. However, another poverty expert predicts increases in the rates of crime, illegitimate births, and departures from the labor market. At the time, these predictions seemed ridiculous, but they happened nonetheless.

The job training programs of the 1960's were unsuccessful. By their own admission, they netted only a 1.5% increase in the earnings of the 'participants. Supporters of the programs like to extrapolate these meager results to show that the programs were profitable. However, there is no evidence that the participants were staying in the labor market that long.

skilled people who did not have jobs.

The Community Action Programs were underfunded, because too much money was spent on the Vietnam War. There were some projects that were failures, but they were due to interfering local officials, a reluctant business, community, and a prejudiced public. However, these programs were not designed to revitalize depressed areas; they were to realign the political power structure. They organized rent strikes, consumer groups, and voter registration campaigns. They gave new power to people who still have it to this day.

Harrington admits that in many states, a job at the minimum wage does not pay as well as AFDC: However this incongruity is no reason to reduce AFDC. Instead policy should be adjusted so that no one working lives in poverty. AFDC benefits are not high enough to yield a very high standard of living. The average welfare mother has just 2.2 children (though data from Murray suggest a dramatic increase since 1960) and the rest of the population has babies out . ()f~~dl9Sk <l,ta comparable rate.

About half the states still forbid the welfare mothers to marry; this antifamily provision was adopted when the government was reluctant to

adopt any welfare laws at all. If anyone expects welfare mothers to accept jobs, they should support additional job training and public day care so the mothers might be able to take jobs.

The crime problem is a difficult one to figure out. Short term imprisonment is merely training to commit additional crime. Poverty and the breakdown of values, which accounts for the increase in illegitimate births among the nonpoor, have something to do with it. However, Harrington admits there are other factors, and one he does not consider is the certainty of punishment.

Harrington's solutions f9r reducing poverty include adopting policies that favor full employment and wiser planning. It is much easier to operate a training program, find a job, and eliminate other forms of social injustice when the economy is running at full employment. Harrington discusses the Humphrey-Hawkins bill, which was designed to create full employment, but President Carter suspended it. The mechanism behind it was the right to sue society for not producing a job. Harrington's solusee page II

â&#x20AC;˘ The community action programs had an even more dismal record. The would-be model Oakland project spent $23 million on loans and grants to attract new jobs to the area, but only 20 of the 2,200 promised were actually created.

There are constraints on helping people with transfer payments. Programs cannot include everyone, or even everyone the sponsors of the program intended to help. There have to be arbitrary eligibility restrictions. Any transfer payment is unintentionally the purchase of inefficiency. Meanwhile, everyone else continues to make rational decisions.

Consider a young, unskilled, pregnant woman and the father of her unborn child. They live in contemporary America, in an industrial state -- Pennsylvania, for instance. In 1960, the woman could collect $23 per week from AFDC, but she would .neither be allowed to marry nor even to live with the man. Federal agents could make unannounced visits to verify compliance with the rules.

However, ajob at the minimum wage would pay $40 per week, so the most

rational thing for this couple to do would be to get married and decide that at least one of them take a job, By 1970, the woman could collect at least $66 per week from various social programs, including $50 per week from AFDC. By now, she could live with the man without sacrificing eligibility, and she would not have to worry about Federal agents visiting her. In about half of the states, she could get married. However, a job at the minimum wage would pay only $64 per week before taxes. If she took a job, the couple might lose some eligibility, but if he took one, they would lose all of it. The woman goes on AFDC, and the man lives with her until he feels useless.' There had been steady progress against poverty until the 1960¡s. Some progress naturally slowed due to saturation, but one statistic that rose was "latent see page It

Joseph M. McCollum is a Graduate Student in Industrial and Operations Engineering and Executive Editor of the Michigan Rel'iew