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page 2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

February, 1986

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§erpent's QI:ootlt Diet Department: A Girl Scout in the Washington D.C. area set a record for cookie selling. She managed to sell boxes to all sorts of important figures, including President Reagan and Secretary of Defense Weinberger. However, she was blocked from seIling cookies to Secretary of State George Shultz. Seems that Chief of Staff Don Regan wouldn't let the Scout anywhere near Shultz, because Shultz "must lose weight". Isn't Don getting a little over-protective?

The President himself, perhaps after eating the cookies, pronounced himself "705 years old or 24 Celsius." Oh.

....

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Governor Blanchard recently held a fund-raiser in the Michigan League. Sensing a need for alternative voices, and fulfilling our right to disseminate information, Review st~ffers placed several stacks of Reviews in the . building. Some of the Blanchard people 'did not take too kindly to the ideals of free press and decided to , lhrow away as many Reviews as they could find. The fund-raiser's name was "Dancin'." It should have been called "Trashin'."

The shuttle tragedy raises serious Questions on space travel and space weaponry, particularly the Strategic Defense Initiative. These questions will, and should be discussed extensively over the next few months. However, less than 48 hours after the explosion, a group on campus put up posters with a previously made quote by James Ionson stating that SDI computer software wasn't much more complicated than the Shuttle's software. Certainly the quote may be useful to make a point, but using it so soon after the tragedy seemed to display a lack of'sensitivity to say the least. However, those responsible for the poster took it upon themselves to add a drawing of several skulls under . the quote. To dance upon the graves of the Challenger astronauts in order to prove a polemic point is sick to say the least. Unfortunately, the group responsible remaiQ.ed anonymous. Not surprising. -

** One of the trashers of the Review was seen and confronted by a member of the stalL; When the staffer as.ked this "person" for his name, it was given as George McGovern. Quite appropriate, we think.

** Henry Kissinger has removed himself from consideration for the New York Republican gubernatorial nomination. Too bad, because a Cuomo-Kissinger race would have been fascinating if nothing else.

Another "person" took thirty Review's and, when confronted, expressed his intention to read all of them. For future reference: When a group of Reviews have the same cover, they are identical inside as well.

The latest country to get peeved at Libyan Kernel Gwahdafie is Cuba and their autrocrat Fidel "I got cut by the Washington Senators" Castro. Apparently, Cuba believes that Gwahdafie is an irresponsible adventurer who may provoke US military action. This makes us wonder how Cuba views its own government.

Hats off to Eldridge Cleaver, the former leader of the Black Panther Party in the 1960s. Cleaver will seek the Republican nomination for the Senate seat held by Alan Cranston. This announcement is yet another step in the movement away from the Jackson-Hooks stranglehold on black opinion.

** ** Just imagine, if Fidel Castro had rnade the Senators, he might now be managing, say, the Reds. Oh well, it is all Clark Griffith's fault.

** In a recent interview with that chic Gotham tabloid Village Voice, astute Uncle Mario espoused his unequaled knowledge on matters down South and proved that rhetoric can only get you . so far: . VV: What about aid to "me 'contras? ,. " .... "." MC: Nicaragua, I'm not too good. I'm no expert on foreign policy issues. And I don't like talking a lot on them. What is your question about Nicaragua? VV: Whether you favor, either through the CIA or any other agency, financial subsidies to the counterrevolutionaries in Nicaragua? MC: I'm going to pass on that. Seems like San Francisco Mario .forgot to read the latest party line.

"(0 all those supporters of the Dearborn shopping boycott, come on, don't be shy, let's do it up right. Dearborn is also the home of the Ford Motor Company (Fomoco, as we affectionately call it). We call on all boycotters to immediately divest themselves off all Ford products. Also, we call for a general strike against Ford until it moves its corporate headquarters out· of this racist city. Further, we propose to continue the boycott until Ford Development agrees to build a downtown shopping center so that Detroiters need not travel to the large, pleasant suburban malls to do their shopping.

severarpOs.iersadvet'f,ising the

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pearance of comedian Yakov Smirnoff were crudely defaced with such slogans as "fascist," "ignorance" and "doo-doo." (?). Smirnoff defected from the Union of captive republics. He witnessed first hand the totalitarian . policies of his "government". Yet, certain segments of this campus grant him the same treatment he received in the country that is the wor1d's greatest violator of human rights. Hmm.

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see page 9

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February, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 3

•......................................................................................................................................................•.................••. ,

II1rom lite iEititnr

TIlE

fEeRers

MlCHlGAR

To the Edllors.

Trouble on the Green

REVIEW Publisher Sandra A. Collins Associate Publishers James P. Frego Gerald Weis Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Kluko// Executive Editors Steve Angelofti JosephM. McCollum Production Manager David A. Vogel Emperor-in-Chief Donald Regan

The Dartmouth Review's recent must also be questioned. Did the dismantling of an anti-apartheid editors of the Dartmouth Review shack city brings to the surface an allow their staffers to overstep the important, yet often ignored question boundary of rational journalism and about the purpose of collegiate con- use the paper's name in an act of servative journals: are we serious destruction? The Dartmouth Review should journalists or simply radical adversaries to those on the other end of the consider its responsibility to its readpolitical continuum? The Dartmouth ers and fellow conservatives Review is the grandaddy of conserva- throughout the country. There are tive journals on our nation's cam- conservative journals on various puses and, in the last few years, has campuses that uphold/ the standards graduated its writers to such prestig- of true journalism. Our collective role ious journals as National Review, is to educate, not agitate, and to Policy Review, and The American provide a forum for rational discusSpectator. Moreover, they have sion of the issues. Thus, we ask the gained a national reputation for their Dartmouth Review one simple quesencounters with liberal groups on tion: why? ~ campus, including an incident where a liberal professor bit one of their editors: ..' i. .......... . However, the Dartmouth .Review's latest adventure forces this journal to question their credibility. What the SetJI B. KIUk0 fJ'IS a J umor . In . P0 /.: . .. lllea I Dartmout h ReView dId was lrrespon- S . d R··· dEE . . elence an usswn an as! uroSIble and an affront to theIr own S d' d'· Ed' . Ch',('.(' readers as well as the conservative PheanR t~ les an IS llor-ln- lej OJ . genera.I T t e_ _ eVlew. movement III 0 'III fi' nnge on _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ a group's constitutional right to nonviolent protest only mimics the totalitarian and fascist actions that the Dartmouth Review so blatantly criticizes. The leadership of that journal

Staff Charles Lipsig Lisa Luckow Thomas Meloche David Norquist Paddie O'Halloran Sharlene Prais SCOII T. Rickman Neil Roseman

Patrick Batcheller Craig Brown Debbie Buchholt: C. Brandon Crocker Peter Cubba Michael Davidson Karl Edelmann James Eridon

~6~

Paul Sellman

Jt1{rey$l'ons

,~fo/(v SlIwmuth

. /'0111 Flo~k

Bill Tayler Joseph Typha Eric Winiecke

Rodney Fuller '\'latthell' Gil/chess David Hirshman David Katz

-------------------------

HONORARY ADVISORY BOARD: JI<illiam Co/hum. Paul It'. ,\I('ra("krn. Su'ph('n 1. PlJilS(lr

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ir Tht, Michigan R('\ lew

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.The

***** Michigan Review responds:

Throughout his letter. Mr. Gould asserts the broad generalization that the Review has resorted solely to taking pot shots at liberals and has departed from presenting points in a "clear and well-rounded manner." In reading this ! letter. and the one which he sent us last Fall, which basically says the same thing, we wonder why Mr. Gould reads the RCI'icw so myopically. (Does he care to read past the Serpents Tooth page?). Some comments on the purpose of the Rericll' are meritoo. I First. the purpose of Serpents Tooth is to both criticize and praise events in society as well as reflect on them. Thus. we do nOI make a special effort to "rant and rave" at liberals and radicals for our own pleasure. We can do that outside of our journaL However, since many events on campus involve certain liberal and _II radical groups and personalities, and because that sector of campus is the most active politically, they will appear in Serpents Tooth more frequently.

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THE MICHIG."N REVIEW Suite Ont . 911 North Uni\'~Bity

R('1';{,\\'

"S iitli1'''~ hal'f' .~uidro my own thilllcinll and I alii /1fV/lG to COllnt my.w1f 0.< ont' of yO/lr studf'nt.s. " -RUN" • ./) ~.A\;"N

will be reviewt'd by 1ht' editorial staff and considered in

Once upon a time, there was a newspaper. It was a good newspaper. designed to present students with a different viewpoint than that other newspaper that had been around a long time, and had gotten a little worn around the edges. It let them know that it was all right to be conservative, and it presented its points in a clear and well-rounded manner. Even those who really didn't agree with what it said had to admit it was fair and even-handed. But then dark times befell the students who read this newspaper. It began to snipe at liberals, and look at the world with a jaded and sarcastic view. Where it once presented interesting articles that got their point across without being abusive. it now seemoo totally committed to locking horns with liberals purely for the sake of conflict and spite. It even took down its noble motto, "We will seek the truth. and endure the consequences, Hand replaced it with the arrogant-sounding "We are the Establishment." Alas. it seemed all was lost, with the newspaper having no recourse but to sinic further into the mire of muckraking and yellow journalism. and the students having nowhere left to turn . . . Will this fable end up with a happy ending? It sure seems doubtful, and that is ashame, all - because you feel threatened by every liberal event that happens here, and feel obligated to take potshots purely for your conservative t!njoyment. Who decided you were the establishmlilit? Who gave yOU tbisman(\ate to carry on war against anyone left of Barry Goldwater? What happened to the Review that was fair? As a former fan of the Review, I grieve for the journal that once was, and hope for its return. when once again, conservatives can have a newspaper we can be proud of. As things stand right now, we do not have one worth lining the birdcage with. I notice that the only letters you seem to print these days are those from your liberal detractors. The only conclusion I can draw is that like the Communists you rant and rave at, you are scared of criticism from within your own ranks, and not willing to admit it exists. Well. I have news for you: it does, and not just from me. Prove to us that you are willing to do something about it. Sincerely. Thomas Gould

see page II

_ _. . . . . . ._ _. . . . . . . ._

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page 4 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

February, 1986

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South Africa: A Tribal Conflict by David Katz

On December twenty-fifth of 1985, fifty-nine people were killed in fighting between the Zulu and Pondo tribes near the town of Durban, South Africa, On January third of 1986, twenty people died in a clash between the Pedi and Ndebele tribes north of Pretoria. This evidence of black fighting black would seem to contradict the popular argument presented by the media, which portrays the conflict in South Africa as predominantly racial. Like many other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, South Africa's problems are of a tribal nature. The American media's attempt to fit South Africa's situation into a mold resembling the racial conflicts in the United States during the 1960's has only caused a great deal of misunderstanding in this country and in the international arena. Before examining the tribal conflicts in South Africa more close-

authority that an African ruler had over his tribe, they did have the power to eradicate his boundaries by enforcing the ones they had drawn on their new map. Unfortunately, the newly-drawn European boundaries did not reflect the political boundaries of the existing African tribes. In some cases, enemy tribes were lumped together in . one colony. In other cases, large, self-governing tribes were split up into different colonies. For instance, if the Hausa-Fulani tribe had been left intact, it would be the largest country in Africa today. Instead, the Hausa-Fulani were split among Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Benin, Togo, Ghana, Upper Volta, Senegal, Guinea, and Mali. In some countries, such as Niger, the Hausa-Fulani made up a majority of the population. In some countries, like Nigeria, they made up a plurality. And in some countries,

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1885 and 1889, in which the fate of the African continent was decided. During these conferences, the map of Africa, as we know it today, was drawn. One of the remarkable aspects of these conferences was that there was not one African-born person present. A group of representatives from each of the imperialist European countries sat around a table and divided the continent, even though a map of Africa had already existed. The map that the Europeans drew ignored the existing tribal kingdoms. which had governed themselves for hundreds of years. Although these European powers could not usurp the

These ·facts were not'avaIlable to the Europeans in 1885;. however. Even if they were, it probably would not have made a difference. That the Hausas in Niger·' were declared French, the Hausas in Nigeria declared British, and the Hausas in Togo declared German, did not seem to matter. As a result of these conferences, countries like Nigeria and the Congo were composed of hundreds of tribes which could not talk to each other because they did not speak the same language, and· had very different customs and lifestyles. . When the countries of black Africa became independent between 1957 and 1964. they decided not to return

to their old tribal boundaries. They instead chose to adhere to the colonial boundaries. This principal was further established when it was officially included as a major section in the charter for the Organiztation for African Unity (OAU). The only exceptions to this strictly-followed rule occurred when four countries recognized Biafra in the 1967-70 Nigerian civil war, and when Somalia supported the right 'of the Ogaden region to break away from Ethiopia. There are several reasons why the new African leaders made this decision. First, any loss of territory would result in a loss oftheir power. Second, it was also economically advantageous to preserve the present boundaries. Changing the present economic institutions or trade relationships would require a long and unpleasant transition for most people. In some cases, however, such as the . i~QIl&Q. ,CJjSi~9f .1960~ '. the Nige~an CIvil war bf 1967-70, and the ongomg Angolan civil war, internal conflicts developed between tribes that had historically hated each other. For instance, in Nigeria, the three tribes that composed most of the population were the Ibos, the Hausa-Fulani, and the Yarubas. None of these tribes made up a majority of the popula-· tion, however. Thus, no matter ,which tribe ruled, a situation existed in which a minority of the population was governing the majority. With the Congo, the American media erroniously presented the facts by fostering two misconceptions. First, the media portrayed the blacks as warring savages. Using the same criteria,

however. the French and the British could have been labeled as warring savages throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The second misconception which was portrayed by both the media and the American government was that the warring parties in 'the Congo represented capitalist and communist factions. In most African conflicts, either side will "ally" with anyone who will supply them with weapons no matter what the political orientation of the supplier is. Now that the history and geography of South Africa has been put into context. it is possible to address the present system of government in South Africa. In South Africa, the conflict cannot simply be stated as one of white against black. In South Africa the term black is no more monolithic than the term communist is in the rest of the world. That is to say that. there are about ten tribes that make up the black, population of South Africa. the whites can be broken down into three different classifications, and the coloreds and Indians also contribute to South Africa's pluralistic population (see table). Since the English-speaking white South Africans are characteristic of a tribe, then Soutn Africa's population is composed of fifteen tribes- ten of see page II

David Katz is a Freshman in LSA and a stafJwriterforthe Michigan Review.

SOUTH AFRICA'S TEN BLACK TRIBAL HOMELANDS

TRIBE

POPULATION KwaZulu " .. " .. "" ... "" .... " .... """." .... 3,860,000 Transkei "".""."" ... """"." ....... ".,, ... 2.900,000 Lebowa ... """ .. "" .......... ,, .................. 2,040,000 Bophuthatswana .... ,.......... " ........ ".... 1,660,000

Ciskei " .............. """ .. " .... ",, ................. 900,000 Gazankuku .... ".""""."." ........ ", .... ,,,.,, 580,000 Venda .... ".".".""""", ... " ............. ,,",, .. 381.000 KaNgwane .. ".",,,,,, .. ,,.,,.,,,, .. ,,.,,.,, ... ,,,,. 377,000 Qwaqwa ...... ".""" ... " .... ""." .. " .. " ...... ,, 178,000 KwaNdebele .. "." ...... " ... " .... " ... ," ..... ". 176,000 Source: Jlol'c Your Shadow. by Joseph Lelyveld

BLACKS

Zulu' Xhosa Sotho Tswana' Tsonga' Nedebele Swazi Venda Others TOTAL

20% 18% 13% 9% 3% 2% 2% 2% 1% 70%

WHITES Afrikaans-speaking .. "" ....

... " ........ ".".10% ....... " ......... 7% Others " ....... """ .. " .. ,, " ................. " .. ,,' 1% 18% TOTAL " .. "" .. "." ........ """ .. "" ...... COLOREDS ... """ .......... " .............. ,, .... 9% INDIANS ........................................ , ... 3% Source: US and South African Government AgenCIes English-speaking "."" .. " ...... "

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February, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 5

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.Cltommtntury in

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An Honor Code for Michigan by Paul SeItman . For the past three years, the idea of a code of non-academic conduct has sparked controversy on campus. Yet why not consider an academic honor code? The proposal for such an honor code, presented by an MSA subcommi.ttee in the '84-'85 academic year, was rejected by MSA and was not well-received by the student body. However, some form of a liberal, academic honor code may provide undergraduates with much more flexibility and a less pressurized atmosphere, which would be beneficial and yet uncharacteristic of a large and rigorous academic institution. Both the University of Virginia and Haverford College are noted for their honor codes which encompass all :,; aspects of campus life, ranging from rape to plagiarism. The division of their codes into academic and social segments is not appealing, for social misconduct should not be punishable in any way which would affect one's academic schedule. Academics and social life, while both being integral parts of college life, are two separate entitieS. However, a code applying strictly to academics has the potential to be advantageous to everyone and is quite practical. The Honor System of Rice University is an excellent example of such a code and displays a marked contrast to the broad codes of conduct enforced at Haverford and Virginia. It is easily understandable why many students at the University of

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Michigan have become disturbed at window. He spent numerous nights sleeping in his room but was caught the mention of a non-academic honor code, particularly when one hears by a security guard on two different stories or actually reads honor counoccasions. Herbert was forced to apcil abstracts from schools with behapear before the honor council, which vioral codes. A student at the Uniultimately concensed him to make versity of Virginia claims that a him write a lettter to the community classmate was recently suspended explaining his actions and work for from classes because a small excess of the HQusing Office for a designated change was released from a vending period of time. When considering machine and he accepted the extra that without these resolves Herbert coins. Such a serious consequence already had to pay housing fines for from an innocuous action is ludiillegal residence, one must question crous. The alleged goal of the Virginia whether the trial process was really Honor System is to create an necessary. "atmosphere of trust." However, in In contrast to both the Virginia and instances such as these, the mechaHaverford honor systems, let us exnism is self-defeating since it greates . amine. Rice's .. honor system, which an atmosphere of fear. A student is'!' focuseson academics..FitSt, it should likely to feel compelled to conbe emphasized that the honor sistently evaluate his or her everyday systems of Virginia and Haverford actions for any hint of deceit and to operate in a similar manner to Rice's look over his OF her shoulder to see system, but only in the academic who may be watching. (In most cases, portion of their code. Moreover, even a fellow student either asks the stuin the academic section, a distinct dent to turn himself in to the honor difference exists in liberality and emcouncilor simply reports the stuphasis. In specific reference to Rice's dent.) Honor Council, the Honor System At Haverford College, a recent case booklet of Rice states, "The Honor involved .a student, "Herbert," who Council cannot, however, force the was working in town during the colsystem to work; only the student can lege's vacation. Students are not perdo this. The Council can only assist mitted to remain in the dorms during him in accepting his responsibility." vacations, so Herbert's boss provided Such a general policy statement ophim with a place to stay. Herbert, not poses the pseudo-policy tactics of the finding his boss to be a very pleasant Haverford Honor Council, which are host, decided to return to his dorm apparent in some of the council abon campus. The dorm was locked for stracts. In essence, the honor code at vacation, but Herbert found an open Rice will <:>nly remain in existence as

~tall

All 2\bout It!

long as the students wish its presence. While this may also be the case at Virginia and Haverford, one senses that the administrations at these two schools desire a code more than the students do, and that the social or behavioral part of each code is more of an infringement upon the students than a service. Additionally, while Rice's code dictates that the refusal to report another student's violation of the code is a violation' itself. the Honor Council is discouraged from blatantly searching for such infractions among the student body. In Article V of the Constitution oj the Honor System oj Rice University , the purpOse of the Honor Council is stated as solely "to administer and interpret the Honor System." Finally, since Rice's honor code is "academic," it imposes no greater a punishment to any breach of trust in the academic realm than our university advances. If one is caught copying t;omeone else's essay at the University of Michigan, serious consequences will ensue even though no such honor code exists here (excluding "take-home honor tests" for engineers). Rice, Virginia, and see page II

Paul Sellman is a Freshman in LSA and a sla./J writer Jor the Michigan Review.

From the U.S. News aM World Report, January 13, 1986: . . . (M)any conservative campus publications are thriving where no effective voice from the right existed before. The monthly Michigan Review. . . has recovered from a rocky start. Seth Klnkoff, 19-yur-old editor 0/ tie Michigan Review, says that when the journal began publishing four years ago, it was common for the campus radicals to destroy many of the copies. Today, Klukoff boasts of the publication's widespread acceptance as a "moderate, conservative voice" and claims a circulation of 15,000 to prove it.

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page 6 THE MI C HIGAN REVIEW

February . 1986

...................................................•...•........... ...•........•..• ••..............•........... ........................................ ............... ~

Struggle for IMSA Democracy IElections _

....--..

The MSA elections are fast approaching. In late March (the 25th In 1974, Angola was freed from the colonial reins of Portugal by and 26th), every U of M student will get a chance to elect another several diverse, yet well-coordinated rebel groups. The largest was led by Dr. Jonas Savimbi. However, within days after winning group of representatives. Now is the time for those thinking of running, whether incumbents or challengers, to form their alliindependence, the Cuban- backed MPLA seized control of the ances and pull .together. capital, Luanda, and has remained firmly entrenched in power The MSA election is always a great forum to debate the major ever since. Today, Savimbi and his UNIT A rebels continue to fight issues on campus. This year will be no exception; indeed, there are for a democratic Angola, currently controlling more than onethird many important issues to be discussed! Campus safety, womens' of the country. Quite miraculously, Savimbi has accomplished this issues, minority recruitment and retention, the proposed Code of without US military aid, which was curtailed by the Clark Non-Academic Conduct, SOl Research and the Research GuideAmendment in 1976. As a result, Savimbi was forced to ask South lines, are the major topics. Africa for assistance. This alliance is based on the neccesity of A special, fundamental issue has arisen in this election. During military aid, not on any deep friendship between Savimbi and the past two terms, MSA has passed several very political bills- the Botha. resolution blasting George Bush's speech in October, a bill The Clark amendment was repealed in 1985, creating a renewed supporting a pro-abortion rally in February, and a referendum that debate on whether or not to supply Savimbi with military aid. The past successes of UNIT A are beginning to diminish, largely the , will appcar on the Mar<::hbal~qt that would ban "terrorist" groups result of a freshly-Jed Soviet offensive. Soviet officers have taken from recruiting on campus. Many people have questioned the control, for the first time, in this civil war. Furthermore, the jurisdiction of MSA on these issues; undoubtedly, the election will Soviets are providing the Angolan military with some of their best be a battleground for opposing viewpoints on this matter. equipment: MiG-23's. Hind helicopters, and T-62 tanks. This The MSA elections affect all 'U' students; the student governmassive offensive is being conducted against a rebel group that ment can be the most important organization on campus. Everyone owes it to themselves and to their peers to get informed lacks an air force, effective anti-tank weaponry. and anti-tank guns. .zt. and hopefully get involved. All of this information came to the fore during Dr. Savimbi's recent visit to the United States. Here, Savimbi gained strong bipanisan respect as a man who truly desires to establish the democratic ideals of human rights,' franchisement , an open market economy, and freedom of speech. The US government must back up its vocal support for UN IT A's cause by furnishing him with militar~ aid. ~o Dr. Jonas Savimbi's dream of a democratic Angola ~. can become reality.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 7

February, 1986

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Against the Guillotine by Richard Birkett If you read the last issue of the Michigan RCl'iel1' you may remember reading that favoring or opposing legal abortion transcends ideological lines. Some on the right favor legal abortion and some on the left oppose legal abortion. The same can be said for the death penalty. Of the four basic arguments against the death penalty offered below, the last two are philosophically conservative arguments. The first and most persuasive argument against the death penalty is the possibility of executing innocent persons who have been falsely convicted. Admittedly, this happens very infrequently, but nonetheless, it does happen. Each time it has happened, popular opinion toward the death penalty changed radically. The Michigan legislature was the first in the new world to prohibit the death penalty in 1846, after the hanging of a Detroit man named Patrick Fitzpatrick in Windsor, Ontario for a rape he did not commit. As with most cases of false conviction, the guilty verdict was based on the false testimony of the alleged victim. Moretbim 160 eases oHalse cQnvicti.on for first degree murder in the United States have been documented. If rape were punishable by death today, where would Gary Dotson be now? The death penalty differs from other punishments in tbat it is irreversible: Economic penalties (fines, forfeitures and seizures) and restrictions of liberty (incarceration) can be compensated, but once a person is dead he cannot be revived at a later date. Shouldn't a person who claims innocence have the rest of his natural life to prove it? The second argument against the death penalty is based on the concepts of necessity and the primacy of life. This argument asserts that necessary lethal force should be limited to defense against the otherwise unavoidable human death or life-threatening assault that the lethal force is believed to prevent. Retaliatory and retributive force may possibly deter some other future crimes, but these punitive forces are applied a posteriori or after the fact. Retaliation and retribution are not, in this context, defensive forces. In the absence of otherwise unavoidable human death or assault. one does not have the legal privilege to assassinate another person by ambush or when a person is physically restrained, regardless of any previous incident of violence. Such an act would be considered premeditated homicide. I purposely avoided using the word murder. Critics may claim that the definition of murder is solely legal, as defined by lawmakers and judges. They may also claim that the legal definition of murder excludes the death penalty without any further consideration of the ethical dilemma: Should states grant themselves immunity from their own prohibition against premeditated homicide?

My third argument against the death penalty a conservative argument based on tradition. Michigan's tradition of prohibiting the death penalty is 140 years old. Some will point out that before its prohibition, the death penalty was permitted since antiquity. True, but the same can be said for slavery and drug laws. The tradition of slavery prohibition is 120 years old and the tradition of drug prohibition is 70 years old, and before their prohibition, both were permitted since antiquity. There may be some traditionalists who favor legalizing slavery and all drugs, but how many? The' dilemma posed to the traditionalist is: Which traditions should he choose to preserve, current traditions that may be only decades or centuries old, or former traditions that may' have been thousands of years old? Are antiquariantraditions, that continue to endure, the only ones traditionalists can unambiguously defend? My last argument against the death penalty, which should also interest conservatives, is baSed on its religiosity. A large body of literatu~.s~I!p~:)t1~ tbe'ttl~ .th!!,~.,t1le\s~~. ~\.it~; origins in' primitive religion. and the creath penalty has its origins in primitive ritualistic human sacrifice. In his book, Violence and the Sacred, Rene Girard writes, "The procedures that keep men's violence in bounds have one thing in common: they are no strangers to the ways of violence. There is reason to believe that they are all rooted in religion. As we have seen, the various forms of prevention go hand in hand with religious practices. The curative procedures are also imbued with religious concepts-both the rudimentary sacri ficial ri tes and the more advanced judicial forms. Reli· gion in its broadest sense, then must be another term for that obscurity that surrounds man's efforts to defend himself by curative or preventative means against his own violence. It is that enigmatic quality that pervades the judicial system when that system replaces sacrifice. This obscurity coincides with the transcendental effectiveness of a violence that is holy, legal. and legitimate successfully opposed to a violence that is unjust, illegal, and illegitimate." "In the same way that sacrificial victims must in principle meet the approval of the divinity before being offered as a sacrifice, the judicial system appeals to a theology as a guarantee of justice." Further into the book. Girard writes. "Louis Gernet takes up the subject of capital punishment in his Antlirop%gie de /a Grece antique. In his discussion the link between punishment and surrogate victim can be readily discerned. Capital punishment takes two seemingly separate forms. the first purely religious and the second purely secular. In the first instance: 'The death penalty is means of eliminating pollution. .. It purifies the affected grouP. who are often partly or wholly absohed of

responsibility for the newly spilt blood. The violent expulsion. the expulsion unto death of the unworthy or accused individual. has an ancillary sense: that of del'otio. Indeed, the killing seems in one sense to be an act of piety. It makes us think of those ancient ordinances which declare that the murder of an outlaw does not cause pollution. or of that prescription of Germanic law that makes such killing a civic duty . . . . Then, too, the victim fills a true religious function, a function parallel to priest-kings who are also put to death. The religious function can be seen in the Latin term for these victims: homo sacer: as well as in the Greek term pharmakos.' There is no doubt that the death penalty is portrayed here as a direct extension of generative violence." Gernet claims capital punishment also serves a secular purpose. Many religious rituals have secular counterparts, such as civil marriages and funeral ceremonies. Most states, if not all. claim supremacy over rituals. religious and secular. Marriage and divorce laws, incest prohibitions and other sexuality laws, infanti-

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some exan\ples or ntilal dommatIOn, and sImilarly. the death penalty is the ritual of human sacrifice that the state claims exclusive privilege to practice. Christianity, like other messianic religions, was suppressed by other more dominant religions and states. The messianic strategy to avoid religious suppression is not to challenge the supremacy of the dominant state or religion. but to cooperate and coexist with these institutions in what I call rcligious condomi· nium. Religious condominium is an exchange of concessions: dominated religions concede claims challenging the supremacy of the dominant state or religion, and in exchange, the dominant state or religion concedes claims of monopoly and suppression of dominated religions. by granting privileges of religious liberty. This strategy of religious condominium and religious liberty. combined with religious neutrality are the principle tenets of secularism. For a secular state to be truly neutral religiously. it must be neither religious nor anti-religious. Since secular states have never completely abandoned their dominatio~ of rituals (although theoretically possible). secular states attain little more than theistic neutrality. If theistic neutrality is neither theistic nor anti-theistic. then it must be non-theistic. Non-theism is just another word for atheism. Therefore. the claim that secular states are atheistic religions is. to some extent. justified. Even the United States government is not immune from the false religious neutrality of secular states. as evidenced by the 1878 Supreme Court ruling on polygamy. In ruling that the Mormon practice of polygamy is not protected by the First Amendment. the Court stated. "Laws are made for the government of actions. and while they cannot interfere with

mere belief and opinions, they may with practices. Suppose one believed that human sacrifices were a necessary part of religious worship. would 'It be seriously contended that the civil government under whit'h he lived could not interfere to prevent a sacrifice"" Here the Court reasserts the state's supremacy over one of the most fundamental rituals of religion: marriage. And yet the Court displays a remarkablc naivete about the religiosity of marriage laws and capital punishment! For Christians. the sacrificial and secular nature of the death penalty has implications as profound as the scisms that di \·ide thc ChflStian movement. Many Christian theologians claim that God abhors human sacrifice. While many passages in the Old Testament give credence to this claIm. other passages appear to sanction the death penalty for religious crimes such as heresy. The ambiguities of the Old Testament were never more apparent than during the medieval and Spanish Inquisitions when the execution of heretics took the form of sacrificial burnings. MaJlY ChristiallS w~~ favor the ~~~th penalty believe that commission of sin is a part of God's plan to punish sin. Ironically. many of these same Christians favor laws prohibiting abortion. The dilemma posed to thl'se Christians is: Which forbidden sins should be prevented by human intervention and which should be tolerated as part of Goo's plan to punish sin~ 1 shall briefly mention those positions that lie somewhere between unconditional support and unconditional opposition to the death penalty. They are: 1) allowing the death penalty for those who don't claun innocence, and 2) allowing the death penalty for criminals like Gary Gilmore who prefer death as their punishment. The consequence of the fi rst alternative is that Illilny :lccu5('d criminals would plead innocence to save their lives when they might otherwise plead guilty. That would further strain our already overburdened courts and cost taxpayers more to conduct expensive tnals. The second alternative involves the contl'Ovcr,ial issues of SUICide, euthanaSia. and permitting cnmmals to choose their own punIshment. ()nce all the Issues are fully discussed, I belin'c a death penalty initiative would sutlcr the same fate as other defeated proposals. such as thc tax-cutting Proposal C. which cnjoJed strong initial support. When voters get IOto the voting booth. they \~ ill vote with their head. not their gut.

.n.

Richard Birkelt is a resident q( Superior TO\\'flShip and a contriblllor ro the Michigan ReneH'.

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page 8 THE ~ICHIGAN REVIEW

February, 1986

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!O§A in

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by Patrick Batcheller

Oh, this is going to be fun! I have the dubious distinction of being the Review's MSA reporter this term. This entails attending each Tuesday night gathering of the assembly at its Michigan Union chambers and taking notes on the issues discussed. I qbtain copies of the agenda, any resolution scheduled for deliberation and passage, reports submitted for review by the assembly members, and anything else that is available for public and press scrutiny. I will occasionally chat with members about the issues, try to get a feel for what they think, and how the decisions they make will affect the University community either directly, indirectly, or sometimes not at all. I also try to get a feel for what the members themselves are like. After I obtain all of this, valuable information, I review the important points that were covered during the proceedings, and then submit my endof-the-month report to Suite One at the League.

Procee1lings of January 14, 1986 Prt-sidenl Paul JosephsOn a nnounced Ibat ,Un iversi ty Presiden t Harold Shapiro is interested in forming a new course for freshmen that would focus on various University issues. It would be a n(}-Credit course to be held in the dorms. and would be a prerequisite for graduation, This was in response to complaints regarding the current orientation system. Matt Tucker. the Vice-President for Academic Affairs. announced that The Front Against Racism has been formed . I do not have any specific information about the Front, but it is my understanding that it is comprised of a number of students who will discuss problems of campus racism. and will then act upon them.

Proceedings of January 21, 1986 President Paul Josephson stated that there are fewer representatives this term, Several openings were created over Winter Break due 10 graduation. resignations, and terminations. There were a lolal of six openings on the assembly. in Ihe following schools: Rackham Graduate-2 Business School-2 Music-I Public Health-I

(Some of thcse l'acancies hal'e since been filled-Ed.) The assembl y voled 10 accept the Student Legal Services by-laws, after making some changes in the "controversial language" of the by-laws. Vote: 16 Yeas, 0 Nays, 2 abs. The assembl y passed a resolution supporting the decision of Roe. v, Wade, which assures the right to an abortion. In the resolution, the assembly stressed its support of free choice. and resolved that MSA "supports the rally commemorating the 13th Aniversary of the Supreme Court decision." Vote: 12 Yeas, 0 Nays, 6 abs. A resolution passed thaI dealt with various women's concerns. The bill proposed such actions to be taken as free self-defense courses

in dormitories, the implementation of a university-wide escort service. a reliable transportation system for use by on- and offcampus residents. and a larger nighttime campus safety patrol force . It was further reolved that if these actions are not taken by January 21 . 1987. that the MSA would "take Similar actions to those taken on January 21 . 1985." This refers to a sit-in that was held at Vice President Henry Johnson's office last year.

Proceedings of January 28, 1986 The majority of this meeting was devoted to a presentation on Minority Recruitment. Retention. and Graduation. The speakers for this were Billy Frye. Ph.D .. Vice President for Academic Affairs and Provost; and Dr. Niara Sudarkasa, the Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs. Phillis Engelbert appeared before the assembly to voice her displeasure with the "sexist" poster circulated by fraternity Sigma Alpha Epsilon earlier that month. Suggested pun ishment induded: A. A resolution specifically denouncing SAE. B, A written apology from SAE. C. A mandatory workshop on sexual assault for all SAE brothers. D. Direct pressure from MSA on SAE through the Inter- Fraternity Council (I FC). Jennifer Akfirat joined Engelbe rt. and sugseSted some much SlroDget' di scipline :~·· tbif' fnil l'mily, inci l:lding freeting all of SAE's accounts, and not allowing SAE to use University facilities. However. President Johnson noted that SAE is not an officially recognized MSA group. and therefore may of these ideas cannot be enacled. President Paul Josephson announced that he would not seek reelection this spring. Dean Baker. Rackham representative, presented a proposal that would require all companies who wish 10 recruit on campus to sign a pledge that they are not involved in any way with international terrorism. Baker proposed that this referendum be put on the spring MSA ballot. .

The Kremlin's Dirty UttIe Secret

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d E\.q)e" <1le 10 lis Iartile LJuaIne region. Since the R~ ood the collectivization of the IXu'1Itlj hc:r.teIII d

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menI. but toCNf!J8six1y-/MI c:or-=utiIIe years weather." ~, there Is one 3eCIor d SeMel ~ which has fcred well c:I8Ispjte bcJj weather, It Is the SCXXlIled "privoIe seeler." The privoIe BCIor consIsIs d one-acre plots d Iond which famlng househoId5 CI'e allowed 10 CI.ittIIaIe In their spae tine either for their own CXJ"\SI.IT1PII ex for sole. They ae also allowed 10 have a COlI. IwO pigs. ood CIS I'T1O"IV c:tlidtens CIS Itl8'f ......a'1I. In all, theae plots aocount for only cX><:U three pen::ent d the lola! famlcn::j In the

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On 0\II!II'0Q8. abouI4n. d the COIh cn::I In-IIlnd Income d coIlecINe !am IanIIles Is deriIIed IraTI pri\IoIe hc:luIIehoId plot$. This expIaIr4 wtrv the ~ ~ the pivole 1I8CIor, As txXI CIS their CQ'IcuIlI.roi alfu. aIIon Is. It WO\Jd be much WOIM In the CIbtenoe d " ' - lillie oasa

So. d8ClIIe IOciaIIIf rtIeIorIc 10 the conIray. even the SeMel \klion mJSt~ concede the crnc::u:ing p!OCiICtIve r:x-' 01 WOIk81S loft flee 10 mQle their own choic:ea ood to keep ex sell whal1heV prcx:Ax:e.

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Nole: On February 4, the assembly members deliberaled al grea/ length on this proposal, and at the lime of publicalion, the representatil'es \I'ere split even I), on this issue, In essence. this action would prel'ent students from making their olt'n choice as 10 whom they wish to interview WiTh for post·graduate employment. In defense of the bill. Baker (who is also President of The Rackham Student GOl'ernment. · and a member of L4SC. the Latin-A merican ' Solidarity CommitTee) said that this right does ' not and should not apply to "terrorist" organ i=ations, A/ier the companies signed the pledge. the.1' would be rel'iell'ed by a board comprised of 5111dents to be chosen by the assembly, who It'ould determine the accuracy of Their stale· IIlcnt. According to assembl,v member Ed : Kralls, in an inteniew wiTh weBN. iflhe board ' felt that the company did not represenl lerror· ism, ther 1I'0uid be allowed to recrllit on ca mpus, In effect, this 1V0uid give MSA the unlimited alllhority to tell students whom they could intefl'iell' WiTh

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Patrick Batcheller is a Sophomore in Communications and a staff writer for the Michigan Review. '-.

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February, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 9

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mooks in i{euiew

The Comic Genius of P.G. Wodehouse by C. Brandon Crocker

The one possible drawback of reading the works of P. G. Wodehouse while in college is that one may finish them by the time middle age sets in. And then what meaning would life have? Evelyn Waugh's comment that Wodehouse "has made a world for us to live in and delight in," (which adorns the back cover of all Wodehouse's Penguin editions) is absolutely true, and the secret of Wodehouse's success. His delightful characters, and the situations in which he gets them entangled, are so irresistible that the reader cannot help but leave the real world behind after a .few pages. Doctors treating high blOQd pressure cases should prescribe Wodehouse to their patients. You will not find too many belly laughs in Wodehouse's works. Instead. Wodehouse relies on pervading wit and clever turns of phrases, combined with complex and hilarious story lines. He constantly barrages the reader with witty dialogue and comic situations. This makes every page a delight to read, but out of

context quotes simply cannot convey his comic genius; Wodehouse must be read intact. P. G. Wodehouse's literary career began around the turn of the century and lasted until his death in 1975. In all, he produced more than ninety books as well as eighteen musical comedies. He was one of this century's foremost humorists, with his works translated into several languages, (though I must imagine they lose something in translation as English slang is an important part of many of his characters' vocabularies). Wodehouse's . upper crust English gentlemen also manifest their proper English educations by occasionally making analo$ies to such great tales as Horattus' defendirigofthe bridge and Manlius and the cackling geese, but should not deter anyone who has not read Livy in a while. The reader new to Wodehouse has a wealth of stories from which to choose. A good place to start is with the Wodehouse classics dating frdm the mid-1920's until World War II. These include: Leave it to Psmith ,

Marxism continued from page 12

also be judged on its implications. The evidence demonstrates that this Unfortunately, for many people, cornerstone of Lenin's theory of imMarxist rhetoric and the Marxist perialism is fallacious. The great maview of ethics, ("historical justifica- jority of foreign direct investment tion" being the supreme ethical from developed nations goes to other principle), have been used to justify developed nations (the current figure the most egregious acts of violence is about 75%). and SUbjugation, just as Marx himself Dr. Sowell has produced both an excused the excesses of the Paris excellent outline and critique of Commune. Marxism. This work promotes more In order to explain the unfulfilled informed and intelligent discussion of prophesies of the increasing misery of one of today's most misinterpreted the proletariat and the destruction of political doctrines, and all interested capitalism through increasingly se- parties should make use of it. ~ vere economic crises, Lenin developed his theory of imperialism. Yet Lenin' never substantiated the core • assumption in his theory that the undeveloped world was the major target of foreign capital investment.

(1924), Summer Lightning, Thank you, Jeeves , (1933), Right Ro, Jeeves , (the funniest book ever written) (1934), and Uncle Fred in the Springtime, (1939). These were written in his prime, working with characters such as Lord Emsworth and the other residents of Blandings Castle, Sir Roderick Glossip, Aunt Agatha, Aunt Dahlia, Reginald Threepwood, Bingo Little, Gussie Spinknottle, Monty Bodkin, Uncle Fred, and of coufse, Bertram Wooster and his trusted valet, Jeeves. Uncle Fred in the Springtime served as my introduction to P. G. Wodehouse, and I recommend it to others, for it gives the reader an introduction to many of the above. characters and uses the typieal Wodehouse story line of a incredible brainy person (Uncle Fred) attempting to help friends (often offar less mental agility) navigate a series of increasingly complex difficulties. Another good choice would be Leave it to Psmith - a slightly slower paced and less complex work involving classic Wodehouse characters. The Jeeves series is

1AAXl(· .. ' AIJDHE'5

what Wod<!house is most famous for and is must reading. These stories are best read in the order in which Wodehouse wrote them (though this is not necessary) as he sometimes makes reference to events in prior installments. Spring break otTers the perfect opportunity to delve into some Wodehouse. Do not deprive yourself any longer of the acquaintances of Jeeves, Bertram Wooster Uncle Fred and Gussie Spinknottle.

•

C. Brandon Crocker is a graduate

student in the school of Business Administration and a staff writer for the Michigan Revie'A'.

continued from page 2

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page 10 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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A Chat with the Reverend by Joe Typho

Joe: Ah, Reverend, what are you doing on campus? Rev: Oh, hi Joe. We're circulating petitions this week. We're trying to get our church a funding spot on the registration forms. Joe: How will you manage to do that? Rev: Under the by-laws, we have to get 50% of the students to support us before we can be considered. Joe: Do you expect that much support? Rev: It'll be tough, but even if we don't make it we expect to demonstrate sufficient support to obtain the funding spot. Joe: What sort of plan do you envision? Rev: An optional one. Anybody who doesn't want to pay doesn't have to. They'n just have to request a

Joe: Why should you be given funding privileges? Rev: Well, we're student-run and we serve student interests. We even let students elect our church board of directors. We work on important issues which students often worry about, like defense spending, helping the poor through new economic policies, school prayer, abortion. . . Joe: What if they disagree with you on, say, abortion? Rev: Our leaders are elected, so if students don't like our positions they can vote or run for office themselves. And if they inadvertently assess themselves the fee, they may request a refund. Joe: Why should they have to request the refund? Why not make it so the burden of taking action falls on the donator?

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gions. two mile walk to our office. Rev: But we'll represent the conJoe: Shouldn't that logic apply to sensus view; the view of the demoany group? Rev: Ah, but we are unique. Most cratic majority. Joe: Why do you have to have a students have beliefs similar to ours. funding system? . We are working to make this world Rev: Because it ensures a stable better. We're sincere, we're moral, funding base. It's rather difficult to and we represent the majority. Joe: If you're the· majority you · plan year-to-year when we have no should have no trouble getting half idea how much money we'll have. the students to sign. . Also, it's hard to raise funds by passing a basket in church. And it's so Rev: But students here are apathetic. They should be 'more con- undignified· to resort to bake sales. It's like they expect us to work for our cerned with the world and not with money. their books. Joe: Well, I wish you and the Joe: Why is it important to stuChurch of Public Interest good luck, dents that you succeed? Rev: We've got to put in a good Reverend Nader. word with the Lord. After all, we're Rev: Thank~, Joe. the best organization to represent students in dealings with God. A Joe Typho is a Senior in the School of group of democratically elected lead· Natural Resources and Buddhist ers could succeed where the prayers Studies and is currently trekking the of individuals would fail. Also, we'd nation's campuses in search of Bread, be turning out well-trained religious Peace, and Land. people ready to fit into society, rather than the usual apathetic agnostics. They'd be ready to lead e'veryone

refunds are trying to defund us. The burden should be on them. It's only a

towards Truth.

Joe: But what if their beliefs differ from yours? There are so many reli-

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A Bold Proposal by James Eridon

The availability of donor organs for transplant is a serious health care problem in this countD'. Most people are aware that they may easily donate their organs after death by simply filling out a card available at the local drugstore and having it signed by two witnesses. They also know that these organs can be the gift of life to another human being. Few are afraid of potential malpractice by physicians in the removal of organs before death. Nevertheless, most people do not bother to donate, and valuable organs continue to fertilize cemeteries, while in hospitals people continue to wait, suffer, and die because of the lack of a donor. There is a simple way to remedy this situation provide an incentive for potential donors to fill out these simple cards. I am married and have a six month old daughter. If I were to die, I can imagine the difficult, unpleasant de-

cision my widow would face: Whether to allow the mutilation of my body for the benefit of a stranger. We have discussed this issue, and I have filled out a donor card, but it is a grisly matter which still bothers me when I think that, following such a tragedy, the doctor performing the transplant will collect his fee, the hospital, if investor owned, will have made a profit for its shareholders, and my wife will be left with nothing but a vague feeling of having done the right thing. The inner serenity that comes from knowing that one has acted selflessly for the benefit of others is not, apparently, sufficient motivation for most people. There is still a'·' scarcity of organ donors in this country. This is understandable. When I contemplate my own demise, I worry more about the future of my family than the fate of a stranger in a hospital.

I propose that the state organize a fund to reward the estates of organ donors. The amount of the award should be set at a level reflecting both the need for specific organs and the cost of the health care necessary to perform the transplant. The funds should come from the state rather than from private medical insurance companies in order to avoid any possible charges of "selling organs." Similarly, suitable exclusions should be made to avoid any abuses, such as forbidding awards to the estates of suicides. This program would amount, in essence, to a form of state life insurance. The application form 'fOf this insurance would simply be the organ donor cards available at local drugstores. Imagine how many donors would become available if they knew that, by simply filling out a donor card, they would be applying for, say, $5000 in cost-free life insur-

ance, Some will claim that this proposal smacks of organ selling, and that it evokes the gruesome images of the movie Coma. They will recall the horrible crimes of 19th century England, when people were murdered and their bodies sold to medical schools as cadavers. Certainly, such sensationalist imageS are effective in diverting attention from the real tragedy: the patients in hospitals who are waiting for either a donor or death, whichever comes first Public education about donor cards has been attempted and found ineffective; the need still exceeds the supply. Unless we are willing to waste more organs and more lives waiting for the public consciousness to be raised sufficiently to overcome the natural reticence to · organ donation, I suggest that action should be undertaken to motivate the potental donors, who are the only ~ solution to this problem.

James Eridon is a graduate student in Nuclear Engineering and a stall writer for the Michigan Review.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page II

February, 1986

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Tribal

Honor

continued from page 4

which are black and three of which are white. Apartheid is a system of rule which was designed to allow a minority of the population (the white, English-speaking tribe) to govern the majority of the population without fear of resistance. By portraying the conflict in South Africa as racial in nature, the media has given Americans the impression that if the white government is removed, the "black" government that replaces it will est(lblish a democracy in which blacks and whites are equally represented. What is more likely to happen, however, is that one of the ten black tribes, or a coalition of tribes which still represents a minority of the total ten, will establish a government which will seek to oppress the other blacks and whites who make up the majority. Once in power, this minority will attempt to use whatever means are at its disposal to stay in power. To sum up this argument in one pithy statement: if the whites in .. SouthAfrica were black, nothing would be different. This has held true in many other' African countries in which blacks oppress blacks. In these other, countries a minority of the population governs. the majority of the population. In Zaire, the dictatorship of Sese Seko Mobuto and in Uganda the dictatorship of Idi Amin is and were just as oppressive if not more oppressive than the present government in South Africa. In . no way should the above be interpreted that apartheid should remain intact or that it is an acceptable form of government. However, the solution proposed in the media that apartheid should be overthrown and replaced by a black government should not be viewed as the only solution. There exists an alternative which up to now has been viewed very negatively by the public as a result of the way that it has been portrayed in the media: the homeland system of governing. ·What the homeland system of governing proposes in principal is to readjust the South African boundaries to reflect tribal boundaries. Unfortunately, these boundaries have been adjusted to make sure that South Africa's mineral wealth remains in control of the government. By modifying the present homeland system, South Africa's government could be changed to that of a republic with a representative democracy. By definition, a republic is an entity which is divided into smaller entities without losing the existence of the larger entity. For instance, the United States is divided into states while still

continued from page 5

maintaining its existence as a nation. The division of China into provinces and Switzerland into cantons is proof that a country's system of government has nothing to do with whether or not it is a republic. South Africa could be divided into states. The boundaries of the states would reflect the tribal boundaries which existed before. Each state would have its own democratically elected system of government. Furthermore, each state would elect representatives to serve in a national legislature in Pretoria. Under this system of rule, everyone in South Africa could vote and be free, the tribal boundaries would be restored, tribal customs and languages could be preserved, South Africa would maintain its national unity, and everyone in South Africa would be able to reap the benefits of its valuable natural resources. Although this solution may also cause problems, it would be worth a try considering the effects that have resulted from the post-World War II solution of maintaining the colonial .. .~ boundaries.

iIlrffrrs continued from page 3 Second, and most important, the philosophy of the Review has changed drastically since our early days. Contrary to Mr. Gould's assumptions, the Review has been praised for its-~ moderation a"d departure from being a purely ideological journal. We have published articles on a wide variety of issues and compared to many of our counterparts on this nation's campuses, we are open minded. Thus, the RCl'iew has never rejected anyone's offer to rebut a previous article or a challenge to a debate within the journal. In our January issue. which featured an analysis of the country's shift to the right. it was explicitly stated in the editor's column that we welcomed response to our articles. The addition of a culture section has diversified the Review and has allowed us to appeal to those not solely interested in politics. Third, Mr. Gould makes the mistaken assumption that the Review is closed to criticism from within its own ranks. Nonsense. We welcome constructive criticism, from the left and right, as we are constantly trying to improve the journal. However, Mr. Gould offers us no clear, specific blueprint for improvement. His yen for the past has obscured his vision of the progress the Review has made ~, today.

Haverford maintain fairly small student populations, and therefore it is not too difficult to keep such a delicate type of code intact. In these small environments, with the opportunity to observe the actions of one another more closely, people become more self-conscious about their actions. Installing an academic honor code at Michigan would not be an easy task. However, this task is possible and can serve the students well. Students must be willing to accept the nature of an academic code. Some of the common features are: no proctoring of in-class exams, many exams taken outside of class at any time during an exam week, and even taking an exam anywhere on campus where one feels most comfortable. These features provide the student with the basis for a flexible exam schedule, possibly completely selfscheduled. Also, the informal atmosphere of the exam removes a lot of the pressure of finals week, removes the jutting elbows of neighbors in a lecture hall, and thus allows a student to do bis 'or ber best work, This is a pragmatic idea i f students are willing to commit themselves to honesty. After all, many mid-term exams must be given during a fifty-minute lecture period, in which two hours of work must be completed. Because of scheduling problems, taking an exam on one's own time is more practical and a better representation of one's best work. Last year, MSA blocked a proposal by one of its subcommittees for an academic honor code. Possibly, MSA

Part

MAXX! WfMT

BASIC.ALL~

HAPpfNEO? YOIJ HAD TflE

continued from page 9

MAl( WORLD AT '1WR FErTt

was not patient with the idea. A new code cannot simply be plopped on the laps of students overnight. Strong values of honesty must be integrated in the academic program over time in order to slowly accustom st,udents to the idea's tremendous usefulness and worth. A first step for the University would be to create some sort of uniform policy across all departments for exam administration. Allowing students t<2 provide their own bluebooks and having fout' proctors in a lecture hall, with four or five hundred people present, is almost an invitation to cheat. The University should either use more proctors and distribute all exam materials or formulate an honor code which would eliminate the need for safety valves such as proctors. With the signing of a pledge at the end of each exam, whether "take- home" or not, the student acknowledges to having taken the exam with no outside help from any source and with no knowledge of anyone around him or her violating the code. An academic honor code should be tested ofili small gr6uif'6f sllldents. such as those in the LSA Honors Program. Success here may open the minds of many who view an honor code as an even greater opportunity for dishonesty. The initiative for such a code, however, lies in the student body.

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Februar~ .

1986

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iBooks in

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Marxism: Philosophy and Economics hy C.

Brandon Crocker

MARXISM: PHILOSOPHY AND ECONOMICS. by Thomas Sowell. William Morrow and Company. Inc. 281 pages. $15.95

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Marxism is the theory of surplus value. Labor. states the theory. is the source of the value of products. Capitalists can only make profits. therefore. by extracting surplus value from their laborers. Dr. Sowell gives several reasons for doubting this. not the least of which is the lack of any factual evidence to support Marx's assumption. As Dr. Sowell states. The

Thomas Sowell's Marxism. Philosophy and Economics is a book every . Marxist should read. for it is the arguments in Dr. Sowell's succinct critique that have to be countered if they want Marxism to be taken seriously. But this book should also be empirical implications of a special or read by anyone interested in political exclusive productivity of labor would be theory. as the bulk of the work is a that the countries that work longer and judicious reading of Marxism which harder would have higher output and should serve to correct many mishigher standards of living. But the reality conceptions of Marx's thought held is more nearly the opposite-that countries by members of the Left and Right. whose inputs are less labor and more " Manlism:· Phi,losoph\Y ;;':'~J)c,t .:E~()\"'''i''' ~'ntr:eprenetl~~hrp ·tend ' to " h~vr" \'a:Stl); nomics is divided into two sections. higher standards of living. including The first, which is three-quarters of shorter working hours for their workers. the work. is a careful and fairly comprehensive; yet very readable Empirically. Marxism fails on the outline of Marxism, The second part notion that the economy determines is a powerful critique of Marxism and culture. This has been clearly shown of the alterations made by Lenin. Dr. to be false from past experiences of Sowell takes great pains to present the trying to develop third world counideology as Marx intended it to be tries through massive capital transunderstood . In the process he clears fers. These attempts do not work. as up many widely held misconceptions they did in post-World War II Japan caused by later fault y interpretations and Europe. because unlike those of Marx's thought and misundercountries after World War II. the standings of Marx's terminology and third world recipients do not have the purpose of his writings. For incultures which facilitate the transstance. the belief that Marx saw capof capital into an industrial formation italists as opposing socialism merely base. Missing in their cultures are out of self-interest is the manifestasuch things as a "commercial mentation of a serious miscoi1ception of lity" and achievement orientations Marx's theory of history. which stress commercial success. Marx was not concerned. as many Other factors such as culturally based believe. with increasing the wages opposition to change also hinder inreceived bv the working class. After dustrial development. This is not to all. to Mar~. the human relationships say that these cultures are "inferior" inherent in capitalism were what but only that they are not conducive needed to be changed: the level of to industrial development. Culture wages was not the issue. and in fact. may to some extent be determined by higher wage rates would only serve to' the economy. but clearly culture has a postpone the proletarian revolution. great effect on the economy as well. On the topic of revolution. Marx did Moreover. empirical evidence renot rule out a peaceful one. (though fUles the Marxian contention of inhe never denounced violence. and creasing misery and alienation of the occasionally condoned it). nor did he proletariat under capitalism. But in . envision a necessity for any dictatoraddition to the falsehood of this ' ship (as we normally conceive of one) notion. it also has a dangerous conbut was hopeful of achieving the <;cql'l'nce. as Dr. Sowell comments. "dictatorship of the proletariat" tbrough the institutions of democrathl' . Ibj ecti\'C aspect of " increasing mi :;cy. ,1"\ :mong the working class revolves Perhaps the best known tenet of

around the concept of "alienation esentially thwarted human de\'Clopnll'nI But this very concept implies lhal third-party obserwrs can tell untold millions of their fellow human beings how they should "really" evolve. feel. and act. If they could. it would be a mandate for totalitarianism . Indeed. the assumption that they can has become an intellectual basis and a moral shield for totalitarianism . Humane and intelligent people excuse lies. repression. slave labor and mass extermination when they are done in the name of "ultimately" promoting the "real" interest and development of the working class-as conceived by others.

\\ hile ' many present day Marxists ,.·orrect in asserting that current totalitarian states such as the Soviet Union cannot be described as totally abiding by Marxism, Dr. Sowell correctly points out that Marxism must

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C Brandon CI'()(:ker a graduate slIIdm! ill the School of Business ..Jdlllinisirarion and a stafl writer for the .Hichigall RCl"iC'1I".

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