vol_4_no_7 by Michigan Review

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page 2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

March. 1986

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Often, those of the radical left will stereotype conservatives as people who consistently chant "Kill the Commies~" Then they turn around and say, referring to the self-same conservatives "Kill the Fascists!"

Pro-Ortega sentiment in the United States bears a stark resemblance to the attitudes toward other totalitarian leaders, Stalin, Hitler, and Castro, who benefited from visiting apologists.

** More doublespeak of the far left: When the Salvadoran army removes civilians to safety prior to attacking rebels, and lets them return after the battle, the far left calls it "forced relocation." When 'the Nicaraguan Sandinista government removes Miskito Indians, lets them back, then attacks them, the left calls it "voluntary relocation for the Indians' safety." Uh-huh.

** Man bites dog department: Recently a small but dedicated band of contra supporters held a rally on the Diag. Our local radical elite, not used 10. . such open rebuttal from the other side, seemed' confused for a while, then made their own signs and joined 10.

** Weare pleased to see that the Diag is becoming a place where protesters from all sides may present their views.

** Stalin was praised by many, including the American ambassador, for his collectivization policies. Rumors of famine in the Ukraine, mass deportations, and the Gulag itself were all vehemently denied by American well-wishers, including Vice President Henry Wallace, who Roughly forty people took to the took whirlwind tours' of this paradise. streets in Detroit recently to protest Hitler was credited with cleaning up the pro-Sandinista stance of Auxiliary pollution, revitalizing the German Bishop Thomas Gumbleton. Two economy, and. restoring German people were arrested. It was not pride by his apologists, the most known if they had signed the Nanotable of whom was Charles Lindtional Pledge of Resistance. bergh. Castro had his cadre of media followers who viewed him as the democratic liberator of Cuba. Cory Aquino's honeymoon with . ....., lhe far, left. .is c~Jllill.i, ,l:(>..Jhe. epd. .' , . ", Leftists are: now spreading rumors claiming that she is merely another tool of the wealthy, that she help the Those who visit controlled socieU.S. promote "Marcosism without ties may see more than those who Marcos", that she will not solve the stay at home. But they may learn far problems with the poor, Look for the less. "New Khmer 'Rouge", the Communist Philippine New People's Army, to become the new darlings of the As Orwell said, "Only the intellecleft. The spirit of Pol Pot lives on as tuals could have been so blind." his admirers kill Filipinos.

The main Republican challenge to Governor Jimbo seems to have boiled down to a veritable cabal of three dwarfs: Wealthy, Sleepy, and Crony. We won't say who is who.

The three signed a pact that will rival the Kellogg-Briand Pact and the Molotov-Ribbentrop Treaty for futil~ fty: The 1986 Republican Unity Pledge,

In response to President Reagan's charges that the Sandinista government has persecuted the Jewish population, several organizations have claimed that there is no evidence as such. Of course, there are no longer any Jews in Nicaragua to be persecuted. That is what happens when a synagogue is firebombed with Sabbath worshippers inside.

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Coming in A ril: WAAAYI

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The Return of General Alexander Haig * **t;//.. *,* **** *** ****** *** **** *** **** ***** ***

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March, 1986

THE MICHI(iAN REVIE\V page '\

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MICHIGAN

REVIEW Publisher Sandra A. Collins Associate Publishers James P. Frego Gerald Weis Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Klukoff Executive Editors Steve Angelotti Joseph M. McCollum Production Manager David A. Vogel Despot Emeritus Ferdinand Marcos

Charles LipSlg Lisa Luckow Thomas Meloche David Norquist Paddie O'Halloran Sharlene Prais Scott T. Rickman Neil Roseman Paul Seltman Molly Suessmuth

Bill Tayler Joseph Typha Eric Winit'("k

HONOIURY ADrlSORY MUltO, C n'illitIm Colburn. Paul W. McC=knt. SI<'Phen J.

Tonsor SU'POItTERS: Gn'ald R. Ford, R. Emmtfl Tyrmi. N(JmItUJ POOl/omz.

In'ing Krista/. William F. BtIC/d.". Jr.. Edwin J. F~/Mf', Jr. n", Micbipn Rev~ _Icnmes and appreciates letters

. from moders. Letter! for publication muot

includt tbt

writer', name. address. and te!epbone number. We also we/come the submission of articles. All work

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interested in submitting lette", or articles should send them to:

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW Suite One 911 Nonh Univ~rsity Ann Arbor. MI 48109 Th; Michigan Rn>iew

anindependent $Iudent-run

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Virtually hidden amid all the media attention paid to the recent East-West spy swap, and the rightful release of Anatoly Scharansky, was the story of a noble man slowly wasting away in isolation, in a barren flat in Gorky. In Mikhail Gorbachev's mind, this man is a criminal, a harborer of state secrets (for his participation in the creation of the Soviet H-Bomb), one who must never be allowed to leave the country. Yet, Andrei Sakharov's only crime is his belief in the most essential necessities of human society-human rights and intellectual freedom. In 1968, Sakharov authored Progress, Coexistance, and Intellectual Freedom, in which he espoused the need for freedom to obtain and distribute information, freedom for open-minded debate, ,and freedom from the pressure of government Sakharov argued that freedom of thought "is the only guarantee against an infection of people by mass myths, which, in the hands of treacherous hypocrites and demagogues, can be transformed into bloody dictatorship. Freedom of· thought is the only guarantee of the feasibility of a scientific democratic approach to politics, economics, and culture." Throughout this work lies the reminder that true intellectual freedom can never exist under the Soviet style of government with "its favorite weapon, ideological cen* sorship." The plight of Andrei Sakharov has -:not been forgotten among the Soviet emigre communities in Europe and the United States. One such manifestation of their concern is the es* tablishment of Andrei Sakharov Institutes in West Germany, Italy, and France, where free lectures are given on such topics as "Totalitarianism and Personal Freedom", "The Soviet Press as

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ifietters Editor'

ODor

Staff

All articles and

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IIi rom tQi 1fllitor

THE

Patrick Batcheller Craig Brown Debbie BuchhollZ C Brandon Crocker Peter Cuhba Michael Dal'idson Karl Edelmann James Eridon Jeffrey Erans Paul Flack Rodney Fuller ,lUI/hiM GUlchess t'rd Hfrshma Dal'id Kat:.

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Viewed by the Free World", and "Russian Literature in Emigration". Essentially, these institutes are devoted to the ideals expressed by Sakharov, Scholars from all over the world can attend· one of these institutes, enroll in the free courses, and meet Soviet and Eastern Bloc emigres who oversee the operations and teach the lectures. However, no such institute exists in the United States. It would be a just tribute to Andrei Sakharov to establish one in the country founded on the ideals of free speech. The University of Michigan, which has wide acclaim for its Center for Russian and East European Studies (CREES), is a prime location for the United States branch of an Andrei Sakharov, Institute. CREES' faculty has an interna tio nal reputation for superior scholarship ahd the Center has attracted such scholars as Czeslaw Milosz and Joseph Brodsky. The Institute at the University of Michi* gan can serve as both a think tank and free university, like its counterparts in Europe. This is the least we could do to honor a man silenced by the "ossified dogmatism of a bureaucratic oligarchy." The Michigan Review welcomes your response to this proposal.

~/Wlf Seth B. Klukoffis a Junior in Political Science and Russian and East European Studies and is Editor-in-Chief of the Review.

Rl'centi). IOU dl'\.Jtl'd most of an Issue to prognoses for ti'>c cons<,rvatlve movement. t.insUlpnsltlgl\, your allt·hors sa" a tinc future. Equall) unsurprisingly. we socialists reject their conclUSions. If we stop fOCUSing on the abstract Ideas and stan looklllg at the s('cial groups involved. it becomes clear why the conservative movement will fail. From the Ncv. Deal through the early 1970's, the American polillcal center was a moderate liberalism. Amencan world power, and cheap energy. enabled the owners of the large corporations to cut a deal with most of the rest of society Unionized blue-collar workers could aspire to,a middle-class income. The middle class got various entillements-from Social Security to home and student loans. The farmers gOI subsidies. Even outsiders. such as blacks and working women. began to get a piece of the pIe. And all Ihis subsidy bought a political peace that left ultimate control-and the profits that flow from it-in the hands of the private corporations. Needless to say, this situation passed. The old liberalism collapsed. V)'c could no longer afford it. So the corporate elite used Its hegemony to gut the achleveme~ts of a generation. It cut its own taxes while raiSing or maintaining everyone else's. It weakened and then broke the unions. dropping the floor out from under the incomes of blue-collar workers. It wriggled free of health and safety regulations. It started cutting back the entitlements. It tried to rebuild the agaressive military power that had held .·. 40~·. ,,¥Q)~~()}\,,! i~.· .li)e11lit4)Vprkt People went along because they could see that the older system had failed. But they didn't count the cost. They still haven't, So far, those costs have been manageable. Relatively few people have been pushed out to live on the street. The long-term harm to health brought by deregulation has not yet shown itself fully. Many of the social problems . have fallen mainly on blacks and other groups who have a hard time fighting back. All Reagan's wars have been fairly cheap. But how long can your luck hold? What happens when millions of middle Americans face downward mobility without the cushion provided by the old entitlements? What happens when people find that world hegemony requires more than just cheering the Olympics-when they find that cramming free enterprise down the throats of an unwilling Third World carries a heavy price. payable in blood as well as money? What happens when American economic development becomes even more badly skewed toward fattening defense contractors? Somewhere along the line, people will realize that they are being played for suckers. They are losing out so that a small minority can stay rich. And then we socialists will have our turn. We will break the power of thc corporate elite and replace it with democratic political direction of the economy. We will make sure that society gets its priorities straight and feeds its children before it builds bombs. The tragedy is that so much suffcring. here and abroad. will have to come before people tinally deCide to get rId of ,'nur dying system.

Eric A. Ebel Democratic Socialists of America

see page 11

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page' ..j THlc \lICHIG .... N REVIE\V

1\larch. I'iS6

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eag Revisited

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by Scott T Rickman

,.:.J;' "

It is fall 1980, the campaign for president is in full swing and the headlines are filled with claims, counter-claims, and rhetoric emanating from the opposing camps. The 'challenger, Ronald Reagan, is campaigning on a platform of startling economic change, called supply-side economics. Under the banner of this program, Reagan claims that the federal government can cut personal income taxes by 30%, increase defense spending, and balance the budget. The public. weary of double digit inflation and alarmed by the enormous (at the time) federal budget deficit of $59 billion, buys these claims and overwhelmingly elects Reagan. Now, in 1986, President Reagan's programs have been in place long enough for their effects to be seen. Let U ~ look back then. with the bene fit of hindsighl. al Reagan's su ppl y-side economics policies and assess their success. To begin our endeavor, we should first understand the theory and claims of supply-side economics. Briefly, the important claims of supply-side theory are two-fold: that a reduction in personal income tax rates \vould not lead to a concomitant reduction in government revenues. and that such a tax cut would spur economic growth and production and so would not be inflationary. Both of these claims seem to contradict traditional economiC wisdom. It would seem reasonable to assume that a reduction in tax rates leads to a corresponding reduction in tax reven ues. If citizens face a new tax rate lower than the old rate, then. assuming incomes remain the same. government re','enues will fall by the same proportionate amount as the tax cut. Ho\\'ever. it is with the proviso "assuming incomes remain the same" that supply-side theory takes issue. For the supplysiders argued that a reduction in tax rates \\ould raise incomes by stimulating eCOl1om ic growth and production. They suggested this would occur for two reasons. The first is that a tax cut means a higher real wage (i.e. takehome pay) for workers. As it becomes lllore \aluable to work (take-home pa~ Increases). people \\ill work longer and the workforce will in}Tease. The second part of this claim. that more peopil' will work. is tied

into the other reason supply-siders inflationary. claim production will rise. As tax These were the claims made by the rates decrease. so does the real wage supply-side advocates six years ago. as perceived by employers. Economic How well has time borne them out'? theory suggests that what employees As to the first claim. that the tax cuts are concerned about is their takewould not reduce government revehome pay. From an employer's nues. perhaps the best evidence to its standpoint then. a reduction in tax fallacy is the silence with which the rates means that additional workers Reagan administration greets this can be hired at a lower wage; yet. subject. The federal budget deficit is their take-home pay will be the same more than three times larger now as before the tax cut. This will spur than it was in 1980. While the Presicompanies to hire more employees, dent bemoans the size of the current ~ince theey can do so at a lower cost deficit. he completely ignores the role than before. People working more of his earlier tax cuts in creating it. hours and greater numbers of people However. the President does claim working means economic growth. success on the second count. Reagan The second supply-side claim is asserts that his tax cuts helped to pull that a tax cut would be non-inflathe economy out of the 1982 recestionary. A first impression may be sion without a return to the double that this seems odd. If taxes are digit inflation of the late 70's. This reduced. take-home pay increases. claim is somewhat harder to assess. T hil> l'xtra inco me will largely be used In doing so. li ma}, bc ~s~fyl~o for consumption, which will increase "w ": ~onsidcr the role of the Federal Rethe demand for goods and services. It serve system. The Federal Reserve is a fundamental economic principle (the Fed) is responsible for monitorthat if demand for a finite amount of ing and controlling the money supply goods increases. the price of those In the United States. Inflation is goods will rise. Thus. it may be closely linked to the money supply. If expected that a tax cut would be the stock of money is too high, inflationary. However. the supplyinflation will inevitably result. Howsiders argue that the increased ecoever. under the guidance of Paul nomic growth and production Volcker. the Fed has pursued a policy (discussed earlier) resulting from the of severe monetary restraint over the lax CLlt would increase the supply of last several years. They have done so goods and sen'ices to meet the addiprecisely to avoid a return of the high tional demand and so would be noninflation of the 70's. Whether the

Reagan tax cuts were non-inflationary may be difficult to verify. but the Fed's policy has been clearly anti-inflationary and must be given controlling credit for the current low rates of inflation. On balance. while the President may claim partial success for his policies. the goals of supply-side economics have remained unme!. The centerpiece of the program, to reduce tax ratt'''; without affecting revenues. has clearly failed and thus discredited supply-side economics. The question now is. faced WIth the results of this failure- the enormous deficits-what can be done about it? We can only hope that in answer to this question our leaders pursue a more successful policy. ~

T. Rickman is a JUllior ill Philosoph)' a11dEconomics and a staff 11'I'I[er far the .lfic/tigan Re\'iew

SCOll

If you have at least two years of graduate or undergraduate education ahead, and you keep geffing clues that your money Is running short, then a two-year Air Force ROTC scholarship may be the solution. Currently we're seeking young men and women who would like to serve their nation as Air Force Officers. Consequently, if you're majoring In a selected technical! non-technical scientific, nursing, or pr&-medlcal field, or can qualify for pilot, navigator, or missile training, then you may be eligible for a two-year Air Force ROTC scholarship. The scholarship pays your tuition, lab fees, (piUS Incidental fees), books, and $100 per month tax free. And even if you don't qualify for the two-year scholarship, you stili receive the $100 a month while enrolled in the Air Force ROTC two-year program. What do we ask In return? That you serve America at least four years as an Air Force officer. Your Air Force ROTC counselor has the detailS and qualification requirements, Check It out. It might even make your education finances seem elementary,

FOR r·10RE I ilFORf 11\TI Oil COflTI\CT:

BOTe

Gateway

a great way allile.

Captain Ed Harvey, I\FrOTC Detachment 390, University of flichigai1; 1\:1:1 i\rbor, r1I 48109-0185. 313) 764-2405

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March, 1986

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ipeciul !f1 euture

Seei g the 01 cha by Walter Polovchak

This orlie/e lI 'as published !l'ilh Ihe permission of' J-I 'ashington Times 11/sighl Maga: ille, If 'aller Polorchak made headlines in

1980 Il'h e l/ his parents decided 10 rellil'l1 to the Soriet Union and he decided 10 sta,l' ill the United Stales lI'ith re/alires, The Sovi e t , gOl'ernll1l'11t-aided b.l' the American Ol'il Liberties ('nion-pressed for his retllrn on grollnds that he was a lIlinor and theref'ore incapable of making slIch a decision all his Oll'n, He fOllghl for his right to slay in the ['nlled States and lI'as finally granted cili:el1ship .last year.' He is now d sellior at Steil/met: Ifigh School .ill

ifferen aks

co uld just come back to America. People don't understand that I would ne ver be able to leave the Soviet Union again once I returned. Even if I were to go there now, as an American citizen, I wouldn't be able to return. People like me and many others 'who defected or who <;poke out against the Soviet Union. are considered traitors. For this, people get thrown in jail, sent to Siberia or put in concentration camps. Foreigners who go to the Soviet Union for a visit think that it's a great

place That is because they get to stay in the best hotels and eat the best foods. Visits to the Soviet Union are limited to particular places that are approved by the government. The government will not allow you to go outside the city limits into the small villages, That's why a lot of people say it's a nice place. I agree with them 100 percent. It's a nice place to visit. but I didn't want to li ve there, I have :in?d in both countries and I have seen the difference.

' C'/ikiign. li'keri' he;' lil'l'\ \I~jllt liissi.flfr. ., 111(/ ('(Jusin, .,' .".''',~.,: .•". ,.''

I was \ 2 I / 2 years old when I made the most important decision of my life: I refused to return to the Soviet Ukraine with my parents. I did not have too much time to think about it, b'l?cause my parents were ready to leave. but my choice was pretty obvious. I decided that I would do anything to stay in this country. I didn't have any guarantee that I would be able to stay here. ,md I had to tight for 5 1/ 2 years, All that time I liwd in fear that I would be returned forcibl y to the Soviet Union. FinJlly. on my 18th birthday. I was granted U.S. citizenship, Many people I talk to here say that I should' ve gone back with my parents. to avoid all the court battles. and when I turned 18 years old I

FREE CASSETTE TAPE ON PROTESTANTISM, THE RIGHT WING AND THE ROMAN-COM-MUNIST LIBERATION THEOLOGY. YOU WILL NEVER SEE THE WORLD THE SAME AGAIN

Keligion is outlawed in the Soviet Union. An y students who are caught in church are punished in school the next day. The teachers will make them stay after school, clean the chalkboards, wash desks or bring scrap iron, You go to school every day , including Saturdays. Every religious holiday is spent in school, including Christmas Eve. You go to school on Christmas to 'watch films about communism. After eighth grade, most children go to work. and very few go to college. You need to have a lot of . money, or know somebody in a high position. to go to a good college. Most important. you must be in the Corn. .. munist<Party;.:." """:' .. There is no such thing in the Soviet Union as a protest or strike. If you do strike, you are jeopardizing your future and the future of your children. You need permission from the government to travel to another town, An average citizen makes about 7S rubles (officially, about $95) a month. Food is hard to get as well: You have to wait in lines to buy just about anything, except fish and vodka. Everything is owned by the st:lle, Very few average people own an automobile, You have to wait for five years or longer on a list in order to buy a car. There are many people today in the Soviet Union who sleep see page 9

From the U.s. Nnn atI Worli ....", Janary 13, 1986:" . ,

iltall All About It!

SEND S.A.S.E. AND $1.00 POSTAGE AND HANDLING TO:

REVEREND ARNOLD MOLTIS POBOX 3646 MANCHESTER. NH 03105

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. . . (M)any ~tive campus pubIica~ are thriving where DO effective voice &om the f'iiht existed before. The IDODtbly Midligalt Rnffw . .. has recovered from • rocky IWt. Seda ~ If..,.",.M . . . . 11/ l1li Miclligalf Rnirw, says that when the journal beaU publisbiDa four years sao. it was common tor the campus radicals to destroy many . of the copies. . Today. K.lukoff boasts of the publica&ion's widespread fICceptance as a "moderate, couervative voice" and " claims a circulation of 15,000 to prove it

:\Lldl. 19X6

pag\.' 6 THE \lICHIGAN REVIE\V

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a Proposa A For the first time in five centuries, the people of Central America are moving toward self government. Years of European colonialism and American intervention are slowly giving way to democracy. Yet a threat remains to self determination. Backed by the military power of the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro has used Cubans to export violent revolution throughout the region. It is the duty of the United States to help the people of Central America help themselves. Under the policies of the Reagan Administration, all of Central America and the Carribean has moved closer to democracy. The cancer of communism has been checked in Central America. In 1983, for the first time in history the people of a communist regime once again tasted freedom after American forces freed the island of Grenada. Pushed by the United States, President Duvalier fled Haiti, leaving the Haitian people to determine their own fate. Most importantly, the non-communist nations of Central America have enjoyed a growth of democracy and land reform. EI Salvador has re-elected President Duarte, a moderate who enjoys widespread support from his fellow countrymen. Guatemala replaced a military dictatorshp with a democratically elected civilian government. The long-established democratic system in Costa Rica has continued to flourish. In the midst of this peaceful transition lay a violent revolutionary force, bent on creating a communist nation that will extend to the Rio Grande. To counter the threat of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua it is vital that the U.S. not only continue to send military aid to established democracies, but also that we support the contras in Nicaragua. If nothing else comes of our support, at least it will buy time for the fledgling democracies as they move toward stability. However, from within our own community comes a movement aimed at undermining support for the aid that is so vital to democracy. A worse misnomer can hardly be imagined than the one applied to the "Central American Peace Initiative." The message is clear: the radical left naively believes that unilateral disarmament and appeasement will lead to peace and freedom in Central America. Given that the peace known in Afghanistan and Cambodia and the freedom found in Cuba and East Berlin are travesties of human rights, we cannot become party to a movement which seeks to undermine the efforts of those who struggle against such oppression. If passed, Proposal A will send a signal to our elected officials: Ann Arbor does not give care about the rights of people who have the courage to fight for democracy in Central America. In our apathy we will have become a propaganda tool for the radical left as it works to "free" Central America in the tradition of Stalin, Castro, and Ortega. Give democracy a fighting chance. Vote no on Proposal A and send a ~ message of hope to those who fight for freedom.

r I\IlVER' ~. ~ __ oâ&#x20AC;˘ O~Âˇ_ . ~- ..

ilitar Research The University of Michigan has been living under a dictatorial- likE' set of rules since 1972, and yet most "campus leaders" fully support them. The guidelines referred to are those regulating classitied research on campus: they ban any research that has publications restrictions beyond one year ("secret research") or research that contributes to the destruction of human life (weapons research). The restrictions are intended to create a better research environment at our university. However, these restrictions are immoral and undemocratic and must be abolished. Immoral? Indeed, the main argument agai~st weapons research is that it is intended to kill people, and that morally, it is wrong to contribute to such death and destruction. Furthermore, opponents .... argue that the US-USSR arms race is pushing us toward armaggedon~ thus the University must refrain, in the name of peace, from contributing to world tensions. This is the predominant view held by most campus leaders in MSA and other student/faculty groups. Their decisions to not support military research is due to a strong, personal moral conviction. Their arguments have no legal basis. There are no court cases..or laws in this country that specifically support their views We live in .a pluralistie'society thathonotsall different views and morals. The basic precepts of the US Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and American politics in general are that no one has the right to enforce their morals and opinions over other people. Personal morals, while honorable, have no place in laws and society when they directly prohibit the exercise of another's moral ethics_ We urge the many leaders on campus, whether student, faculty, or administrator, to dismantle the current research guidelines. We realize that most leaders are sickened at the very thought of weapons research. But we challenge them to show their commitment to democratic principles. .~

»'<~~)~',~

Iih

f\larch. 1986

1111 \lICHI(; \ N RF'I[\\' page 7

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In till' mall. He mil\ (kcldc to ,;111\\\ a Red

Petitioning in Shopping Malls by Bradley J. Foster Certain groups have made the claim in the recent past that they should haYe the right to circulate petitions in shopping malls. with or without the owner's consent. Having failed to convince the local authorities of the legitimacy of their claim. they are using another approach. State Representatiw Perry Bullard (DIAnn Arbor) has said he will introduce a bill in the state legislature which would force mall owners to allow such petitioning on their premises. The passage of such a law would be a terrible mistake. In order to understand why. it is first necessary to clarify the nature of the claim. and then to examine the consequences of its acceptance. The claim is that people have the right to engage in political activities. specifically petitioning. inside shopping malls. The people making this claim say they have this "right" because of the constitutional guarantee of the freedom of speech. "Malls have replaced the public streets and markets as the gathering pl<tceso[tbe pe9ple,"they say, ,·therefore. oUI: right to freedom of ~peech must be extended mto the malls." They claim that to deny them this nght is unfair. and that it constitutes a . curtailment of their constitutional rights. The crucial fact to keep in mind during discussion of this issue is that shopping malls are private property. They differ from public property such as streets and parks in that they are owned by private citizens. The interiors of some shoppmg malls may be decorated to

resemble streets. but this does not change the fact that the entire building belongs to .an mdi\ idual (or group of individuals). namely the owncr(s). It is this inescapable fact which renders the claim in question false and unsupportable. No one has any right to do anything in a shoppmg mall that the owner objects to. The owner decides what atmosphere he wishes to haH' in the mall. and to which stores he will rent space. He then invites the public into his building for the purpose of shopping at the stores. People can choose either to go to the mall or to shop someplace else. If they choose the mall. it is on the owner's terms. The objection may arise that the owner cannot discriminate against certain people or groups: he must provide equal access to all members of the public. This is true insofar as it is illegal to deny entrance or services on the baSIS of race, religion. political affiliation, or other si milar characteristics. It certainly does notmeanthalhe. i(fQr~idd~n •. !O .(;Q!1tN~·~ny. :1ni\lties which he deems' inappropriate or (\\sruptive. He may forbid roller skating. shopping in bare feet. the playing of radios. or any other activity. for whatever reason he may haH'. The assertion that malls have replaeed public streets and markets as gathering places may or may not be true. Whether true or not. it is irrelevant. The fact that large numbers of people choose to -go to malls does not make

hl"Od dn\<' 01' a HOI SC,HIt ('\111b11. but llot .1 \ahatlon \rnl\ fund dnh' H,· m<1\ lk,'ld,' to all'1\\ pohtlL'<ll ram a">Ing b\ dcmonat, but not rcpublic<ll1\. The pOlnl 1\ Ihat onh the owner ha~ Ih,' nght tIl l11a~l' thl' cholc,' and no one dsc The ll\\ 11,'1' 1\ nOI under am obligation to Ix: "Iall" \\h,'ll he make's these l'hoie'l's. nor dol" he l·llrtaIi am onc', fights. rhosl' \\ho do not lTl'l'I\\, Ill, permISSiOn to U~' his tacihlll'\ are pnf,:ctl\ fre(, to go elsewhere and continue tlwlr ani\ Illes What \\ould be the consl'qul'llces of the passage of a law granting such a claim the ,tatus of a legal "right'''' One has Ilwrcly to consider the principle lI1volved and the Implicallons become dear. The prineipk is whether the right to control pri\ate property helongs to the 0\\ nt'rs or to ,1l1),one who ('omes along and lkmands to use it. Acceptance of the claim to Ihe "right" to petition In shoppIng malls against the ow ner's wishes IS one step down a slipper) slope toward the breakd()\\n of all proper\) rights. After alL a mall i~ just a big building with spaces rented to a number of different stores. How is it any dilkrent from a single large department store'! Do people haH' a right to walk into Sc'ars and circulate petitIons without permiSSIOn',' For that matter. what is the difference between a department store and a smaller store What would give the owner of the smaller store an~ right to con1rol the use of his premises" Tht' answer IS: nothing. Once the principle is accepll'd. thrre is nothing 10 stop am one who has no property of hIS own from decl~f1 ng that he has a right t;) liSt: 1hat of someone else. since the fact that the) ha\ c property. and he d(){'s no\. IS a transgresslOll of his rights. If the Issue is 10 be debated Intelligently. 11 must be dearly understood. It is not an Issue 01 free speech. but rather of propert) nghb. The claim of those who belie\ l' thl'Y ha\ l' a right to conduct political activities in shoPPll1g malls without the oWnt'r's('onsenl C'onslitutes nothing less than ;111 assault Of) the nght 01 11](1: \ Idual .. 10 use thrtr prop.:rt) as tile', sec tit.

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them public property It IS true that because the mall may be regarded as a "public place" the owner is obliged to com pI, with certam codes and laws and to pro\·ide certain facilities. This does not alter the status of the mall as pmate property. nor does it dt'prive the owner of the right to determine what activIlies rna) be undertaken by people who are using it. The constitutional guarantee of free speech is . a safeguard against government suppression or censorship. It IS not a blank check for the usc of other peoples' property to puhlicize one's \·iews. The owner and editor of the paper you 3rc n~ading did not have to print this article Just because I \\ anted to see it in print. They chose to do so for their own reasons. Had they refused to print it. they would have been perfectly withm their rights. I ha \\~ no "right" to their paper. their ink. their presses. or their readers. Nothing can change thIS fact. no matter how loudly I might protest or what arguments I might use. I have no more right to deman\i thal.my vi~v,v"oin,t be printed in a newspaper than I have to walk inlO a pnnt shop and demand frce printing. By the same principle. I have no right 10 walk into a shopping mall and demand that I be allowed to make a speech and circulate a petition. The owner is the only person who has the right to determine what is said and done on his property. He is under no obligation 10 pro\ide hIS f:Kilities to an,one. He rna, choose to allow no one to conduct an, sort of aellvit)'

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/If£1d/e\' J. hJ.\l('1' 1.\ a gracilllll(, :,li!dellt i /I the schoof of' BIII'IIICSS Admil1i.){ralioll and a colltrihillor 10 Ihe Hichigan RCl'icll'.

bYw!lfChenko's I?t~!!u!!!~"renalty Man:h brought the end of the Vitaly Yurchenko saga. Sometime in the beginning of March the Soviet Union executed Yurchenko for espionage. In the Summer of 1985, Yurchenko, the number five man in the KGB. defected to the United States. ...\fter three months of debriefing by the CIA Yurchenko redefected to the Soviet Union daiming to have been kidnapped and drugged by the CIA. Yurchenko walked out of a Washington restaurant days before the Geneva summit. telling his CIA handler: "It's not your fault." According to published reports, Yurchenko defected in part to be with his lover, the wife of a Soviet official in Canada. These reports go on to say that the CIA drove Yurchenko to Canada to meet with his lover: apparently she enjoyed an affair with an up-andcoming KGB official.

According to reports on the MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour, Yurchenko repeatedly told his CIA handlers that he could always go backpresumably to apply pressure to reunite him with his lover, which is an allusion to the 1::\'('\/ia editor whu defected to England. wrote a book. amassed a fortune and later redefectcd. The Soyiets used the redefection as fodder for a major propaganda campaign. The editor was given hi~ old apartment. job and was presumably unmolested. Yurchenko's execution <,ets the precedent that you can indeed go home, if you have not caused major damage to the Soviet lInion. initially the defection of Yur,ill'llko brought questions of his vaillill) and recollections of Yuri No'l'llko. Nosenko. a suspected KGB pia 111 \\ ho dl'll'rtl'd in 1964. was kept

and a half years while Counter Intelligence searched in \'ain for a Sovlel mole in the CIA. However. many CIA agents, including Director William Casey, vouched for Yurchenko. Yurchenk~) gaw U.S. Counter Intelligence the names of four Americans working for the Soviets, among which \\ as Edward L. Howard, a former (IA emplo\ee. According to pu,11<,hl'd reports in !Yell'sll'ce/":, ll()waro returned A.G. I ull-.acilc\ [0 thl' Soviets. TolkachL \. a SO\iet 3\ionics expert and CIA a'>"et. was snatched up by Soviet police using the signal set up by his l'ontrol officer. According to Yurchenko. the information came from Hov'iard. Howard eluded FBI sur\ e!llance 'iJ.nd fled to Moscow. The other three Soviet agents began supplying c1a~sified information only after leaving their government positions.

Thl' scenario surrounding the Yurchenko execution parallels the 1956 invasion of Hungary, when the \vorld's eyes were turned to the Suez Crisis. With media attention turned to the Rogers Commission investigation of the Challenger disaster and the Soviet Vega satellite's imaging of Halley's comet. one had to look hard to find reports of the Yurchenko l'xecution. National Public Radio and lhe MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour reported the Yurchenko execution on \1arch 5th. ;VOl~O(, RlIskoc 5,'fol'o. a h 51an emigre newspaper. earried a lPI account on March 6th: at the see page 11

Gerald WeiI' is Associate Publisher 0/

the .Hichigan

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How call the University produce an environment where both racial and political slurs are viewed as repugnant by the campus community as a "hok') .,)H If'i IW: That is a very difficult question . It is not clear to me how we can mOH' the entire campus community to a different level of tolerance, understanding. and sensitivity. There clearly are extremely unfortunate and damaging incidents, and as my letter to the campus community indicated. every time one of these incidents occurs. it depreciates the entire University community. We all lose by the actions of what I believe is a small minority of the campus community. All we can do is to continue to elevate understanding and sensitivity to the fact that these incidents are something that the campus is repelled hy. People who engage in ' racial slurs and bigoted activities of any kind are a dead weight on the campus community. You cannot walk around inside of everybody's mind and have them behave appropriately. So all we can do is work on decreasing the number of these activities. It is a joint obligation of every member of the campus community. It is not simply the responsibility of the University president. but the responsibility of every student. faculty . and staff member. It is only ",,:. lions apt! de veloping recommcndat i ons. or. J ~eir plN,Q~. ha't~)bl.i~r, own ,yi~1N\ ., .. , . '. J~,rO. Vg\l t geco~1mitmeqt of Ul~ ,whole qmpus comm~nit.y that this issue wilt be resolved~ .' ,.... .. . , .. / do nol know exacll y what their pOsition is and ' 1 am ' awaiting ' their ' . recommendations, REI 'lEW: What effect will the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings bill have on the fiscal policy of the University? RLTIEIJ': Do you view such groups as Accuracy in Academia as a threat to academic freedom? Sll·IPIRO: The Gramm-Rudman-Hollings bill, in my judgment. is not really a bill designed to solve a crisis. but one to further create a crisis. The SnIPlRO: I have never really thought of them as any major threat. to undcrlying issue which Gramm-Rudman- Hollings is trying to address is academic freedom at all, I do not know any of the details about how this how \0 restore a more appropriate fiscal balance to the federal budget. I group operates in particular circumstances. There may be circumstances think that there will be restrictions on some of the funds currently being where that group, or others like them from different parts of the political spent on higher education. Those areas primarily affected will be student spectrum. may harass people or prevent them from expressing their own legitimately-held points of view. If that were the case. it would be a threat to aid and research funding of certain kinds. There is no question that whether academic freedom. I have not seen that happen here. It may have happened through Gramm-Rudman-Hollings or through a more permanent solution to this ' problem. we will have to make some changes in our own policy. elsewhere. But on the whole. I do not look at this as a major assault on These are funds used to support either students or ourselves right now. If academic freedom. providing that they ha'lt respect for others' rights as well as their own. students lose some level of support. we will have to consider what a new response of our own to that will be and if we lose some research funding. we RE 1'1 Elf': The University's Peace Studies program. and its instructors. will also have to consider a new response. We will not be able to make up have been praised for exposing students to a variety of viewpoints. How well have other University instructors performed in terms of presenting ' oIhese funds on our own. The University of Michigan and other universities do not have that financial capacity. So yes, Gramm-Rudman-Hol\ings will students with a variety of socio-political views? have a major impacl. In the short run. it will be negative. But I want to SIIAPIRO: I can only give you my impressions and understandings in make a very important point about this. Tax reform proposals. such as the this area. Obviously. I have not attended every single one of the courses, let proposal passed by the House. also have a number of negative impacts on alone every lecture given here at the University of Michigan. My belief is the University in the short run. Gifts of appreciative property are taxed that there is a very wide spectrum of viewpoints on most issues here. And somewhat differently. there is less incentive for charitable giving. and there even within single departments there are people looking at particularly is taxation of graduate student fellowship funds. So both tax reform and impol1ant parts of our history and culture in many different ways. I think Gramm-Rudman-Hollings have to be looked at as a package from the one of the obligations of an academic community is to provide people with University's point of view. They have a number of negative short term a variety of \'iewpoints on those issues where many different interpretations impacts. which will be very difficult for us and other universities to live are possible. So. if we were to represent. in some particular area. a very with . We will undoubtedly have to modify our operations somewhat in homogeneous viewpoint. that would be disappointing. We have to hope response. However. their long term impact is much less certain. Let us take and strive for a variety of com~ting points of view, allowing students. a very optimistic point of view-getting the federal budget into a more faculty. and other members ofthc University community to choose among appropriate balance. or the creation of a more efficient and equitable tax Ihem . I think we do pretly well in that area. Nobody does it perfectly. We system. This will release an enormous amount of underlying potential in cannot always present all possible points of view. But I think we have a the economy. encouraging investment. savings. and growth. and we will all \cry wide variety of opinion in most areas at the University and the competition of ideas is a lively thing here on campus. ride off on the higher wave. All this could have a very positive eflect on the ·fi l;i\~.'rsity in five or eight years. So most of the impact of these proposals Rl:T/nl'.· The n,'cent incidents of racist grafitti have received deserved attention. Yet. political rhetoric on this campus has escalated to the point \\iJI be negative in the short run . but the long run is a little more difficult to assess. that charges of "'ascism" are even made in the classroom environment. RLTIEW: The administration's position on the code has evolved from support for an extensive code affecting many aspects of student life to one which generally deals with only violent crimes, Given that the administration's major rationale in proposing a code was the need to remove students accused of violent crimes from the campus, and that most code opponents were willing to accept rules dealing with violent crimes, why was the administration so insistent on retaining other parts of this code which caused so much controversy? .S·H.-lPlRO: Well, there are a number of premises in that question which I think are not correct. First of all, the administration's rationale was not exclusively devoted to the issue of violent crimes. That was a major reason, but certainly not the exclusive reason. There is a whole spectrum of reasons for having a code. The University is a special community. there is a certain spectrum of rights and obligations. It seemed very reasonable to us that people who joined this community would know what their rights and obligations were. and have some form of appropriate due process for evaluating any alleged violation of those rules. That remains our position. The University Council. which is currently reviewing our recommenda-

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The Color Purple by Moliy Suessmuth Whoopie Goldberg """."""""""Celie Akira Bousia ""."."" ...... "" " ",,. Nettie Danny Glover ''''''" ....'''' ,,'''' Mr. (Celie's husband) Margaret Avery" ."""""."""""" Shug Oprah Winfrey .... ""."." ."" ... ".Sophia Directed by Steven Spielberg Based on the novel by Alice Walker

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The Color Pllrple is undoubtedly one of the year's best films. Based on Alice Walker's novel. it is the story of Celie, a young black girl growing up in the deep South during the early twentieth century. Abused by her step-father. Celie learns to fear men at a very young age. She has two children by her step father barely before she enters her teens, She is then married, but merely goes from her father's abuse to her husband's. ,J,llemain plot concerns Celie and her sisler. Nellie; wh~hare ,separated

by ':Ce\ie's"husbanÂŤ~~;\y 'i~ the

film.

Nettie is the only person that Celie loves. and for most of her life, she is kept from any contact with her because her husband intercepts all of Nettie' s letters. Celie eventually

breaks away from her husband and becomes successful by her own means. Nettie meanwhile goes to Africa with missionaries. and the sisters are not reunited until the end of the film, Whoopie Goldberg's debut performance as Celie is perhaps the most outstanding in the cast. Her acting experience until this film was purely in comedy. but Goldberg captured the appearance and mannerism of the oppressed, yet willful black woman. assuring success in her first serious role, Oprah Winfrey. who plays Celie's daughter-in-law Sophia, also contributes an impressive performance. Sophia's situation is similar to Celie's: she was abused and sexually violated by the men in her family. but she is a fighter, presenting an interesting (,OOlrastto Celie, who is much more passive. Sophia's strength leads.;, her to jail. however" when she, swe~rs In front of the white mayor s WIfe, The character foil between Celie and Sophia is one of the most powerful twists in the plot of both the film and the nove\. Margaret Avery's perfor-

mance as Shug was also convincing l' l11otion at times: this tendency is and artistically done. She plays the most likely due to Spielberg' s direc, famous night club singer whom tion, Celie' s husband adores, In the middle For his first serious film, Spielberg of the film. she comes to live with brings compelling scenes and vivid Celie and her husband, but ironically emotion to the screen: this film is an becomes he friend and lover of Celie, excellent accomplishm~nL However. This lesbian relationship is an Spielberg also brought on his!:' T important theme in the noveL be- style of direction , which borders on cause it reinforces the fact that Celie melodrama IX'cause of its high emocan only love a woman because she tional pitch, Spielberg was relatively ,was abused by men her entire life, loyal (0 the novel, but with each of The film sidesteps the homosexual the film's many plot devt'lopments. theme almost altogether, probably to the music swells and emotion reaches avoid criticism of being sympathetic a dimactic leveL I felt drained halfto lesbianism, However. to the viewer \\ay through the film because its who has read the noveL the relationelllotion overpowers its (;nergy too ship between Celie and Shug is much often, lOO important to blatantly avoid. Underneath all of the hype about Shug's character is sweetened in the this film. Alice Walker's ideas remain film. A major twist in the novel Intact, Walker understood and briloccurs when Shug betrays Celie by liantly illustrated the black female. leaving her for a youug man. The film doubly oppressed by both race and igno,res ,thc pain lhat ShligbroughtlO ';' sex, ,; andthis 'theme , isdear\y the!' Celie's life, lea~ing out one of the strongest point of the film . novel's sad but Important plot developments. -'10111' S/lCSSlIlIIrlJ is a Jllnior il1 /;'11The C%J' Purple is not without glish Gild a slafr\\'/'ircrfor rhe ,\I;chiflaw. Even though it is filled with gan Rcr;cll', heart-warming moments. it sags with

Polovchak continued from page 5

on dirt floors without any heat They have to worry about what they are going to eat the next day, How man y of us worry about what to eat tomorrow') How many of us worry about where to sleep? Many of us complain here when we don't get a chance to take a shower. In the So viet Union, people take a bath once a month. Few houses have bathrooms inside: most of them are outside, You have to wait in line for toilet paper in cities, and in man y villages people don't knov,; what toilet paper looks like, They use newspaper. Citizens of the Soviet state don't have too much to say about their lives, They must do as the government says. and many who disagree get thrown in jail for life. There are thousands of people in jail today in the Soviet Union who never did anything wrong, They just disagreed with the government, or they strongl y believe in God, You have to watch what you say and to whom you

speak. You don't know whom to trust and whom not to trust In the Sov iet Union. people do not know what is going on around the rest of the world. Newspapers and tele\'ision do not say anything about other countries, unless it serves the propaganda controls of the states, The SO\'iet press doesn't even cover the news around the Soviet Union, If there is a plane crash or a serious calamity, nobod y hears about it at all unless some high official died in the accident When I Ii ved in the Soviet ukraine. I didn't hear one good thing about the United States, Everything I heard was horrible. They would say things like, "It's very dirty over there." and that black people are siaves. They would say that this country is run by bums and that the people are stan'ing and have no place to sleep, Few people really know how life in the United States is, The people who know about America will not talk

about it The majority believe what Soviet newspapers and television sa y about America , When I came 10 this country in early 1980, I saw a vcry big differcnce. In thi s co untry our pets eat better food than people in the Soviet Union eaL Any Soviet citizen would give his ri ght arm to have anything this country has to offer. Soviet people would d,) anything to have a lot of minor things \'ie take for granted, In America it is no big deal to have a pair of jeans. On the black market in the Soviet Union a pair of jeans costs

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about 150 ruhles : a pack of gum is 3 rubles . .\ wool sca rf costs $20 here : ill the Smiet l lnion you can sell it for 120 rubles. You ca n'l huy these in a ,torl', .'\ lot of peo pk I talk to, es pecially Ihe \ oung. think life in the Smiet Union is almost th e same as it is here, fhn arc mistaken . People in .\rnerica takL' freedom ft.)r granted. I don't. and I 11l'\'cr wil\. There i, no place lik,' the l !nited St,ltc>; or .\merica,

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page 10 THE !\lICHlG"\N REVIE\\' "

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Confab at the Co-op their idealism. not because they want to make a buck. We should not lower ourselves to the carrot and stick methods produced by bourgeois values. Payment of money is an immoral way to influence behavior. Eudora: Agreed. Chairman: Any objections? Consensus? OK. Next item. . . We have a problem. Our non-comrade cohorts have chosen as their symbol . the Accursed Penguin! Delbert: No! Only politically correct people may use the Accursed Penguin! Eudora: It is as if we chose for our symbol. . . the Obese Cat! (Collective shudder) Delbert: Yes, but the Accursed Penguin's best friend is not the Obese Cat but the Deceased Cat! Eudora: Perhaps if the Obese Cat was to die, then there would be two

detettsed cats; Harpo: If you're suggesting assassinating Garfield. we have a strong historical precedent. FB74: These people are violating copyright laws. We must punish them! Chairman: How about passing a resolution calling them Fascists? FB74: That would certainly promote informed debate. Better yet, we should punish them through a fine! Eudora: Fine them! Fine the Fascists! Delbert: Make them pay! Harpo: Yeah, but FB. wouldn't this be using money to influence people's behavior? FB74: We have just labeled them Fascists. Therefore, they are now anti-people. And we are not using payments but rather anti-payments. Chairman: Objections? . That's it. Meeting adjourned. Eudora: Hey, FB, I got some tips on oil stocks. FB74: Hot damn. I need some new investment tips. My portfolio's collapsing.

Joe [l'plw is a Senior in the Schoo/ of" ,Yalura/ Resollrce's and Buddhist SIIIdies and is Cllrrcl1lir a PRO-pcch'c

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Chairman: This meeting of the People's Sit-In Co-op will now come to order. Eudora: Hey, you should not assume an authority role. We are non-hierarchical. Chairman: Yes, but I am omnipotent. Harpo: That can be corrected by surgery. Chairman: Remember last year when I walked on Barton Pond? Delbert: YOll did not. Chairman: Our newsletter said so. FB74: We must end this hierarchical nonsense. We are anti-authorities. Eudora: Yeah. we have no leaders. no lines of authority, no authority figures. Everyone may speak. everyone is equal, no matter who (s)he is. Delbert (whispered): How do you pronounce (s)he? Are the parentheses silent'? FB14:Burt;'achtime aper$()n speaks alone, s/he has the attention of the others. thus placing her(im) in an authority role. even if it's only temporary. We cannot permit this. The Green way would be for all of us to speak at once. It produces an anti-meeting. an anti-meeting of the anti-minds. Delbert: Cut the rhetoric. FB74: You are violating my right to be heard. That is wrong. Eudora: You talk like you invented the Constitution. FB74: No. I do not believe in inventions. Inventions. patents. and copyrights are wrong. Everything belongs to the people. We must undermine this attitude of ownership and. in general. rules at the University. For instance. cheating is acceptable because it undermines the grading system and thus promotes learning. Eudora: It obviously didn't promote your learning in Logic class. Chairman: We have a couple items to discuss. Our allies in the Marxist Student Association are seeking to renumerate their officers. Harpo: President. Vice-President, Historian. Hysterian, Anti-Parliamentarian. That's five. Delbert: He means remunerate their officers. Pay them money. FB74: We do not need or want officers who arc motivated by material gain. People should work for the Marxist Student Association due to

February was quite a busy month for the Michigan Student Assembly. Amidst all the resolutions. resignations. and upcoming mid-terms. confusion abounded at the Assembly's Michigan Union Chambers. The second month of 1986 saw a rare executive session called in the wake of the events surrounding Lawrence Norris and Cheryl Bullard. Assembly members had their hands full with elections coming up in March. The confusion got so great that it even swept me in. As it turns out, I made some grievous factual errors in my report last month regarding Dean Baker'S campus recruitment referendum. My apologies to the Assembly and to our readers for the mix-up. The more complete (I hope) review of the proposal appears below, along with other important topics discussed throughout February. Note:Hopefully. by the time you read this. you will have voted for the 1986-87 representatives. MSA is an important part of the University community. and it is important for its constituents to be aware of how this·group·of Students·, ··represents them. The only way you can know whether or not you are being fairly represented is to know your MSA. I strongly urge you to do so. The first meeting of the new assembly will be scheduled for the first half of April. Proceedings of February 4,1986 The Assembly passed a motion that would put a campus recruitment referendum on the March 25&26 ballot. The referendum call~ for a nine-member committee of students, facuity, and administrators to determine, through an agreed-upon definition of terrorism. whether or not a company wishing to recruit students on campus is involved in terrorist activities. The representatives of a company or organization would be required to sign a statement pledging that it is not involved in such practices before it would be allowed to conduct inteviews on campus. Guilty companies would be prohibited from using University facilities to recruit prospective employees. Representative Gus Teschke (Rackham) answered a charge that this would violate a student's rights to freely choose companies with whom he or she would seek employment by emphasizing that students would still have that choice. but it would be likely that they would have to conduct such business off campus. It should be noted that the referendum would nol give MSA. or anyone else. "the unlimited authority to tell students whom they could interView with." as I stated last month. The Legislati\e Relations Committee announccd that it was workmg together "'lth the Student Rights Committee on the 15sm' of a Studcnt Regent

The AssemblY unanimously passed a resolut Ion nominating imprisoned anti-Apartheid activist. Nelson Mandrla for an Honorar} Degree. In terms of how this action would effect students. several members ponted out to constituents that it serves as a symbolic gesture of support for Mandela and other opponents of the racIst regime in South Africa. it also stands as a "morale booster to black students." The Assembly members discussed at length the subject of remuneration of executive officers. It has been proposed that these officials should be reimbursed for the long hours that they put into their committees as MSA members. Some officials cited that many students, who would otherwise run for executive office. do not due to the time requirement. Others pointed out that U-M is the only Big Ten school that does not compensate executive officers in some way. Opponents to th~, subject made it clear that MSA does not have the financial resources for this kind of plan. saying that "students should not be subsidizing other students' education." The officers included in the plan would be the President, Vice-President. and Treasurer. The Resident Halls Association reported that ten resident halls voted on this matter and nine of them were against it. The opponents stressed that MSA is not a job, but rather a privilege. Other suggestions inclUded non-monetary compensation. possibly academic credit. ProcNdilfgs of February JI, 1986 The Assembly voted to go into exeCutive session to discuss the issues surrounding the conflict between the Assembly, former Representative Lawrence Norris, and Cherie Bullard. The meeting was closed to the pubic from approximately 7:40, and was reopened to publie comments at 9:00. The Assembly voted to finish the regular meeting before returning to executive session. The Assembly voted in favor of a resolution calling for the University's classified research guidelines to be extended to include "all classified and unclassified research." The reso· - lution also demanded that the policy be en· forced through centralized review committees and that MSA apointed students will "have full representation on all research review committees and influence on research policies decisions. " The Assembly voted on amendments to Compile Code Chapter 31. governing Minority Affairs. One amendment would provide for more members per minority group so as to mcrease representation. The amendment passt'd. Another amendment called for the deletion of the word. "American" from the

see page II Pm ric/.:. Ba/cheller is a Sophomore in and a sla(f writer

('OIJlIl1l1l1iw!iOI1S

lor I hc\llcJlIgan RCl·/CH.

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March, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page II

,..................................................................................................................................................................................................... . ~

tOiA in lttuitw

iJlttitrs

continued from page 10

continued from page 3

chapter wherever certain individuals were re-

according to MSA. featured equal debate of the

Editor:

ferred to as Asian-Americans, Afro-Americans, and the like. Some Assembly members see this

issue. Vice President Linda Wilson, whose pres-

as discrimination against non-citizens. Others

ence was requested at this meeting. could not

objected that the term. "American," is loosely

attend due to prior engagements scheduled

defined, and does not necessarily imply citi-

through the end of March.

Da.id Katz' articlr on South Africa in the last .1/ R was. in the main. informative. A few critiCisms and observations. however. m<ty be In order. The legislative body of South Africa is in Capl'lo\\n. The country has three capitals: Pretoria (administrative). Capetown/Kapstad (legl~latilL') and Bloemfontein (judicial). Mr. Kav also maintains thai apartheid was designed 10 allo", white. English-speaking people to gOlcrn the majoflty (black) populatIOn. '>ctuaHy. such is nol the case. Apartheid came in at the time that Ihe Afrikaaner-dominaled National Party came to power in 1948, Although there had been Afrikaaner prime minI,ter, prior \0 1948. it was only in that year that the\ ohtalncd a malority in parliamcnt. Englhh-spcakel's were and tend to be opposed to aparthcld. The system was based upon the ultra-fundamentalist religious views of some members of the Dutch Reformed Church who maintained that the races remain separate. Apartheid (separation) 1111111'0/'.1' would sel up "countries" or homelands lor each ethnic group in order for them to develop separately. Apartheid is shorthand for lIPOrll' olllH'ikkl'lillg (separate deVelopment). The idea was to parallel Ihe sct-up in Europe after the First World War with the emergence of separate countries for the Poles. Czechs. Latvians, etc. In practice, of course. 1\ has worked out differently. Till' problem in South Africa is the same as that in all countries where the free market has

zenship, but recognizes these people as having

The Assembly passed a motion to allocate

the same rights as citizens. (Nobody mentioned

$350 to the Freedom Charter Coalition for

the possibility of using more inclustve termi-

printing purposes. The Charter. which would

nology. to wit. "Asians and Asian-Americans,

be printed as a pamphlet and distributed to

Africans and Afro-Americans.") The amend-

students. drop-box style, is a document to

ment was defeated.

proyide students and others with ideas as to

Proceedings of February 18, 1986

what measures can be taken to improve the

The Steering Committe reported that it had

l !niversity community as a whole. It covers

dropped "the investigation of charges" against

such tOpics as racism, sexism. and research. to

'Lawrence Norris, whose resignation was ac-

name a few. The Coalition itself is a collection

repled at the Steering Committee meeting.

of (informational) campus and community

Walter Downs was selected as interim chair of

groups such as C.A.W.S" the Tenants Union,

Mmority Affairs.

and the Free South Africa Coordinating Com-

During constituent's time, student Dave Vogel criticized the assembly for being hypo-

mittee. The motion to fund the Coalition passed.

critical in its possition on Norris. saying that

A Molion was passed to allocate $500 to the

Military Researcher. Ingrid Kock has a similar

Campus Coalition for Women for publicity

conflict of interest. Vogel feels that Kock is

costs. The goal of the Coalition is to recognize

using her office to promote her own political

women's achievements, and to' strive for

views and that she is not truly representing the

equality between the sexes. They needed this

students when she had "such a partisan view."

money to effectively promote the Coalition

The Assembly responded by saying that Kock

and its cause campus wide. The motion passed.

has been doing exactly what MSA expects her 00.' They' countered the charge of partisan-

The /lOlesfor Ihe ,\larch lIIeeting' will appear ill the April issue ()f The Reriell'.

ship by citing the SDI conference. which,

Yurchenko continued from page 7

time White House officials could neither confirm or deny the reports, Nightline carried live satellite feed from Moscow with Carl Sagan, but made no mention of Yurchenko's execution. Locally, the Detroit News did not cover the execution until March 10th. According toNovoe Ruskoe Slol'O, the White House was unable to confirm or deny Yurchenko's execution. Deutsche PresseAgentllr, the German press agency, quoted "informed sources" as saying that a new mid-level agent swap was planned and confirmed Yurchenko's execution. Vitaly Yurchenko's redefection raises serious questions about the manner of defector handling. Yurchenko was a bonafide defector and his execution, once confirmed, should answer the following question: Why did we lose him? In part, the answer lies in the nature of the program. Defector handling is a relatively undervalued department of the intelligence services. To take aposition in it is to limit one's career.

Defector handling involves long hours watching over the defectors in various safehouses and battling superiors for needed resources. According to William Colby, former director of Central Intelligence, defectors are the cornerstone of Counter Intelligence. As such, we must reevaluate the program. In order to attract and retain qualified defectors we rhust improve the methods and quality of the handlers. This requires the redirection of resources towards Counter Intelligence and defector handling. Potential defectors must know that they will be safely resettled in the West. :

not been altowl'd to nourish unhampered. ['knsions made on the hasis of race or ethnIC ongin are on a par with deciSIOns basl'd on astrological observations. and both arc diametrirally opposite to the fret' market. RaCism IS colkcti\i~m in its nudl'si form. and collectiVism. 111 simple tams. i~ We versus Them. Whether one wants to clil il fascislll, communism. or Afrik,lann Socialism. It comes down to the same thing: the sacrifice of the 1I1dlVldlIal lex 1111: sake of the hnd-liciousncss at its 111O,t virulent. Soulh Africa has vast natural resources that nHlld mah' it onc' of the world's nchest c·oul1tries. Aut more importantly. South .·\!i·lca ,'()uld Ix'come a role model /(Jr the rcst of \Ii·iea. COIlId. but only if grcat changes are made. Those changes do flot include II/ore rausm as proposed hy lihcmls. conscrv;tltves. ;ll1d socialists. do not include morc governlllt'ni. //lore centrali/cd planning and a /1101'(' collt.x·ti\i/ed lx'onomy. All thesc arc counterproductive. Instead. what is nreded IS a demand for the installation of a frct' economIC system and the ouster of tile mixed economy (socialism with capitalism) that ptevails at present. Above all. Ihe JX'Ople of South Africa havl' to stop thinking of themselves as Whiles. Blacks. Coloureds, Zulus. or whatever. and begin thinking of themselvcs as IltIlmdllal, >\nylhing else will only bring the evt'ntual destruction of South Africa. just as 11 " bringing about the destruction of Ameri,a

Jim Greenshields

. !

In Other Words .••

ver2S.,..arI

aga.GeorQe ()wei wrote

a terfltylng little bock called ~ hit. he imagIned a IOCIeIy h wnIcn a tOCIaIIIt stale c0ntrolled !he econ0If'('If, TV and newspapers. ,eligion. sports ewryIhIng. The stale denied Individual 1ree' dom ttvouon the most severe meaN. Dally life was monitored through TV camera.. Any rebellIOuS word. deed

or _

fQcIaI

was punishable

by 1OrtuI'e and death. enforced by !he

_-present "Thought PolIce." h Older 10 con1rol speech and Ihought. gavemment deIIetoped a

new IOnQUCIOe

wrapping misleading pleasant words OI'oune! very ugly things. Thus. ''1otced IaboI' camp" becOme ''joy camp." The government slogans "Wor Is Peace." ''ffeedom Is SIaveIv." and "1gnorance is SInIngIh" _e examples 01 the new ton-

guage, which OIweil coiled Newspeak. 12M. 01 COUtSe. Is l\cIIon. Or IS if? Half the world now lives under C0mmunist governments whiCh resemble OrweII's slate. In Vlelnom and !he SovIet Union. prisoners ore sent 10 die in

"reI'oc:It:lMcIlIOIt" and "teIocatIon" cen1erl Soidlers conquer YIIklQers In "wars of 1\beI'otIon." And cItIZens ore her~ to polls 10 YOfe In "eIec:1Ions" In whICh th_

are no ctIoIc:eI. EYen In our country. Newspeak ~s lO be taIdng hOld. be inCteoses Ole coiled "revenue enhoncements," and aC!-' vccoteI 01 inCI'eosed govemment conrrol are coll«l "progressive" or "lIberoi." MealIWhiIe. dePQI1ments in WoshinglOn I1'IOInk*I an 0I/eI'008 01 15 rue. on .....,., AmerIoan. It Is not WOlds wtIIcI\ ttveoten our 1reedom. but !he poIIIIeoI ~ beNne! the mliIIeadIng words. We must guard 0Q0In$1 !he abIae 01 bolh.

HILLSDALE COLLEGE

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1_ THE MICHICi ·\.N REVIEW

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On'r !h ~' ;:'Jst )T1r or two . there ha'> Much of the farmland in rurai been increasing media attention on South Africa is controlled by the South Africa. Such attention has whites, and so are the cities. The prompted several books to be written black areas are in the townships outon the subject. A writer for the New side the cities. This policy has led to a York Times. Joseph Lelyveld, has harsh lifestyle for blacks, as over 70% written such a book called Move Your must travel two or more hours from Shadow. The source for the title is home to work and still over 20% from a conversation between a South must travel three or more hours each African and his black golf caddy in way. Lel yveld relates the story of a which the caddy is bluntly told to man who had to leave for work at "move his shadow." 3:30 a.m . and not return home until 9 Lelyveld reminds the reader that p.m., or even 10 if the bus driver was apartheid, Dutch Afrikaans for not in the mood to drive all the way "separate-hood," was a campaign back to his home town. Under these promise in the 1948 election. Since conditions, it is not enough for then, however, the term has acquired Western corporations to pledge not to such connotations that even the discriminate against blacks; new anSouth African government wants to swers must be sought. One possible solution to the South avoid it. By whatever name, the South African government does ad- African problem would be to divide here to a policy of racial segregation the country into one black country and there is no attempt to disguise it and one white country. The whites ., as something ,else., . One inslr;umenl. . , hol.d . .parity . in the Wes~, . and. the of apartheid is t he Race Classifical ion blacks are overWheliliingly dominant Board. They operate under reams of in the East. One of the problems self-contradictory laws over who shall would be the significant number of be placed into which racial group. In whites in the East, as well as the actuality. the laws amount to nothing wealthy cities of Pretoria and Johanmore than complete discretion for the nesbu.·g. The other problem would be Board. Lelyveld describes the ordeal maintaining the "ethnic purity" of of a woman who was not allowed to the white state. Due to the potential live in a white area because she was unwillingness of whites to do mellial deemed "colored" by the Race Clas- labor and the logistical difficulties of sification Board. Trying to get her keeping out black immigration. race changed to white, she had to go today's problem could easily reappear through a humiliating trial and ex- in that new country in a few decades. plain why she had previously lived in The otheJ; solution would be to a colored area. surrender control of the government While this woman was denied to the blacks peaceably or as t~e admission into the white race , others result of civil war. A faction of black~ have been redefined to be included in wants to rename the counlf) it. Since the white population in "Azania" because "South Africa" South Africa is 15% and decreasing. carries such bitter connotations . some redefinition of what is white. -\zania is not an ancient name for the black, and everything in between the area around South Africa: it is th e name of an ancient East African two is necessary. Also, since the number of blacks is so large, the) kingdom . Regardless of the name 0 must be divided into groups. Each the country . if the blacks gain control black is assigned to a homeland , and peacefull y.there is every reason to to one of ten tribes which may ha\e believe that that country will resemno relation to that person's actual ble Zimbabwe. As long as the country ethnicity. Lelyveld contends that remains semi-capitalistic. all obstathese policies are necessary to "divide cles to blacks should be removed , and conquer" -the blacks: some of although black earnings might not their frustrations must be vented equal that of whites right away. Lelyagainst the more successful coloreds veld does not mention the fact that and Indians. Furthermore, the blacks eight years after the blacks have won must be divided into enollgh groups :-ol1trol in Zimbahwe. the a\eragr as to keep them dispersed vet not so white makes $13.000 per year. and many as to be bureaucratically unthe a\erage black makes $700. manageable.

How much lower than $700 per yea r would black earnings be if the new country were called "The Azanian People's Republic?" Throughout I he book, Lelyveld considers the portrayal of certain black leaders in )outh Africa as communists to be a concern of the paranoid, but the san;c people he quotes as wanting to rename the country "The Azanian People's Republic" want to replace "racial capitalism" with "workcr control of the means of production, distribution , and exchange." MOI'c Your Shado)'>' does not consider that there is any conflict

other than black versus white in South Africa. The criticisms agaip<;t apartheid that Lelyveld mentions arc \alid ones. but the author tends \( quote headlines, slogans, and popula! music and misses another importan criticism: that some of those offerin~ black rule ofTer another form of te:J I itarianism.

Joseph McColl1l111 is a graduQ/(' .~ III · dent in IndUSTrial and Operations Engineering and an Exceutil'e EdilOr q(the Michigan RCl'iell'.

Come hear the most sought after political speaker in the U.S. Congress

.Congressman Jack Kemp "Kemp has quietly emerged as just about the most valuable property in the GOp· -- Newsweek

Saturday, April 5th 3:30 p.m. Hale Auditorium UM Business School (corner of Hill & Tappan) S'porl$ored by the Michigan College Republican Organization