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. cÂŁjJ,JlAJ:q lnlaiU ~i.li11J Volume 5

September, 1986

Number 1

elcome Back!

Is all OK in the ROK?

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A, Freshman Guide

Beybnd Sid and Johnny ~

And More. _ _ _ _....

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September, 1986

page 2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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§erpent's 000tll Th e Cook Co unt y Review of Michigan .

That' s o ur new nam e. Publisher Vogel has lived in Cook Count y, Illinois (that 's the one th at contains Chicago) for 20 years. Editor-in-Chief KJukoff, after hiding in Jersey for 20 years, has moved to Cook County, Thus, to bring our IIlinauseum culture to the subpar state of Michigan, here's the latest one from the Windy City. Richard Daley (the son of the Dead One) has joined the movement for non-partisan mayoral elections in an effort to dethrone Harold Washington' s strategic advantage.

Vrdolyak and Kelly are right now plotting to team up with Daley and Jane Byrne for the Big Battle at Not-So-OK Corral. Stay tuned, it's gonna be a tough one.

** In further baseball news, former U of M great, Barry Larkin, made his major league debut. Larkin was originally scheduled to start, but due to weather-related delays in his flight , he arrived in ' Cincinnati only half an bour before game time; w.ithout any o f hIS equipment. Nevertheless, the shortstop-second baseman debuted, making a pinch hitting appearance, while wearing Pete Rose's shoes.

Perhaps, Rose's greatness will rub off on Larkin. We hope.

** The local primaries had an unusual incident. David Raaflaub, a challenger to State Senator Lana Pollack in Democratic primary, challenged the State Senator to a mud wrestling match. Ms. Pollack naturally declined. But it would have been interesting, to say the least

** During this past summer, the only anti-Sandinista newspaper in Nicaragua, La Prensa , was shut down by the Sandinistas.-The excuse was that since the paper was opposed to the Sandinistas. it mu st be fund ed by the CIA and tryi ng to o\'Crt hrow the government. Perhaps It was.

In any case, before th e 1979 revolution , La Prensa was an anti-Som oza newspaper. Ho\\'ever, even when So-

Ire have a winner . .H 'e hal'e 111'0 winners in th e Review's Crosslvord Pu z zle Sweepstakes. The entries wer£' iden/ical and. ill fact , cOnlained th e same errors. It Ih is were a classroom, cheating might be suspected and we might fo llo w the old adage "r(yo u spli[ the work y ou each gel 50°1! (~rrhe grade " But i! would he difjiclIl! 10 properly splil a S5. 00 Sieve's Ice Crealll

moza was about to be overthrown, he never shut down La Prensa. This should help prove that no matter how lill Ie freedom there was under Somoza, there is even less under the Sandinistas.

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TAKE All OF rr BACK 10 'ffiE t1\ANT, JAC\\. 'flt. CAN'T ~o THE

c.AP\iAl <WN~L

** The U-M Regents will soon consider rescinding a bylaw which allows student groups that demonstrate sufficient support from students to raise money through the registration process. This bylaw is the one under which PIRGIM was allowed to solicit money from students through a stub on the SVF. The issue comes up again because PIRGIM is seeking reinstatement to the SVF and claims to have 16,000 student petition signatures in support of that request.

PIRGIM used questionable tactics in its petition drive. Many students were not aware of what they were endorsing, in fact some thought that they were signing to allow PIRGIM to

gifi certificate. Besides, people are innocent ulltil proven guilty. To prOl'l' our adherencc 10 that principle, 11'(' will not he demamling uril/an alysis (!( ("omesla n!s.

JlIsl kidding. people. The ( H I'inners are Ingrid Cu /lin o(Salinc and Chns / 'Iah os 01 {h e Biological Chl'mislr,r Departl/lcnt.

Lueh 11/11 recei)'/' u 55 .UO gdi eeni/i, ,;i, ' Ii-I'm .\1('\'('\ lee Cream

.

Sh?uld any ~roup, partIcularly a pohtical speCIal lOterest group, be granted advantageous status? In other

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From the oops! department. Chief Justice nominee, William Rehnquist. was getting a lot of flack from several

~~~~i~~~~s~~~!: ~~~~~f~b~~rr~~ ;. ;~~~..:~~;:t~~~~~~~~~.~·~~~ · · ;~a~~t\~vtk,~~~~·1f6h~~~~~~icW~~a ··;·· . ,'" "Sign for a stronger PIRGIM" approach used in the past, PIRGIM was vague. Only students who thoroughly questioned the petitioners or who were already well-informed and read the petition carefully and critically could be certain of understanding the ramifications of PIRGIM's proposal.

In the past PIRGIM has been much more honest and direct and thus has received much less support. Also, it should be noted that many of the students who signed the petition last winter are no longer U-M students.

PIRGIM has also resorted to misleading statements regarding its funding sources. PIRGIM receives $300,000 per year from non-student "citizen" donators, much much more than it ever hopes to rake in from U-M students. In a letter to the Michigan Daily PIRGIM's T reasurer denied this, even though PIRGIM's budget is public knowledge. PIRGIM will do anything to maintain the illusion that it is purely a student orga ni zation .

Aside from the issue of PIRGIM's tactics and the merits of PIRGIM's request to be granted fund raising privileges is the issue o f fairness.

semI-offiCIal status denved from a stub on the SVF? PIRGIM would claim that it deserves an advantage due to its allegedly strong support. But ifPIRGIM is so str~ngly supported by.stude~t~ then there IS no need for fundl~g pnvlleges.

Students .would gladly gIve PIRGIM money W1thout any SVF mechanism.

They would simply go to the PIRGIM office or throw money in a PIRGIM bucket. Other stude.n.t organizations, mos~ much less political and controverslal than PIRGIM, raise money that way, and none of them are clamoring for funding privileges.

* The issue is one of fa irness. All groups should live by the same rules, and if exceptions to the rules were to be made for anyone, they should be made for non-political groups such as CA RE or Students Against Drunk Driving which arc striving to ae i ieve goals that most every student v, ~) uld support. Lobbying groups v"'ith a clear agenda such as PIR GIM shou ld be the last to benefit from special treatment.

The Regents should revoke their fundrai si ng bylaw.

deeds that included anti-Jewish or anti-Black clauses. Then it was discovered that Senator Biden also had a house with a similar deed. Case dismissed.

** In California, thirteen-year-old Deanna Young attended a church lecture on drug abuse. Apparently, she took the lecture to heart. She turned in her parents for drug possesion, along with a trash bag containing some marijuana, a handgun, some pills, and $2800 worth of cocaine. The question is, is this an isolated incident, or are teenagers actuall y that much more conservative than their parents?

** Here's one that you won't believe: Did you know that Smiling Mike Gorbache v and Bill Cosby are COllsins? Really, they are, according to

Th e Natinnal Midnighl Star. o r something lih' that. ('(('s. even l1'e can't resist leTting our eyes slip P~ls t the TV Guide on the line at Farmer Jack's.)A.n yway, we are trying in vain to decide who is the real comedian.

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THE MICHIGAN REVlEW

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September, 1986

page 3

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TIlE

,

~ rom

t11r i£ilitor

MlCHlGIUf

RIWIEW Publisher David A. Vogel

A.ssociate publishers David Katz Joseph M. McCollum

of'90

Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Klukoff

Executive Editors Steve Angelotti Paul Sellman

A.dllertis;ng Director Sharlene Prais

Personnel MalUlgers Peter C. Cubba Charles D. Lipsig

McCarthyites-in-Chief Joseph Biden Edward Kennedy Justin Schwartz Staff Patrick Batcheller Craig Brown John Burch Debbie Buchholtz Lori Burrington C. Brandon Crocker Kurt Heise . JrffJo/lIIson

Welcome Class

Karen Kress Da vid N orquist Paddie O'Hal/oran Mark Powell Scoll T Rick man Gloria Sanak David Sphar . Mo/lySII(>ssmllth

Cqro!.l·n Jonl's.

Josl'ph Typho

SUPPORTERS: Gerald R . Ford, R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr., Norman Podhoretz, In'ing Kristo/, William F. Buckley, Jr., Edwin Feulner Jr.,

The Michigan Review welcomes, appreciates, pleads for letters from our fans, admirers, adversaries (at your own risk, of course), and groupies. If you want to see your letter on these pages (page 9, actually), please temper your writing to no more thQII two double-spaced, type-written pages. Also. let us kllOw YOllr name. where 510u live and your phone number.

But your response is not only limited 10 a letter. You may also subm it an article. All work will be reviewed by Ollr impeccable editorial slaff and considered in. light oj structure and conlent.

Arricles can be senl to ollr spacious. m odern corporate office ill the Michigan League. 11'1'11. actually. here is the mailing address: THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Suite One 11 North University Ann Arbor, MI 48109

So why did you choose to attend such a large university? I am sUre most of you have been asked that question on numerous occasions. My answer is that a university is only as large as perceived. A university may contain many buildings, occupy a sizeable land area and have a student body of 40,000. (Not to mention a seemingly impenetrable bureaucracy).

These are physical characteristics of a large university. But one should not use these features as the sole bases for defining the educational experience.

To become intimidated by the superficial characteristics of the university is to severely hinder one's personaJ growth.,:L.."

..'

has to offer. Take time to examine the plethora of student organizations, cultural programs, political groups, publications, and musical events on campus. A walk across the Oiag will reveal the vitality present at Michigan. Essentially, you should try to become an active participant in the life of the university. Involvement in the university,' combined with successful academic achievement, will ultimately lead to greater personal growth.

We at The Michigan Review wish you success and fortune in all your pursuits during the upcoming year.

Best of Luck and Go Blue!

.. *'*******.,

You were all "stars" in highschool. ' .

You achieved the highest grades, I would also like to introduce you to perhaps some of you were valedictorians. You participated in a myriad The Michigan Review. With this issue of activities and accumulated many we begin our fifth year of publication. an honor and award. Your motivation We are a monthly journal devoted to and desire to achieve were reasons for the discussion of the major issues of acceptance at this university. These our time. While we range politically successes should not be compromised from moderate to conservative, we in the face of unbreakable red tape, welcome debate within our pages. We endless lines for registration, unat- also publish book, movie, concert and tainable overrides and class sizes of record reviews, as well as the musings of noted scholar Joseph Typho.

600.

This year will begin the second year Freshmen, it is most important to avail yourselves of all the opportuni- of our interview series. Last year we ties that the University of Michigan interviewed Bill Lucas (right after he

Coming in Octobet . • •

Th e M ich iga n R eview is an independenr. student·run journal at the 'Un iversity of M ichi·

switched parties), No'r man Podhoretz (Editor of Commentary), Carl Pursell (Our valiant Congressman), Harold Shapiro (You know who he is, and if you do not, you will shortly), and AI Haig (Former Secretary of State, current presidential candidate, and East Quad's honorary resident). Potential interviews for the upcoming year include Edward Luttwak (Author of Pentagon and the Art of War), Les Aspin (Congressman from Wisconsin) , and Richard Lugar (Senator from Indiana and Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee).

We are adding some new features thi~ . , y¢aJ'

and

, re~ps,. some

old

favorites. Included this year will be Inside Review, which will focus on campus events of major importance and the activities of the many special interest clubs. Review Poll will be a monthly survey, seeking response to questions ranging from US involvement in Nicaragua to Jim Harbaugh's chances of winning the Heisman. Of course, Serpent's Tooth is back and so is Review Forum, which gives you the chance to debate a current issue.

Finally, we welcome your letters.

Please drop us a line, let us know what you think about an article in the Review. Weare always searching for ways to improve and will appreciate your input. Moreover, we enjoy intelligent debate. Anyway, The Michigan Review is free and can be found in most Central and North Campus buildings and in all dorms. ~

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gan. This m ealls that no one controls us. Ii'e are in no way, shape. or f orm representat ive of the policies of the Administration and accepl no dough f rom the Unilwsit)'.

T ypesetling is provided by Trade Graphics, i nc. Our printers are Obsen'l!f and Eccentric

Seth B. Kluko.ffis a Junior in Political Science and Editor-in-Chief 0.( the Review

(B ut not in that order).

Copyright 1986 .~{

Out national Defense: Rn

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September, 1986

page 4 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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,

Is All OK in the ROK?

by Mark Powell After a summer of frequent, often violent demonstrations in South Korea, many people are asking "Will South Korea be the next Philippines?" and speculating that President Chun Doo Hwan will be the next U.S.backed authoritarian ruler to go the way of Ferdinand Marcos. Indeed, the latter-day histories of these countries and their involvements with the United States offer some compelling aggregate parallels. The differences, however, l?etween the present situation of South Korea and that of the post-Marcos Philippines, between Marcos and Chun, and between the peoples of the two nations are even more compelling and would tend to dispel speculations linking the paths of the two countries. Yet, we have seen the disturbing violence. Let us examine the conundrum in this order: first the parallels, then the differences; then let us attempt to ascertain the meaning of the present situation and an outlook for the future.

America made huge sacrifices in the mid-20th century wars to. beat back totaJirarian invaders and secure the opportunity for freedom in both countries. After the Imperial Japanese conquest of the Philippines, almost 10,000 Americans died on the infamous Bataan Death March, and 14,000 died in the liberation of the islands three years later. In Korea, the American forces, leading the United Nations army which beat back the North Koreans and then the army of Mao's China, suffered 33,500 dead. In each case, tens of thousands more were wounded or maimed. The horror of Bataan, the might of the Leyte invasion fleet, the triumphant return of MacArthur . . . the fury of the Pusan Perimeter, the wild success of Inchon, the dark weeks of the C0mmunist Chinese advance, the raw valor of the Chosen Reservoir, and the following two years of highly disproportionate casualties inflicted upon the communists by the U.N. forces, which saved South Korea. . . some of the most significant episodes in the annals of American arms came during the saving of these countries, and these experiences form powerful bonds between the United States and each country.

Followng the wars, South Korea and the Philippines became, along with Japan, foundations of U.S. projection into the Western Pacific, with invaluable bases for forward deployment. I n the Philippines;' Ferdinand Marcos, after becoming an authoritarian ruler, helped keep himself in

Thus, there are no illusions or misconceptions about the danger of Communism among the people of South Korea, as there are among a limited few in the Philippines. Not even the most radical anti-government factions espouse it, and the terrible threat dtl South Koreans face t08ether has in the past served as some justification l'or authoritarian military governments. power with strong U.S. support, as has the Republic's cautious peace initiaChun. Now Chun, like Marcos, is tives. facing public discontent.

North Korea is totally committed to However, the parallels stop here, the destruction of democracy, partiwith things historical and surfacecuJarly Korean democracy in whatever degree it may exist, by violence apparent. Three all-encompassing, vital differences separate South Korea and terror. The 74-year old dictator, from the Marcos' Philippines. These Kim II Sung, has vowed to "unite" differences are geomilitary, economic, Korea before his death. Thus, there and political. are no illusions or misconceptions about the danger of Communism The Philippines are an island chain in the Pacific Ocean. Although the among the people of South Korea, as there are among a limited few in the ever-growing Soviet Pacific fleet is always a concern, and the country is Philippines. Not even the most radifighting internal communist guerillas'''' ·'''ea'''80ti-government''faetieus'espoU1e , (the so-called New People's Army), . it, and the terrible threat aU South the Philippines are not in immediate, Koreans face together has in the past extreme danger and are not likely to served as some justification for aube a spark in a major U.S.- Soviet thoritarian military governments. confrontation. South Korea, on the Whereas Marcos made the Philipother hand, is the southern half of a pines a debt-ridden economic wreck, peninsula whose northern half, the which only worsened as his years of People's Democratic of Korea, is martial-law rule progressed, South perhaps the most commitedly evil, Korea, adhering to free-market economic principles and employing an heavily armed, and fanatically totalitarian communist satellite nation on industrious people, has continued earth. under Chun to become an impressive economic dynamo. With foundations The Korean DMZ certainly vies with Germany as the most highly in the production of steel, ships, and pressurized, critically dangerous electronics, the Republic's success in East-West interface on earth. Beyond raising the standard of living of its North Korea lie Communist China and the Soviet Union. It leaves South Korea nowhere to run or hide. The . North has 700,000 men under arms (compared with 540,000 in South Korea), and hasgreater than 2:1 superiority in aircraft, tanks, APC's, and artillery. The Republic's capital, Seoul, is just 40 miles from the DMZ-a short push for massed, modern, Soviet tanks, as was evidenced in the last war. The Republic is closing these. gaps in hardware only slowly. North Korea also employs the world's largest commando force, dedicated to infiltration and disruption, including regular harassments under and in the DMZ, and such horrifying terrorist atrocities as the 1983 Rangoon, Burma bombing which killed 17 Korean high government officials and barely missed President Chun. This bombing was the North's answer to

people is highlighted by some amazing statistics. Its per capita GNP has grown from a mere $90 in 1960 to $2000 today. 'S ince 1982, our annual exports to the Republic-an aggressive trading partner-have exceeded the total of U.S. economic assistance to the country during the entire 36-year period that we were giving aid. Its gross GNP is more than four times that of the war-industrialized North, which spends 20% of its GNP on its military, compared to 6% for the Republic. (Figures from the Stale Department Bulletin, October 1985.)

This is the kind of opportunity-laden progress which usually takes the wind out of an~ large, opposition movement, and it must t>e (and shows every sign of being) maintained. "Our sustained economic growth is essential to Korean security," stressed President Chun on his 1985 visit to Washington.

Marcos is a significant contrast to Chun. After being democratically elected in 1965 (and receiving an honorary degree from U-M in 1966) Mamos.· ..changed. ,{or ..U1ewone. In · 1972 he declared martial law and sent Philippine democracy spiraling downward with its economy, becoming a personality-cult ruler and applying himself, it has since been revealed, to shocking excesses in self-enrichment, as did his wife, who once called the Filipino "my little see page 11

Mark Powell is a Sophomore in LSA and a staff writer for the Review

BtmH.D5 ~HmE1000 THE BUDGEr_

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September, 1986 '

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 5

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• I

Survi

g the

irst

ear

by Paul Sellman

,:

My freshman year was definitely a learning experience, as it was full of academic and social highs and lows.

Freshmen will inevitably have an array of both pleasant and uncom- · fortable experiences, but I hope that by sharing some information from my first year, I can save others from making a few common errors or from believing some widespread myths. . For such a large university, the waiting lines at various places on campus are not long at all. Predictably, the worst times to be standing in any line at all are at the beginning and . end of each semester. Students are depositing or withdrawing money at the banks, buying or selling back books at the bookstores, or savoring the first or last Steve's ice cream cone.

During these peak times of a semester I was unable to do much except grin and bear it, or take out my frustrations on my roomates when I returned to tpe dorm.

However, proper timing and luck • .ca n relieve such potentially irritating situations. If the e mployee helping a student find nil of the necessary book for the given schedule is competent, book-buying should take relatively little time. That is when "luck" is useful. The bookstores also tend to be less crowded after six o'clock. 'That is the "timing" part of the scheme. It is always best to remember that in addition to the peak periods of the semester, there are peak period s of the day ; and these, unlike the fonner. are' avo idable.

One more type of line deserves late student interest in the subject and, semester, I ""as too busy having a discussion-CRISP. Waiting in line to perhaps more importantly, create a great tirde to do any studying. On the register for classes or to drop or add sufficient amount of time when he or other hand, it would not have been them requires patience. Just when I she is accessible outside of class. If appropriate for me to have locked thought that I had the perfect schedule such extra time is set aside, the myself in the library, either. Looking worked out for the winter term , not students should take advantq.ge of the back, I suggest working hard during only did I stand in line for two hours, opportunity. the week and saving any built-up but then I discovered that two of my Often, a student's teaching assistant energy for the weekend. Ihis is easier choices were completely filled. While can be more helpful than the pro- said than done, of course. waiting, I personally found comfort by fessor, particularly when a simple and Moreover, in specific reference to wishing worse luck on the guy who concise explanation is needed. I the dorms, strong social ties with just had attempted to move ahead of would not have survived my Philo- other students living on the hall me in line. Then I turned to more sophy course last year if my T A had usually make the school year as mature options, such as blasting my not guided me through my final two enjoyable as it can be. Halls in all of ears into oblivion with my Walkman. papers. When course material be- the dorms are usually the centers for Overall, some class closings should be comes complicated, graduate students many parties; and if everyone on a expected, especially for the popular often have better insight into what hall can collaborate, "get-togethers" classes. Yet CRISP does operate exactly their students do not com- are more easily arranged. I feel the smoothly provided that the computprehend. Graduate students are not so need, however, to mention again that ers do not break down. This was far removed from their undergraduate such an atmosphere will be enjoyed proven by last spring's registration for experience, and can more easily re- more without an overd~e paper on the the fall term when very few students member their own difficulties than mind (as a student finds sex more stood for longer than one half-hour.' , the average professor. Once again, enjoyable without the Supreme Court Just as lines 'cannot always be however, it is the student's responsi- getting in on the act). Last year, there avoided at a large university, neither bility to approach the TA for guid- . were many nights when I could not go can large lectures. What is important ance. Teaching Assistants are be vital to sleep because I had allowed my to remember, however, is that large learning toofs in any course . work to accumulate to such a great .classes are not ·6arri e~s to excellent .. . . Life f~r all U of M!chigan freshmen extent. d ucalions, especiall y at Michigari >" ' becornesmore Complicated in the ... Still, what made campus life so All introductory courses have large dorms, where academic and social rewarding was participation in varenrollments which are difficult to spheres coexist. It is difficult to ious activities. Political groups aired reduce. For example, my Political achieve the delicate balance between their views, and the athletic programs Science 111 lecture had almost 450 being a "study hound" or a "party flourished with the help of great students. In a case such as this, it is animaL" Particularly in the first se· athletes and dedicated supporters. largely up to the student to make an mester, I always kept in mind the Any student can find extracurTicular effort to be attentive and to sit toward importance of developing friendships activities of interest at Michigan . the front of the auditorium ifhe or she and discovering what th e uni ve rsit y Through these activities. a st udent finds the size of the class overhad to offer aside from academics. ma y strive for a goal that he or she whelming. In conjunction, the proU nfortunately, one can carry thi s idea may want to accomplish while an to an extreme: for during 111) second fessor will hopefully stlive to stimuundergraduate. or in a lilctime.

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By the end of my first year. taken part in campus life and having tned to contrih ut c in my own wav to a learning environment. I tl nal ly klt as if ! cou ld legitimat l' ly call myself al i of M student. Gaining such a com· !o11able feeling by the year's end is the key to a "s llccessful" first year at the uniwrsity .

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Can the foundations of liberty Crack?

Please support The Michisan Review.

1\

Paul Sellman is a Sophornore in LSA and an Executive Edilor of the Review

After All. Libertll Entails Responsibility.

Please Make Contributions Payable "to:, The Michigan Review, Suite One, 9l·1 North University, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48109.

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page 6 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• _

September, 1986 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •> • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Crac dow It is most distressing that it took the untimely deaths of Len Bias and Don Rogers to open a "window of opportunity" for the nation to think seriously about the rapidly spreading drug abuse problem. Drug abuse has become the prime pastime in this nation, to such an absurd extent that we have even begun to mix PCP with Crack, an inexpensive crystallized form of Cocaine. But the drug abuse crisis in this country has existed for years and only now are we beginning to wake up to its damaging consequences.

Yet what action should we take now that so much attention is focused on drugs. Unfortunately, most of the war against drug abuse has been waged through rhetorical flourishes rather than through a coherent, well-formulated policy. The Reagan Administration has suggested some ideas recently, such as mandatory drug testing in the workplace. But this idea is not new, as the various sports leagues have discussed this propo,sal previo usly. Moreover, bom bing ~rug refi neries ""';" in the Bolivian juogles is a partial step toward curbing the inflow o f drugs across our border. Why not attack the field where the substances are grown?

Perhaps New York City Mayor Ed Koch has developed some clear proposals, to be carried out at the federal, state, and local levers. Koch suggests that we use the full resources of the military for drug interdiction, condition foreign aid on drug control, establish a national drug education center, enact a federal death penalty for drug wholesalers, enhance the federal agencies combatting drug abuse and enact tht State and Local Narcotics Act of 1986 (This bill provides $750 million annually for five years to assist state and local governments in the war against drugs).

Granted, some of Koch's ideas may be harsh, particularly the death penalty for wholesalers. But these ideas serve as a foundation from which to form a national policy. While this "window of opportunity" is open, we should act decisively to sufficiently wipe out the malaise of z.y drug abuse before it continues to decay the national morale.

• • •

UIsltlon • o the I During the recent Senate judiciary Committee hearings on President Reagan's nominations of William Rehnquist and Antonin Scalia to the posts of Chief Justice and Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, the atmosphere more resembled that of a trial or an inquisition than that of a hearing. After watching the eleven-hour long g~lling of Justice Rehnquist by certain committee Democrats, it IS not dIfficult to guess why there existed a long established precedent that the S~preme Co~rt nominee not appear in person before the committee at hIS own heanng.

The attempts by SenatorsJoseph Biden (D.-Del.), Edward Kennedy (D.-Mass.), Howard Metzenbaum (D.-Ohio), and Paul Simon (D.-Ill.) to discredit these two men with both hearsay and frivolous accusations reveals that their objections to these two individuals' nominations can only be based on ideological disagreements. In Justice Rehnquist's case, .the attention given to uilertforceablc resttictivecovenants'rnsev,era16f his property deeds was the most ridiculous of all the evidence used against him. These covenants were all declared illegal and unenforceable by a Supreme Court decision in 1948. Furthermore, lawsuits brought against title companies by the Justice Department in the 1950s for reporting unenforceable religious or racial covenants on the grounds that people might have mistakenly believed that they were enforceable easily explain why Justice Rehnquist was being truthful when he stated that he did not know of the existence of the covenants in the deeds. This would also explain why John F. Kennedy bOUght a Washington home that had an anti-black covenant.

In the case of Justice Scalia, Sen. Metzenbaum was so hard pressed to find anything incriminating about Scalia that he had to resort to questioning the way in which Scalia represented his views of American Indians in his portrayal of Tonto in an anecdote which he had written to illustrate the ineffectiveness of affirmative action. It would also be appropriate to note at this time that our own University of Michigan Law School ~as asked to review all of Judge ~calia's written opinions, and the findmgs only confirmed the appropnateness of Judge Scalia's nomination to the Court.

The signi~cance of these hearings which were aptly described by Senator Omn Hatch (R.-Utah) as a fishing expedition is the alarming ~recedent that t~ey set. ~ft~r watching these hearings, whenever ajudge SItS down to wnte an opmlOn for a case, the following thought will be running through his mind: "How will I be able to defend this position before the Senate Judiciary ' Committee if I am ever nominated to a position which requires their confirmation?" This is not a criterion that a judge should be using when writing an opinion on a case and the result ~ft~e~e he.arings is that they seriously threaten the inde~ndence of the JudiCIary m our system of checks and balances. ~

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September, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 7

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lfletters

A Letter from the Publisher Somewhere between reality and absurdity. That's where our campus lies.

The irony is astounding. Imagine, we have just celebrated the lOOth Birthday of Lady Liberty, the symbol of the freest nation on Earth. Futhermore, we here in Ann Arbor attend a university known for its liberal (not necessarily political) spirit. I shoutd expect that the University of Michigan would be a bastion offree thought and American-style liberty. Right?

Wrong.

On the surface, at least, our campus puts the concepts of a "free" society to test. The rights of freedom of speech and assembly are certified daily.

There are few other places in our nation where far-out philosophies and opinions are so readily offered and accepted. It does appear that Ann Arbor is an epitome of widely variant jd~s peacefully cocxj's tiog: After aU that is what a free society should be.

Right?

Wrong.

A closer analysis of our campus details some rather distasteful trends.

These tendencies worry me; the conduct on the "free" campus has a lot to be desired. Apparently, some of us still have some learning to do.

The w'o rst example of un-democratic conduct took place last October.

Vice President George Bush came to U-M to commemorate the 25th Anniversary of the Peace Corps. Some people, rightly or wrongly, argued that in no way did Bush represent the ideals of the Peace Corps. So, during the Vice President's speech, these people (about 400 in number) chanted so loudly that the audience could not hear him.

It is clear that this demonstration was a violent, unconstitutional act.

Undoubtedly any court in the country would agree that the 1st Amendment rights of the Vice President were violated; more significantly, it is also undeniable that the 1st Amendment rights of the audience were violated too.(11 has long been upheld that the Freedom of Speech comes in two parts: the right to speak freely and the right to hear others speaking.)

Moreover, the disruption could have constituted a "violent" act. In my mind, "violence" is, the physical release of anger and frustration. Certainly the demonstrators were angry at the Vice President; it showed on their faces.

.:'. .. \ ...

Here is the irony. This classless conduct came from the same people who exercise their 1st amendment rights every day. Indeed, if I list the names of people who actively participate in protests and other anti-government and anti~stablishment activities (obviously protected by the 1st amendment), and then I list the names of the demonstrators at the Blish speech, odds are that the lists would be Quite similar.

There are other examples; last year alone, the disruptions at the CIA interviews, the disruption at the Today show, and the attempt to ban certain corporations from recruiting on campus all constitute activities that erode the open atmosphere of our campus.

But let me not lay blame entirely on the left wing of campus. During the March '86 Michigan Student Assembly elections, the "conservative" party (as it was called, although it clearly was not conservative) accused their opponents of being Marxists. At the time, it seemed like a fabulous campaign tactic (Yes, I was a member of this party). In retrospect (hindsight is 20/20), this "tactic" merely raised tempers and, more importantly, dis-

played an attitude very unbecoming of "leaders" in a free society.

The bottom line to all this is simple.

This campus has a lot to learn. Liberty is a very precious commodity .

American democracy and freedom should not be taken for granted; instead, we must continually protect and uphold the basic rights we all have. We have to learn to start respecting the rights of others, and we have to learn to live with other ideals and philosophies that we individually do not respect.

This campus is producing tomorrow's leaders of this country (and other countries, for that matter). It is incumbent upon us, then , to learn how to deal with each other in a free society. We must learn the most basic lesson of freedom. Liberty Entails Respnsibility.

Responsibility: Liberty demands a .rcsPecff6r others' <>J)iriions; rio matter how despicable or repugnant. Someone once said that an individual's freedom extends until it does not violate another individual's freedom .

If you wish to protest, go right ahead; but do not stop others from speaking.

If you wish to criticize your campaign opponents, that is fine; but do not

insult their political beliefs. Some basic "rules" of the game are essential to keeping our society free .

Like taxes and jury duty, these "rules" are not optional. We all reap the infinite benefits offreedom in this country. Thus, we must all pay a price-and a small one at that! That price is a simple rule of conduct: live your life however you wish, but only such that someone else's life is not worsened as a result.

This type of free and open atmosphere is crucial to the success of a large, diverse university. But I do not feel that such exists here. The many different political fractions of our campus busily engage themselves in undercutting each other.

I do hope that campus leaders learned a lesson during the celebration of Miss Liberty's birthday. And I hope that this year we can improve markedly .from last year's : d ismal· record .

Let us all enjoy the Pursuit of Happiness; but let us allow others to do the same equally.

wa~;fiA{l;/ David A. Vogel

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~euiew

IJ1 arum Legal Marijuana?

by Richard Birkett When the Michigan Review asked me to do an article putting forth the arguments for the legalization of marijuana, my first Question was "Wh'at do you mean by legalization?"

This Question isn't as silly as one might assume.

First, legalization doesn't mean total absence of prohibition. When the 21st amendment to the U.S. Constitution legalized alcohol by repealing the 18th amendment, some persons, namely those who had not yet attained the age of majority, were still prohibited fr9fl} possessing and consuming alcohol. 'So in this sense, legalization of marijuana would mean that some persons, but not necessarily all persons, would be able to possess or consume marijuana without fear of legal sanction. Legalization can mean

any legal status short of total prohibition. I could then argue that marijuana has always been legal, since there has always been some person who could legally possess and consume it.

When a government prohibits some action, it usually excludes itself. The death penalty is a classic example of a government excluding itself from its own prohibition of pr~meditated homocide . Such exclusions are usually justified by a legal doctrine known as sovereign immunity, or, as every law student should know, "the king can do no wrong" . During those years when restrictions on marijuana see page 8

Richard Birkett is a native afSuperior Township and a Contributor to the Review

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page 8 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

September, 1986

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Triumph of Politics

by JosepJ. McCollum

Reagan believed that the revenue gains from the tax cut via the Laffer David Stockman curve would outweigh the revenue New York: Harper & Row, 1986. losses from reducing inflation, ending bracket creep, and from the tax cut When David Stockman's Triumph itself. Stockman knew that some large of Politics was published earlier this budget cuts had to be made as well. year, it became an instant best-seller While Stockman criticizes Reagan on all over the country. Stockman .lost a this point, he is more loyal than some fierce battle with Politics, but the of the other members of the Reagan public's reception of his book is quite administration, many of whom a consolation. Although he concludes Stockman criticizes much more bruthat the battle cannot be won, it will tally.

Stockman does not mention it, but be fought again, this book provides some valuable lessons about at the press conference called for the Washington. nomination of James "The Dentist" The most important lesson is that Edwards to be Secretary of Energy, the nation's captital shrouds much Edwards announced that his goals deception. Appropriately, the popular were to put himself out of a job and media has portrayed Triumph oj his department out of existence. Once Politics as an anti-Reagan book writ- Edwards was confirmed, Stockman ten in revenge for the President taking found that his goals were otherwise. his former budget director to the Edwards fought Stockman's plan to woodshed. Stockman's criticism of completely end price and allocation Reagan is that he is far more sensitive controls on oil and to end subsidies to than rational~ he is more convinced by synfuel and nuclear power plants. In

THE TRIUMPH OF POLITICS

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economIC . doctrIne. Thus.

however, he had to support Senator

Howard Baker's pet project, the Clinch River Breeder Reactor in Tennessee.

Stockman experienced similar frustration wherever he tried to redu~'e government expenditures, from fighting Alexander "The General" Haig on the curious issue of foreign aid, to Cap "The Shovel" Weinberger on national defense, to Jesse Helms on farm subsidies and Samuel Pierce on hotel subsidies in the ghettos.

Stockman fell for the "poisoned pawn" deception when he thOUght he had secured the passage of KempRoth in exchange for a $2500 tax credit against the windfall profits tax for small oil companies. Kent Hance of Texas had wanted this provision, but other congressmen heard about it, and Stockman wound up having to go along with all sorts of other special favors, making the bill's final passage a pyrrhic victory.

The final deception in Stockman's career as budget director came when thepress(rePllrt~<.i'M(the. Atlan(ic . Monthly article. As with all the other

If10rum continued from page 7 Wl'fe strictest, the tJnited States government allowed certain government employees and 'priv'!tc licensees to culti vate and possess marijuana for research purposes and as a source of ropt" fiber that was then considered essential to national security, For decades, marijuana was considered to have no beneficial medical v;:.lue. We now know that persons with glaucoma, multiple sclerosis, epilepsy, asthma, paralysis, migrane headaches, schleroderma, and chemotherapy patients benefit greatly from marijuana use, due to its antinausea and anti-spasmatic properties.

Medical use of marijuana is now legal in most states.

Opponents of further legalization often point out the risks marijuana use poses to "public" health, calling it "epidemic" like it was a highly contagious disease. Yet the most dangerous and lethal drugs available today are commercially legal and easily attainable. Nicotene, a highly lethal toxin in tobacco, causes somewhere between 200,000 and 300,000 deaths anllUally in the U.S. Alcohol toxicity Gl.\I<;('S upto 100,000 death's

(not including 50% of all highway dual should v·iOrk hard and be prodeaths and 65% of all murders) anductiye for his OWI1 good. 3) In nually in the U.S. In the thousands of contrast to the work ethic espoused by years that marijuana has been used. both Egalitarians and Disciplinarians, therc has never been a documented the Freedom Advocate believes the case of death caused by marijuana individual may be lazy by choice and toxicity. According to three separate only that individual should bear the studies, marijuana users have the consequences of that choice. Consame or lower incidence of murders. versely, if an individual chooses to highway deaths and accidents as work hard and be productive, then non-users. Other studies have shown only that individual should benefit no link between marijuana use and from the consequences of that choice ,'ancer or brain damage. too.

Another argument against further The greatest threat to freedom is legalization of marijuana is that its use when blame is transferred to objects is not truly victimless, that society is (such as drugs, guns, and pornogravictimized by the loss of productivity phy) for acts of violence, allowing and increased social spending caused individuals to avoid responsibility for by marijuana use. Such a view has a their own behavior. This is often the disturbing disregard for personal justification governments use to jail freedom. And this view is not limited those who have victimized noone, to just one end of the political spec- "rehabilitate" rather than punish the trum. The relationship between the victimizers, and tax all of us, includindividual and society can be best ;. ing the victims, to pay for programs to summarized by the following three "protect" us from ourselves. ~ statements: 1) The Egalitarian on the left" believes the individual should work hard and be productive for the benefll of society. 2) The Disciplinarian 6n the right believes'the indivi..

deceptions, there was a certain kernel of truth in this one. but the tcxt of the article did not support the quotations the press lifted from it. Ccrtainly, Stockman never fought for anything he thought was a fraud, although some of the things he actually got were indeed frauds. Finally, the White House was forced into producing the woodshed story, itself a semi-fabrication.

Stockman concludes that the beast of Politics cannot be beaten, and that the voters must want it that way.

However, Stockman was wrong to think that the proper course of action would have been to give back part of the tax cut. There was a tax increase in 1982. and despite promises to the contrary, the deficit was not reduced.

The government merely used the additional revenue to pay for new pet projects. Nonetheless, Politics is doomed to eco~omic failure, so It cannot keep winning forever.

Politicians, not economists, invented Social Security. Stockman correctly observes that the reason the system keeps going bankrupt is that withdrawals exceed deposits, and as long as there are beneficiaries who did not pay into the syustem, the equation cannot be balanced. Politically, it is a system impossible to teform, but the underlying economic problems still remain.

Likewise, politicians invented oil regulation. Intuition would suggest that the government must forbid oil companies from charging a high price, but the resulting competition from a deregulated marketplace has yielded lower prices of oil. and the taxpayer has been saved the expense of allocating and regulating oiL The ~ame can be said of the ;mlinc industry. and the agriculture inJuqry. the dcn:gulalion of which \\ould llwan that anl'l!Ilt' could enter the market to sell goods at any pnce. According to Stockman, Jesse Helms is a socialist on this point.

Many reviewers of this book have criticized Stockman for being in ·on· sistent and for turning his bad on each of his mentors, from his gr Indfather who taught him conservat "m. to his college professors who tal gIlt him Marxism. to John Ander :)n. whom he served as an aide and I Iter betrayed by preparing Reagan f>r a debate with him, to Reagan, whom he cmbarassed with this book. It is an irony that these things happened, but perhaps he was no more of a backstabber than anyone else in • Washington.

Joseph McCollum is a graduaTc Sludent in Industrial and Operations Engineering and all .4.ssocime Publisher of the Review'

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September, 1986

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 9

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Beyond Sid and Johnny

by Steve Angelotti WARNING: Members of the Parents' Music Resource Center might be disturbed by this article. So might many typical Led Zeppelin fans. You people have more in common than you think.

Punk rock. Let's see. Safety pins.

Slam dancing. Loud and abrasive. Sid Vicious killing his girlfriend and then dying of an overdose. Meaningless garbage swallowed up by gullible dregs in Britain and America. Obnoxious bands with obnoxiously-named members: Rat Scabies, Tory Crimes, Johnny Rotten. Irrelevant, violent, and unimportant. Punk rock. Now dead, except to a few losers who wear their hair weird, dress funnny, and isolate themselves from respectable society.

Interestingly, many ex-hippies who shocked their parents with strange

Such music was generally acceptable when it dealt with a major (and immediate) issue such as the Vietnam War or when it was properly sugarcoated. However, punk rock broke this tradition. Punk not only directly challenged society, it also challenged the myths and icons of popular music.

Ten years ago popular (that is, rock) music had grown fat. The frustrations of youth did not matter anymoreCalifornia "mellowness" was the new Nirvana. Most rock was Entertainment without emotion.

Part of rock's beauty had been its democracy-anybody could form a band. No music degrees were required; all that was needed was some talent and plenty of dedication.

A new generation of frustrated working class youth was growing in Britain. They were tired of unem-

"Silly Love Songs" was ~ot a single; it was a disease.

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styles of hair and dress condemned the punks on precisely the same grounds. Many who regarded Elvis as a rebel, who loved the Stones, The Who, and Jimi Hendrix as daring radicals, who saw revolutionary significance in the Jefferson Airplane, despised the rebellious aspects of punk rock.

Why? What was the difference?

Why were Elvis and many of the 60's most radical bands eventually accepted while the punks were reviled?

A little history may help explain.

Rock music has appeal on three levels. The first level is a continuation of pop music, a tradition passed down from singers like Frank Sinatra to singer/songwriters like Paul McCartney. Ironically, this grouping also includes most "heavy metal" bands.

Listeners like the sound of the music.

The lyrics tend to be surface-oriented and shallow, because there is no need for depth and relevance.

The second level is dance music, which became most purified with disco and with new wave acts such as the B-52's. This music is characterized by poppish or silly lyrics and one hell of a beat.

The third level of rock music usually deals with adolescent, postadolescent, and political frustration.

The most brilliant rock music has been this angst rock, music that picks up listeners and shakes them by their necks. Many ostensible rock fans (particularly comfortable Americans) are disturbed by this angry music.

ployment', tired of capitalism and socialism, tired of a Labour government which saw the solution to all problems in putting more people on the dole, and, simply, they were bored. This generation had little use for rich pop stars, for the self-indulgent "musicianship" of bands such as Emerson, Lake, and Palmer, and the triviality (and unwarranted popularity) of the heavy metal and "corporate rock" bands. "Silly Love Songs" was not a single; it was a disea~e. Similarly frustrating were formerly relevant acts such the Rolling Stones and Rod Stewart who lived in luxury on the Riviera, while producing sorry empty imitations of their greatest work.

These conditions had become so bothersome that the inevitable explosion was characterized by a complete rejection of circa 1976 rock "values": Rejection of materialism (punk clothes, never mind the $100 "punk" gowns sold to rich kids, were tattered rags). Rejection of earlier music, old bands, and their "boring old fart" leaders. Rejection of the naive idealism of the hippie generation-punk bands avoided the comforts of ideology, whether worn-out or new. Rejection of beauty-punk put safety pins in cheeks, noses, nip. pIes, had wildly cut hair, and practiced general self-debasement (Johnny Rotten got his name due to the condition of his teeth).

Punk was more than image. The bands themselves went back to three-chord rock and 1hree-piece

setups. No synths, no pianos, no choral groups or orchestras. To some listeners punk was obnoxious and vulgar. To others it was the most exciting music they had ever heard.

Punk was music by the working class for the working class. Upper-class rich kids might understand (usually they did not), but they were left on the outside, which is why in affluent America, unlike class-conscious Britain, the punk scene remained a cult rather than becoming a movement.

The Sex Pistols were the most infamous punk band. Musically they featured a talented guitarist and a solid drummer (Steve Jones and Paul Cook) and an adequate bassist-songwriter (Glen Matlock). Pistol manager Malcolm McLaren needed a front man and found him in John Lydon (aka Johnny Rotten).

Rotten was, well, unique. In the best rock tradition, he was not a singer-he was a vocalist. In his work with the Pistols and with Public Image Limit¢c:i.he. has exhibited a range of emotional expressiveness that few can ever match-the screams, the whining and whimpering, the rolled R's, the nasal sarcasm, and, most importantly, the terrifying feeling that he produced in the listener: "This guy really means it. " The Pistols' first single, "Anarchy in the U.K.", was released ten years ago this fall and was widely banned in Britain due to its seditious lyrics ("I wanna be in Anarchy"). In the meantime the band was attacked in Parliament and in the press and blocked from performing. The Pistols were dropped by two record companies (collecting large advances from both) and they fired their bassist. Said Johnny Rotten, in horror: "Glen Matlock wanted to make us jun, like the Beatles."

ain't no human being/And there's no future/And England's dreaming").

The response in Britain was sensational-the Pistols' chorus of "No future for you" quickly became the anthem of frustrated British youth. who were sick of working class life, sick of the dole, sick of the government. The Pistols were at the cutting edge of a new wave of bands. Many ot these bands died quickly, but many survived to make some great music.

The Pistols released tamer, but still pointed singles and an album, Never Mind the Bolloeks. Here's the Sex Pistols. Bol/oeks belied the wishful thinking of some American (and British) critics who thought that punk would sow the seeds of\ proletarian revolution. Initially punk was nihilistic. This was not because the punks did not care, it was because the punks were not pretentious enough to provide "Answers". Punks rejected ideology and thus, unlike many hip-pies, they did not change philosophies every six months. The Clash were an exception to this anti.ideological trend as their fashionable leftist politics came to the forefront of their music. As a result many punks denounced the Clash as seU-out posers.

The Pistols could never be accused of selling out. Johnny Rotten: "I don't understand (the mainstream press' negative reaction). All we're trying to do is destroy everything." .The Pistols' songs defied ideological tests. "Holidays in the Sun" was aimed at those wealthy and fashionable tourists who visited Berlin just to see the Wall, "Pretty Vacant" was a statement of nihilism and a rejection of ideology, and "No Feelings" ("I got no emotions for anybody else/You better understand I'm in love with myself/My beautiful self') was aimed at Rod Stewart, Led Zeppelin, and

Initi"ally, punk was nihilistic. This was not because punks did not care, it was because the punks were not pretentious enough to provide "answers."

Replacing Matlock was one of Rotten's friends, John Simon Ritchie, rechristened Sid Vicious. Sid added !1( thing to. the Pistols' music (he could n('t evenpray.,bass) but he completed . thl band's rtihilistic image.

The band's second single was a "tribute" to Queen Elizabeth's Silver Jubilee, entitled "God Save the Queen". ("God save the Queen/She

see page 12

Steve Angelotti is a graduate student in the Institute for Public Policy Studies and an Executive Editor (((the Revif'w.

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September, 1986

page 10 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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Joe's Pigskin Report ,by Joe "Scoop" Typho I guess we were all surprised September 7 when longtime head football coach Bo Schembechler resigned to become general manager of the Toledo Mud Hens ("Baseball's always been my first love", said the former Barberton High School southpaw).

The veteran U-M coach credited his wildly successful career (14 Top 10 finishes in 17 seasons) to his strict adherence to discipline, his fetish for physical conditioning, and his emphasis on solid defense.

Due to last season's #2 ranking and 15 returning starters, Bo's Boys faced great expectations in 1986. There was much anticipation as we all awaited the naming of Bo's successor.

No one knows why Athletic Direcor Don Canham selected Elliott Wren, Radical College junior and chairman of Space Weapons are Bogus (SWAB) as new head football coach. But the decision was made and Wren quickly took charge of the #2 (pre-season) Wolverines for their nationally televised opener at Notre Dame. Both ~e~1l\~~e,J:'e~ijd~;; ~ . iJ;lt~{lse ... Pl'e~':l~~e before.tbe game;..Micbigan due.to its high ranking; the Irish due to the

fliouies in

debut of coach Lou Holtz. The two teams had combined for some entertaining games in the past, but this time, well, let's just call the game interesting.

Michigan booted the opening kickotT out of the end zone. Notre Dame took over at its own 20. The first play was a Holtz special-a quarterback option. QB Terry Andrysiak rumbled 80 yards for a touchdown without being touched. The Wolverine defenders all fell on the ground at the snap and didn't get up until the referee blew the whistle. The crowq was stunned.

ABC announcer Keith Jackson, through his sideline reporter, asked Wren why his players fell down.

"Well, Keith, we have to realize that strategic defense is futile. If even one player gets through with the ball then we're doomed, so why even bother to try to stop anybody? Instead we should all sit down together, talk, and maybe later get stoned."

Michigan started at its own 20. The WQly!!pne~ i~~d Jpeir~~ditional

opening play, tailback off tackle.

Jamie Morris was thrown for a 3-yard

loss. It didn't help that Wren had written the play on a big blackboard along the sideline, in letters large enough for the Notre Dame defense and coaches to read. Two more similar plays and Michigan was forced to punt. Before the punt, Keith Jackson asked Wren why he was telling Notre Dame what plays he was planning to run. "It would be very destabilizing to surprise the opposition. We should let the other side know what is coming so they will be prepared to defend their home territory. We must accept the reality of the Notre Dame regime; of the Irish people. You will note that we will not run any options or long passes. This is because those are our best plays and thus the plays that Notre Dame will have the most trouble defending against. We can't allow any unilateral strategic advant<iges; these might also be destabilizlllg. " The final score was 63-2. (Late in the game Notre Dame's fourth-string halfback hit one of his own linemen .(!,nd became cQnfused .since he couldn't see any defenders. He ended up running the wrong way all the way

through the end zone for a Michigan safety.)

After the game, Irish coach Lou Holtz asked, "Does that guy Wren have any friends elsewhere who want to get into coaching? Like at MSU, Purdue, USC, or Penn State?"

Wren proclaimed the game a successful demonstration of the futility of American nuclear policy and the Strategic Defense Initiative. "We'll celebrate by not having practice next week. But we will have mandatory two-a-<iay die-ins on the Law Quad."

Mona Lisa

the first place. In the end, Simone vengefully kills Anderson and Mortwell and turns to point the gun at George, shattering the image of their developing relationship.

Bob Hoskins is excellent in his role; showing just enough of his vulnerability for us to care for him despite the supposedly repulsive character he is.

Cathy Tyson is equally as good, having to reveal more of her character through ways other than words, she does a very good job with facial expressions, voice tone, body movement, etc. to convey her outside coldness and inner despair.

The real interest in this film is the relationships between the characters amongst their seedy environment.

Simone, unintentionally, does end up caring for George, but what at first seemed to be an honest relationship

n

Joseph Typho is a graduate student in the School of Nptural Resources and Buddhist Studie4 and has been standing since May in Tombstone. Arizona waiting for someone to hold hands with him

~euielU

by Sharlene Prais Among this year's deluge of generally bad, or at least predictable summer films,there are a few worth seeing, if you can find them. Here are three of them:

A'Room with a View The Cast Lucy Honeychurch .......... Judi Dench George Emerson ....... Denholm 'Elliott Charlotte Bartlett ......... Maggie Smith Directed by ..................... James Ivory Produced by, ............ Ismail Merchant On a vacal ion to Florence, an innocent Lucy Honeychurch and her chaperone, Miss Charlotte Bartlett, meet an enigmatic George Emerson and his inelegant but endearing father, by way of a room exchange. They unceremoniously otTer their room with a view of the Arno to the two ladies. Lucy and George are drawn to each other and despite Charlotte's and Lucy's efforts to avoid it, the two fall in love. Lucy, unwilling to accept this, . tries to do everything possible to

avoid this strange man she is unwittingly attracted to. She even goes so far as to get engaged to a "safe" man, a terrible bore, who she knows will make her unhappy, in an all-out effort to deny her love for George.

Denholm Elliott is particularly etTective in his role, especially considering he has vary few lines. Judi Dench is also very good, but not nearly as intense as her counterpart.

With the exception of these two, everyone plays their role with an underlying subtle sarcasm, creating the perfect effect for their outrageous characters.

The humor in this film is mild and the love story is nothing extraordinary, but what makes this film worth seeing is the intensity of its theme, which is: do not deny your feelings, be true to them even when they involve risk, because in the end, they are the best guide to your happiness and fulfillment. This is shown by how agonizingly close Lucy comes to denying her feelings, and in the process, nearly irreversibly ruining her life.

The Cast George ............................ Bob Hoskins Simone ........................... Cathy Tyson Mortwell.. .................... Michael Caine Directed by ...................... Neil Jordan Produced by ........... Stephen Woolley and Patrick Casseyetti Executive Producer George Harrison George (Bob Hoskins) gets a job as a chautTeur for a high-priced black call girl named Simone (Cathy Tyson).

What begins as animosity develops into a cautious trust. As the relationship develops, Simone asks George for a favor; to find a missing friend, a younger prostitute who may have been hurt or killed by their former pimp. George obliges, providing a gepressing glimpse into London por·ilcigfl;lphy and prostitution. In the course of the search, they all become targets of Anderson, the pimp, who turns out to be working with G6erge's old crime boss, Mortwell (Michael Caine), who gave George the job in

see page 11

Sharlene Prais is a Sophomore in LSA and Advertising Director ofthe Review

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 11

September, 1986

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ROK continued from page 4 brown children." There have been fairly well substantiated charges that Marcos' war record, on which he founded his political career, was largely fabricated: these allegations, if true, constitute perhaps his most egregious personal affront against the Filipino people. Thus, it can be argued that Marcos deserved his fall from power. Among the only things that can be said in his defense is that he maintained the all-important Subic and Clark bases.

Chun, on the other hand, was a professional military man who has evolved into a reserved, dedicated leader, who has produced results for his country and moved steadily toward democracy, not away from it.

When President Park Chun Hee was assassinated in October 1979, General Chung Seung Hwa seized power and declared martial law. When evidence emerged linking Chung to the assassination-he was seen near the

for Chun to forcibly stay; he has done a good job for his country, and if he steps down peacefully after a successful Olympics, will be well-remembered by the majority of his countrymen. Besides its economic success, the Republic today, compared to a decade ago, has a stanger U.S. commitment and enhanced diplomatic stature throughout the world. This is manifested by the International Olympic Committee's award of the 1988 Summer Games 10 Seoul.

Yet, despite the Republic's economic and political success, violent protests. albeit by a minority of students and leftist agitators, continue to occur. Once possessed of democracy in tangible measure. people want more of it. In this light, then, the demonstrations are to a certain extent a good and healthy thing. However, the bitterly violent nature of many of the demonstrations has been disturbing. Illustrative was the five-hour battle between protestors and police on May 3rd, unlike anything seen during the days of change in the Philippines, where the people had real reason to be violent. In a raging, two-sided combat, the demonstrators, armed only with rocks and bottles, fought heavily armed riot police to a

.fet, despite the Republic's economic and political successes, violent protests, albeitbyaminorityof ,students and leftist agitators, continue to occur.

Once possessed of democracy in tangible measure, people want more of it. site-Chun, the chief investigator of the assassination, moved to arrest him, taking power himself without changing the cabinet. Chun, a major general, continued to wear just two stars on each shoulder before switching to a business suit. He was the first head of state to visit President Reagan and the entire U.S. Government, with whom Chun has gotten along very well and from whom he has benefitted greatly, strongly, and publicly remind him of that pledge. This contrasts with the public support and praise Marcos was given in an open-ended fashion until it was clear his days were numbered. Although dissident Kim Dae J ung remains under local arrest, almost all prisoners held on political grounds were released in 1984, free expression has been allowed on South Korean college campuses, and the National Assembly elections in February, 1985 were by all accounts nearly immaculate, with a strong opposition party coming to the forefront.

Moreover, there is no "Aquino factor" here, an apparent people's champion goading thun to the Marcos-like personal aggrandizement and subterfuge that he seems to be above anyway. Indeed, there is no reason short of some crisis or disaster

near standoff. To some degree this may be explained by the fact that Chun and the students are simply, as one media figure put it, "used to playing rough." But several of these demonstrations also have taken on a concerning anti-American tone.

Won Wook Choi, an MBA student at the University of Michigan familiar with the student movement in his country, offers some insight. A fundamental motivation behind the demonstrations, Won says, confirming most media reports, is the South Koreans' dissatisfaction with the fact that, with all the progress they have made, they still cannot elect their president without what they feel is a dubious electoral college-like arrangement. The demonstrations are to insure that Chun honors his pledge to peacefully step down in 1988, although they could tragically end up having the opposite effect. They are sharp warnings to Chun, Won says, that the Korean people will not tolerate being handed over to another military regime in 1988. Having experienced many of the fruits of democracy, Koreans want to be sure they get the tree. He declines to profess optimism or pessimism about what would happen should another

military coup install a regime willing to use force against the people. "There is a great potential for violence," he says in a soft, serious voice.

Apparently, despite all their military and economic reasons for wanting something approaching the status quo, the Koreans' boiling point is considerably lower than that of the Filipinos, and may be nonexistent in 1988. The occasional anti-American tone is a warning to the u.s. not 10 allow, for its part, such deceit. (Also, on his May visit to Seoul. Secretary of State Shultz met with Lee Min Woo, head of the opposition New Korea Democratic Party, after meeting with Chun, to show our concern for a peaceful transition of power). Ifdeceit and subsequent violence were to occur, Korea could hardly hope to be . as fortunate as the Philippines, despite the unresolved problems there, in having a popular "people's champion" sweep to power without bloodshed. Such instability in South

Korea would give an opportunity for subversion and aggression by the North.

Won, however, does not see the present violence growing to revolutionary proportions before 1988.

First. most South Koreans feci that Chun has earned the right to honor his pledge. Second, Koreans arc very excited about and take vcry seriously the 1988 Olympics in Seoul and are detennined to show the world their country at its best. Chun has US support to make those games, in President Reagan's words, "the best ever" and plenty of support from thl~ U.S. and his own nation, to assure the democratic process after them. President Reagan, after touring the DMZ in November 1983, addressed the Korean people on television. "The development of democratic political institutions," he told them, "is the surest means to build the national consensus that is the foundation of. true security."

n

chickens in a factory. The two of them take off for a night on the town in Liverpool (paid for by a wallet pickpocketed by Teresa) where they meet Peter and Sergei, two Soviet sailors in port for a night. The girls spring for continued from page 10 hotel rooms and while Teresa and between Simone and George, some- Sergei are getting in as much sex as thing of real value in their empty lives, time allows, Elaine and Peter fall in turns out to be a sad disappointment love. Their 24 hour romance is just for George and some mild regret for fluff, but as Peter leaves for the ship, Simone. Instead of hope for these he says he wants to marry Elaine. people, they remain trapped and Elaine, realizing she cannot face life alone, their worlds too dangerous and without Peter, writes a letter to Mr. cruel for them to risk caring.

Brezhnev, hoping he will help her.

Despite the movie's attempt to end Amazingly enough, she receives in on a hopeful note, with George dereturn a one-way ticket to the Soviet veloping a relationship with his Union, an invitation to be with Peter. daughter, who was previously not She is temporarily deterred when she allowed to see him, we are left feeling is told by the Foreign Office that he is George's loneliness and sense of bemarried, but Teresa convinces her to trayal at what he endured in Simone's go and take a chance because what did ruthless world. she have to lose?

Both Alexandra Pigg and Maggie Clarke put enough life into their roles to rise above the basically two-<iimensional story. Peter Firth's role is contrived, as is the rest of the story, but this docs not have a negative effect The Cast on the film overall, as his role is Elaine .......................... Alexandra Pigg minor.

Peter.. ................................. Peter Firth As an unemployed girl in LiverTeresa ........................... Margie Clarke pool, Elaine docs nOl have much to Sergei ............................ Alfred Molina lose by emigrating to the Soviet Directed by .................. Chris Bernard Union. Liverpool is lilmed as grim Produced by ................ Janet Goddard and lifeless, and the girls' lives are Elaine and Teresa are two working empty and desperate. For them, there class girls from a small town just is no unbounded opportunity for a outside Li,,~rpQol, England. Elaine, better life, supposedly available to all naive and a daydreamer, is unemin a semi-capitalist society, So what ployed and liVes with her family on does she have to lose in leaving it for welfare. Teresa, tough and cynical, is . love, even if it means living under "lucky" enough to have a job-stuffing Communism?

Movies

Letter to Brezhnev

If .

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September, 1986

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i}looks in mruiew

With the Contras

by Gloria Sanak BOOK REVIEW: WITH THE CONTRAS, by Christopher Dickey.

New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985 271 pages.

On July 17, 1979, Anastasio Somoza, the dictator of Nicaragua, left the country. Forty-five years of Somozan control came to an end, triggering a chain of events. Christopher Dickey, Washington Post bureau chief for the region, became the first American newspaper reporter to travel with the contras into combat.

With the Contras details the changes which occurred during the four years Dickey was in the region. Offering a detailed account of regional events, Dickey provides a comprehensive picture of Nicaragua that delves beyond the superficial accounts providt::d bX ~os.t 11t::wsp,l;l~r~.7.... . . . . . .

... Ortega's forces had had to fight a running battle of twelve days before finally wiping out a group of 120 fighters near the settlement of Seven Bank"). Dickey also discusses the specific personalities of the Sandinistas, as well as the contras: "Daniel Ortega would talk of five jailings,

ican policy. Of further interest, Dickey describes the CIA's role and its booklet Psychological Operations in Guerrilla WarJare.

Several revelations surface from the text. For example, " ... these notes recorded the payoff for the murder of the Archbishop (in EI Salvador), and

Dickey leads one to feel that the conflict goes beyond simple economics, to the level of humanity.

Certain ideologies are concerned, of course, but the real source of discontent is the human element.

characterization of the main parties of the conflict. The problems and battle grounds change as the mood of the people change: today a Sandinista and tomorrow, if one is still alive, one may become a contra. Thus, one genuinely perceives the tension and indefinite lack of resolve in the region.

Dickey proves to be a good reporter.

He does not offer an answer or panacea for the Nicaraguan problem or American policy. He merely reports and informs. He leaves the discussion open and the problems unresolved. Thus, the book avoids persuading or patronizing the reader and quite rightly emerges as an informative account of the contras in Nicaragua.

The last area of note is Dickey's style. He is crisp enough to present the details, yet his prose is soft enough for one to identify the human qualities of those he documents and feel emotion toward them. He adopts some Latinlike descriptions and methods that are effective. However, the prose is not all good, and certain techniques are cheap bites frbm Hemingway (e.g.

"The hills were small and menacing in the black shadows of dawn . . . they stood like oddly rounded burial mounds on the flat surface of the land >

. . .").

seven years in continuous confinement, a~ 'a tin1~' of ri~ll,.~~~ri~l)ce~~ ", . ';i .i:;:~~~s;,"s~'beiins!witft 'dle" Then,~'Ot1e' o:fSuicida's' .toughest format he employs. The chronological .recruits was Curo . . . 'When we organization follows a helpful procouldn't stand the Sandinistas any logue that gives a historical synopsis more some of us took this decision,' of Nicaragua and the stem of the he explained, glancing at the rifle in current situation: "In order to win his hand." they (revolutionaries) had planned Also enlightening is Dickey's discussion of occurrences in other parts and trained and finally agreed on strategies for everything-except how of Central America and his explanathey would run the country if they did tion of them in terms of their relation win, and how they would treat their to Nicaragua. Evolving American enemies, and who exactly would be policy is dually reported, offering a their friends." glimpse of politics and its actual The chronology begins with the reaches. One example being the closing events of 1979. Thankfully, transition from the Carter AdminiDickey organizes the sections of each stration to Reagan's Central Amerchapter by country and region, thus, he avoids confusing the reader. The breakdown flows with logical transitions and is ideal for two reasons.

First, Dickey is foremost a journalist.

Facts and places are his medium and imperative to his story. Second, the continued from page 9 subject matter most favorably lends itself to such organization. It would other rich rockers who had lost touch. seem out of kilter for such informaBut "Bodies" was the clincher. Pertion to be placed in a more prosaic haps the most intense political song in format, for example. rock history, "Bodies" was not a Another appreciable aspect of the statement, but merely a song, about book is the content. Thumb nail abortion-with Rotten playing the role sketches of the activities in Central of fetus ("You're an animal/It's an America can be found in nearly every abortion/Bodies/I'm not an animalj newspaper. Unfortunately, they fall Mommy Mommy Mommy/ I'm not short of informing people. Dickey an abortion/. . . I'm not a dischardoes not only detail the weapons and ge/I'm not a mass of protein"). The conflicts (i.e., "They had all kinds of effect was chilling. Johnny Rotten's arms: M-79 grenade launches and scream was not silent. light antitank weapons and FAL rifles The Pistols made a mini-tour of

Punk

that there is no doubt of that. He also ~d. JU~p.h.~~~>t,hitMlenexla~nQo,o

is

In the last line of the book, Dickey states: "The army was still in the field.

The war was not over." The summatwnlsa stark reminder that although With the Contras is explicit and thorough, the story does not end with the book. While the book is a superb source for understanding certain dimensions of the Sandinista/Contra 'onflict, it is not definitive. As the book illustrates, each day changes occur in Central America. Every day is another story. ~

tation the most significant of all since it is the name of the Nicaraguan who contracted out his men to do the job." Perhaps the most fascinating perspective one leaves Dickey's work with is the sense that the problems of Central America cannot be distanced from the people. Dickey leads one to feel that the conflict goes beyond simple economics, to the level of humanity. Certain ideologies are concerned of course, but the real source of discontent is the human element. Pride and passion are at play Gloria Sanak is a Junior in LSA and a in this saga of man against man and staff writer Jar the Review the fact is pronounced in the detailed America in early 1978 (well-captured in Lech Kowalski's documentary D.o.A.) and Rotten quit, effectively killing the band. Other bands carried on, less obnoxious, more pop-oriented, more acceptable. The music diluted, the passion calmed. But in the Pistols' wake there was a whole generation of new more daring acts. The old guard-denounced by punks as "boring old farts" -began to respond themselves (c.f. the Stones on Some Girls or Pete Townshend's "Rough Boys"-the latter dedicated to the Pistols).

To gauge a band's influence and impprtance, one should not rely on Rolling Stone readers' polls-one should listen to band members.

Nearly every punk band admitted to being heavily influenced by Town-

shend, The Who, and "My Generation" (something that would shock many punk-hating Who fans). Most new rock bands today admit to being greatly influenced by the Sex Pistols and the cutting edge of punk rock.

This includes widely accepted bands such as U2 and the Pretenders, just about every new British band this side of Wham!, and many American acts.

To analyze and evaluate punk rock as noise made by illiterate youths is silly, about as silly and "square" as analyzing Elvis Presley as a southern cretin or the Rolling Stones as longhaired druggies. Punk rock did not dent the charts the way Elvis and the Stones did. But, in its own way, punk returned anger and emotion to the decaying style of music known as rock 1! and roll.