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February, 1981 Y&&iaUtQ ' . K

Interviews: Edwin Meese Alexander Gol,dfarb

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page 2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

February, 1987

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§erpent's Qrootlt Congrats to Dennis Connor and the crew of Stars and Stripes for returning the Cup to its rightful home. Now, our thoughts turn to bringing the 1990 race to Michigan.

** It's time for Free University once again. This year, the savants plan to offer such delicacies as "Anarchist Potlucks," (Bring your own?), "Changing Men's Class," (For androgenoids?), "Sabotage and Street Art," (How to draw graffiti in . Managua?), "How to Self Publish," (Gee, maybe we should attend that), "Women's Math Anxiety," (And Men don't sweat when figuring out logarithms?), and "Green Politics," (Bring your own bicycle?). They are still looking for people to start their own course. So, if you want to teach a course in the History of Conservative Thought Since Burke,just give them a call. And let us know what happens.

It was Romper Room time at the It seems that a new use has been MSA chambers a few weeks ago. The found for the shanty: sunbathing. keepers of the campus faith (and loose Unfortunately, it seems no one has change), PIRGIM, and several symthe guts or the balls to go nude sunbathing. Any volunteers? pathetic MSA reps, locked out MSA v . , . . president Kurt Muenchow . and fiv~ , ',.. ", . . ' . ' /;"''t ':''i'~;..;.'·''''·':<·' '. ',.other. reps .who opposed PlRGIM's"'f, ." " For once, the government IS showplan to receive funding from your Oh, we forgot to mention that Alan "tudent assembly. Muenchow and ing signs of efficiency, as a nuclear test Cranston was with Meese and Ford on wa~ performed ~head of schedule. The company unlocked the door and atthat fateful walk to the Law School. radl~s co~plame~ (boo-hoo) that it :empted to reenter the chamber. Ever the spokesman of reason, conflIcted With then class schedules. i lowever, the PIRGIM-MSA alliance Cranston turned to the wild protesters tried in vain to force the door closed. and said: "Don't look at me. I voted Muenchow and company prevailed. not to confirm him (referring to Aren't you glad to see that your MSA Meese)." fee is being used for such constructive (+\.( fo~-QWQihJ o"J. purposes? mCJ(.t.-~('QtJ~1 rdx" of ...)

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** Speaking of children, Ann Arbor's finest were out in full force to greet Attorney General Meese and former president Gerald Ford, a Michigan alumnus. The two dignitaries were pelted with snow and eggs as they attempted to enter the Law School for a dinner. What a shallow grasp of the concept of democracy! It seems that gross underside of the "enlightened" ones has been revealed to the campus again. These people have no use for rational exchanges of issues. How can they? In their distorted world, the only idea that exists is their own.

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After coming in from the cold, Edwin Meese granted this journal an interview. We don't throw eggs.

Have you seen the posters? Pursell-lIS . . . Radicals-O. Keep on trying, guys (oops. and gals).

Feminists scored a victory as the contract on the Black Velvet billboard was not renewed. Rape culture is one step closer to being eliminated. As the Meese commission observed, pornography causes rape, but as of this Writing, none of the local newsstands selling dirty magazines had been spray-painted.

** After a prolonged absence from this page, we are happy to note that Paul Jensen is back and running for higher office. The contest is to guess which one. Bulletins forthcoming. Go Blue!

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 3

February, 1987

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n1rom flIr iEbitor

Radical Wfongs Publisher David A. Vogel Associate Publishers David Katz. Joseph M. McCollum Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Klukoff Executive Editors Steve Angelott; Paul Seltman Personnel Managers Peter C. Cubba Charles D. Lipsig Three-Point Editor Garde Thompson Stuff Patrick Balcheller Craig Brown Debbie Buchholtz C. Brandon Crocker Daniel Drumm Rick Dyer Stl'l'e George Leonard Greenberger AsIII,1 Gu.naba/an

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David Norquist Patrick PaNs Mark Powell Sharlene Prais Donna Prince William Rice Gloria Sanak Debbie Schlussel Tracey Stone Joe Typha

HONOlURY A.DVISORY BOARD: C. William Colburn. Paul McCracken. Stephen Tonsor SUPPORTERS: Gerald R. Ford, R. Emmell Tyrrell. Jr., Norman Podhoretz, Irving Kristol. William F. Buckley. Jr. , Edwin Feulner Jr .. The Michigan Review welcomes. appreciates, pleads for letters from our fans, admirers, adversaries (at your own risk, of course), and groupies. If you want to see your letter on these pages (page 9, actually). please temper your writing to lib more than two double-spaced, type-written pages. Also, let us know your name, where you !il'e and your phone number. But your response is not only limited to a lel/er. You may also suhmit an article. All work will be reviewed by our impeccable editorial staff and considered in light of structure and content. Articles wn he sent to our spacious. modern corporate office in the Michigan League. Well. actually, here is the mailinl? address:

Freedom of speech. Liberty. Democracy. Justice. Peace. These are words which lend themselves easily to subjective use. They provide us with rational justifications for our actions and serve as emotional coatings for selected issues. Slogans bearing these tenets have appeared frequently in history by advocates and opponents of various causes. And often, they are merely stark facades, hiding the spurious motives of their champions. This occurs often on the Left and has been on display recently on this campus, as well as others. An opprobrious litany follows: On February 4, 1987, a throng of radical protesters, under the guise of "freedom of speech and expression," threw snowballs and eggs at Attorney General Edwin Meese and Gerald Ford. The two were entering the law school for a dinner. In October 1985, Vice President George Bush was constantly heckled during a speech commemorating the 25th anniversary of the Peace Corps at the Michigan Union. The crowd was unable to hear the Vice President. Once again, this action was simply "free speech." The protesters opposed Mr. Bush because his views were antithetical to their notions of "peace," "justice," and "democracy." At Northwestern University, in the Spring of 1985, Nicaraguan contra leader Adolfo Calero was unable to complete his speech as protesters disrupted the meeting. Students and faculty rushed the stage and threw red liquid on Mr. Calero. Then, English ,professor Barbara Foley seized the microphone and screamed: "He has

no right to speak . . . He'll be lucky to get out of here alive ." When questioned about their actions, the radicals stated their "right to free speech" in a "democratic society." Yet again were they champions of "peace and justice." (And Mr. Calero, of course, symbolized war and immorality). There have been many more incidents such as these, with the common theme of attempting to stifle the opposing viewpoint. The protesters have cloaked their real intentions in such tenns as "free speech." But underneath this facade lies the grim reality of their motive, which so closely resembles the totalitarian mind-set. Rather than allowing the opposing viewpoint to be heard, they attempt to suppress it. "If we constantiy harrass them, then maybe they will stop coming to our campus." The radicals are so convinced that their ideas aJ;e correct that any other idea espoused is pure blasphemy. Moreover, and here is a shocking similarity to Soviet policy, the radical protesters may even fear that the opposing viewpoint will be accepted and embraced by "the masses." Thus, they are forced to paint the opposing argument as a lie or evil, and must "educate" the people about the "correct" viewpoint, their own. Hannah Arendt, in her seminal work Totalitarianism. describes the first acts of a totalitarian movement: "Only the mob and the elite can be attracted by the momentum of totalitarianism itself; the masses have to be won by propaganda. Under conditions of constitutional government

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~.~ Seth B. Klukoff is a Senior in Political Science and Editor-in-Chief of the Review

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The Michigan Review Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, MI 48109 The Michigan Review is an independent, student-run journal at the University of Michigan. This means that no one controls us. We are in no way, shape, or form representative of the policies of the Administration and accept no dough from the University. Typesetting is provided by Trade Graphics, Inc. OUf printers are Observer and Eccentric (But not in that order). Copyright \98 7

and freedom of opinion (emphasis mine), totalitarian movements struggling for power can use terror to a limited extent only and share with other parties the necessity of winning adherents amd of appearing plausible to a public which is not yet rigorously isolated from an other sources of information." Therefore, when the leftist protesters' arguments are dissected, the dangerous notion of totalitarianism rears its ugly head. They may not have actually planned to utilize totalitarian strategy. However, the blatant similarities of their actions exist. In the name of "free speeth," the radicals intend to stifle the opposition's right to free speech . In the name of "democracy," they destroy the true beauty of a ciemocratic society-the possibility for many differing viewpoints to coexist, ' without suppression.

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Moderation in South Africa by Len Greenberger Though the Iran-Contra scandal has dominated the news recently, important events have been unfolding in South Africa during the past few months. Because of public and Congressional pressure, the Reagan Administration has been forced to abandon its policy of constructive engagement and has imposed economic sanctions. Dozens of Western companies have packed their bags and left. With the Western world's influence gone, the various groups vying for control within South Africa have been left to fight it out among themselves. A common misconception among most is that all South African blacks "~"""~'~~I';~\;:(,' " .are unified again~l the Batha gQ¥~"', .. .. ,.N ,'. , ., ..... , m~nt and apartheId. Most have heard of the banned African National Congress (ANC) and its imprisoned leader, Nelson Mandela. Few, however, have heard of the largest black political group in South Africa, the Inkatha, led by Zulu Chieftain Mangosuthu Buthelezi. These two groups have very different views about how to change the current form of government in South Africa. The future of South Africa, and her relations with the U.S., depends entirely on which group comes to power. The ANC is a radical group, advocating the complete overthrow of the white minority rule in South Africa without compromise. Buthelezi and the Zulus are moderates who advocate peaceful and cooperati ve negotiations with the present government as a way to win reforms and end apartheid. The problem raised by this distinction is which group should be backed by the U.S, The problem can be solved by answering four questions. First: What is the best outcome for all the people of South Africa: the blacks, the whites, the coloreds? This would clearly be the establishment of economic and political rights within a framework of government which represents all the people of South Africa equally and without racial

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The debate over apartheid is often misunderstood. The question is not whether apartheid should exist; it is an abhorrent and unjustifiable practice which must end as soon as possible. The questions are over how apartheid should be ended and what type of government will replace it. Even among South African blacks, these questions are fiercely debated. As such, the Review presents a forum that attempts to answer these questions.

segregation. While at the present time blacks in South Africa are persecuted and denied basic rights, a future government which persecutes and denies these rights to any group within the country would be just as bad. In addition, the transition from aparthe1d "'tb '< 'equhlit;""ideiilty"shouid" ·be non-violent. A bloody civil war would serve the interests of no group. Second: What outcome would best serve the interests of the U.S. in the region? Given the vital natural resources which come almost exclusively to the U.S. from South Africa and the strategic sea lanes around the Cape of Good Hope, a future government friendly to the U.S. is essential. This in turn would benefit the people of South Africa, as the U.S. has much to offer a new and democratic government there. Third, and perhaps most important: Which type of group in South Africa is best geared toward achieving the outcomes outlined above, radicals or moderates? Concerning the first outcome, if the ANC was to overthrow the present government, the government it would set up would differ in only one respect: blacks would replace whites as the persecutors. The ANC would undoubtedly turn on the whites and would probably also persecute other blacks who did not agree with their policies; namely, the 6 million Zulus under Buthelezi. Moreover, a coup by the ANC would most likely result only after a long and bloody struggle. E \i idence of this can be seen in the terrorist attacks made by the ANC

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(which, incidentally, usuallly maim and kill blacks), and the chants by ANC supporters at an anti-apartheid rally of "Give up weapons. We want to strike back at the State." Buthelezi is the answer if a peaceful, non-repressive gov(!rnment is ever to rule in South ,Africa. The answer regarding the second outcome is the same. The ANC is strongly anti-American, and the chances for change despite recent American sanctions are slim. The ANC is influenced by communists, and chances are an ANC government would be much friendlier to the Soviet Union than the present one. Buthe\ezi, though , is a potential Western ally. A firm believer in capitalism, he opposes economic sanctions on South Africa because he believes they hurt the blacks. The question remains. however, if Buthelezi can bring about the changes required to end apartheid, or can that only be done by forcing Botha and the whites out of power? It cannot be argued that Buthelezi and his Inkatha Party have the numbers to bring about the necessary changes. Buthelezi is well-liked by the Botha administration, mainly for his moderate views and his desire to bring about an end to apartheid through peaceful means. Many South Africans regard him as being the only possible solution to the racial problems in South Africa short of civil war. His recent opening of a dialogue between blacks and whites regarding the creation of a completely multi-racial government in his home state of Natal won widespread suppon among both

blacks and whjtes. Buthelezi, however, needs help, He needs the U.S. to pressure Pretoria to accept this proposal and incorporate it throughout the country as a step towards ending apartheid. The resources are there, we only have to use them. The picture is clear. Buthelezi and the moderates are a better alternative not only for the U.S., but also for the people of South Africa. The U.S. should be supporting him and his Natal proposal, but we are not. This is because of a fear that a U.S. relationship with Buthelezi would again inflame those who forced the imposition of sanctions and a need within the administration not to rock the foreign policy boat in the wake of the Iran-Contra scandal. Ec(!)nomic sanctions have not worked. Botha has tightened the grip and thousands of blacks have lost their jobs. Buthelezi is the United States' last hope for a peaceful and prO-American change of government in South Africa. The U.S. should use whatever political clout it has left with Botha to coerce him to negotiate with Buthelezi and the moderates in South Africa.

Lell Greenberger is a Junior lU Political Science and a staff writer for the Rc\ icw.

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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 5

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A Case for the A.N.C. by David Fletcher Buthelezi is not a leader interested fascist government makes him tar Moderate versus extremist argupeaceful change. Recently, it called for ments are artificial when considering rent and consumer boycotts and labor in the liberation of black South Afri·, from moderate, since the government the African National Congress a lestrikes. The ANC is also trying to cans. He was appointed by the govis the most extreme of all political :sitimate organization for positive provide alternative education in the ernment to his position in the Zulu groups in that country. Inkatha's intownships for people who reject th volvement in vigilante violence also change in South Africa. The ANC is township, so he is on the federal not an extremist organization. And, bantu education system that teaches payroll. He gets more privileges, such shows they are far from non-violent. submission to people of color. most of the alternatives to the ANC Supporting Buthelezi as a moderate, as the right to hold demonstrations, Still, in the light of the very legitiare not moderate. The ANC is a or even legitimate African leader, than any other black leader. Not popularly supported armed struggle mate route the ANC has chosen, there surPrising is the fact that his politics working for the liberation of black against a fascist regime. It cannot be is confusion in this country over are usually similar to the South Africans is ludicrous. If one must reject armed,struggle as condemned because it took up arms. supporting the ANC in theory ifnot in go'lernment's. His image as a leader is If the underground resistance to the material aid. What creates all the largely a media and governmental a means of liberation, the only possible legitimate organization to support Nazis in Germany took up armed confusion? It is the bias of this gov- construction, as he does not have ernment and especially of conserva- nearly the popular support that both struggle, would we have condemned is the United Democratic Front (UDF). Formed in 1982, the UDF is a it? Probably not. The Nationalist tive news media like the Michigan he and the South African news agengovernment in South Africa rivals the Review which align themselves with cies suggest. coalition of clergy, trade unions, and the apartheid regime in South Africa. fascism we saw in Nazi Germany. student and civic organizations that Reports from clergy in Crossroads I;'dccd , many of the founde~ of the For example, they often suggest that . that were ,clandestinely taken out of concentrate on economic, political JJ li,>nalisl, Part.y w~~ Nazis ¢9mitlg ~., . a~equate change CflIl.oc;:cur.with . ~Q . the ~ol,mtry :show theColl~boration of ." and ·sQCial avenues through which it trom a crumbling Germany. In order African involvement. Either the Namany Inkatha 'members with the can apply pressure on the government to reform. to better understand the tactics used tionalists will reform or U .S. corpo- government. They were part of vigiby the ANC, one must understand its rations (with no history of progressive lante violence (often termed The UDF, however, does not conhuman rights values) will instigate a "black-on-black" violence) at Crosspast struggles and the nature of its sider itself an alternative to the ANC. oppressor. change-even though both groups roads last year. Organized and paid by It recognizes and legitimizes the have great interest in the status quo. In 1912, the ANC was formed in the government, these vigilantes initANC's struggle as a battle 01) a difThen, if conservatives believe African iate violence toward other black South response to the enactment of the ferent front. The UDF calls for the Group' Areas Act (legislation that leadership is important for African Africans. A closer look reveals the return of the ANC and the release of liberation , they choose Gatsha police giving directions and even segregated living areas on the basis.of Nelson Mandela as a first step toward race). For almost fifty years, the ANC Buthelezi and call his organization, helping in the unwarranted attack. negotiations for possible reforms. Inkatha, moderate and non-violent. pursued all avenues of peaceful proButhelezi's collaboration with the If we are going to respect black test to affect social change. It organSouth Africans' struggle for basic ized strikes, peaceful demonstrations, human rights and their self-determiand other forms of civil disobedience. nation, we must respect the leadership During this campaign, the ANC they choose. The popular support for president, Albert Luthuli, received the the ANC is always visible. The people Nobel Peace Prize. But, the resp/lOse create songs about Mandela and the of the government to the pea dul acting president, Oliver Tambo. They protest, illustrated most clean) in drape the ANC flag over the caskets at Sharp ville, resulted in bullets in the funeral processions. They make backs of peaceful protestors. clothes with the ANC colors (black, In 1960, the Nationalist Party came green, and yellow). They do all -this to power (undemocratically, since less despite the banning of aU signs of than 20% of the population was emsupport for the ANC including any powered to vote) and formed the combination of its colors. Trying to Republic of South Africa. Besides delegitimize the ANC is not only installing · the most brutal laws that undemocratic, but it shows a prejuconcretized Apartheid, they legally dice that black South Africans do not delegitimatized all forms of dissent. know what is best in their struggle The leadership of the ANC had to against apartheid. decide between two routes-either submit to tyranny or tum to more militant tactics. What little weakness there is in • • .~. I David Fletcher is a member of the Apartheid in South Africa is solely lease MakeContnbutlons Payable to: ; I Free South Africa Coordinating due to the ANC's taking the latter of The Michigan Review, Suite One, 911 North University, I.-.-,;.C_om_m_i_tt_ee._ _ _ _ _ __ the two choices. And even though the nn Arbor, Michigan, 48109. ANC turned to armed struggle, it did not give up on peaceful protest. Today the ANC still explores all avenues _._---_. ._---------------

Can the Foundations of LibertY Crack? Please support The Michiaan Review.

After All. LibertY Entails ReSPonsibility.

February, 1987

pag\' 6 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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B1rom juiie 庐ue

Overturn Miranda Once again the debate over the Miranda decision has surfaced in the printed media. Instead of asking the question: should we overturn Miranda, perhaps we should ask: what have been the results of Miranda? Since the ruling has been in existence, there have been many attempts to throw out evidence by using Miranda as a precedent. In one case, a man was taken into custody by the police on the suspicion that he had murdered a missing boy. The man was read his Miranda rights, deciding to remain silent without a lawyer present. While driving the man back to the police station, the two officers began to talk about the case. They discussed how the body would become frostbitten because of the cold weather. One of the officers noted that if the body was not found soon, it would begin to rot, and the boy would not be able to receive a decent funeral. After overhearing the officers' conversation, the man began to feel guilty. He told the officers where the body was hidden and confessed to the murder. His confession was subsequently thrown out on the grounds that it had been obtained illegally and that the officers had violated the man's Miranda rights. This case illustrates the destruction that Miranda has inflicted upon our judicial system. The Fifth and Sixth amendments were written to protect the innocent, not the guilty. These amendments were intended to prevent the police from using torture or other uncivilized methods to extract confessions from guilty or innocent people. The emphasis of

these two amendments is on the trial. By providing for a procedurally fair trial, it was hoped the chances of convicting an innocent man would be greatly reduced. The Miranda decision attempts to protect those who are ignorant of their rights. Therefore, Miranda protects the guilty because, by definition, they have already confessed. While i1 is true that a person is innocent until proven guilty, Miranda protects those who are guilty, yet unaware that they are not obliged to tell the police of their guilt. There is nothing in the Constitution, however, that provides for ignorance of the law. If a day-old immigrant to this country is arrested for shoplifting, he cannot be acquitted because he did not know that shoplifting was illegal. Why then should a criminal be acquitted because he did not now that he had the right to remain silent or to an attorney. The FBI and the police have been informing suspects Of their rights long before the Miranda decision was was written. 'Overturning Miranda will not, therefore, result in the termination of police informing a suspect of his rights or in the use of torture to obtain confessions. The overturning of Miranda will result in the conviction of more criminals, a more efficiently functioning law enforcement system, and the increased protection of the rights of the victim in addition to the rights of the accused.

Oppose Zoning Proposal Although a shortage of off-campus housing continues to exist, the 20% of the student body in the Greek system could always count on having a house in which to live. However, such security may not exist in the future for new sororities and fraternities which have not yet acquired a house, or at least one large enough to support any growing organization. On February 2, the Ann Arbor City Council gave preliminary approval to a proposal which threatens to forbid further group housing in North Burns Park. While it does not affect any of the existing fraternity or sorority houses, this proposal does eliminate an entire area with a lot of real estate from a shrinking list of housing possibilities for new Greek organizations. With less students able to rely on their fraternities or sororities for off-campus housing, the housing "crunch" will be exacerbated. Yet, housing program director Ed Salowitz wishes to form a commission to discover "whether there is a housing problem at the University and, if so, how to solve it." Questioning the presence of a "housing problem" is a joke. The average rent rate in Ann Arbor is higher than what one might pay to live two blocks from the beach on the Atlantic Coast during the summer. Moreover, discussing a solution

for the housing shortage while promoting the shortage through the elimination of housing possibilities is paradoxicaL What is truly annoying is the way in which this Greek路housing issue began. Many "noise complaints" were filed last fall against numerous fraternities by the Ann Arbor police, For example, on the evening of a party, a disturbed neighbor would notify the police of a raucous, and the police in turn would show up on the scene with a noise ticket of a sizeable amount. Ultimately, the city became fed up with fielding the many complaints of Ann Arbor residents. Why is this disturbing? Most of the fraternity houses on this campus have existed longer than anyone neighboring family. If a family places a high value on its serenity, they should not move into a home which is so close to a fraternity or sorority house. Certainly, there are many residential areas in the Ann Arbor. Most likely, the proposal will pass when the final vote is taken, unless large student support against it can be mustered. The public hearing and vote will occur on March 2, and the outcome will be one which affects the entire student body, not just the members of the Greek . ,system. l!

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Death of the U -Cellar by Craig Brown

previous condition of specialization among the Ann Arbor stores, Don Perigo, the University Ombudsman, has been on the Board of Directors of the U-Cellar for approximately three and a half years, and was a contributor as a student in the 1970s. Perigo cited the general inadequacy of the internal financial mechanisms as one of the major reasons behind the closing of U-Cellar. The related problems that caused this failure can be attributed to a chronic cash flow problem, which was caused by a significantly higher inventory than necessary as well as a problem of buying not coinciding with demand. In the area of wages, Perigo stated that in general, the wage/benefit packages were out of balance as a percentage of the overall balance for sales dollars. Futherrnore, many of the employees were non-students. In fact, the U-Cellar employed far fewer stu-

On December 24th, 1986, the University of Michigan's student-run bookstore, the University Cellar ("U-Cellar"), closed its East Liberty and North Campus Commons locations after a long period of unsuccessful financial practices and poor cash flow. The University Cellar originally opened in 1970 as a discount student bookstore. First located in the basement of the Michigan Union and then moving to its locations on East Liberty street and on North Campus, the U-Cellar was always a favorite place for students looking for a good deal on books. Many students enjoyed being able to have their choice of used books while others favored the sizeable discount on new texts. The economic effects of the U-Cellar were to cause the overall lowering of book prices as well as a new inter-store competition. Other bookstores were forced to carry books of all subjects, in contrast to the

dents than both Barnes and Noble and Ulrich's. In discussing the banks' involvement with the U-Cellar, Perigo was careful to assert that the banks were not at fault for closing the store. To support this, Perigo cited a continuous program of borrowing for each bookrush, which did not help the cash flow situation. As of January 30, 1987, the University Cellar will exist as an entity for approximately one more week as negotiations with Nebraska Books for a bulk buyout are finalized. "We are at a very delicate point," Perigo said. After the deals are finalized, "the Board of Directors will be dissolved." The question then arises as to whether or not students could run a bookstore of that size. According to the bylaws of the U-Cellar, much of the board, as well as the president and other officers, were in fact students. However, this may have not been a

contributing factor as many of the students, according to Perigo, "were very good at what they did, and may of them weren't Business students." In speaking with fellow students about the closing of U-Cellar, I found that many believed that the U-Cellar carried much mor~ inventory than was demanded as well as being too far from campus. Students will miss the U-Cellar, which had come close to being a campus tradition. When asked about the situation, LSA sophomore Carter Dutch said, "I think it (the closing) sucks. Price hikes are inevitable and the lines at the other stores are terrible . . . I miss U ~Cellar already." \ If

Craig L. Brown is a Sophomore in LSA and a staff writer for the Review.

February 1987 ** Sunday ** 1 ** ** 8 ** ** ** 15 ** ** *** 22 ** ** ** ** *

Monday

1787-Mathew C.trey pubh-sh«I the fim IHUt' of the Amnu.-n Mufnmt '9r'hh:h In' duckd uu.cb by Ikn~nllh Rush and W,III.am funon ~. voc.attng l ruon~r ..:mtr.L! &OVernment

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P87-Boston J,,~t <::In-omdt' repone ..I. mov('· tTWnt to ..-reate three iep.lnte nl.tlOnt from tile 13 sutn,

17S7-Thomu Ntkon ~ .appointed to r-eptxt Purl<.:k Henry .u .1 dtlq:au 101M ptulWelphi.a Con,ututlon~1 Conv~nuon,

Nellon d.:dUKd h) suvr 17i7-Fifty·i1fth !:mthcUv of <?t'Of'J;t W.asftltlr;a:on oJ Vu"pnlJ.. l1,n('( ot the Consutuuon.

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Tuesday

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Thursday

1787-Robftt Morns ""(Ott' to WlIll.am Consubk comment· ing lin Sh.1\'~' Rt'bdhon. ,,' flnJ {~ hJ\e drawn blooJ In ~t.lSsa.:husett!, ,It IS now mcum~nt on Governm~flt to follow the blu .... Jnd PUt .lirl l:nJ to dl~orJ ,"

12 1787-Virglnl;1 del~,1I10n Inform<ed GO\'t'rnor EdmunJ RJnJolph thJ.! the r... bdhon. In ~bs~hu~u \l,'U neu!v el(tlngul1hcd.

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Friday

1787-Dmld Shays a.sk«i C.uwiian Go\'t'rnor lord Dorchester for .u-ms and ~mmurution,

1787-Fortv-ltrsl: binkdl.v of Chatks COtesworth Pincknev of South Cuolina, signer of ' the Constitutton,

~~~:~~~t~nC~~~~I:~ move for a Connllutlonu Convention.

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/.,lICHIGAN REVIEW

February, 1987

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Alexander Goldfarb On Tuesday, February 10, the Review spoke with Alexander Goldfarb, a former Soviet dissiderit who left that country in 1975. He is currently a member of the International Human Rights Commission and has spoken publicly on behalf of Soviet prisoners of conscience. In late September, Mr. Goldfarb's father, David, was released with US journalist Nicholas Daniloff and dissident Yuri Orlov. The Goldfarbs reside in New York City, where Alexander is a professor of molecular biology at Columbia University. Alexander Goldfarb was the first speaker in the Honors Student Council's series on iltademic freedom.

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REVIEW: What were the circumstances under which you left the Soviet Union in the Seventies? GOLDFARB: I was told that I could leave the Soviet Union in 1975. Preceding lhal. for abow IweJ'I'e years. J 'e./onged (0 a /oose/yorganized group : which included many people who would become. world famous. This group included (Andrei) Sakharov, (Yuri) Orlov, (Anatoly) Scharansky, and others. We monitored the Helsinki Accords, which It'cre signed in 1975, and becan! : the l'ictims of a go vernment crackdull'l1. REVIEW: Recentl}', C;orbachel' flu:, released Andrei Sakharor from internal exile and has freed over 100 political prisoners. Is Gorbachev genuinely trying to reform the Soviet Union? GOLDFARB: Well, he has released about 5% of the list of known political prisoners. According to information which has filtered out of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev plans to release more soon. They are processing up to two hundred people for release. Altogether, we now have a list of nine hundred political prisoners. - I think Gorbachev is genuinely trying to reform Soviet society. He is trying to prevent the further deterioration of the Soviet economy and social structure, which was caused by the total lack of freedom and individual initiative allowed. His choice now is either to have a communist system resembling a "garbage heap of history" or to liberalize and revitalize the society. The only way he can accomplish the latter is to permit a certain amount of criticism and initiative. By our standards, this would be meager. But by Soviet standards, this will be absolutely unprecedented.

The more general question is, therefore, will he be able to accomplish this? We have two factors. We have the communist system and we have Gor- ' bachev. The system is failing and Gorbachev is trying to save it. He is trying to make the Soviet system compatible with a rather minimal, yet, in a So viet context , substantial I amount of individual freedom. Now, I everybody who has tried this before has , failed. So, zf Gorbachev manages to accomplish this, we will have to conclude that reform of the Soviet system is possible. Thusfar, the Soviet system has proved to be stable as well as suppressive of freedom . Gorbachf'v must overcome manv obstacles to,I accomplish fhf' goal of reform , I REJtJEW: Is it possible th ea lIi e Su)iet Union can resolve the issue of human rights abuses so quickly? GOLDFARB: Well, the minimal standard for saying that the issue ofl human rights abuses has been resolved

is ./he release, oj,, (lll ,rzine, hwuired political prisoners.' The\ mostfmpdrtant of these people are being released. REVIEW: What do you mean by "most important?" GOLDFARB: They are most important in terms of their disagreement with the regim e Those who are being released have heen injai/ under Article 70 q( the criminal code, which is the anti;propaganda article. Those who have not been released are people in the mental asylums and those serving time for "fabrication on semi-criminal articles. " For example, a group ofkids in Estonia who removed Soviet flags, and replaced them with Estonian flags, are serving terms jor "malicious hooliganism." They are not being released. REVIEW: Are they releasing the people who are more visible to the Western media? GOLDFARB: In essence, yes. They are releasing the most visible people. They have just started releasing prisoners, so I do not think it will be a big deal to release the remainder ofthe list of nine hundred. Another question is: will the things that these people were jailed for now become permiSSible activities? I also believe that anothe~ outstanding problem has beenfreedom of emigration. There has been no movement by the government in this area. REVIEW: How are you involved in efforts to free Soviet dissidents? GOLDFARB: I am involved mostly through public activities. There are many such groups in New York City,

where 1 live, such as Helsinki Watch, to which I belong. I have also appeared on television and have written op-ed pieces for newspapers. 1 am not involved in any kind of clandestine activities, such as smuggling things in and out. REVIEW: What is the current status of the refuseniks? GOLDFARB: Soviet Jews are one q{ the minorities which have specific problems with the Soviet regime. A large portion of them want to emigrate, about half a million. Yet, they are afraid to apply for emigration for fear of government repression. Thus jar, eleven thousand have applied for emigration and have been tefused. They are cast as pariahs and social outcasts in Soviet society. The most outspoken of the refuseniks, and I

think they are sixteen qf the nine hundred known political prisoners, have been jailed for engaging in "Jewish activities." The fact that the Soviet Jews cannot leave the country shows the enormous amount ofcontrol that the Soviet government has over everyday life. So, there has been no change whatsoever in the status of fhp refuseniks. If

February, 1987

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Edwin Attorney General Edwin Meese was on campus February 5 for a taping of a PBS series on the constitution and the presidency, to be shown in May. After the taping session, and in the middle of a hectic schedule, Mr. Meese was gracious enough to grant the Review in interview.

REVIEW: In a nationally-syndicated column, Gregory Fossedal asserts that President Reagan is ready to hand over the reins to a next generation of leadership. Do you believe that President Reagan has assumed such a posture? MEESE: Well, I. m not sure what Mr. Fossedal means by that. But, in the sense that the President would like to see a new generation of leaders come forward, as a result of his leadership during his eight year period, I think that is correct. These leaders will have been part of his administration, or have started their interest in government and politics during his administration. So, there will be a continuation of the principles that the President believes in.

eese REVIEW: Will President Reagan be able to recover from the damage caused by the Iran-Contra Affair, or whatever you want to call it? MEESE: Yes, I think he will, because of the way he has handled it. First of all, the President made it clear that he wanted all the facts out before the public and that he was not covering anything up. Secondly, the President identified those people who were responsible for improperly handling the situation. He dismissed them from his administration. Thirdly, he has taken the steps necessary to correct any procedures in organization and process that allowed this sort of thing to happen. He appointed the special review board, chaired by former Senator Tower. Fourthly, he has agreed, and is cooperating with, all proper tribunals, both in Congress and the independent counsel. He wants to make sure that to the extent there was any wrong-doing, that it be brought to public attention and whoever was guilty is punished.

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REVIEW: You have been severely criticized for your desire to see the Miranda Ruling overturned. Why should this ruling be overturned? MEESE: I have been severely criticized by those of a more ' liberal persuasion, who are more interested in the so-called rights of criminals and criminal suspects than in the rights of law-abiding citizens. What I am interested in is continuing to protect the rights of criminal suspects, but at the same time, to have a better balance in the system. I think it is possible to have

REVIEW: Are you sati.~lied with the conclusions reached b:v your pornography commission and was this commission ejfective? MEESE: I think the commission was very e.ffective, They had some good, com man sense recoin,. : 'ndat ions, which. it is interesting {,. 'late, are approved by wel/ 0I'er 65 % of the public. This IS a very 11Igh percentage on a matter lhat could be controversial. such as this. We are now in the process of implementing those recommendations. While avoiding any possibility of censorship. we will be properly prosecuting that kind of illegal obscenity, which the Supreme Court has said. does not deserve any protection under the First Amcndm r> '"

Joseph Heller by Steve George Joseph Heller, one of America's foremost satiric novelists, spoke at the Power Center on Sunday, February I . Heller, whose most famous work is Catch-22. delivered a humorous lecture composed of readings from each of his works. Surprisingly, Heller did not focus on Catch-22. mentioning it only briefly. He introduced the audience to his method of composition by reading the first few sentences, then describing the evolution of the story. "Thirty-three years ago, I had an idea; to write a novel. I didn't know or care about what." Rather than read at length from Catch-22. Heller read from reviews published in The New York Times Book Review and New Yorker. He used their negative criticism to justify his unusual writing technique. To develop a disorienting story line, he

"consciously used long run-on sentences to indicate chaos and confusion ." The language he used was meant to "raise rather than answer questions. " Heller added that he was a veteran ofWorid War II, that he was proud to

long, intimate, depressing confession. Some readers find it too painful to finish ." Heller spent the majority of his time reading from his novel,As Good as Gold. This book is a satire about a Jewish professor named Gold who is

"I've always enjoyed writing, even when I wrote short stories in high school. I've been able to take a tendency to daydream and convert it to acceptable fiction." have served, and that Catch-22 did not reflect his own personal beliefs. "My originality," he said, "is not in my ideas, but in my fictional presentation of the ideas of others." From Catch-22. Heller moved to his next novel, Something Happened. He only read a few sentences from the novel. "Something Happened is a

rights rhan by th ro wing out I'(llid prabitll't' eVidence or inr e~fcring H'illl legit imate po/icc i nreSl igariol1 qf I he crime.

seeking out the definitive "Jewish experience" in America. Despite the novel's plot, Heller selected a scene in which Golddeci<;les to give his class a surprise exam describing everything he has taught so far. Although the reading was hurried and underemphasized, the audience often responded with laughter as he described

the students' response geous request.

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sec page II

Steve George is a Sophomore in Chemical Engineering and a staff writer for the Review.

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February, 1987

page I 0 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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The Typho Getaway Weekend by Joe and Jane Typho correct (do any of you know of any ANN ARBOR-A town that's correct shallow spots in the River Raisin we for you could wade across?) (and who is this We've made arrangements to see a Marquette mapmaker anyway? He show at the recently-closed Campus writes sloppy and in French, which is Theatre in Ann Arbor (closed, we believe, because of our extensive . chic but difficult to understand). Once in Ann Arbor we'll check into picketing and guerrilla theatre plays) our house on the Diag (plenty of room (not to mention our manycasualty in a rustic environment) (not to die-in on South U .) (Damn those mention politically correct). We'll eat Mack Trucks). Yes, the People's Sit-In whatever we can steal from the Co-op will have a one-timeonly persquirrels (those not ready for natural formance of their historical, hysterical vegetarianism may eat the squirrels). play "Brats". We'd love to have all of The next day we'll all troop (so to you leftists recei ving this letter come speak) over to the theatre for the along, but you'll have to let us know show. soon. "Brats" is the legendary FB74 muWe'l! be traveling to lovely Asical about a group of spoiled yet squared by bicycle motorcade from enlightened college students. We downtown Toledo on March 4. We laugh, cry, smile, ache, and suffer expect to arrive by March 7. if the eczema as these students seek salvamaps we picked up at the Co-op are

tion on earth by building a new society, where everybody has old rags, peace, justice, and neato cars with power windows. Many of our good friends in the PSC will be in the show, which will feature yet another lengthy and pointless "Star Wars" parody at intermission. After the show we'll go out for dinner at the Alger Hiss Co-op, where we'll eat pumpkin pie. We'll also have free time to explore the city. It's really nice to see the sights-the Fascist construction zones, the Fascist old hospital (which could be converted into an awareness center for Jerry Brown and the Zen Buddhists), the Fascist Shapiro home, the Fascist Regents' offices, the Fascist Co-op (whoops, rhetoric overload). Anyway, on March 9 we'll head

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back to the Glass City after enjoying breakfast at the Angell Hall DinnerTheatre (we get the one-person oneact open mike plays-it's great to watch some of these drunks improv). The time on the ride back goes quickly with passing angry motorists, bicycle backgammon, and rabid dogs. What a weekend! So if you're set to have a great time and have your conscience raised (or razed), give us a call at 555-0319 and reserve your place now. Until then, . power to the people (and th("i r portfolios). ~ Joseph and Jane Typho were recently wed. The groom is a ~aduate student in the Schoot of Natural Resources and Buddhist Studies and the bride is a courtroom artist for Student Legal Services .

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Brighton Beach Memoirs by Gloria Sanak When I saw Brighton Beach Memoirs on Broadway in 1983, I was impressed with, what I thought to be, one of Neil Simon's best plays. Throughout the production, I laughed at the situations faced by the loosely disguised Neil Simon family in New York City in \937 . Needless to say, my expectations were high when I entered the theater to see the movie. Too bad I was not high. The movie is a major disappointment. While most of Simon's plays transfer easily from stage to screen, Brighton Beach Memoirs is an exception. While Simon himself was responsible for the adaptation and worked on the screenplay, the action was tedious on screen and did not flow smoothly. "Flow of life" films can be very entertaining, b ut under Gene Saks' direction , on e loses interest in the story' s development. Other problems ari se with the empl oy ment o f prese nta:io[1(!~ shots. While Woody Allen often uses the tech nique brilliantly, Saks is a t a loss as to how to use it. The film is cho ppy a nd 1:111 s its purpose of d rawing the a udie nce in to th e character. While it is

necessary for Eugene, the boy narrating the story, to elaborate during a soliloquoy about wanting to be a writer and a New York Yankee, he addresses the audience too many times and becomes annoying. Saks is successful in using crosscutting with three rooms of the house. It is done efficiently and is his only credible piece of direction, Overall, the camera work is mundane, but then again, the subject matter does not require sophisticated angles and shots. Other annoyances include the music and sound effects. At one dinner scene, heavily stressed instrumentaion is exaggerated to poke fun at the tension each character bri ngs to the dinner table. The sound effects do not always correspond to the action. For example, right before Stanley, Eugene's brother, vo mits in an alley, the sound of vomitting is dubbed in. The biggest problem with the film is the acting. On Broadwa y, Matthew Broderick superbly portrayed Eugene. He was dynami c. in teresting and wi tty. Jonatha n Silverman lacks these q ualities. Hi s performance is too studied alld tarnished . Blythe Danner

also turns in a disappointing performance as the mother. She is an exaggerated, overwrought caricature of a Jewish mother. In fact, most of the actors overplay the ethnicity of their characters. Obviously, it is a Jewish household (one sees this sufficiently through the attitudes and dialogue) so the exaggerated gestures and accents are quite unecessary. Some of the poor performances can be attributed, in part, to Simon's dialogue. In his old age, he has become predictable and canned. For example, at dinner, Eugene says to the audience: "Tension was so thick I could've cut it with a knife. Which is

more than I can say for the liver." Ha ha Not all performances were awful, however. Judith Ivey as Aunt Blanche and Brian Drillinger as Stanley turn in good performances, as does James Hardy as Mr. Murphy. Brighton Beach Memoirs is a good, relatively humorous story meant for every family's enjoyment. Unfortunately, it should have remained a play and not braved the big screen.

Gloria Sanak is a Junior in English and a staff writer for the Review.

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Heller continued from page 9

Another passage had Gold being interviewed for a position within the government. Gold turns down many key Capinet positions as too<easy for him. He opts for Secretary of State. "In government, experience doesn't count, and knowledge isn't important," Gold says. "After all, bigger schmucks than I have been Secretary of State." Heller also commented on a statement made in As Good as Gold. which has been revived recently and applied to the current crisis in the Reagan administration. It (the Reagan administration) personifies "the most advanced and penultimate chaos masked as order." He pointed out that many politicians act irresponsibly because "in Washington, you can rise quickly, but you can't fall very far." After completing his lengthy readings from As Good as Gold, he moved to his fourth novel, God Knows. He told of his desire to write another novel, perhaps a love story. The idea

prognosis for recovery, he never lost hope. While confined to the hospital. he gained the material for his fi fth and most recent work , No Laughi ng Matter. his love story. No Laughing Matter is autobiographical. Heller and his friend Speed Vogel wrote the book based upon Heller's stay in the hospital and his surrogate courtship of his duty nurse, Valerie. He read aloud from the book, recounting his efforts to date Valerie through Speed and his other New York connections. As a final remark on this novel, Heller told the audience that he and Valerie would be married soon. When asked why he wrote, Heller said, "I really don't have an answer for that. I've always enjoyed writing, even when I wrote short stories in high school. I've been able to take a tendency to daydream and convert it to acceptable fiction." He likes American novelists today, but regrets that quality is overlooked in favor of spectacle. Joseph Heller was the second writer to appear on campus this year for the Great Writers series sponsored by Hill Street Forum. Last fall, Kurt V onnegut spoke at Hill Auditorium. The

for God Kn ows evolved from a few sentences he had been thinking about. He put his love story on hold to tell the satiric story of King David discovering faith and the wrath of God. Heller read his nutshell view of Jewish life: "God never said it would be fair or easy. We were given the land of milk and honey, a land of plenty, and then a strict dietary code to follow. California has sun and a beautiful coastline and Hollywood. We've got sand. Cannes has its film festival. We've got the PLO. And God gives a huge undersea ocean of oil to people who can't even wind a watch." Heller's satire saved his remarks from being terribly offensive. Heller asserted that God Knows was based on the biblical passage, "I shall go to him, but he shall not return to me." He meant the novel to be funny, outfitting the characters of ancient Israel with New York accents and a Yiddish inflection. He also intended the novel to be sad. "God Knows is tragedy, sadness, . . . reality." While writing God Knows, Heller was stricken with Guillian-Barre syndrome, a paralyzing, sometimes fatal affliction that sent him to the hospital for six months. Due to a favorable

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Great Wriler~ sene~ Ila~ beell extended to next year, and the audience was asked to select authors th at they would like to see next season . With any luck, this group will continue to bring prominent writers to Ann A.rh0r for years to come.

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that the Left and the Right were not that far apart; that their chief difference was one of timing-how long to wait before collectivization. Stalin, a masterful politician, seized power by first aligning with Bukharin to destroy Trotsky then moving left to isolate the Right. The NEP was abolished and collectivization began

complete; the story was sickening. Millions upon millions died-due to a calculated, planned famine . Collectivization could continue, because starving people (and dead people) do not revolt. We should note that Ethiopia's Marxist leaders have applied this lesson well. Reports of famine went around the

Belsen." The Nazi!> .: gone and as Solzhenitsyn notes, the German nation had Nuremburg as a "cleansing'experience. The regime responsible for the terror-famine is still in power today, denies the famine, and, of course, does not punish, in any way, those responsible (to the Soviet leaders Stalin's great crime, remember, was not the forty-odd million people he killed but his purges of the Party elite). A few lessons may be garnered from Conquest's book and from the recent experiences of Marxist regimes: I) Socialism does not work. 2) Limited capitalism leads tb great~ production \ and greater demands for freedom. 3) The easiest way to crush a people is by starving them, because they are then too weak to fight back. 4) Marxism inevitably leads to such terror. And 5) There are still idiotic intellectuals (especially around here) who keep their heads in the sand and continl! ~ to justify the murderous Marxist lit,

Robert Conquest. . Oxford University Press, New York. 412 pages. The Soviet' Union was born 70 years ago as the first true Socialist state. Its attempts to implement the theories of Marx and to build a utopian collectivist society have been a dismal failure. The human wreckage left behind has been enormous and The scope was complete; the story was sickening. too often ignored: People may have Millions upon millions died-due to a calculated, heard of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's books on the Gulag but have not planned famine. Collectivization could continue, bebothered to read them. Robert Concause starving people (and dead people) do not revolt. quest is the West's greatest chronicler of Soviet crimes and has broken new ground in The Harvest of Sorrow. As again. To quash dissent, Stalin went world and aid was offered. The SoviSolzhenitsyn has noted, Harvest so far as to ban research on economic ets denied any problem. A few con"investigates the most serious algrowth (an early version of "end-use": scientious foreign reporters filed stothough up to now least researched Permit no research which in any way ries on the famine. The Soviet . . . crime of Leninist-Stalinist comleads to the conclusion that capitalism mounted a massive propaganda munism: its war against the peasantry works). campaign to defuse these stories. of the USSR." Conquest also traces the postTheir chief accomplice was New York The peasant occupied the highest Revolutionary development and fate Times correspondent Walter Duranposition in the intellectual Leninist of the Ukraine, a orice-independent ty, perhaps the most despicable re.,.,,,,. hierarchy of the c~s.. 14plQited ,QY, .nation. with an .in<}ependent-J,anguage, -porter history. In private ' con. . the tsars and the hUldlords, the 'Peas- and the farm ~lt ' of the USSR. versation Duranty admitted that ten ants were among the first beneficiaries Ukrainian nationalism was a key million had starved. In his articles, Steve Angelotti is a graduate student of the Revolution, with massive land problem for the Soviets, because they however, he denied any famine (much in the Institute of Public Policy Stureform and elimination of the landhad won Ukrainian support with like today's "useful idiots" who refuse dies and is an Executive Editor of the lords. However, the Bolsheviks went promises of self-determination then to criticize Soviet actions for fear of Review. even further, demanding complete reneged. The Ukrainian culture and engendering "anti-Soviet" attidues) collectivization of the land language were alternatively promoted (Substitute "Nazi" for "Soviet" and (communal farms rather than private then suppressed. Given the Soviet one can see how ludicrous the notion plots) to ward off the new devil, the anti-Ukrainian feeling and the farm is). Duranty's lies defused the Western "kulak". A kulak was a peasant who, economy in the Ukraine, collectivifuror and thus the story took fifty through wisdom and hard work, had zation would prove to be most diffiyears to be fully told. been more productive than other cult there. Conquest's book is excellent and peasants and thus, in some sense, Stalin began with wholesale masdisturbing. As he states: "Fifty years better off than other peasants (but not sacres and deportations of those susago. . . the Ukraine was like one vast wealthy). pected to be kulaks. Conquest estiSuccessful individual peasants were mates that seven million died in this I' a threat to the concept of communal episode alone (those who demand farms (capitalism must never outproof are reminded of Solzhenitsyn's shine socialism), so from 1918-1921 statement: " When the Soviet governthe Soviets waged war on the kulaks. ment publishes the official figures we T~.e peasants, kulaks and non-kulaks shall use them instead" ). Collectivi'{OU'RÂŁ alike, revolted. Crop production zation soon followed , with the same RlGHTOll plummeted. By 1922, there was a result.;; as in 1921-massive revolts M-JNRY ... general famine, which was alleviated and a government retreat. Stalin rewith massive foreign (particularly sorted to heavy-handed economic American) aid, but not before milincentives and disincentIves to force lions died. peasants to work on collective farms Lenin proclaimed the New Ecorather than on their much more pronomic Policy (NEP) in 1921, which ductive private plots. allowed limited capitalism. The farm In 1932-33 -Stalin focused on the situation turned around and producUkraine. The government seized all tion rose. After Lenin's death the food from all farms and repeatedly succession battle was between the searched homes for any " hidden" .~ ~ Left, led by Trotsky, which wanted food. Those who took food ffom the immediate collectivization of the land fields to feed their starving families and was the most idealistic, and the were shot. The borders of the Ukraine Right, led by Bukharin, which was were sealed. The result v'as a massive supportive ofNEP and generally more famine In the farm belt (imagine a TALKlNG D:JWM T~ OOLLAR pragmatic. Conquest demonstrates famine in Kansas). The scope was

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