vol_6_no_4

. . - - - - - - - - - Liberty Entails Responsibility - - - - - - - - - - .

THE MICHIGAN EVIEW Volume 6 Number 4 January-February 1988

The Grand Rapids Elephant Stampede

************ MICHIGAN

GOP

************

",-

- ~-

-

~ - . .. .

.

Exclusive Interview: Albert Gore _ _ _ __ ___Special Feature: Education in America

January-February 19883

T'HE M ICH ICAN REVIEVv The Student Affairs Magazine of the University of Michigan Publisher David Katz Associate Publisher Mark Powell

CONTENTS From the Edi tor Serpent's Tooth What's Happening on Campus From Suite One: Editorials Letters to the Editor

5

5 6

7

Review Forum The Arias Peace Plan In the Nation's Interest, by Andrew Eschtruth Can We Trust Ortega?, by Mark Powell

Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Klukoff

Campus Affairs

Executive Editors Steve Angelotti Marc Selinger

Student Leader Profile BSU President Jeffrey Williams, by Judy Cheng The Great Research Race, by Ryan Schreiber

Campus Affairs Editor Leonard S, Greenocrger

Interview: Sen, Albert Gore

Arts Editor Jennifer Worick

4

8 9

10

Election '88 12

Education in America "Hooray for Madison High!", by M. C. Molesky A Crisis in Education?, by Rona Sheramy

13 14

Staff Maria Ansari, David Calkins, Robert Campbell, Megan Carmody, Judy Cheng, Daniel Drumm, Rick Dyer, Vicky Frodel, Stephen George, Michael McFalls, M. Christopher Molesky, Paddie OHalloran, Jim Ottevaere, Ryan Schreiber, Rona Sheramy, Jonathan Sonnenschein, Annette Theuring, Joseph Typho, David Vogel

-路.

- .,

..... ,- ,

.....

The Michigan Review is an independent, non-profit student magazine at the University of Michigan. We welcome letters and articles and encourage comments about the magazine and issues discussed in it. We arc not affiliated with anv political party. Our "ddness is: Suite OIll' 911 1'-:nrth U;livcrsitv Ann Arbor, Mic"h 路lH109 (] 1]j-f'()2-1 909

Cover Story The Grand Rapids Elephant Stampede,

15

by Seth B. Klukoff and Marc J. Selinger

Notes From Abroad Our Werewolf in London, by Russell Divak

19

Essay Individualism and a Liberal Arts Education,

20

by David Calkins

Arts Profile Rudolf Arnheim, by Johnathan Sonnenschein Books in Review Re /Search #11: Pranks, reviewed by Rick Dyer Movies in Review Throw Momma from the Train,

23 24

reviewed by Paul Seltman

Yuppie Culture in Review \1ichael 3:16-You've Got to I-lave faith, bv Kurt I \lichacll Hevman

26

Ted 3:19--You've Gotta Have Guns, bv Joe TVphtl

31

The Michigan Review 4

January-February 1988 5

From the Editor . .. . . . .... .. . ... ...

~

.... . ...... .. ... . .. . . .. .. ... ... ... .......... . . . .......... .. . ... .... -.. .... ... .... . .. .... .

Serpent's Tooth

Whimpers on the Right The behavior of conservative activists Howard Phillips and Richard Viguerie before and during the INF summit reminds me of children in a candy shop, who, after not receiving another candy bar from Dad, stomp around, wail, and embarrass their parent in front of the entire store. In this case, Uncle Ronnie didn't satisfy-and tykes Howie and Richie bawled before the nation.

But this time, they embarrassed themselves in particular, and the conservative movement in general. Their actions confinn the common, though at times iII-conceived, notion that conservatives are most comfortable when they react bitterly to an event or personality they dislike. Moreover, what was most distressing about their behavior was that they vented their anger at Ronald Reagan, the man whose election in 1980 allowed the conservative movement to enjoy equal status with the liberals in the national debate.

Phillips, Viguerie, and cronies may have enjoyed the spotlight arid media attention resulting from their . Jlenouncements of Reagan as a "useful Idiot" and "tool of Soviet propaganda," and fonnation of an "anti-appeasement group". Yet, these harsh pronouncements accomplished nothing for their cause. Why didn't they seek to engage the Reagan administration in a debate about the INF Treaty? Because resorting to the position of reacting critically or assuming victim status is surely more comfortable than fonnulating an intelligent alternative policy or lining up logical arguments for debate.

This conservative response is indicative of ide{)logical groups that have historically been out of power and have been used to criticizing the status quo or dominant political consensus.Once they have attained power, they do not know what to do and instinctively revert back to their reactive mode.The Left has regularly operated this way. But the New Rigbt, wbich is always eager to fault the Left. has not learned from

that group's mistakes.

Sells. Jesse Helms (R·N.C.), Stephen

Symms (R-Idaho), and Malcolm Wallop (R-Wyo.) reprimanded Sens. Joe Biden (D-DeI.), Howard Metzenbaum (D-Ohio), and Teddy Kennedy (D-Mass.) for having decided to oppose Bork before hearings began. Yet, these conservative Senators were quick to render judgment on the INF Treaty.

Furthennore, while conservative Republican members of Congress have blasted the Democratic leadership for impeding the President's power to conduct foreign policy, they have done the same by harshly criticizing the INF treaty and presenting the Soviets with an image of a divided government. Finally, Howard Phillips indulged in a favorite pastime of ideological fringe groups-formulating theories of conspiracy. This one was right out of a Yippie textbook (Jerry Rubin is jealous).

Phillips claimed that Wall Street, multi-national corporations and rich Republicans were behind the treaty in order to better conduct business with the Soviets.

Perhaps Howard Phillips could more wisely spend his time formulating ideas on ,; how the conservative movement can remain .. in the national discourse.

Some tee-shirts spotted at the Grand Rapids Elephant Stampede: "Re-elect Reagan," "Rather Bush," "Gary Hart-He's In, He's OLIt, He's In Again," "Richard Nixon in '88-He's Tanned, He's Ready, He's Rested," "Ollie North for Vice-President," and ''I'm a Bushwacker!" So the Republicans provided us with more than a convention to laugh at.

•• But we're sure the Democrats, if given the opportunity, would conduct themselves similarly. How do we know? Well, the Guv sez so.

Seth B. Klukorr, a senior in Political Science, is the Editor-in·Chier or the Michigan Review.

••

Attention Moderates and Conservatives, don't forget to vote Pink and Purple Polka Dot.

••

First there was Paul Jensen (See, we mentioned you again). Then came the Illinois La Rouchies. And they begat Ev Mecham.

And then the world rested peacefully.

••

Archeologists, on a dig in Richard Gephardt's hair, found something resembling a Conservative Opportunity Society pin. Must have been from when he was prolife, pro-deregulation, and pro-tax cut.

••

Rob Earle Bruce is still looking for something to do. There is an opening for Review editorial intern. Computer skills a must.

Also, you must have experience with the latest photocopying apparatus, and, of course, know how to make apass. A fter all, this is a student affairs magazine.

Has anybody noticed the proliferation of "Students For. .. " groups on campus? There are groups for Gore, Gephardt, Simon, Dukakis, Jackson, and Hart. But there is no representation for our favorite candidate, Bruce Babbitt. We feel stood up.

•• M Vote Blue. (Ha! Fooled Ya!).

What's Happening on Campus? ................... .

Coalition for Democracy in Latin America

Social ConOict Discyssion Series Professor Norman Miles Adjunct Lecturer in Studies in Religion

The Rev. Virginia Peacock Ordained Episcopal Minister from Canterbury House

"Disinterested Benevolence: A way of thinking that says one should do something not because it is necessarily in one's own interest but because it is the right thing to do."

"Liberation Theology"

Friday, March 4,4:00 p.m.

Room 4119 Michigan Union

Friday, March 11,4:00 p.m .

Room 4119 Michigan Union The Coalition for Democracy In Latin America is located in 4119 Michigan Union.

Congrats to Diag preacher Mike Caulk's wife, Missy, who was selected to be a delegate to the Republican convention in New Orleans. How about giving her a Pat on the "rump".

•• Idle question: Are AJ and Tipper Gore the Sonny and Cher of the '80s?

••

Did ya hear the latest? Circumcisions are out of vogue. Run for cover!

I l

The Michigan Review 6

January-February 19887

From Suite One . ... . . . . .. . .... ... . ... .. . .... ............ ..... ......... .. ........ . . . . . . . . . .......... ...... ..... .......... .

Letters ..... ... .......... .... .............. ..... ....... .. .... ..... ...... .. ... ..... .. ..... ... ............................. .. ... .

Media Blitz

Opposes Rent Stabilization

~

On the evening of February 2, Americans turned on their television sets and sat back to watch either Matlock, 48 Hours, or Who's the Boss. At the same time, the more affluent viewers with cable television had the option offlipping the channel to CNN orC-SPAN to watch President Reagan's national address on aid to the contras.

What had started out to be a half-hour presidential appeal to the public fizzled out into a five-minute news item on the eleven o'clock news.

Three days earlier, Detroit weekend afternoon television viewers were interrupted by a special news report to inform them that Kirk Gibson had signed with the Los Angeles Dodgers. This monumental news item broke just as the week-long coverage of the battIe over manhood between Vice-President George Bush and CBS anchorman Dan Rather was coming to an end.

It is troubling that the three major television news networks are abusing their monopoly over deciding what is news. The President of the United States is the only offlcial who is elected by all of the American people. He also oversees the branch of the government which is responsible for formulating the nation's foreign policy. If he wishes to address the American people on the eve of a congressional vote on a major item on his foreign policy agenda for the past seven years, then the news media should oblige him. Both the President and the members of Congress are responsible to their constituents. One would hope that in a democracy voters will be provided with as m4ch information as possible in order to make a rational decisio,~. ~ television networks were wrong when they chose to deny 路 th<?". American public the opportunity to decide whether they agreed or disagreed with President Reagan's policy.

Whenever the President addresses the nation on a foreign or domestic policy, the news media has a responsibility to broadcast the speech. It is unfortunate that those Americans not wealthy enough to afford cable television were deprived of the information that was available to their more affl uent counterparts. The networks have lobbied against the Fairness Doctrine for a long time. By refusing to broadcast the President's speech, they have done little to bolster thenotion that, ineft to their own devices, they can deliver the news and at the same time be fair.

Create ... Destroy Two years ago, the federal government made Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.' s birthday a national holiday. Like other national holidays, this was meant to give the nation an opportunity to both pay tribute to one of America's great leaders and remember what he stood for, not only for blacks, but for all Americans.

Many students may have been shocked that Monday morning in January to hear a student at the top of the Angell Hall front steps declaring through a bullhorn, "racists keep walking." The implication, that those who did not immediately tum around and return to bed are racist, is at best wrong and at worst slanderous.

The United Coalition Against Racism (UCAR) , which sponsored the MLK Day boycotts, is committed to the end of racism on this campus. Unfortunately, UCAR has resorted to tactics that can onl y make this goal harder to attain. When LSA Dean Peter Steiner presented to UCAR and the university his initiatives aimed at increasing minority enrollment, the members ofUCAR, not satisfied with the strength or speed of these proposals, staged yet another sit-in at his offlce. The MLK Day protests were marred by stories of students being physically intimidated and verbally assaulted.

Both of these incidents only blemish UCAR's record of defending civil rights and fighting racism. What was once a noble goal has become stained by unsavory and unworthy tactics.

Some students did not wish to commemorate Dr. King by boycotting classes. Perhaps it was because they simply needed to go to class so as not to fall too far behind. Perhaps they believe that January 15 should not be a day free of classes until George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and millions of American casual ities of war are honored in the same way. Whatever the reason, it is their right to go to class.

It is also their right not to be falsely accused of being racist by someone who could not possibly know. UCAR should reexamine their tactics and think hard about what they mean to accomplish, or they may fmd themselves creating what they mean to destroy.

What is this? Nary a Review staff member would come to the defense of free market economics?

In particular, I refer to the "Support Rent Stabilization" article in the "Review Forum" (November-December 1987). An article in the (neoliberal) Washington Monthly a couple of years ago and a textbook used at Syracuse Law School both concluded that rent control decreases the quantity (and often the quality) of housing on the market. The former noted that apartments in New York City are routinely subletted for more than what the original tenant pays, and that sometimes the only place rental housing in that city can be found is on the black market. It also said that a typical welfare mother may pay $2000 per month for rent, and yet Mayor Ed Koch pays less than $400 per month for an apartment that would rent for five to perhaps seven times that amount on the open market. Anyone, regardless of his social position, ought to be able to bid on Koch's apartment, but that would result in the price of the rent reaching the market price. If the rent controls were setator above the market price, and demand stayed constant, of course there would be no such problem, but there would be no need for the regulation.

Need for a product does not guarantee its existence. People in the Soviet Union need food, but they have to line up for blocks in desperate attempts to buy sufflcientquantities,just because prices are set by the State.

Need for apartments did not stop the Huron Towers from turning their building into condominiums or the University Terrace from being tom down. Need for lowincome housing did not stop the Great lakes National Bank from cancelling its lease on it (from "Forgotten Few," same issue) and turning it into an obviously more profitable parking structure, the same thing that happened to the University Terrace. It is impossible to see unbuilt apartments, but one can see parking structures and commercial properties, which are Competing for the same space.

In last year's mayoral debate, Mayor Gerald Jernigan noted that a number of apartments were in violation of city housing codes because doors were too narrow,

but it would be too expensive to widen them and thus detrimental to the housing market to forbid landlords from renting them.

Any central bank can confuse the market by releasing too much money into theeconomy; any government can grant an apartment building a tax incentive and deny it to parking structures, other businesses, and other taxpayers, but one must wonder if the owners or the parking structure (and other merchants) and people wanting space to park their cars (and other consumers), and those other taxpayers are receiving their equal protection of the laws.

Many of the same people who support rent control opposed deregulation of the oil industry, the trucking industry, and the airline industry, claiming that deregulation would lead to higher prices. Instead, since deregulation, prices have gone down and quantities have gone up. The solution to Ann Arbor's housing crisis is not rent

control, but deregulation.

Another point to make is that the tough housing code, while not as detrimental as price controls, also generates "cost-push" inflation and discourages entry into the market. My former landlord (Dahlmann, which later sold outto Maize & Blue, which later sold the building to Burnham Associates) had to replace a perfectly good plastic sink with a stainless steel one (I believe because of the city code), and I more than paid for it. New apartment buildings may be required to provide a minimum number of plugs, parking spaces, etc. This will result in cost-pushes, and if a lot of startup capital is required to do that, the competition among landlords will be reduced.

One is not likely to see a sign reading "A rent was raised here" in front of a parking structure or a commercial property (Tally Hall, etc.).

Joseph M. McCollum

Now Available for Campus Use

AGE TSOF DECEPTION An exciting fifty-minute film describing and documenting Soviet "active measures" -that is, the manipulation of the Western press and "front" groups for the purposes of Soviet foreign policy.

Featuring interviews with actual agents of influence and the Soviet intelligence officers who ran them along with Soviet activities among Western peace groups.

For information, rental or purchase, contact: CommiUee for the Free World 211 East 51st Street, Suite llA, New York , NY 10022 (212) 759-7737

January-February 19889

The Michigan Review 8

Review Forum

.............................................................................................................

Can We Trust Ortega?

In the Nation's Interest

by Andrew Eschtruth The United States has important and legitimate interests in Central America.

Our status as a superpower entrusts to us a leadership role in the international arena.

However, I fear the prerogative of power has proven too seductive to U.S. policymakers; they should realize that we have no inherent license to interfere at will in the affairs of foreign states and regions. The peace plan for Central America which is attributed to President Oscar Arias Sanchez of Costa Rica is a bold message to the United States and the world that the nations of Central America should and must control their own destiny; any solutions to the conflicts and problems of the region must ultimately come from within, not be imposed by foreign powers like the Soviet Union or the United States. The Arias Plan is far from an instant cure-all for an ailing Central America, but it places the initiative in the hands of the right people, the Central Americans themselves.

Many foreigp diplomats and regional politicians have attempted to find a way to end the fighting and bring stability to Central America with little success. The latest crisis has shifted the spotlight to the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua and its leader Daniel Ortega. The United States is supplying and training the group of rightist insurgents known as the contras to topple the Marxist, pro-Soviet Sandinista regime.

As countlessproposals and ideas have been rejected, the violence has continued unabated $ld the poverty unchecked. Finally, last August, the leaders of Guatemala, Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, and EI Salvador unexpectedly signed a regional peace plan conceived by President Arias. Shock was a typical reaction among members of the international community.

Few believed that the governments of Central America could reach such an unprecedented consensus, including many U.S. policymakers, who gave little credit to the efforts of their quarrelsome Latin neighbors.

· Peace PI an ........................ ··································································· Th e A rlas

by Mark Powell The Arias Plan focuses on an end to regional civil wars, which plague not only Nicaragua but EI Salvador and Guatamuela as well, and the institution of democracy and civil liberties to preserve peaceful stability.

The plan initially presses for negotiated ceasefrres and dialogues with opposition leaders. It calls for the tolerance of political pluralism, freedom of the press, amnesty for insurgents and all political prisoners, and democratic elections. An International Commission has been set up to monitor compliance with the plan's provisions.

The strength of the plan has been the widespread agreement on its necessity and the desirablity of its goals. The Arias Plan easily eclipsed another peace plan which was proposed by the U.S. administration a few days before the accord's signing in Guatemala City. International approval was dramatically underscored when President Arias was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on October 12, 1987. Under international and domestic pressure, the U.S. Administration has given the Arias Plan various degrees of lukewarm support Progress must be achieved slowly and entails the cooperation of the international community, especially the United States.

The five leaders who signed the agreement harbor no illusions about the difficult road ahead. They, more than anyone, realize that the obstacles to peace and prosperity for their peoples are significant. However, they also understand that there must be a decisive fIrst step toward alleviating their burdensome problems: That step is the Arias peace plan.

The fact that the Arias Plan has promoted much dialogue between the governments of Central America and their political and military opposition is a strong positive sign. Communication between opponents is the sine qua non for the res0lution of conflict, and its previous absence in Central America highlights the importance of the current climate, which has

proven more favorable to negotiation.

Fears of increased Soviet aid are likely to be unfounded as the Soviet Union fmds itself overextended in the international arena. The Soviets desire a breathing space in foreign affairs that will allow them to concentrate on domestic ills. Such a situation makes them more amenable to limiting their support for the Sandinistas.

The Arias Plan is clearly not a troubleSome of the criticisms free proposal. emanating from the executive branch and staunch conservatives like Rep. Jack Kemp (R-N.Y.) and Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) can be recognized as legitimate concerns, namely that it is difficult to trust Daniel Ortega. I would respond by asserting that a plan devised by Central Americans, geared toward solving the problems of Central America and policed by strong, regional Democratic leaders like President Arias is the best beginning to a real solution for Central America.

Continued support of the contras, the favorite policy prescripton of the right, is both strategically and morally flawed. The contras have little popular support, seem intent on alienating potential sympathizers among the Nicaraguan people through their brutality, and fall considerably short of providing a capable military adversary to the Sandinistas. The continuation of conflict between the contras and the Sandinistas serves to encourage repressive measures from Managua, further Soviet aid, depress the living standards of the Nicaraguan people and increase the body count on both sides. The U.S. sponsorship of the contras also causes resentment among the people of See page 29

Andrew Eschtruth is a contributor to tbe Michigan Review.

Last October, as the deadline for his Central American Peace Plan was approaching, Costa Rican President Oscar Arias appeared onNightline. When pressed

by Ted Koppel about (improbable) Sandinista sincerity, and asked what action would be taken against Nicaragua if it failed to comply with the August 7, 1987 treaty, Arias looked troubled; he hesitated. He took on a disturbingly dreamy look, then replied,"Well, we hope that will not happen."

Herein we see dismayingly the unfortunate truth about President Arias, his plan, and prospects for peace in Central America as long as the Sandinista communists retain the power they seized from the Nicaraguan people almost nine years ago. Of course, the November 7, 1987 deadlineforcompliance with the Esquipulas Treaty came and went, and President Arias wrung his hands.

The four Presidents and Sandinista Supremo Daniel Ortega agreed to continue working to implement the Plan. Ortega participated-as he had signed the Treaty-in order to gain the benefit of appearing to be a legitimate participant while continuing his propaganda and his military buildup, while the four democratic presidents sought to avoid the outright collapse of the Plan, which had garnered Arias the Nobel Peace Prize.

Oscar Arias is a noble man who genuinely and admirably desires peace and democracy in his region. He is president of a stable, prosperous democratic country. He and his country are the models of what we in the United States should want to see in Central America (and around the world).

He and his country deserve our committed support. However, he and his country are also much alike in ways which may be tragic: Costa Rica, democratic and peaceful, does not have an army. Nicaragua, resting atop Costa Rica, has a modem Soviet-supplied and Cuban-trained (and let us not forget the East Germans, North Koreans, Libyans, PLO, et. al. ) mili tary arsenal much larger than that of the four other

Central American nations combined. What do the Sandinistas intend to use this arsenal for? This is a rhetorical qlJestion, as the Sandinistas have made no secret of their intent to expand since their inception (by Cubans) in the early 1960s. President Arias seeks democratic conciliation with Nicaragua; Sandinista war plans call for a Cubanspearheaded advance into Costa Rica at the outset of hostilities, Costa Rica being the quickest and easiest country to conquer.

The fatal flaw in President Arias's plan is unfortunately the most fundamental, and the one which makes any attempt at peace in Central America so pure and noble as the Arias Plan sadly futile. This flaw is the Sandinista dictatorship in Nicaragua. It is the reason that a peace plan is necessary in the frrst place, and it is the obstacle to peace-the other Central American nations, even when under right-wing authoritarian control, were not expansionist; the Sandinistas are. The first requirement for a (good and successful) peace treaty, even between adversaries, is that both or all parties have a common purpose and genuinely desire the specified outcome. The long record of the Sandinistas makes it painfully clear that they do not. It also dooms the Arias Plan, without enforceable provisions to ensure Nicaraguan compliance, to failure-like so many other well-meant attempts to negotiate peace and/or democracy with states which desire neither. To comply with the Peace Plan, Ortega would have to do no more than follow through on the promises of democratic reform which he made to the Organization of American States in 1979 and again in 1981 (and again when convenient since, such as recently), and never had any intention of fulfilling.

The Arias Plan calls for a general political amnesty and democratic reforms, in addition to an end to outside military aid.

However, only about 10 percent of the over 9,000 political prisoners in Nicaragua have been relea..<:ed. La Prensa may have reopened, but governmental decrees 511 and 512 still prohibit information "detrimental

to state security." Interior Minister Tomas Borge recently said that "every news medium must respect the desire of the Revolution." This hardly constitutes free press.

The Directorate for State Security (DGSE, inspired in its name and actions no doubt by the Soviet Committee for State Security, or KGB) within Borge's ministry still practices torture and refuses to allow the Red Cross to visit certain jail areas. Other agencies of this ministry (MINT) still infiltrate and undermine all opposition parties.

When three of the seven members of the Sandinistas' own Supreme Court resigned recently in protest, Ortega dismissed the rest and packed the court with his hard-core loyalists.

The Sandinista leaders have made public statements that make a humiliating mockery of continued efforts to win compliance with the Arias Plan. Ortega gets right to the point. "We will never negotiate political power," he says,-such negotiations are the heart of the Arias Plan-and says the Sandinistas reserve the right to prevent from taking power any government the people might elect in a hypothetical free election, if the Sandinistas did not like its policies.

Whence cometh this breathtaking contempt for President Arias, his Plan, and the U.S. Congress, other than from military hegemony in the region? Sadly, it has been justified by the tolerance of the latter body for Sandinista actions and deceit, a tolerance sustained by the continued fantasies about the Sandinistas of liberal U.S. legislators like (in the extreme) Sen. Chris Dodd of Connecticut and Michigan's own Rep. David Bonior. Bonior spends his time, and See page 30

Mark Powell is a Senior in Russian and East European Studies and Associate

Publisher of the Michigan Review.

I I

Ianuary-February 1988 11

The Michigan Review 10

Student Leader Profile .......................................................................................... .

BSU President Jeffrey Williams

Campus Affairs: Technology ............................................................................ .

The Great Research Race

by Ryan Schreiber

by Judy Cheng Although Black Student Union (BSU) President Jeffrey Williams is not as well known as other campus leaders, he has played important and active roles in various student organizations. An 'umbrella' organization for all black students, the BSU has existed since the civil rights movement to deal with the hardships minority students, particularly blacks, face. As a unified group, the BSU has worked as a "bridge between blacks, minorities and the community," according to Williams. As president, Williams has continued to uphold the "educational, moml, and social goals" for which the BSU has stood. He believes that many problems still face minorities and that a "cultural deficit" for them still exists.

Because of this, the BSU sponsors events produced by or aimed at black students.

These events may be large or small, or inior other groups. tiated from within the Events this year sponsored by the BSU include black theatef presentations, a fall and winter semester speaker series, a presentation by Proctor and Gamble, Kwanza celebrations and Black Solidarity Day. One of Williams' goals is to make black students more politically aware. He wants them to realize the influence politics has on their lives so that minority issues can be addressed. He has increased his own political awarenessby working last summer as a minority an<tstudent representative on the University Initiatives Committee. He described himself as "a bit naive" in pushing programs he felt were good causes in spite of their lack of political favombility.

Williams appeared to be fairly optimistic when asked about the race-related problems of the past year. He responded that these issues should be dealt with but that there exist many more serious problems for minorities which often do not receive the same publicity. He cites low minority recruitment and financial assistance as problems which have been around for some time

without much being done about them. In reference to a forum on financial aid for minorities in the fall of 1986, he recalls that some isolated individuals were helped but that no great improvements were made.

As for his other activities, Williams is involved in the Kappa Alpha Psi fmternity, plays in a local band, and is a member of the Society of Minority Engineers. Continuing his studies next fall as a fifth-year student, he plans to major in both statistics and mathematics. He also plans on going to graduate school, and his long-term interests include business and teaching. For the time being, he wants to help develop an outreach progmm for high school athletes in Ypsilanti.

"The more time I have [to do nothing],

the more I procrastinate," laughs Williams.

A hard worker whether studying or in community activities, he believes in channelling energy into working to fulfill his goals. In spite of difficulties in achieving these goals, Jeffrey Williams does not secm easily discoumged. And whether in the public spotlight or not, he will undoubtedly continue to be a leader in helping minorities.

Judy Cheng is a Junior in LSA and a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

The state of Michigan and its colleges and universities are in store for the nation's most important scientific contest. In January 1989, President Reagan, as one of his final official acts, will choose one state as the winner of the biggest scientific research project in American history.

The state of Michigan is one of seven finalists vying for the research prize of the nation, the superconducting super collider (SSe). The SSC is an underground, 53mile-long particle accelerator that can help scientists uncover the basic structure of matter. The SSC takes tiny, sub-atomic particles and thrusts them into each other at speeds close to that oflight causing them to break apart into tinier particles. The Department of Energy has narrowed the original field of23 competitors by declaring the seven finalists as Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Michigan. New York, also a finalist,

withdrew from the competition in January 1988.

University of Michigan Professor Lawrence Jones believes that of the seven finalists, Michigan has an excellent chance to receive the atom smasher.

"Other than the Fermi Labomtory [in Illinois], which has excellent good points but solid bad points as well, Michigan is the most qualified of the five other competitors."

Professor Jones, who is chairman of the University's physics department, says that a decision in favor of Michigan would not only increase the stature of the physics department, but would also allow Michigan to play a leading role in the field of particle physics. If Illinois does not receive the SSC, he believes that Michigan should be the leading contender.

"From a geological standpoint, Michigan is comparable to, if not better than, the

asu

five other states. Combine that with its pr6ximity to major universities, cities and resources, and I think Michigan has a winner."

Robert Filka, an assistant to U.S. Rep. Paul Henry (R-Grand Rapids), also agrees that Michigan can win the SSe. He added that Henry, who is a member Of the House Science and Technology Commitee, which governs the super collider, is in a good position to influence the decisions of the committee.

If Michigan wins the super collider, approximately 11 ,000 temporary jobs will open for construction and 2,500 people will be permanently employed to run the project.

Moreover, over the first ten years, $8 billion will circulate into Michigan's economy.

The superconducting super collider will attract the most prominent particle physicists from around the globe, no matter where construction begins. But when the decision is made in 1989, fingers will be crossed around the state of Michigan.

Ryan Schreiber is a freshman in LSA and a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

Our three-year and two-yearschohirshi~ wont make college easier.

Just easier to payfo& Even if you didn't start college on a scholarship, you could finish on one. Army ROTC Scholarships pay for full tuition and allowances for educational fees and textbooks. Along with up to $1,000 a year. Get all the facts.

APPLICATION DEADLINES ARE SOON!

Ca 11 (313) 764-2400 or vi sit tt1e Army ROTC Office at 131 North Hall, Ann Arbor, MI

ARMY RESERVE OFFICERS' TRAINING CORPS

January-February 1988 13

The Michigan Review 12

Election '88: Presidential Candidate Interview... .. ......... .... ..... .. ...... .... .. ....

Sen. Albert Gore (0-Tenn.)

On Saturday, January 16, the Michigan Review interviewed Sen. Albert Gore (D-Tenn.), who is currently seeking the Democratic presidential nomination. Sen. Gore served four terms in the House and has begun his fourth year in the Senate. He sits on the Armed Services, Commerce, Science, and Transportation, and Rules Committees. Sen. Gore has gained expertise on the subject of arms control and bas directed bis attention tosbaping and developing U.S. strategic policy.

Review: You have spoken frequently about reforming education in this country. Do you favor proposals such as [Department ofEducation] Secretary William Bennett's James Madison High School?

Gore: You'll have to elaborate on the nature of the proposal you are talking about.

Review: It oullined-;A restructuring of the American high scb001 curriculum.

Gore: The curricula have always been under the providence of local and state authorities, and will remain so. Do I favor a greater emphasis on basics in education?

Yes. But let's look at the dropout rate that we have. We have 25 percent nationwide, compared to 2 percent in Japan. We have got to also rriake education relevant to the students w~ are going through the schools and makC<1t meaningful for them, so that they will stay in. I've called for increased emphasis on early education, with an expansion of Head Start for example. I've called for federal efforts to recruit more qualified young college graduates into the teaching profession and I've outlined a specific set of proposals to change the philosophy of education, to shift more responsibility toward teachers and hold them accountable for the results. I would also use the White House as a bully pulpit to set a national goal of having the best education system in the entire world by the year 2000.

Review: Does Sandinista non-compliance with the Esquipulas II accords change your attitude toward the Central American peace process? Under what circumstances would you support aid to the contras?

Gore: I think we ought to get behind the Arias Plan ourselves and thus gain the ability to hold their feet to the fire. We should also appeal to all of our Central American allies to join with us in a common effort to make the Arias Plan work.

As a Vietnam Vet, I believe that the outcome of any guerrilla war is likely to be influenced strongly by the attitudes of the people who live where that war is taking place. The contras have not been able to gain much support in the countryside. That may be because the Nicaraguan people associate them with the old Somoza regime.

But in any event, I think the best alternative is lhe Arias Plan. It is a little frayed around the edges; it is under pressure, and one of the reasons is that the Sandinistas have not been complying with it. But another big reason is that our government has not supported the Arias Plan. President Reagan and Vice-President Bush have actively tried to undermine the Arias Plan.

That is the wrong approach for our country.

Review: If there is continued non-compliance, would that change your attitude toward the Arias Plan?

Gore: Well, if we got behind the Plan and gave it a fair shot, and then the Sandinistas failed to comply, I would immediatel y take up President Arias on his pledge- to lead an inter-American boycott of Nicaragua. But that is a hypothetical situation. Our task now is to get behind the Arias Plan and try to make it work.

Review: Should America's colleges and universities cancel classes on Martin Luther King's Birthday? For those that did not, would you support a student boycott of classes?

Gore: I'm not going to make that decision.

I have been a very strong supporter of Martin Luther King's holiday. On the only occasion that I had to vote on the question , I strongly supported the King holiday. It is up to the state governments to make the decision whelher or not to cancel classes.

Campus Affairs: Education in America .. .. .. .... .... ......... ................. .. .. .. :.... ..

"Hooray for Madison High !"

by M. Christopher Molesky Trendily dressed, they shuffle into college classrooms across the country, able to mouth the latest solemnities of Sting or cite the most insignificant fact about the life of Jim Morrison. Yet many of these students can barely read, are unable to identify the Pacific Ocean on a world map, and are unaware that the Great Schism does not refer to the breakup of Sonny and Cher.

What has gone wrong?

The reality of declining test scores, an increasing drop-out rate, and the fact that some of the brightest minds of the most technologically advanced country on earth compete at only the median level with their Japanese and European counterparts, have again flagged the attention of the American public. Yet in the last decade similar tocsins of warning, a la Sputnik, have reverberated frequently through the American .consciousness, only to be sidetracked by developments in Central America or the earthshaking discovery of a penchant for miniskirts by a member of the Royal Family. Moreover, it seemed that politicians were afraid to intrude upon the turf of the educator, while educators themselves questioned their power and right to impose a clear direction to an educational system that had become increasingly incoherent.

This record of vacillation ended Tuesday, December 29. 1987 when Department of Education Secretary WiJliam Bennett introduced a program of education reform entitled "James Madison High School: A Curriculum for American Students."

Named after Bennett's personal hero, the plan reflects the secretary's belief in a mandatory high school curriculum heavy on traditional subjects: four years of English, including a substantial writing program and a thorough grounding in literature from Twain to Dostoyevsky and Zola; three years of Social Studies, comprising American and world history and American politics; three years of basic sciences such as biology and chemistry; two years of a single foreign language; two years of

physical education, including first aid, health, and sex education; and one semester each of art and music history. Although explicitly emphasizing a strong core curriculum, the plan would still allow for twenty five percent of a students schedule to be devoted to electives.

Though unable by law to authorize implementation of such a plan, Mr. Bennett has undoubtedly set a powerful new precedent. In fact, his report is perhaps the most detailed articulation on course content ever forwarded by a political leader. And while only time will tell whether administrators decide to accept and successfully execute such reform, it seems obvious that something must be done to revitalize a badly ailing educational system. For too long, education in this country has been under the spell of various "progressive" approaches to teaching. Television, popular films, and other trendy devices of questionableeducational value have been brought into the classroom in order to make the learning environment more current, entertaining, and supposedly more accessible to "modem" students reared in an electronic generation. But by reaching down to the TV culture, education is doing the opposite of what its real goal should be-to raise young minds above the flashy trappings of popular culture. Education in many respects has become the protector of the contemporary and ephemeral rather than the champion of that finite store of knowledge and wisdom that has served to define and transform Western Civilization over the centuries.

Moreover, the growth in popularity of elective course offerings has further watered down and diverted focus from the basic subjccts. After all, a nine week minicourse on Stonehenge will offer little to the student who is wholly ignorant of basic English history and who is unable to write on the subject with reasonable competence and clarity.

The Madison Plan cannot be viewed as a panacea for all the problems of the American educational system. More money must

be spent effectively at all levels, with special emphasis placed on pre-school and the early formative years ofprimary education.

Likewise, the quality of teaching must improve-requiring additional funding to pay for higher salaries. Yet Mr. Bennett' s proposal is extremely important because it clearly and unabashedly asserts that a common pool of knowledge is imperative foraB membersofasociety. Shared knowl edge in the areas of history, literature, and science facilitates the coherent intemal discourse a culture must have in order to prosper and achieve its goals. By extolling an intensive study of Western Civilization , Mr. Bennett advances the belief that American students must understand the historical and philosophical position that they occupy in time. For by exposing students to the problems and achievements of the past, they will see more clearly their responsibilities in the shaping of the future.

M. Christopher Molesky is a Sophomore in the Residential College and a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

I! I

January-February 1988 15

The Michigan Review 14

Cover Story

Campus Affairs: Education in America

Is the

A Crisis in Education?

by Rona Sheramy The "crisis in education" is a popular phrase of the day, a three-word indication of what some feel is the declining intellectual status of this generation's youth. The source of such a crisis is the topic of much controversy, generating analysis from political, sociological, psychological and economic points of view. The student is inundated with remarks of his or her waning mental status. University of Chicago Professor Allan Bloom' s book The Closing ofthe American Mind focuses on this issue, theorizing that "(c)ontemporary students are ignorant; they don 'tread books; they're corrupted in adolescence by primitive rock music."(New York Times Magazine, January 3, 1988). Such broad, derogatory statements magicly and sadly transform a wide group of individuals into a narrow class of incompetents. Critics of today's higher education system, such as Bloom, do not necessarily blame the "crisis" upon the young person, whose "life is made into a non-stop, commercially prepackaged masturbational fantasy.'\. Rather, there is a significant degree of cultura1 responsibility incorporated into tJreir evaluations. As the Times article summarizes Bloom's assertions, " ... the culture as a whole is mediocre .... 'The real community of man ... ' is the community of those who seek the truth, of the potential knowers, that is, in principle, of all men to the extent they desire to know .... (T)his includes only a few."

Notions of such a highly selective "real community' impose great pressures and expectations upon the modem day student.

He can interpret acceptance into this intellectual society as either, pessimistically, unattainable or, optimistically, feasible.

One may pursue education with a sense of futility, as the former implies, or with a feeling of purpose, as the latter encourages.

Individual outlooks determine the course of intellectual pursuits. The true challenge to the student exists not only in his independently achieving beyond the "low standards that prevail on American campuses," as the New York Tmes phrases Blooms

beliefs. The student must as well overcome the discouraging atmosphere of futility which arises from the barrage of critical, often intellectually smug, attacks upon the education process and its participants. Students must recognize that no other person can limit their entrance into the "real community" of meaningful thought. The individual controls his own ability to enter such a desirable realm. The pursuit of education thus requires both a strong will and a strong mind.

The "mediocre" culture that Bloom describes may not overtly nurture the apprehension of higher truths; yet, it is too fatalistic an assumption that such scholarly quests are beyond the grasp of most men and women. Within this "Disneyland" society exist individuals who laud the thinker. Such "teachers" inspire innovative thought, seeking out the curious student who does not yet know, but excitedly awaits the process of learning. A student need be youthful only in the sense of his intellectual development, rather than in regard to his age. Given the vast expanse of phenomena and ideas that define the universe, all humans are therefore, in varying degrees, quite young.

To pinpoint "the crisis in education" as a problem affecting only those under twenty-two years is to incorrectly confine the learning process within a rigid framework: of time. Teenagers thirty years ago perhaps grew up in a less commercialized,

"mediocre" environment; but, their learning process did not cease upon college graduation. If, as Bloom asserts, culture is at the root of the academic crisis, all members of today's society are affected by the intellectual dilemma.

Those desiring knowledge must actively seek out their education. SchOlarship does not exist in the memorization of given facts, but in the development of mental skills. To be an independent thinker, a resourceful human being, an inquisitive individualsuch are the most valuable traits a student may develop. The classroom provides a more structured means to acquire these qualities, but true learning is a process without physical borders or time limitation. The "crisis in education" can be combatted by the motivated and optimistic student-one who views ignorance not as an impervious barrier to selective intellectual circles, but rather as the natural starting point for great mental endeavors.

Rona Sheramy is a sophomore history major in the Honors College of LSA and a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

The Grand Rapids

Elephant Stampede

by Seth B. Klukoff and Marc J. Selinger

T he floor of the cavernous Welsh Auditorium in Grand Rapids lay strewn with discarded campaign posters. The oaken panels were carpeted with red and blue Bush placards, hot dog wrappers, pop com boxes, and some hastily-drawn Kemp banners. It appeared as if a party took place, and after the crowd went home, a solitary man, who must have been in his late sixties, remained. He was standing by the entrance staring at the clutter. Affixed to his rumpled plaid shirt was a bright yellow button urging

us to return to the more heady days of 1984-to "Re-elect Ronald Reagan."

No such luck this year for the Republican Party, for what was once the paragon of unity now lies in tatters, the result of a fratricide fought here in Michigan.

The Michigan Republican Party drew the blueprints for its own condition of disrepair. In 1985, Michigan GOP Chairman Spencer Abraham and the Party's State Central Committee decided to cast aside its traditional primary election and establish a caucus, which would take place before the Iowa Caucus and give Michigan the national

spotlight. The Republican leaders also intended to bring more rank and file party members into the process.

See next page

Seth B. Klukoff is a Senior in Political Science and Editor-in-Chief of the Michigan Review. Marc J. Selinger is a Sop homore in LSA and an Executive EditoroftheMichigan Review. Who do they think tbey are, Evans and Novak?

The Michigan Review 16

January-February 1988 17

Continued from previous page

Easy enough? No way. What resulted was a conflict-ridden, two-year complication that gave the Republican bigwigs their wish, a Bush victory, but

"If George Bush gets

the nomination, then people won't vote for him. e is Rockefeller's erran boy."

divided the Party, perhaps irreparably.

The legions of Bush, Kemp, and Robertson, the only candidates who chose to participate in Michigan, tramped across thc\state, wheeled and dealed, challenged :tourt rulings, and formed alliances. Friendships, forged by longtime participation in Republican campaigns ended amid inter- and intra-campaign bickering. The Michigan Republicans, unified four years ago, can only read the clippings about themselves and wonder what happened.

And it all came to a hilt at the Grand Rapids Elephant Stampede on the weekend ofJanuary 29-30.

"This caucus was conucted illegally because th people who attended were ot legal. We're protestin because wet re legal."

Continued from previous page

While ambling around the lobby of the modern Amway Grand Plaza Hotel (which bears a resemblance to a suburban shopping mall) before the Friday night district caucuses, we noticed a younger Republican crowd than at previous conventions. Most of the group seemed to be in their late 20s, upwardly mobile, and were talking about any subject but Michigan politics. They all wore "Kemp for President" buttons. We left the lobby and entered the adjoining Pantlind Hotel, a Grand Rapids landmark. It was like leaving Bennigans and entering the Elks Club. All around the green-carpeted room, with its upholstered furniture, were well-groomed older men in three-piece-suits, puffmg cigars. We had just entered a room full of Republican stereotypes. These people sported Bush buttons.

"He [Bush] is super, fantastic. He is a moral person. Not only that, he's got the credentials and the ssentials. I think he woul make a great president."

But the differences pointed out here go deeper than the superficialities of dress and which lobby to hang out in. A generation gap exists in the Michigan Republican Party. Republican Yuppies, College Republicans, and younger bluecollar workers overwhelmingly support Kemp. And they were an enthusiastic bunch at the convention. Kemp posters, buttons, and hand placards were ubiquitous. They manned the issue

tables outside the convention hall, selling videotapes of Oliver North's testimony and "Kemp-Kirkpatrick" buttons. They were concerned that SDI,

loyalty to superiors. Moreover, credentials are important to them. If a candidate has not devoted time to these above values, then he is not "ready" to be elected. Tim Braun likes Bush because "he has the credentials and the essentials."

"We [KempRobertson] have shown that people of different presidential camps can work together. I wish the rest of the Party could do the same."

At the district caucuses Friday night, Main Street was crowded with visitors witnessing the elephant parade for the first time. And many of the 18 district caucuses were circus bigtops. In District 17, the Robertson forces conducted the caucus meeting before the chairman arrived and selected convention delegates from an unofficial slate of candidates.

The Bush forces then shouted, "Roll call, roll call," and confronted the Robertson forces when the "rump" caucus ended: Bill Kennedy, a Bush delegate: "We weren't recognized."

Robert Fisher, a Robertson delegate: "You had your chance. You Bush people were only creating confusion ... " aid to worldwide freedom fighters, and supply-side economics would tumble off a cliff if anybody but Kemp were elected.

Conversely, the Bushites were an older group. They have been in the Party longer than the Kemp supporters and reflect a more traditional Republicanism, harking back to the days of Bill Milliken, George Romney, and Gerald Ford. They possess a bedrock of mainstream (or Main Street) Republican values and ideas-serving the country in government, defending the country in battle, and maintaining

"I am not a delegate tonight because my credentials were revoked... due to the Robertson campaign."

See next page

Kennedy: "But you didn't give us a chance ... " Fisher: "You Bush people acted like kids."

Once the Roberston forces left the room, the Bushites conducted their own caucus and elected a separate group of delegates.

The scene was not much different in District 8, where the Robertson and Bush factions held their own caucuses on opposite sides of the same room.

According to Howard Crevia, a Bush delegate, "The Robertson people ... read the wrong list of delegates. When the chairman asked the sergeant-at-arms to throw the Robertson people out, this broke it wide open." Kurt Cormier, a Robertson precinct delegate and district caucus observer, said, "The Bush delegates couldn't agree with the way the roll call was taken. It got pretty wild, close to violence."

The battle waged on in District 2 (which includes Ann Arbor) as well.

The meeting was chaired by Michael Legg, a local conservative activist and leader of the Kemp-Robertson faction.

As he peered down at the delegates from his podium, where he led the pledge of allegiance to the American flag pictured on a Kemp poster, he saw the two warring camps: the Kemp-Robertson coalition was to his right, the Bush-Kemp alliance to his left. Legg, who resembles Jack Nicholson with thin-framed glasses, appeared confident that his legions would control the caucus. He frequently argued with former Ann Arbor city councilman Jim Blow, a Bush leader, and Lola Peterson, a Kemp supporter though a heretic to Legg. The Kemp-Robertson coalition outnumbered the Bush-Kempites and elected a slate of delegates to the national convention in New Orleans.

Well, not exactly. The Bush-Kemp

coalition complained that 22 delegates from Western Wayne County, most of whom belonged to that alliance, were prevented from attending the caucus by the Kemp-Robertson-controlled district leadership. The convention credentials committee ordered District 2 to recaucus on Saturday morning, with the 22 Western Wayne delegates in attendance.

The caucus then elected a new national convention slate-with Bush and Kemp delegates.

A lthough this Party schism can largely be attributed to the delegate selection system, the absence of leadership certainly did not improve the situation. No officials in the Michigan Republican Party aggressively sought to unite the disparate factions. Although National Committeewoman Ronna Romney described herself as the one who "heals and brings people together," she did not appear to have any such effect during the convention. Even Spencer Abraham, the embattled Party chairman, failed to bring the Party together, though Robertson and his supporters' distrust of the Party leadership are partly to blame for the chairman's inefficacy. In fact, Robertson emphasized that he had been " ... talking to the people, not the Party bosses." He also attributed the credentials See next page

Robertson at the Rump ...

,i

'This is the duly-authorized ~onvention sanctioned by ~he Central Committee of the Republican Party."

'I've been talking to people, not Party bosses. The people ha ve let their will be Iknown."

"If there is a struggle, I will

not abandon the conservatives in Michigan."

"Our nation is crying out for statesmen, not politicians."

"We will be together as one and we will win."

"We must unify ourselves for the good of America and the good of the Party."

"Right is on our side. We will not shrink from a struggle if a struggle is cast upon us."

The Michigan Review 18

January-February 1988 19

Notes from Abroad .... ................................. ............. .............................................. .

Continued from previous page

committee's disqualification of many of his delegates to "back deals by the chairman." As a result, the Party elite served as no more than a figurehead at the convention.

The presidential candidates also failed to unite the Party. George Bush, who leads the national polls in the Republican race, and who has the support of most Party regulars and office holders in the State, did not try to pacify the Robertson forces, nor did he secure a majority of delegates to the Republican National Convention. Jack Kemp, meanwhile, could not exercise control over many of his own delegates.

Although he instructed his delegates to attend the Bush convention, a significant number still attended and participated in the rump convention.

Robertson, however, probably exhibited the greatest deficiency in true political leadership. Although he successfully mobilized his supporters during the entire delegate selection process, he failed to motivate the Republican Party to support a single candidate and a common political agenda.

Robertson's failure may be attributed to his inexperience in party politics and his arrogance. Robertson and his followers highligijted their collective inexperience by d~cribing themselves as being "new toJihe Republican Party."

Chris Van Oosterhout, a Bush delegate, noted, "We've been working in the party for years. Robertson has only done so for one or two years and is trying to dictate." That Robertson, an ultra-conservative and an evangelist minister, rejected political pragmatism is also evidence of his arrogance. He ignored pOlitical history which shows that ultra~i:onservatives, such as Barry Goldwater, who lost by a wide margin in the 1964 presidential election, have been unable to appeal to mainstream America. Robertson also ignored political analysts and pollsters, who have concluded that a majority of Americans, including many of Robertson's religious followers, do not want a minister and/or someone who has never held public office to be president

The key question for the Michigan Republican Party now is whether this disunity will be temporary or permanent. Delegates, particularly those loyal to Bush, seemed divided on whether the convention will ultimately damage the Party. According to John Haggard, a Bush delegate, the Bush-Robertson battle will have a "positive effect-it will wake somebody up to get involved in the process."

However, Bush supporter Chris Van Oosterhout said, "This will hurt the Republican Party. The party will lose donors and supporters." Assuming the Party goes back to a primary system in 1992 as it has planned, this year's convention will represent a one-time

fiasco. However, if Robertson's supporters decide to stay active in the Party, then those who supported Bush at the 1988 convention should expect to face conflict beyond what they experienced in Grand Rapids.

â&#x20AC;˘ Our Werewolf In London

by Russell Dlvak

So that solitary man, with the "Re-elect Reagan" button remained, staring at the trash-laden floor of the Welsh Auditorium. Perhaps he saw the red and blue banner hanging from behind the guest platform: "Leading the Way ... Michigan Republicans." And perhaps he chuckled.

j ----!

,I

I would not exactly call myself a werewolf, but rather a student My name is Russell Divak and I am spending my Junior Year at the London School of Economics and Political Science. What follows is largely opinion, but hopefully is based upon fact and experience.

I suppose the logical starting point is when I stepped off the plane at London's Gatwick Airport on September 14, 1987.

After clearing customs, I hailed a cab to take me to 18-24 Fitzroy Street, where I would stay temporarily while I searched for a flat. I had to arrive two weeks prior to the start of the term so I could find housing.

(The L.S.E. only provides housing for twenty percent of its students). The local time was 10:30 a.m., and I was extremely tired, considering that I had left home at 3:00 p.m. the previous day. Hardly noticing my surroundings, I suddenly found myself on the motorway traveling at eight miles per hour and on the wrong side of the road. Approximately fifteen minutes into the trip, the driver asked me ifI would like a fag. I was a bit shocked by such an offer, only to discover that he was holding up a pack of cigarettes. Now it really hit me that I was in England.

The two weeks I spent searching for housing were tiring and I ended up literally running throughout most of London. Unlike Ann Arbor, the L.S.E. does not have a campus and is composed of several buildings in the heart of London. I spent anywhere from thirty minutes to an hour each day on the Tube (subway) to get to school.

Having finally found a flat with three other students, I was now ready to begin school.

The academics here are quite different than at Michigan. There is no such thing as closed classes, overrides, or the dreaded CRISP. Each student takes four classes which run the full school year. I was assigned a tutor in my department with whom I am expected to meet every two weeks, and write essays for periodically.

There are neither required readings nor a syllabus. One is given a reading list of

many books, most of which the bookstores do not sell. Therefore, the library becomes vital.

Classes are scheduled in much the same way they are in the United States. You attend lecture (one hour per week) and an accompanying class (one hour per week) for each of your four courses. Thus, you only have eight hours of school per week.

You are graded entirely on a three-hour exam, which is given at the end of the year.

This teaching style causes the class atmosphere to be completely different than at home. To begin with, British students rarely ask questions. Discussing work among students is taboo, and "brown nosing" will get you nowhere, since your exam counts one hundred percent towards your class grade.

Outside the classroom, much of the $0ciallife revolves around the international past-time-drinking. The Three Tuns Pub, which is housed in one of the school's buildings, is subsidized by the school, and all students can drink, since the drinking age is eighteen. However, the English pubs are much different than those in the U.S. You simply do not just ask for a beer. You either ask for a lager, an ale, or a stout.

When you order from the tap, you get a pint or a half-pint. The role of alcohol is perhaps best understood by the society (clubs in the United States) with the largest membership- the Tequila Society.

Many other clubs exist, and virtually all were present at the Freshers Society Fair.

The L.S.E. is home to political activismtake note of the popular Marxis~ Socialis~ and Communist societies. Last year a student sit-in at the school succeeeded in forcingtheL.S.E. to divest its stock incompainies dealing with South Africa. AntiThatcher sentiment runs strong (if not stronger) here than Anti-Reagan sentiment at Michigan. By the way, Reagan is considered to be on par with the devil here. The United States is not too popular in the eyes of many British students as well.

Besides the above observations, there are

a few other items that I have noticed.

Dress: Students here dress much more formally than at Michigan. Wearing a sports jacket is quite common.

Weather: Always carry an umbrella.

Diversity: American schools claim to have it, but here it is a fact. There are many (not just a token few) students from Asia, India, South America, the United States, Western Europe, and, of course, England at the L.S.E. Eating lunch at the cafeteria is always interesting, as you are guaranteed to hear many foreign languages.

Walking: Look right before crossing the street, not left.

Language: It has been said that the United States and England are two nations divided by a common language. If someone asks you if this is the queue, they simply want to know if this is the line on which to wait for something. I couId give an endless number of examples, but you get the idea.

Tea: Need I say more!

Russell Divak is a Junior majoring in History. During his stay in London, he has agreed to act as the Review's foreign correspondent.

The Michigan Review 20

January-February 198821

Essay: Education in America ...... ...... ....................................... .... ............... ... .

Liberal Arts Continued from previous page

Individualism and a Liberal Arts Education Michigan Review staff writer David Calkins was recently named a winner of the Undergraduate Initiatives Essay Contest. His award-winning essay follows.

by David Calkins If we think about individualism in the context of an ideal, we are inevitably drawn to the most pressing questions of who we are and what we are becoming. The former appeals to the realm of the obscure, the personal, the intrinsically complex, while the latter, on the other hand, is construed more as an urgent inquiry into the common reflection or the social manifestation. A self analysis along these lines necessarily requires an attempt at:a particular caution to ensure that ouenotions of individualism the ideal do not beco'ffie dissociated from our notions of pmgmatism. We must indeed marry the two as one. If we are then to discuss individualism in relation to societY-Dur social and cultural movement in the large sense-and in relation to education- our liberal arts education-we cannot help but establish a context such that all three enter together, integrated in both ideology and:execution.

Obviously, this concept of individualism bears a certain amount of philosophical and analytical rhetoric. But, leaving this aside for the moment, let us consider a twofold working defmition. Firstly, place individualism in the light of a developmental psychosociological process, a program of movements assisting in the construction of a person, a human being, from an unfmished canvas, a proto-human as it were.

These movements are seemingly constrained and defined by extensively singular variables: physique, intellect, personality, environment and the like. Secondly, we

may associate individualism with a particular geometry, that is, with a range within which the human being is indeed essentially unique- the product of individualism the process. The basic concern here is evidently identifying the isolated self with a completeness and independence we would readily associate with a self-governing institution. Obviously the precepts of a socalled "choice"-a faculty of sorting and acting upon certain bits of information or events-are inherent to this unique self-definition.

We need not look far in any instance to immediately identify "society" as a mther basic delimiting agent of the mnge of indi-

vidualism. This imposing structure provides a vast resource of ethical, religious, cultural, legal, and to some extent, physical and intellectual guideline. The individual, in this sense, is quite arbitrarily subject to these boundaries and any personal construction is fine, as long as these boundaries are not overstepped. In short, society firstly constrains individualism as it relates to the See next page

David J. Calkins, a Junior in Pure Mathematics and a researcher at the Kellogg Eye Center, is a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

Regency Travel "The friendly travel store" Book your summer travel early and save

Europe Charters Amsterdam .......... from$468 Frankfort ............. from$428 london ................ from$468 Paris .................... frorn$568 Eurail Youth Pass from $320 AMERICAN EXPRESS mVEl salYlCE REPRESENTATIVE

~./.

.

â&#x20AC;˘ COMPUTERIZEO RESERVATIOHS

~EE==e::::=::: ~~~:C7!~~~~~~t-=ii~=T9 ~

665-6122 ~I

209-211 S. St.t. _Mn

Between Washington and Liberty

'+---'-='f;;

existence and growth of coopemtive individuals.

But all of this is rather impersonal, perhaps even too general. And yet, it is imperative that we understand the absolute strength of these impersonal influences if we are to understand contemporary individualism in the personal sense. Only then can we hope to pinpoint what I believe is the pathos of this individualism.

Keeping then this goal in view, how could we utilize an analysis of our liberal arts education to somewhat enlighten the path? We might fIrst ask the hard question of whether the goals of the liberal arts philosophy are indeed compatible and consistent with the practical notions of

individualism. If we neglect certain particulars and think in broad terms, the answer ought to be "yes". After all, what is meant by "liberal arts" is this comprehensive spectrum of studies and approaches whose intent is to familiarize the student with all the richness the intellectual and aesthetic worlds possess. The idea, of course, is not to restrict or constrain the maturing mind, but to enhance its potential for individuality by making available an expansive pool of educational "nourishment," from which the student is encouraged to extmct a unique combination of personal experiences. Literature, science, and art are strewn before us in hopes of aiding in the eventual completion of that

human canvas. The spector of the Athenian master scholar confronts and compels us daily.

It seems clear that the ideal of the liberal arts education is basically sound with respect to the ideal of individualism: we may uniquely manipulate what we learn, and what we learn may uniquely frame us. We might conclude therefore that the impetus for our dissatisfaction lies not in the ideal of our education, but in the practical focus of our education. We have at our fingertips, as the ideal mandates, more learning matter subjects and studies-than any student can ever hope to actually learn. Hence, we must make choices according to our essential individuality. And, depending upon what those choices are, in any given term we may indulge ourselves in virtual swells of information from quantum physics to the Holy Roman Empire. The focus here is a material focus where content is often all-important. We begin our four-year jaunt with novice material blocks and, semester by semester, quickly progress to more complex issues hoping all the while some pattern or linkage will emerge which will elucidate the inherent relation between our various courses (even those within the same department). If we, as students, can find no such relation, we become confused, embarrassed, and angry, most oflen wilh the enigmatic question "what am I doing here?" playing upon our minds.

The root of this confusion, this feeling of incoherence, may be found in this material focus which, I suggest, detracts from the greatest value of any study: the discipline of that study. Our emphasis is no longer on the fundamental element: thinking - which includes, of course, the exquisite and rate skills of questioning, sorting, analyzing, synthesizing, and communicating. We See next page

January-February 1988 23

The Michigan Review 22

A rt s: P ro f I-I e ................. ....... ......... .. ............. .. ..... ... ..... ... ................ .... ... ... ... ..... ...... ... .

Liberal Arts

Rudolf Arnheim: A New Way to Think About Art

Continued from previous page

should admit a certain humiliation that indeed, at the present, we are given the solutions to problems-perhaps as triviabefore we have the capacity and opportunity to even address the nature of the problems themselves. We may be taught physics, but not what it means to be a physical scientist; we may be entertained with philosophies, but we do not understand the ramifications of philosophizing; we may dissect literature, but we do not approach philological thinking. We lack the adequate tools to comprehend the meaning and function of what we are attempting.

The tragedy of this dilemma lies simply enough in the notion that the greater potential for individualism, for a self-identity in thinking, for creativity itself, and for growth, resides in a sound foundation in analytical discipline, not in an overabundance of frenzied information. If we are bored and harassed as students, it is because our education perpetuates the syndrome of knowledge without understanding.

I would hasten to add, however, that our individualism confrQnts another danger far more oppressive than this simple neglect of fundamentals in Ofu- studies. At the risk of being too terse, we have removed the art from intellectualism and, conversely, the intellectualism from art. We have then labeled, quite incorrectly, as thinking, while on the other hand, banishing art to the realm of the emotional, abstruse, and subjective. In doing so, we have created a dichotomy where no dichotomy is necessarily founQ, leaving both sides distraught and incomplete. Our education accordingly can no longer harbor the greatest and most difficult questions upon which the Eastern and Western cultures are divided.

For these questions, instead of separations, require a unity of mind and aesthetics, of brain and soul, in their approach, if indeed they are to be approached at all. Our idealism opposes this unity. We attempt to criticize Nietzsche's On the Geneology of Morals, but we do not attempt to under-

stand Nietzsche as he is found in his Ecce Homo. We read enthusiastically the Social Contract of Rousseau, but we do not study his Confessions to grasp the human being Rousseau. The meaning of this division is then obvious: we no longer auempt to understand ourselves. The quest for individualism-self-iden ti ty-is evidently muddled in this respect. For it is difficult to qualify, relative to uniqueness, what we

are, if we do not first seek to qualify who we are. And yet it was with these two questions this discussion began.

But even as we now consider this personal turmoil and these rifts in our liberal arts system, we shake our heads and ask with fatalistic undertones "what can we do?" Our pragmatism begins to rebel and endeavors to shrug off these perplexing psychosociological issues. We are frightened by change, after all. Education is an intimidating and speedy institution, already the expected path for many sectors of American society. To change the manner in which this institution behaves - to return to the fundamental issues in thinking, to place foremost on our list of objectives a self-understanding- would mean to place

three decades of advanced technology on the back burners for awhile, at least umi I after the undergraduate years. Itcould even mean delaying until graduate school thirdor fourth- year present undergraduate material. And although our preparation for this material and for the intellcc tual demands of graduate studies in general would be enhanced, it would be an expensi ve and time consuming preparation. Our reluctance should now be at its peak. We simply do not want to spend more time o n what is now a frustrating, tense, and hectic education, and we certainly cannot arfonl the price. Individualism is one malle r, but money, time, and enthusiasm are quit e another.

But we cannot be blamed entirely for our reluctance. Society, in one sense the necessary framer of our individualism, has broken through to our very souls, threa tenin g our individualism atamuch more profound level. We have achieved a rapid , powerful success in this century of industry on several fronts: economic, scientific, and political among them. Corresponding to thi s success, our ideals of security in be ing perhaps out of the need to survive- have shifted to the material. We are not impressed with self-knowledge, but rather by economic prowess and transient positions.

It is not surprising then that the unde rgrad llate years are dictated by the desire for and necessity of lucrative employment. Learning is replaced by pre-professionalism.

What is now paramount is not any absolute judgment of who we are, but rather where we stand relative to some mean. Individualism is obscured by our desire to compete with , beat and finally leave the "rat race."

And we are too conditioned to rea lize the escape is actually found within . W e arc, sadly, a driven people.

.IJ

~

by Jonathan Sonnenschein Everything that we see has some effect on us. For some, just looking at a pencil or a typewriter brings an impending feeling of doom. But these emotions are largely taken for granted when one visits an art museum .

In fact, no one can make it through a museum without hearing someone say "It's so beautiful." or "Oooh, this one gives me the chills!" How can we come to understand these psychological effects of the visual?

Few of today' s art historians have taken a purely psychological approach. Among them, Rudolf Amheim stands alone.

Last November, the Psychology department's Group Dynamics Seminar Colloquium Series invited Rudolf Amheim, a retired Michigan professor, to speak on the history of psychology. Mr. Amheim opted instead to discuss art history in a presentation entitled "Symbols of Motivation in Visual Composition", a topic on which he lectures frequently.

Mr. Amheim, who is 83, was born in Berlin. He studied psychology under the Gestalt psychologists, among whom were Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang KOhler, and Kurt Koffka. Gestalt theory bases itself on the belief that the "sum of the parts is not equal to the whole." Gestalt psychology, always seeks a "form" of some type and tends to choose visual examples, with works of art occasionally serving as complex stimuli.

Mr. Amheim's education in Gestalt psychology and his affirmed interest in art itself virtually guaranteed an inspiration to combine the two fields into a new type of art history.

In the introduction to his masterpiece Art and Visual Perception, wriuen in 1954, Mr. Amheim states "AU perceiving is also thinkipg, all reasoning is also intuition, all observation is also invention," bringing to light the complex relationship between the visual and the psychological, sight and the psyche.

The foundation of Mr. Amheim' s work is his analysis of the psychological bases of

art. In his books, he discusses how each detail in a painting, sculpture, or architectural work makes a difference in the perceptions and feelings of the viewer. He devotes himself to the discovery of the tools of the artist, examining each one from both an artistic and psychological perspective. Most of these "tools" are unconsciously employed by artists, while others are used to give a special feeling to a work.

Within Art and Visual Perception, Mr. Amheim includes such basic features as "balance" and "shape"; he also investigates much more complex forces like movement.

Other books by Mr. Amheim include, Toward a Psychology ofArt. Visual Thinking.. and his brilliant work, Picasso's Guernica-The Genesis of a Painting. In his discussion of the Guernica, Mr. Amheim studies all of the remaining sketches of Picasso's masterpiece. He carefully analyzes the stages that the components of the work pass through. The ideas flow beautifully, continually analyzing Picasso's motives in all aspects of his creation. He examines the feclings produced by the dynamics of each of Picasso 's attempts to share his agony with the world.

His "Gestalt" contribution to art history is the stress on how all of the forces interact An example is the artist Paul Cezanne.

Each of Cezanne's works is perfectly balanced, but he achieves it through the imbalance and imperfection of each of the parts.

Thus, the whole gains balance, as each piece seems to become defective and unimportant. Mr. Amheim's contribution of the perspective of the "Gestalt" (German for "pattern") has given art historians a new way to look at all works of art.

In his latest work, which Mr. Amheim discussed at his presentation, he adds two forces, concentric and excentric, to the analysis of every static work of art A simple concentric force is an egocentric drive concerned with the system (or work

of art) itself. An example could be a circular orientation within a painting. Excentric forces are those applied to the system as a whole from the outside. A natural example of this is the force of gravity, which is taken for granted in almost every painting, cl assical and modem.

Some members of the audience appeared skeptical about many of the features of Mr. Amheim's lecture. Several gentlemen asked questions and received responses that they evidently deemed unsatisfactory.

However, Mr. Amheim was happy to deal with their inquiries, and he more than amply answered them. For example, someone asked about the analysis of color in a work of art. Mr. Amheim explained that most color does not exist without a form, and that what he studied was the form itself, and not its components. The gentleman was unable to accept this answer, and was unsatisfied with Mr. Amheim's response.

It seemed obvious from many of the questions and the general dissatisfaction with Mr. Arnheim 's replies that most of those unfamiliar with Mr. Arnheim 's work were not willing to believe that it held any validity.

Through his many books and years of lecturing, Rudolf Amheim has given the people tools to analyze what they see. With his most recent book, New Essays on the Psychology of Art, and a new direction in his research, Mr. Amheim has also provided us with a dynamic way of thinking about the visual-in art, film, architecture, and life.

Jonathan Sonnenschein is a Sophomore in the Residential College and a staff writer for the Michigan Review.

January-February 1988 25

The Michigan Review 24

Movies in Review .... .... ... .. ...... .. ......... ... ....... ... ....... ...... .... .. ... ................... ..... ........ .

Books I-n Revl-ew . .. .. ... ........ . ..... ..... . .. . .. . . ... . . . . . . .... . .. .. . ... .. .... . ...... ................. ...... ... .. .. ..

Throw Momma From the Train

Re/Search #11: Pranks!

by Paul Seltman

Re/Search #11 : Pranks!

Re/Search Publications, 1987.

240 pp. $14.95

by Rick Dyer The latest publication from the San Francisco Re/Search group is described on the back cover as "Dazzling deceptions and provocative put-ons from some of the most outrageous artists and personalities living today." As with other publications in the Re/Search series, such as "The Industrial Culture Handbook" and "Incredibly Strange Films," what lies inside this 240page, small-print compendium entitled ReI Search #11: Pranks! is a series of interesting and revealing interviews that explore "pranks as they reveal linguistic and behavioral insights."

It provides a fascinating and controversial insight into the minds of some people who live on the fringes of society. The interviewees range from well-known counter-culture figures, such as Timothy Leary and Abbie Hoffman, to obscure artists, such as Bruno Richard, who tricked a French govemmentgroup into publishing a clothbound monograph consisting of hardcore sex an芦路death photographs designed to "attack sexual, racial, and fecal taboos as well as authority in any form."

Although it occasionally delves into the ridiculously absurd-one bizarre interview with someone named Stymie details various teenage tricks, such as "I always bring around a five-pound bag of peanuts to parties and p~ it around, because people inevitablY,k at them and get shells all over the place;'-most of these people, for all their weirdness, have something interesting to say.

This is not a passive book designed to be read without question. Rather, it is active in the sense that many of the articles will force the reader to think about his or her belief system. The interviewees are not afraid, but indeed are sometimes determined, to offend one's ordinary sensibilities. Some of the activities and art described border on the criminal. Others cross that border.

Always, however, there exists a philosophy and method behind the madness.

Pranks! is a dialectic for the reader. For as often as one agrees with the items of insight and interest, one may disagree with the ideas presented. An interview with a group of environmentalist "eco-guerillas" called Earth First!, whose motto is "No compromise in defense of Mother Earth," describes a group accused of "sabotaging logging and mining equipment, denounced for pounding chainsaw destroying spikes into trees to drive lumber companies out of old-growth forests, jailed for uprooting surveyors' stakes and pursued across grasslands and city streets for toppling billboards and pouring sand into bulldozer gas tanks." This probably offends those of us who believe in the property rights of others.

Yet the group accounts for possible offenses with intelligent statements such as "Monkeywrenching is an American tradition. Look at the Boston Tea Party-it's celebrated on a postage stamp. Someday we'd like to see tree-spiking that way."

They are pointing out that despite mainstream society's talk of anti-social activity and deviance, the activity of a prank often becomes "a significant, consciousnessraising, and often pivotal event." In other words, American culture often celebrates the same type of acts which, if performed today, would be condemned as "anti-social. " Best of aU, the interviewers do not use standard and superficial questions. Often, the interviews are not strict question-andanswer sessions but multi-person dialogues examining art and society. The interviewers direct the conversation towards interesting turns:

victim.

JC: That's true, itdoesreinforcetheparadigmof the victim. There is no cleverness. There's nothing to be learned. Look up whenever you open a door or change your friends !

AJ: Change your friends or kill them! We're trying [0 ClTUllyze negative examples of pranks, too .

V. Vale: Basically. we're exploring the limits and possibiliJies.

AJ: A lot of people don't understand what a good prank is. Immediately they think, "Did I do anything in college or high school?" It's a big leap just to think of Abbie Hoffman being a prankster , yet for Hoffman to get 50,000 naked, tripping hippies to try and levitate the Pentagon is an ultimate prank that distorts reality, politics JC: It calls into question every illegitimately held belief that's really inhumane. That's what a good prank: does. A prank: is a mirror. .. a prank is just a readout on the mentality in question. A prank: is really an ancient fonn of performance art. In this society people just try to limit it to idiotic acts like the bucket of shit or the hand in the lukewann water.

the bucket of shit over the doorway . You open the door and your head is fullofsIDl. It's because the head of the prankster is full of shit.

Andrea Juno:ThaJ' s on a power level in which the victim remains a victim and is laughed at for being exactly whaJ he is always going to be: the

school fiction writing class, discovers that both he and Larry have expendable people

Hours;

in their lives when Larry teaches him a mystery-writing technique-eliminating the motive. When Owen watches two people perform each other's murders in Hitchcock's "Strangers on a Train," he misunderstands Larry's intentions and kills

the audience, in a warped sort of way, can have sympathy. DeVito, as director, manages to capitalize on this emotion when Owen shows Larry his coin collectionseveral ordinary coins which his deceased father had let him keep when they had gone to different places together.

"Throw Momma" also marks the screen

"This is possibly the first time that De Vito has played a character for whom the audience, in a warped sort of way, can have sympathy."

debut of jazz musician Branford Marsalis, who turns in a humorous performance as Larry's best friend. Director DeVito referred to him as both "charismatic" and "completely natural."

"Throw Momma" takes some interesting twists, and keeps the audience entertained and laughing (if one can laugh at a supposed adult longing to kill his mother).

Ultimately, however, the film is enjoyable because it appeals to the baser emotions one often expresses but upon which one never acts.

Margaret.

This film's strength is the performance of Danny DeVito, both as actor and directOT. This is possibly the first time that De Vito has played a character for whom

Moo-Thu(s ...

Eri-Sat...

Suo ...

7:30-2:30 7:30-3:00 9:00-2:00

1204 S. University 761-3355

As the introduction states, "The best pranks research and probe the boundaries of occupied territory known as 'society' in an auempt to redirect that society toward a vision of life grounded not in dreadful necessity, but rather continual poetic re~." Perhaps the same can be said of Pranks!: it illuminates our vision of society by examining the perspective of those living on its borders.

Rick Dyer is a sophomore in Philosophy and a staff writer for the Michigan Re-

view.

Jerry Casale: Most people think of pranks as

1

"Throw Momma from the Train" has become a comedy classic for those who have slightly morbid senses of humor.

Released in December, the ftlm is directed by Danny DeVito and casts DeVito and Billy Crystal in the starring roles.

DeVito plays the part of the pathetically immature and naive adult, Owen Lift, and Crystal portrays a struggling writer who is tormented by the literary success of his exwife, Margaret.

Both Owen, still living at home with momma, and Larry (Crystal), whose idea for a novel is now his ex-wife's best-seller, fmd their thoughts dominated by these individuals who are disturbing their lives.

Momma complains and is very demanding of Owen ,while Margaret manages to make a fortune at Larry's expense.

Owen, who is a student in Larry's night

since 1938

HAPPIEST HOURS

Paul Seltman is currently studying Political Science at the University of Essex in England. Last semester, he was the Arts Editor of the Michigan Review.

January-February 198827

The Michigan Review 26

Arts: Yuppie Culture in Review .... .... .. ... ..... .. ....... ...... .. .... ......... .... .. ... ... .... .... ....... ...'

Michael Continued from previous page

Michael 3:16You've Got to Have Faith

by Kurt Michael [Heyman1 After one of our weekly editorial board meetings last semester, our fearless editor Seth congratulated me on having a letter to the editors published in The New Republic (the secret is out-Seth subscribes to this 1NR, and not to The National Review). In 1NR's "Washington Diarist" (a quirky rag section, not unlike our "Serpent's Tooth"), there was a blurb that posed the problem to Tipper Gore (AI's her husband) of a pornographic song and video that advocated monogamy and marriage, namely George Michael's "I Want Your Sex".

In my letter I pointed out, with textual evidence of course, that while the song indeed advocated monogamy, it did not advocate marriage. I figured they would print it due to its novelty. After all, how many George Michael fans are 1NR readers, or vice versa? " I thanked Seth fofhis congratulations, but I could not help.but notice the unmistakable emerging tone of sarcasm in his voice... "So, Kurt, are there any thematic trends in George Michael's music, like you said with Madonna?"

He was referring to "A Madonnalysis," which I wrote for the September 1987 issue of the Review. Wanting to catch him off guard, I replied with a confident "Of course there are." I'hoped they would soon come tome. .; "Is it something as deep as sex and how great it is?" he asked. He was trying to get to me. He knows that I am one of the few students who will admit to enjoying yuppie pop culture, including Madonna, George Michael, the commercialization of Christmas, and the nconization of Ann Arbor.

"You liberals are SO narrow-minded and judgmental!" I responded. I was trying to get to him. I was also stalling. Finally, I blurted out "George Michael is the modem John Donne. He's the Hegelian dialectical synthesis of the sexual revolution and the

moral counterrevolution. In short, there is an overriding sense of morality in his music."

Seth burst out laughing. I thought he might burst something vital. When he calmed down, though, the editor in him took over and he said , "If you can make a believable article out of that, go for it. Just one thing-no references to parts of people's anatomy being 'back in style'."

solo album Faith and the biggest Wham! album Make ItBig, so as not to scrape up the dregs of obscurity.

It should be noted that while many performers sing songs with monogamous subject matters (like when Bon Jovi passionately sings "Together!!! Forever!!! "), Michael sings about monogamy. The first distinction is that he not only addresses women with exclusive and enduring intent,

He was again referring to my Madonna article. "Don't worry," I said, "as far as I know George M ichael doesn't have breasts."

but he also delves into philosophical gener"I Want Your Sex" makes the claim "Sex is natural / Sex is fun / Sex is best when it's one on one," with emphasis on and repetition of the "one on one." This a izations .

So here we go.

As it happens, there are trends in Michael's music which speak of some notion of morality. His attention to monogamy has already been mentioned, but it appears in more than just the widely-misunderstood "I Want Your Sex," and in fact dates back to his Wham! days. For the purpose of this analysis, we will focus on his

See Next Page

Kurt M. Heyman is a Senior in Political Science and a Senior Anchor or the WCBN News. He sometimes thinks he is a popular male vocalist.

is an injunction against both group sex and promiscuity, touting monogamy as the ingredient for terrific sex.

Furthermore, in the video, which must be taken as part of the song in this MTV -age, he writes "Explore Monogamy" in lipstick on the stomach and thigh of a woman who, in actuality, is his girlfriend.

Michael is also one of the few modem artists to sing about marriage in specific, and not just a monogamous relationship.

"Every thing She Wants" contains the lines "You told me marriage was a gi ve and take /You've shown me you can take / You've got some giving to do." True, this is hardly advocacy of the matrimonial institution, but what is significant is that the topic is being discussed at all.

The concept of monogamy is addition-

ally expressed not in a vacuum, as with other artists, but with a lure of temptation that sometimes subdues our young hero.

"Freedom" declares "I don't want your freedom / I don't need to play around / I don' t want nobody baby / Part-time love just brings me down." "If You Were There" shows a similar resolve. The protagonist of the songs sometimes falls from grace, though, as in "Heartbeat," which is driven by ambivalence, and "Careless Whispers," fueled by lamentation.

"Wake Me Up Before You Go-Go" is an example of a song that addresses monogamy in a similar way as other artists. It is a rather inane and simplistic song with lines like "Wake me up before you go-go, 'cause I'm not planning on going solo." But this song is itself interesting due to the video.

While the significance of the song escapes the author, Michael makes some kind of statement with a possible moral component by wearing a shirt bearing the words "Choose Life."

Monogamy is not the only way in which Michael's music conveys a sense of morality; it is also strewn with religious imagery.

Most commonly, he uses the term "faith" in a purposeful effort to conjure up religious connotations, but applies the term to relationships. For George Michael, the personal relationship has supplanted religion as a source of inspiration and strength.

The song "Faith" is the most obvious example. It includes the lines "I need someone to hold me / But I wait for something more .. / 'Cause I got to have faith." Just in case we are wondering whether this "faith" is akin to religious faith, Michael hiLS us between the ears with church-sounding organ music at the beginning ofthe song. In addition , the beginning ofthe video hits us between the eyes with what is made to look like stained glass in a cathedral but then turns out to be the front of a juke box. The cover of the album Faith also contains vari0us symbols, including a cross and a Star of David. "If You Were There," and "Father Figure" use "faith" in like manners. The latter song, which is the subject of Michael's latest eyebrow-raising video, invokes additional religious imagery with "I will be your father figure, put your tiny hand in mine / I will be your preacherteacher, anything you have in mind."

While the controversial "I Want Your Sex" does not employ the "f' -word "faith," it does express similar sentiments as the above songs. When Michael claims, "I swear I won't tease you/Won't tell you no lies / You don't need no Bible / Just look in my eyes," the implication is that the relationship is capable of serving the same See next page

The Michigan Review 28

January-February 198829

Michael

Interest Continued from page 8

Continued from previous page

function as religion.

Morality is also demonstrated by the recurrent emphasis on the importance of love in relationships. In both "I Want Your Sex" and "Careless Whispers" Michael refers to his lover (or prospective lover) as his "friend." "Credit Card Baby" tells a certain woman that she can have his money but not his heart, showing what is truly important. The song "Everything She Wants" echoes a similar monetary theme, and also features the telling exclamation

"My God! I don't even think that I love you!"

I ended my Madonna article with a selfquestioning anecdote, and I think one is called for here as well.

In" Annie Hall," Woody Allen is waiting in line for a movie. There is a man in front of him loudly discussing the work of a certain director with his date, and Allen, of course, disagrees with the man in an animated fashion. When the man professes to be a professor of films and thus knowledge-

$25,000 SCHOLARSHIPS: THE FAST TRACK TO SUCCESS. Two- car ROTC schola hip otli r LUition and orner financial benefit wortIi' a mu h a $25 000 t qualifi d )Ucgc phom re,.

All these benefit ar pro idcd for n purpose: to educate and train qualifi d young men and women to ommis ioned offic rs in Lh Navv.

-The Nav} pay' for tuition, tc. t books, in 'Lructional fcc..: ' and gives 'ou an aIJowanc ' of 100 a month for up La 20 month during _our lasllw ears of c Ileg . Upon gr duation and completion of requiremenl you Ubecome an imponant part f Lh avy ad enture a~ a Na\ officer.

Call our a\:. representative for m re infonnation on thi · hall nging and rewarding program .

Lt. Robert Oldani North Hall U of M 764-1498

OFFICER.

NAVY • r. ::.;.;

... ~

• • __

..

_

-

__

~

?~--

~

~

~

311i-- ..... _ _ -::'----;zF:.

LEAD THE ADVENTURE.

able on the topic, Allen produces the director in question who tells the man, "You know nothing of my work." Allen then looks at the camera and says, "Wouldn't it be great if life were really like this?"

A lot of you might think life would be great if only George Michael were here to comment on my lack of knowledge about his work. But the themes are there. You've just got to have faith.

Central America, many of whom understandably deplore the constant meddling of their Northern neighbor, and draws condemnation from the international community.

Ironically, as the U.S. administration wavers in its support of the Arias Plan, prominent Sandinista opponents in Nicaragua have recognized and welcomed its potential. Enrique Bolanos Geyer, the head of the major Nicaraguan business federation, called the Arias Plan "the culmination of our struggle," and the National Reconciliation Commission appointed by Managua is headed by outspoken Sandinista adversary Cardinal Obando y Bravo, areHgious leader who is highly respected by the contras. These men are much more involved in the problems of the region and have more at stake than detached U.S. critics in Washington. Their reactions indicate the widespread optimism that has greeted the Arias Plan in much of the region.

TheArias Plan should bring little resistance from the U.S. administration and Congressional hard -liners. Since the rebels are leftists, their elimination as military opponents should cheer U.S. policymakers.

The proposal would benefit U.S.-backed leaders like El Salvadorean President Jose Napoleon Duarte. Although U.S. policymakers bristle over continued Soviet aid to the Sandinistas, the same stipulation allows the U.S. the identical "privilege" with regard to El Salvador.

The U.S. administration is understandably unsettled by Arias's measures to promote democratization in Central America, as they may inevitably lead to less dependence on the United States and a reduction of our influence in the region. However, hardliners who promulgate a foreign policy toward Central America based on arr0gance and self interest do not have a diplomatic leg to stand on when confronted by Arias's initiative. Thus, Washington has voiced muted support for the proposal.

Recent developments in Nicaragua have brought into question sOme of the advances already made under the Arias Plan which have included the reopening of the opposition newspaper La Prensa and the release

of some political prisoners, as well as a negotiated ceasefire between the contras and the Sandinistas that went into effect November 7. Renewed skirmishes have erupted and the Nicaraguan government has conceded that it has plans to greatly increase the size of its army for "defensive purposes". Such actions fuel the speculations of critics and lend credence to those who believe, myself included, that there is no quick fix for Central America. However, if support for a vital initiative like the Arias Plan is withdrawn at the first hint of trouble, we are faced only with the intensification of the crises in Central America.

No proposal, alliance, treaty, or constitution is flawless. It is often said that

we, as Americans, do not live in a perfect system, but it is clearly better than the alternatives. This statement captures the essence of the Arias Plan. It allows the people of Central American a chance to propose their own solutions to their own problems and gives them an opportunity to achieve their hopes for a better future. Our political system is based on the assertion that individuals and states have inherent rights which can not be denied by domestic or foreign intervention. It is about time to afford Central America the same courtesy.

January-February 198831

The Michigan Review 30

Trust

Te.e! 3:19 "you!ve. (iotta

Continued from page 9

our money, in Nicaragua being spoon-fed Sandinista propaganda for regurgitation on the House floor. Recently, when Ortega reissued the same promises of reform (just in time for the end of a summit with the other Esquipulas leaders) in order to buy more time for propagandizing and military buildup, he knew he could count on the Boniors and Dodds to carry the ball for him in Washington while the repression continued in Nicaragua Ortega accompanied this reiteration of 1979 promises with the arrests of six prominent opposition leaders and the breakup of demonstrations with electric prods and attack dogs. The next day, it sickened one's stomach to see Dodd on TV and on the Senate floor lauding, as an argument against contra aid, the "commitment we've seen in the last 24 hours" on the part of the Sandinistas to genuine democratic reform.

The Sandinistas have been fond of using U.S. support for the contra freedom fighters as an excuse for their intimate military association with the USSR and Cuba.

However, not surprisingly, the 1984-85 cutoff of U.S. aid to the contras had no effect on the Sandinista military buildup; in fact, it was during this period that they went operational with the'MI-24 helicopter gunship. Ortega sbowed:What was on his mind at the time by jetting off to Moscow to ask for more hardware while watching it parade in honor of the Bolshevik Revolution.

Now, the Congress, by a 219-211 vote, has shut off aid again, (hopefully) to offer the Sandinistas once last chance they do not deserve to comply with the August 7 Treaty. The Arias Plan calls for negotiations to reduce Ceiltral American armaments shortly after the plan's implementation. Recently, however, key defectors from the Sandinista Defense Ministry Brig.

Gen. Rafael del Pino Dias and Maj. Roger Miranda Bengoechea revealed Sandinista plans for completing by 1995 a I5-year buildup (under way without pause since the Sandinista seizure of power) that will put 600,000 men-half the country's adult males-under arms. Defense Minister Humberto Ortega (Daniel' s brother), again wi th angry contempt, publicly confirmed the plans, and "Vice-President" Sergio Ramirez reminded us that "It is absurd to

think that Nicaragua will disarm." He's right.

The Arias Plan is a noble one which would have high hopes for success between democratic nations, or even non-expansionist authoritarian ones. However, it stands no chance with the Sandinistas, and our determined desire to "give peace a chance" is playing directly into the Sandinistas' skillful hands. What tiny steps they have taken toward democratization have been to buy time by appearing to be at least inching toward compliance, and to propa-

gandize. The Sandinistas are a cancer against the hope represented by President Arias, Costa Rica, and the democratic wave that has swept Latin America in the last decade. History is full of wars by totali tarian and/or expansionist states against each other and against democracies, but modem history provides no example of democracies warring with each other. We should protect President Arias and his co un try , and we should give peace a real chance in Central America by giving democracy a chance. The Sandinistas have got to go.

Have. (i'Uns"

by Joe Typho People have been bugging me 'cuz I haven't done an arts column lately: "Ann Arbor has a really awesome music scene, why don't you write about it?" Art critics lead great lives-they know everything and show it "To the Editor, Buyers' Guide: I think your classified ads last week were really dreadful! The typeface was sloppy, the lines were too thin, they had no metaphysical meaning, and I certainly wouldn't play it on 'CBN!"!!!!

(Sorry about the !SP!AS!M!).

Our fearless editor, Seth (I forget his last name) congratulated me on having my letter printed in the MSA Campus ReporL The letter was G. I printed it really well. Then this guy Seth asked me if I could print any other letters, like B (Seth B Silly?). Actually, the letter G stood for "Gonzo" and the letter B would stand for

"Bonzo". Why Gonzo? Because Gonzo is a word which exclusively refers to that deep and meaningful pro-monogamy, pro-gun, pro-long hair (can't sell pizzas), pro-fessorial rock and roll legend, Ted Nugent.

After my previous article about the Wilson sisters ("Chins are back, it's OK to have them again"), Seth wanted another article about a rock artist, so here we go.

Ted Nugent is the modem Bach. What he lacks in composing skill he makes up for in firepower. Ask any squirrel near Ted's farm in Jackson.

Forget Madonner and George Michelle (whatever theirnames are). For 20 years Ted Nugent has stood for bedrock Ann Arbor values: sensitivity (Ted says he won't eat anything he hasn't killed), fashion (I mean, those loincloths are really sharp), and political correctness (Ted believes in civil disobedience, especially when it comes to speed limit laws).

To understand Ted, let us examine some of his biggest songs. You know, like "Wango Tango": "My baby she likes to rock/My baby she likes to roll". This obvious reference to monogamy (how could Ted keep a baby without a stable household in which to care for him/her/them/it) shows Ted's softer side.

It's the same side that shows in a yet-unreleased video, where Ted shoots Bambi and writes "Explore Uzis" on Bambi's tummy.

This reference to appropriate modem weap-

onry is an injunction against both group hunting and bestiality.

"Wango Tango" in fact is the culmination of Ted's musical maturation process. The use of a chorus in the background indicates a respect for tradition that carries back to ancient Gregorian chants. In fact, the religious significance of the song cannot be dismissed. "Pretend your face is a Maserati" is a plea for understanding of foreign cultures as well as an endorsement of the Latin Mass (if you disagree, you should try the drugs I'm using while listening to Ted and writing this article).

While, as noted above, there is religious significance in the song "Wango Tango", one should not go overboard in this view.

The song makes no reference to the tenletter f-word "FIintstone,"but it does imply a culture where loincloths are significant.

Is Ted the modem version of Fred? I explored this question at a local bowling alley. Most of the bowlers used conventional, wimpy spin bowling methods. But a few bowlers did a full windup and flung the ball down the alley, just like Fred.

These same bowlers seemed to prefer songs like "Stranglehold" and "Weekend Warrior" on the nearby jukebox, thus proving my theory.

If Ted is Fred, then who is Barney, and Pebbles, and Bam-Bam? Not to mention my favorite, Betty. Is Ted's agent the modem-day Mr. Slate? Could one argue that Bob Seger is Barney Rubble, Madonna is Pebbles, and George Michael is a spayed Dino? Darn, that would make the whole cast be Michigan natives, except for George Michael, who'd be playing a neuter dinosaur anyway, so who cares?

I ended my article on the Wilson sisters with a comma. I'd like to end this one wilh a semi-colon; Joe Typho is a graduate student in Natural Resources and Buddhist Studies and nosses his teeth with A-strings. He sometimes thinks be is a dog witbout vocal

Fill This Space

(and some of the others too)

Be a graphic artist or photographer for the Michigan Review Contact the Michigan Review at 662-1909 for further info