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. THE MICHIGAN REVIEW ..'

Volume 7, Number 1

Seotember 1988

Presid'ent James Duderstadt:

A Ex'clus'ive I'nterview ~

Also: Locals Debate the tJli'nimum Wage Essay - A Defense of' We's" tern 'Ci,vilization Review Forum - 'Reform MSA Funding

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The Michigan Review 2

September 1988

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Serpent's Tooth The Amalgamated Architecture Association of Ann Arbor recently awarded the Diag church first prize in the barbie dollclass competition, before it was destroyed. Congrats, CDLA.

A shanty's destroyed, and the Daily is there. A shanty's destroyed, and the Daily is there. The church is destroyed ...

Congratulations to the freedom-loving people of Vietnam: who were granted $600 in agricultural assistance by MSA over the summer. It's nice to see our money is working hard for us.

Congrats to Jon Sunshine, winner of the Trojan Journalist of the Year award. H~'ll be interviewing 2001 condom users · in England during the next year as part of Trojan's "Condom of the Future" project.

With Dukakis and Bush fighting for the center, the left and right have been ignored, making it an opportune moment for a third party to arise. That's why we suggest a Jackson-Robertson ticket? Better yet, how about a McCarthy-Buchanan or a HallPaul ticket?

Although the Democrats tend to speak out against school prayer, they saw fit to have several benedictions at their July convention in Atlanta. Apparently, the Democrats are suffering from Hypocriticus ducacus.

movie series announced that they will film their next episode in the Rackham Building's chiller and cooling tower. Maybe that's why the U-M decided to spend $360,000 to renovate the building.

Which of the following do MSA and UCAR Dot have in common:

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WHAT IF YOU DON'T GO INTO THE GRAD SCHOOL OF YOUR CHOICE? Sure. there are other schools. But why settle? Kaplan helps students raise their scores and their chances of being admi tted into their first-choice schools. Fact is. no one has helped students score higher!

I KAPLAN

STAIIIfY H. UPlAN EDUCATlOIW. coma U1I.

203 E. Hoover - Ann Arbor

a) They do not represent the majority of the student body. b)They always criticize the United States . c) They praise Soviet-supported Third World leaders. d) Their names are acronyms. e)They have an effect on administration's policies.

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Answer: e.

Remember when PIRGIM said it would be forced to leave campus if it did not get 75 cents per student? Well, the PIRGIM people didn't get the dough, but they're still around

Editor·in-Cbier Marc Selinger

Rep. Carl Pursell (R-Plymouth) faced no opposition in the August primary after Paul Jensen was disqualified from running on technical grounds. But to the Review's knowledge, Mr. Jensen hasn't been disqualified in his bid for the presidency. Watch out, George and Mike!

The Review is looking forward to another match on the gridiron with the Daily. This time, a touchdown won't count for 14 points.

Executive Editor Mark Molesky Arts Editor Jennifer Worick

Publisher David Katz Associate Publisber Viclcy Frodel Personnel~aDager

Hey! What about the U.S. farmer? Vice President Bush recently indicated that SDI could be crucial to Israel's security. Rumor has it that Sen. Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) will become a strong proponent of SDI now that SDI has the potential to protect countries other than the United States (Le. Ortega's Nicaragua).

The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan

Ryan Schreiber

Next summer, the Review will be unveiling a new column: "Reprocessed Profanity."

Editor Emeritus Seth Klukoff The Review is alsO looking forward to the next MSA elections. Go BLUE!

Staff Maria Ansari Megan Carmody Judy Cheng Rick Dyer Stephen George Maria Greene Jose Juarez Jim Ottevaere Jon Swift Adam Waldo Bob Wierenga

The Review has changed its official policy: It will no longer do any more BECCAcalling.

Due to the marriage of New York Jets superstar Mark Gastineau and Brigitte Nielsen, the Review has switched from a magazine format back to the tabloid. Our apologies to Sylvester Stallone.

On the cover of our March-April issue, we featured a picture of a bloated cow. Any resemblance to anyone on campus was purely accidental. (You know who you are!)

In case you haven't noticed, the Review is missing almost all of those stunning 19th century graphics. Ifanyone can provide information leading to the arrest and conviction of the person(s) responsible, please send them our heartfelt thanks.

The Michigan Review is an independenl, non-profit student magazine at the University of Michigan. We welcome letters and articles and encourage comments about the magazine and issues discussed in it We are not affiliated with any political party. Our address is: Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, Mich. 48109

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There is absOlutely no truth to the rumor that Evel Knievel is leading a nationwide campaign to "run the Review out of the Producers of the Nightmare on Elm Street · .country once and for all.~ .

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The Michigan Review

September 1988

From the Editor

Open the Dialogue Traditionally, the September version of the "From the Editor" piece has served as a "Welcome Back" article. It has informed freshman of the opportunities they can pursue and the challenges they will face at the University of Michigan. While this topic is an important one, I prefer to reserve this month's space for the discussion of a very pressing and often disturbing issue on this campus: racial tension. During the past couple of years, several events, ranging from the telling of racist jokes on a campus radio station to the posting of racist fliers in campus buildings, have received much pUblicity. These manifestations of racism are, without doubt, contemptible. Indeed, it is somewhat discouraging, and even frightening, to know that a few members of a supposedl y enlightened com munity can act in this manner. These events, however, do not indicate the existence of a widespread racist conspiracy. Most students, faculty, and administrators are not closet Klansmen; in fact, the overwhelming majority wholeheartedly supports racial tolerance and equality. Unfortunately, on this campus, as well as

on many others, a person can be a strong proponent of racial tolerance and equality but still not escape charges of being a racist. This was shown when some of the students who chose to attend classes on Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s birthday this past spring were subjected to intimidating chants, such as "Keep walking, racist." In addition, calling students racist for opposing affIrmative action, economic sanctions against South Africa, or the Rev. Jesse Jackson's presidential candidacy indicates a failure to tolerate opposing viewpoints. But, blame for the current racial tensions on campus cannot be placed entirely on blacks or on whites. Both "groups" deserve criticism for failing to communicate and discuss their often divergent opinions. I believe that what is needed at this time is some kind of black-white dialogue. By talking to each other directly and in a civilized manner, blacks and whites may not reach an agreement on every issue, but they can come to respect each other's opinions. I admit, the dichotomy I have ~e足 scribed probably oversimplifIes the situation: Blacks and whites are not completely united along racial lines. Some

blacks agree more with the majority of whites and some whites side more with the majority, or at least the most vocal, of blacks. Also, whereas there are "black" groups on this campus, such as the Black Student Union and the United Coalition Against Racism, no legitimate "white" groups exist Nevertheless, there are white students, including those who participated in the May lOtheditionofPBS'sFrontline, who are interested and articulate enough to participate in a discussion or series of discussions. A black-white dialogue could help quell racial tensions on campus, as well as improve the University of Michigan's tarnished image in Lansing and among prospective minority students. At any rate, it is worth a try.

********************************* Well, I guess some of you are waiting for me to explain why the Michigan Review is a tabloid when I said in the March-April issue that we would stay with the magazine format. The reasons for this change are simple. The tabloid has allowed us to

increase the circulation significantly hopefully, no more "Where can I fmd the Review?" questions - and to publish monthly, as opposed to bi-monthly. Despite the format charrge, the Review will retain its objective, in-depth coverage of campus affairs and arts stories, and its moderate-to-conservative editorial bent. Thanks to modem computer technology, however, the Review will be a much sharper-looking tabloid than the tabloid produced two years ago. But, as good as this issue IOQks, we still need writers, photographers, graphic artists, cartoonists, future editors, and more. So look for our table during Festifall on September 16, and join the Reviewl

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Marc Selinger is a junior in political science and the editor-in-chief of the

Michigan Review.

CONTENTS Serpent's Tooth

From the Editor

From Suite One: Editorials

Cover Story President James Duderstadt: An Exclusive Interview

A Defense of Westem Civilization, by Mark Molesky Review Forum Reform MSA Funding, by Peter Mooney

Am Booles in Review 1999: Victory Without War, by Marc Selinger

Campus Affairs Going Abroad, Anyone?, by Maria Ansari Locals Debate the Minimum Wage, Jim Ottevaere A Swnmer Update! What's Happening on Campus

6 11 14

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An Irmnodest Proposal, by Jon Swift

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The Michigan Review 4

September 1988

From Suite One

Reorient Orientation As part of its summer orientation for incoming freshman, the University of Michigan administration decided to present a workshop apdressing racism on campus. In theory, attempting to inform students about what they can expect to face at the U-M is commendable, but the manner in which the administration ultimately dealt with this policy was irresponsible. At the beginning of summer orientation, the theatrical group Talk to Us presented a series of skits that attempted to illustrate the problems of racism on an individual level. The United Coalition Against Racism protested against the program, charging that it did not facilitate discussion, actually promoted certain racial stereotypes, and failed to address "institutional racism." In almost immediate response, the administration discontinued the program and created an entirely new one, in which a panel of representatives of various minority groups, such as UCAR, the Lesbian and Gay Rights Organizing Committee, and the Puerto Rican Association, talked about their organizations and discussed discrimination. And though the workshop was supervised by two members of the administration and also consisted of small group question-and-answer sessions, the bulk of the time was allotted to the panel discussions. According to Talk to Us Director Scott Weissman, the administration simply informed him that they no longer required his group's services, making no attempt to work out a plan whereby Talk to Us could merely alter the portions of its presentation that UCAR considered offensive. Apparently the administration, intimidated by UCAR's political clout, acquiesced and created an entirely new program, which had many serious flaws and distortions. In the ftrst place, the revised workshop gave the false impression that having a mandatory class on racism and a dramatic increase in minority enrollment, regardless of

the academic ability of these prospective students, are ideas accepted by everyone. In addition, other groups, such as Jews and Asians, were not represented, raising the question of whether the administration places greater priority on the oonccms of CCI1ain minorities over those of others. Opinions on the best way to improve the rocial climate on campus are expressed throughout the year by various political groups and the campus media. Why then does the administration feel it must showcase and thus legitimize the views of some, while ignoring those of other legitimate groups? But the main problem with the revised workshop was that the administration failed to make a clear delineation between its own beliefs and the beliefs of a few student groups. Such ambiguity did not make the freshman's perceptions of the rocial problem clearer, but only more muddled. Does the administration actually believe, as one panelist said, that the U-M is racist because the percentage of Hispanic profCSS(X'S in LSA does not mirror that of Hispanics in the general population, or that sexism i$ so rarnJllllt on campus that female students are faced with it "every minute" of the day? Orientation should be a time for the university to inform incoming students on what it expects from them and what they will receive in return. It should also be a time for students to get a real glimpse of the personality and feel of a very large, vibrant, and at times intimidating institution. And if there ever is a time for thcadministration to present its policies with clarity and conviction, it is during orientation. The revised wortshop on racism, instead of creating an instructive dialogue, only confused the issue by shrouding in legitimacy views that neither reflect that of the student body nor that of the administration as a whole. And when special interest groups are allowed to control university policy even on relatively small matters, this brings into question' how seriously the university regards its own policies.

A Low for Higher Education Vice President George Bush and Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates respectively, have placed education near the top of their political agendas. Bush has said he will be an "education president" while Dukakis has promised "a national partnership for educational excellence." While these two leaders seem to recognize, at least in their campaign rhetoric, the importance of investing in this country's young people, lawmakers in Lansing apparenLly do not. The University of Michigan, the so-called flagship university of the state of Michigan, will receive only a 2.8 percent funding increase from the state this year, well below its 21 percent request. Part of this may be seen as punishment for the liM's handling of racial incidents on campus. But while the U·M received the lowest f: ltng increase of the 15 public universities in Michigan, the other 14 did not fare much better. This reflects a failure on the part of the Michigan legislature as well as Governor James Blanchard (D-Mich.), who originally proposed an obnoxiously low 0.8 percent increase for the U·M, to follow the renewed emphasis both political parties have placed on education. Ironically, Blanchard chaired the Democratic Party's committee which produced a platform calling for significantly greater funding for education. Clearly, the governor d~s not wish to back up his words with deeds. However, the politicians in Lansing are not the only ones who have been negligent with respect to education funding. In fact, the U·M administration itself has failed to properly conserve its financial resources, thereby taxing students unnecessarily. During

the past year, the U-M has spenlliterally hundreds of thousands of dollars on various projects of a questionable nature. Approximately half a million dollars has been spent this past summer to renovalC the West Quad cafeteria, and a similar amount was expended the previous smnmer to upgrade the South Quad cafeteria. Granted, some of the outlays were necessary for maintenance purposes, but buying neon lights for the South Quad cafeteria, forexample, was quite excessive, especially during a tight fISCal period. Had these and other projects been trimmed, resident housing fees could have been reduced to help offset this year's large increase in tuition. In addition, another half a million dollars is being spent to renovate the president's house. While the sprinkler system and improvements for the handicapped may be necessary, much of the money will help improve the heating and air conditioning systems, an expense which cannot be justified as long as most student facilities have poor heating and lack air conditioning. And the list goes on and on. Allhough many of these projects may be desirable, they should not be made while tuition rates are soaring. Lawmakers in Lansing must become substantially more generous toward funding higher education. But until they do, the U-M administration must become more frugal with the financial resources it has.

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The Michigan Review

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Review Forum

Reform MSA Funding

by Peter Mooney The Michigan Student Assembly nearly went out of existence last July. Both during and after last March 's MSA election, some students and some regents began to advocate cutting, or altogether eliminating, the mandauxy $7 student fee which provides the assembly's funding. Anti-MSA activists claimed the student government body was unrepresentative of its constituents, ineffective at advancing student interests, and intolerant of the views of moderate and conservative students. They objected to a resolution passed by the assembly calling foc the plocement of ads criticizing the University of Michigan's rncial climate in high school ~ the alleged use of student government resourres to support a campaign for a city rent COOb'Ol ballot initiative, and the passage of a resolution asking for the resignation of Regent Deane Baker (R-Am Arbor). Assembly memba"s were also criticized for taking part in protests that disrupted the regents' meeting last April. Former Michigan Review Executive Editor Steve Angelotti wrote an article "In the Belly of the Beast," which appeared last spring in this jomnal, describing the harassment he said he faced as a conservative member of MSA. He argued that the assembly's members are so intolerant of dissenting views that they tried election fraud to keep him off the assembly. Several engineering students spoke to the regents during the May meeting to urge a revamping of the MSA constitution to gmntindividual school governments more powes and reduce the influence of the assembly. They said the views of engineers, who tend to be more conservative than Rackbam or LSA students, were being ignored by the assembly. Despite some conciliatory overtures by MSA, hostility toward the assembly remained at the June meeting. Regent Neal Nielsen (R-Brighton) expressed these sentiments by suggesting that the p<rtion of the MSA fee that is not pre-allocated to organizations like Student Legal Services

and the Ann Arbor Tenants Union should be optional. Nielsen went through with his threat during the July 22 meeting of the regents by introducing a resolution to make 50 cents of the MSA fee applicable only to students who want to pay it A positive check-off system where students could indicate whether they wanted to support MSA during registration would give students greater choice, Nielsen said. But opponents of Nielsen's resolution pointed out that positive check-off systems had failed in the past. "A vote for a positive check-off is really a vote to kill it [MSA)," said then interim U-M President Robben Heming. Instead, the regents ended up voting for a milder amendment, proposed by Regent Thomas Roach (D-Saline), to cut MSA's fee request from $6.48 to $6.28 as a sign of the regents' dissatisfaction with the assembly. Both Nielsen and Roach's amendments set a disturbing precedent by suggesting that it is the regents' responsibility to evaluate the effectiveness of MSA. Though all the regents said they supported student control of student government, their actions spoke differently. While the regents always have and always will have the final say over the size of MSA's budget - in the past the regents have generally sought direction in deciding MSA's budget from the results of the MSA election. Typically, MSA fee increases are placed on the election ballot for students to approve or reject. This year, for example, students voted to discontinue funding of PIRGIM, the Public Interest Research Group in Michigan, while supporting increases in funding for other assembly activities. There is no legitimate reason for the regents to ignore the results of the student election. These results express the desire of students to tax themselves in support of a student government; it should not be the prerogative of the regents to deny students this right Nor should students who vote against MSA's fee have right not to pay it any more than people who voted against President Ronald Reagan have a right not to pay federal taxes. While the regents are responsible for every aspect of the U-M as representatives of the state's taxpayers who provide a large JXrtionofthe U-M'sfunding, studentgovernment is one area where they should not assert their authority. Students also fund the U-M through their tuition and deserve

an avenue to express their views on how the institution should be run. But some have argued thatMSA doesn't reflect student views because so few students vote. They have a point. The 12 percent turnout in the last MSA election is nothing to brag about But if all elections with low turnouts were judged invalid then the local school board and city council would have been disbanded years ago. Even the 1986 congressional elections, which featured a hard fought battle for control of the U.S. Senate, brought fewer than half of all registered voters to the polls. I don't know how the average student government fares, but in checking the tumout rates at the Universities of Iowa and Texas I found students at those schools voted in significantly lower numbers than Michigan students (Iowa had a 5 percent turnout and Texas 6 percent). Nonetheless, I concede that MSA would be moreeffective and representative if it had more student support. What can be done then -~besides cutting the MSA fee? One idea that comes to mind is for the regents to offer the assembly an economic incentive to improve student participation in the elections. The regents could approve a significantly larger fee than assembly receives currently and then have it go into effect during the 1989-1990 school only if the assembly receives a significantly higher rate of students voting. For example, the fee could be set at $25 if and only if25 percent of the student body were to vote in the election and approve the higher fee. This would provide an incentive for candidates to work harder and for students, who could face a higher tuition bill, to take a greater interest in the campaign. But even if the assembl y' s existence and

work continue to interest only a small portion of the student body, it still serves a valuable function. Just as chemistry lab gives students a sense of what research in the natural sciences is all- about, MSA grants politically motivated students an arena to experience campaigning and achieve political goals. While I would like to see the assembly retain the right to use student fees to sponsor speakers on campus and fund student groups through the Budget Priorities Committee, there is a way for students who feel differently to cut off MSA',s fundulg. By collecting 1,000 petition signatures, opponents could put a resolution on the MSA ballot in either November or March asking the regents to cut, eliminate, or redirect MSA' s funding. If that resolution passed, it would be appropriate for the regents to get rid of the assembly's fee. But a better solution would be for moderates and conservatives to organize and run candidates for MSA who reflect their views. The Common Sense Party, which billed itself as an alternative to the more liberal Students First Party in last March's election, received roughly half as a many votes for president as the victorious candidate - Mike Phillips - despite having its presidential choice drop out of the race after being accused of embezzling MSA funds. If the Common Sense Party had worked as hard as Students First, the election might have been close or gone their way. Rather than complain to the regents, assembly opponents should start working toward November's election.

Peter Mooney is 8 senior in history and was the 1987 Michigan DaUy Opinion

Page editor.

t.etteTS! Letters! Letters! Send letters to the editor to: . Tbe Michigan Review Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, MI 48109

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Campus Affairs: Student Services

Going Abroad, Anyone? by Marla Ansari If you think courses are difficult at the University of Michigan, try taking classes in a foreign language or try finding time to cram for fmals between excursions to the beaches of southern France or the pyramids of Egypt There are many students who take on this challenge when they choose to study abroad sometime during their years at Michigan. Most students discover that the experience of learning about a new culture first hand, making foreign friends, and developing language skills is well worth the difficult new adjustments to college classes. The International Center's Overseas Opportunities Office, located just off of the Michigan Union, is literally overflowing with information, services, and advice for people considering going abroad on UMsponsored programs. There is also information on other programs offered by universities all across the country. There are job placement resources, and information on work permits, internships; volunteer opportunities with the Peace Corps, kibbutzim, and archeological excavation teams. Information is also available about the Semester at Sea, a program aboard a cruise ship which makes stops in Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Travelers can benefit from travel tips on almost anything from a packing list, sources of possible culture shock, weather, camping areas, immunization requirements, finances and cost estimates, passport information, and hitchhiking. The International Center sells Eurail passes, youth hostel memberships, and International Student lD cards which can help a student get discounts on airfare and other accomodations. Overseas Opportunities Adviser Jane Dickson encourages students to use the office's resources to find what is right for them. "There is no one," she says, "that I would discourage from traveling overseas. By learning about other cultures you also learn about your own culture and about yourself." According to U-M alumna Laura Chen, who as a junior during the 1985-86 school year studied in Montpellier, France, she and the other students in her program emphasized academics less than usual during their year abroad. "I wanted, "she says, "to devote time to learning about the people, culture, and language. And going to classes is only part of that process. I didn't go all the way to Montpellier just to study for exams. I could have done that here." Though Chen, who recently received her

master's degree in French from Stanford University, had a strong French grammar background when she went overseas, she found that "there were people taking classes who only had two years of French and they were able to handle it. My French fluency and pronunciation improved a great deal because I was finally forced to speak it instead of just studying it in textbooks." Chen's housing was arranged by a woman in France who tried to accomodate each student's preference for either university housing or host-family living. Chen chose to live with a host family "in order to experience living like a real Frenchman." Weekends and school brealcs were opportunities for Chen to see more of France. "I had," she says, "seven weeks of vacation time and I traveled with friends every chance I could. In the end, I made one big circle about France." Her advice to students considering different programs abroad is to contact past participants of the program for their opinions. According to Adviser Dickson, "Students who study abroad should consider doing some outside involvement, such as volunteering for social service projects in order to meet typically friendly and caring people outside the university who can introduce you to their way of life." Studying abroad is not right for everyone according to Dickson who says that "for students who are in a top department here, they may choose to travel or work overseas instead." She adds that if one's sole objective is to learn the culture rather than concentrate on academics, "worlcing in a foreign country is the best way to learn about the most facets of society." The Council on International Educational Exchange can help one arrange temporary work permits in Britain, France, Ireland, Germany, New Zealand, Australia, Costa Rica, and Jamaica. Obtaining a work permit through this agency is important Dickson says. Since trying to get working papers from employers overseas is a long and difficult process, some students choose to work without them. This is illegal, and if a student is caught, he will be deported at his own expense and may face fmes and/or the denial of ever reentering the country. Dickson says, "A student should be flexible in his job choices so that he isn't disappointed." Many students find it easier to land a job after they arrive as it is often difficult to secure a job through the mail. Although internships abroad are very competitive and do not always pro-

vide a salary, there are some established internship programs available that help students to obtain jobs relevant to their career objectives. Business Administration senior Jeff Drabant, who spent May through July of 1987 working in Cardiff, Wales, says, "I was really surprised how easy it was to get a job especially with the help of my work visa. Although I am a business student, I was willing to work anywhere and by my third day in Cardiff I was working as a waiter in a Holiday Inn."

and says he spent the rest of his time going to the beach, reading books on the grounds of a castle, and making British friends. "I didn't speak to a single American while I was there except for one who was wearing a Michigan sweatshirt." Drabant says he "loved the people although sometimes they felt some resentment toward me. They think Americans have it easy, and [that] I was just another American brat traveling around taking away their jobs. The younger generation is more amiable toward Americans." He was also im-

"There is no one that I would discourage from traveling overseas. By learning about other cultures, you also learn about your own culture and about yourself." - Overseas Opportunities Adviser Jane Dickson Drabant's living arrangements were taken care of by friends of his. However, his first stop overseas was in London where he had to scout around for a youth hostel, an inexpensive dormitory-type hotel ($4-10 per night). Although his salary covered his expenses, he says, "It was a lot more expensive than I thought it would be. The cost of living was quite high." "Working in a foreign country is better than studying," according to Drabant. "You are not talking to professors who are used to dealing with Americans or with other foreign students. You are talking with people off the street who don't care who you are. It was these people who made a difference." Drabant worked about 30 hours a week

pressed with how politically active and informed people his age were. Looking back, Drabanl says, 'Tm so glad I went. Now that I'm here I appreciate America so much more. It's much more diverse and offers more choices to its people." He recommends that other students try working abroad and says, "You can't read Let' s Go Europe [a travel guide 1 and expect to learn about someone else's culture and to make yourself more aware; you have to go there to feel it."

Maria Ansari is a junior in biology and a staff writer for the Review.

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The University of Michigan

PUBLIC SERVICE INTERN PROGRAM Washington, D.C. Lansing, MI. MASS MEETING: SEPTEMBER 19, 6:00 PM RACKHAM AUDITORIUM -

APPLICATION DEADLINE: SEI)TEMBER 28 Summer internships with legislative offices, special interest groups, newspaper and broadcast media, executive offices and agencies Stipends available Designed for undergraduates

Applications also available at Career Planning & Placement A Unit of Student Services .

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The Michigan Review 8

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September 1988

Cover Story

President James Duderstadt On Thursday, August 4, the Mich l,.ron Review interviewed the incoming Luiversity or Michigan president, James Duderstadt. Before becoming the eleventh president on September 1, Duderstadt served as provost and vice president for academic affairs (1986-88). He also has worked at the U-M as a professor of engineering (1969-81), dean of the College of Engineering (1981-86), and interim president (winter 1987).

Review: What will your basic objectives be as president of the University of Michigan? Duderstadt: In a simple phrase, to lead the university into the 21st century. It's an interesting time for education because, if you think about it for a moment, realize that the students currently enrolled in the university are really citizens of the 21st century. Today's students will spend most of their lives, their careers, in the 21st century. Those of us as administrators and faculty will really spend all of our lives in the 20th century and institutions such as this are products of the 19th century. And so, I think much of my agenda is to work with the university community to think very deeply about what that 21st century will be like and how best to position the university to provide an education appropriate for the times. Review: Do you have any specific objectives?

Duderstadt: The University of Michigan has really throughout most of its history been the flagship, the leader, the model in public higher education in this country. It developed the model of the public research university in the late 19th century ... I think it's once again time for the University of Michigan to playa leadership role in defming what a university is to be in the 21st century and defining what the nature of that education is to be. And so my objective is to involve the university community, the faculty, staff, and beyond that people who depend on the university - alumni, state government, business, and so forth - in helping to define the role of leadership. Review: What do you plan to do to ease racial tensions here on campus? Duderstadt: ... [T]his fall we will be announcing a major program - an agenda, if you will - many points of which have already been put into place which we believe will propel Michigan into a position of true leadership in building I guess what you'd call the multi~ultural university of the 21st century - more in which the diversity among students, faculty, and staff is viewed as a great strength of the institution, and indeed I think it will be a strength. But one in which people will have to learn to respect one another for our differences as well as our sim ilarities. I guess what I' m saying is that our vision of the institution in future years is not a vision of a melting pot, where people are characterized by homogeneity or uniformity. It's a vision in

Look for the '" Michigan Review ~ at Festifall on Friday, September 16. Let us hear your comments, and come join the Review! '"

which the university is highly pluralistic, with people from vastly different backgrounds, and in a sense, the challenge of learning to respect one another for your differences and yet coming together behind common values. And it's a learning process. It will be terribly important for our education. We're moving along on a number of fronts. We will be implementing new components of our curriculum aimed at this. This last year, we probably . had the most successful year in the history of the university in minority student/faculty recruiting - I think probably the most successful in the history of higher education. And in our freshman class, black enrollments are up 21 percent, Hispanic

And no university really has a good way to approach thaL We've tried a lot of differentthings. As I understand it,aIthough I'm not close to it, that kind of drama-based orientation a number of peOple have found ineffective and offensive in many ways. It could well be; I don 't know. I don't know that much about it. But I think we've got to bring a lot of differem people with a lot of different perspectives together to try different things. I think it's very important

Review: Do you support a man(lalory class on racism? Duderstadt: That really is a decision that has to be left up to the faculty within each

"I think it's once again time for the University of Michigan to playa leadership role in defining what a university is to be in the 21st century." enrollment is up 57 percent. At the graduate level, black enrollment is up almost 100 percent. We have this past year hired 16 new black faculty and that number could go over 20 before the start of the term. And I would venture to say that's probably the highest in the history of higher education of any university, including historically black colleges. So that shows what a great institution can do if it puts its mind to it I think it's important as we approach that to realize that the key is that people have to come together. They have to put aside their own personal agendas and begin to look at the institution as a community, hopefully a people with important differences but as well with common objectives. I guess I would hope that we begin to realize that rhetoric dividcs and working together unites, and we've got to come together on these issues.

Review: What do you think of the freshman orientation workshop on racism? Duderstadt: I think we've got some problems with it. We're still grappling for how to approach that I think it's important to realize the freshman orientation is only one smaIl component of how we've got to approach that We've got to have a sustained p~grarn in housing, residential housing. We'Ve got to weave it into our curriculum. Âˇ1think quite frankly our racial harassment policies for students, faculty, and staff are important components of that. I think the difficulty we've had in orientation is that we are still trying things out.

academic unit It is totally inappropriate to have a class across the entire university, because half of this university is graduate and professional students, who should handle it quite differently. It is quite appropriate to have the faculty from each of the individual colleges think very carefully about how an understanding and commitment to diversity, which I think is the more general issue, of a racial nature, of a cultural nature, can go into the curriculum. Some of our schools - [the School of] Social Work, for example - have certain requirements that that's folded into every class that they teach. Other schools, like our liberal arts college, may choose to have a particular course or distribution requirement. I think that's a faculty responsibility and that's where the authority lies. But our role centrally will be to encourage faculty to begin to address this and to provide the resources to experiment. And we'll start to see some of these experiments this fall.

Review: The builders of the Diag shanties said when they built the shanties that they would take them down once the U-M divested all of its stock in companies doing business in South Africa. If the U-M divests completely, will you force the shanty builders to take them down? DuderstadJ: Some of the shanties on the campus are designed to really demonstrate See nat page

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September 1988 9

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groups' concerns about South Africa, apartheid. There are other demonstrations on the Diag that are concemed about Nicaragua, about Palestinian rights. I spent a good deal of time at Yale [University] and they have a large gulag archipelago where they protest Soviet treatment of Jews. It's all part of becoming involved, in a sense, on the part of students, faculty, and staff. I tend not to be that concerned about it I think students and faculty should have the right to say what they think, as long as they're not interfering with the rights of others. The Diag is kind of the town hall of the university where those ideas should come forth. There will always be issues before the campus and you will either see them through speeches, banners, or displays of one kind or another, and I think that's an important part of this university.

sity in the country has found that out and quite frankly, in this case, I don't think that Michigan is unique in marching in the right direction and everyone else is wrong. I am not at this point in favor of a campus police force; I don't think it's ncessary. But I do think for protection of our students, faculty, and staff, having one or two officers deputized will allow us to interact much better with civil authorities who will have to support us in these activities ....

Review: Would you support allowing the deputized officers to carry guns? Duderstadt: I would not. I think that's totally inappropriate. I supported President Aeming's specific statement on the

Review: Do you support the decision to deputize two Public Safety officers? Duderstadt: I do. The University of Michigan is not simply the only institution in the state but the only institution in the nation that I'm aware of that does not have a deputized campus police force. And I think part of the difficulties we've seen over the past several years in areas such as racial harassment and substance abuse on our campus and so forth is due to that problem. We simply cannot depend upon civil authorities to respond to the needs of a complex campus like this. Every univer-

sity of Michigan, Geneml Motors, the Detroit Tigers, or the Detroit Lions. Any thing that succeeds for whatever reason is subject to attack. And maybe it's the underdog, the desire to favor the underdog. I don't know what it is, but it's part of the culture of the state, and I view it as a very dangerous part of the culture of this state. If that's the approach, it's very difficult to

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Review: Do you support former President Robben Fleming's discriminatory acts policies? Duderstadt: Yes, I do. I think that any civilized community must have certain rules and regulations that protect all member of that community. There are certain fundamental values of a community, such as respect, tolerance, truth , and honesty, . that simply must be protected by laws. I think that while I will be the first to support freedom, freedom by itself is meaningless. It must be accompanied by responsibility. And therefore as a community, we must behave in a responsible fashion through rules, policies, and regulations which protect all members of that community. And I think that protection of groups that have been discriminated against, whether it's minority groups, groups for sexual orientation, whether it's sexual harassment, as long as there is evidence that there are people in the community who will discriminate, we will continue to need certain rules which respond to that situation to protect others.

"It's very difficult to achieve excellence [in Michigan] because every time you do, you get accused of arrogance or elitism or whatever, and there's a tendency to pull you back you back down to mediocrity, the mire of mediocrity."

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Review: Why do you think the U-M received the lowest funding increase of any public university in the state? Duderstadt: I wish I knew. In fact, if you go over the last ten years, you will find that in onl y two of those lastten years has the U:.1 ever been above average. For the last three years, we've been 15th out of 15. I don't know what that is. And furthermore, if you go over the last 20 years, the U-M has been at the bottom of state appropriations for facilities and capital outlay throughout that time in history. I don't know why that is. It is the case that the university does not have great influence in the legislature right now, and most other institutions do have strong representation. But that only explains the very recent history; it doesn't explain the history over a much longer period of time. In a sense, it could be because there are certain political advantages to be gained by attacking success in the state, whether it's attacking the Univer-

achieve excellence because every time you do, you get accused of arrogance or elitism or whatever, and there's a tendency to pull you back down to mediocrity, the mire of mediocrity. It's not just the University of Michigan. It's a great many things in this state and it's in sharp contrast, I might add, to other parts of the country, such as the East Coast or the West Coast, where people take great pride in achievement I'm worried that if Michigan State [University] has much more success in football, people will start pointing to them. We've got to somehow change the culture of this state to the point where we really do respect value and achievement

Review: What do you think of Governor James Blanchar4:s [D-Mich.] threat to retaliate against the U-M for mising tuition by 12 percent? Duderstadt: I can understand his concern about tuition. We are deeply concerned about that as well. Acouplecomponentsof that, though, are rather interesting and I

find somewhat ironic. First is that,anlOng all the institutions in the state, the university was at the lowercnd in terms of that 12 percent increase. Second, of that 12 percent, over 7 percent is going straight back into financial aid- over SlO.5millionso the net increase in tuition is only 5 percent at this institution. The dominant cost of attending the University of Michigan if you're a Michigan resident is 'not tuition, it's room and board, it's books,1t's transportation, and so forth. And those costs are things we have little control of; they continue to go up. Without adequalC state support, we have to use tuition to provide financial aid. Our tuition increase was predominantly for financial aid in part because I think the Uni versity of Michigan is unique among other institutions in the state in guaranteeing that any student attending the university will have the financial capacity to attend, because we agree to meet the full financial need of Michigan residents. While I understand the governor's concern, we think that the university has responded in a very responsible fashion to do just what he wants us to. Rolling back tuition in essence would have a dmmatic impact on financial aid and do just the opposite of what he wants to do. And so for that reason, we do not intend to go along, although we're sympathetic with what the governor's trying to do.

Review: Do you think the Michigan Student Assembly is effectively representing the students? Duderstadt: I think student involvement in formal structures - student governments and so forth - is very important. One of the great fiustrations on any university campus is the small number of students who really participate in what is supposed to be a representative government. And in the case of MSA, it represents only about 10 to 12 percent of the students. But that's also the case for student governments at other universities and colleges. Students have a great many things to do while they're here - studying and extracurricular activities - and very few of them actually get very interested in politics. For those students that are involved in politics, See nexJ page

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it's an important learning experience, That creates a certain challenge because while studenl government is supposed to represent the student body, in reality it only represents a small fraction of it. I think it's important to involve student governmenl in the decision process of the institution, but it's also important to reach out and make sure that that vast majority of students is enfranchised. I quite frankly don't know how to do that yet. I think that's going to be one of the challenges for academics. I'd like to getoutand getthe rankand-file of the student body much more involved with this institution. But I think thatyoucan ' tdothat in a passive way. You have to get out and find out what the people really think. Much of my activity will be spent getting out and talking with the students to find out what they really think. MSA, I think, realizes that there are some serious problems with representation and that they do not actively reflect the bulk of what the students are interested in and concerned about. I sense in some members of MSA a sincere effort to try to address that, but once again they're facing a challenge that seems to stymie student government on this campus, as on most campuses, for several decades. And I don't know how to tum that around and I don 't think they [MSA] do either. But I think we're al1 trying to move in the same direction - to get broader involvement of students - but we really don't know how to do that

of focus on the importance of that, we're launching a program in the next two years which will complete the renovation of all the classroom space on Central Campus and also the Undergraduate Library. We're building what we think will be one of the most spectacular instruction facilities in the country, combining total renovation in the major auditorium and Fishbowl area, the largest computer center in the United States. But that in itself is not enough. We have to begin to direct more resources not simply on instructional program but to provide more of an opportunity for faculty and students to interact in a meaningful way. One time I even had the idea of a student bill of rights where we would draft some kind of agreement where

"We have to begin to direct more resources not simply on instructional program but to provide an opportunity for faculty and students to interact in a meaningful way." enormously during the 19705 because of the national health movement. And I guess what you'd call the applied social sciences - our Schools of Education. Social Work, Public Health, and so forth - were big beneficiaries in the 1960s because of [former President Lyndon] Johnson 's Great Society. So they do reflect national agendas. If you look at the record and not at the rhetoric, you 'll find the principle

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Duderstadt: I think we do face a serious challenge of improving the quality of undergraduate education. Over time I would tend to agree that the university has tended to place somewhat more emphasis on graduate and professional education. But I think a balance has to be restored. Most of our students are undergraduates and I would contend that they are the most talented students. I think if you look at the statistics, you'll find that to be true. So what I've been trying to do is to take a number of steps to get the faculty to begin to focus much more on undergraduate education. We've taken some of these steps already. The Undergraduate Initiatives Funds, where we're putting in about a million a year into experiments. We for the first time will be announcing in September that we've awarded distinguished named professorships to seven faculty for outstanding undergraduate teaching. To kind

Review: Do you think American education is falling behind the education of other industrialized nations?

Duderstadt: Not at the higher education

Review: A lot of people complain that because the U-M overemphasizes graduate programs, undergraduates are faced with high student-teacher ratios. Do you see this as a problem?

Unfortunately, he's raised them in a very narrow and sometimes political perspective. In some areas, such as mor',u education, I think he's right. Universities have turned their back on providing an education in which we challenge our students to develop a certain philosophy. And there I think we can do much better. On the other hand, I think his leveling tendency - that all institutions should aspire to somc costeffective common level of quality - I disagree with. Furthe~re, I dlsagree with the emphasis of the federal government in many other areas - student financial aid, the way the new tax structure is impacting graduate education. All of these I think are unfortunate steps backwards for our mission. There's no question in my mind that education is the dominant issue of the 19905 and the early 215t century. Unfortunately, I don't think either party, Democrats or Republicans, seem's LO recognize that and Bennett reflects that.

a student would be guaranteed personal acquaintanceship with at least two professors and take this number of small seminars. I do agree that we must pay far more attention to undergraduate education. And we have a long way to go.

Review: You have been accused of gutting the School of Natural Resources and other schools in order to divert more resources to the College of Engineering. How do you plan to overcome what appears to be favoring one school over others?

Duderswdt: You should talk to the dean of the School of Natural Resources about whether I gutted it or not. I think he'd tell you that I'm one of their strongest supporters' particularly as provost It is certainly the case that [the School ot] Business Administration and [the College of] Engineering, because of their particular relationship to economic development in the state and nation, benefined ' enormousl y during lhe early 19805. The Heallh Services of the university benefitted

beneficiary of the last two years in my role as provost has been LSA. They have been the ones that have had the highest salary programs. They have been the ones that have had the most in the way of new facilities. And part of my reason for that was that in a very rea! sense, I view LSA as the cornerstone of a great university. And second LSA is the cornerstone of undergraduate education. That should be the focal point It's unfortunate that there's always a certain amount of what I call disciplinary bigotry, that somehow someone who comes out of the College of Eng ineering cannot be committed to liberal learning. I would also like to point out that my own undergraduate background was at Yale University and a Yale engineer is kind of a contradiction in terms. I do believe I was.~,~ product of a liberal education and thai I ha¥c a respect for learning.

Review: What do you think of [outgoing] Secretary of.-Education William Bennett and his views on education? Duderswdt: He's raised important issues .

level. I think that the upper-class, the advanced, and professional education for many reasons, not the least of which is diversity and freedom, we've developed the strongest system of higher education in the world. K through 12 is suffering enormously. Recent studies - in fact one two months ago - indicated that in tests compared with 17 othcr industrialized nations at the 8th, 10th and 12th grade level, lhe United States finished at the bottom or close to the bottom in that comparison. And that wa~ not simply because of the differences in each nation. I think that'safailurcoftwothings: It's the failure of the primary and secondary education we conduct in this country and I think it's the failure of the American family . I do believe that for whatever rca~on , American society has shifted the responsibility for education to our schools and seems to have forgotten that the family plays the most important role in education. And that's what you see particularly in the Pacific rim nations and you see that in Europe to a large degree. Until we begin to realize that as a society we must simply take more direct interest in children as parents and provide . incentives for them, I think we're going to continue to fall behind. .

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SeptemPer 1988. 11

The, Michigan Rewew

Campus Affairs: Economics

Locals Debate the Minimum Wage by Jim Ottevaere The minimum wage has become a fact of life for workers and employers since its inception in 1938. It was first set by the Fair Labor Standards Act at 25 cents per hour and experienced its last increase to $3.35 in 1981. Under the Reagan administration the minimum wage has remained unchanged for seven years, the longest period without an increase in the minimum wage's 50 year history. During this time the value of the minimum wage, which historically has remained at about one-half of the average hourly wage, has shrunk to $2.65 in 1981 dollars and stands at about 36 percent of the average wage. This discrepancy has prompted a movement to raise the minimum wage. Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.) and Rep. Gus Hawkins (D-Calif.) introduced legislation in mid-1987 that would raise the minimum wage to $4.55 by 1990 in three increments and index it to inflation thereafter. In addition the Democratic Party has called for a minimum wage hike in its 1988 platform. Naturally the potential effects of raising the minimum wage on Ann Arbor and the rest of the country are worth examining. According to a study reported in Business Week (July 27,1987), the KennedyHawkins bill would cost American businesses $20 billion in annual wage costs. Employers would respond by eliminating jobs whose output is less than the minimum wage rate. Most likely , this would primari y affect teenagers and unskilled adult workers. Some studies have shown that each 10 percent increase in the minimum wage would result in a loss of 1 percent to 3 percent of the jobs that would normally be created for teenagers. Professor Edward Gramlich of the University of Michigan department of economics predicts there will be a 2 percent to 3 percent decrease in tecnage employment due to a minimum wage increase. This amounts to about 100,000 jobs, which he calls "small potatoes" in the overall job market Actual estimates of total jobs that would be lost as the result of the proposed hike vary from 87,000 to 750,000 according to Business Week (Oct 19,1987). Why such a large variation? Econometric models, which are computerized simulations of the economy, assume that the number of workers earning the minimum wage remains fixed. In reality the percentage of hourly workers earning the minimum wage has almost halved since 1981, from 15 percent to 8.8 percent The number of workers earning more than the present minimum wage but less than the $4.55 proposed by

Kennedy-Hawkins has also decreased. Therefore the models tend to overestimate the number of jobs lost to a minimum wage hike. Dr. Charles Brown of the University of Michigan Institute for Social Research uses historical data rather than econometric models, but considers the two methods as "basically the same thing." Brown says that the "effects of the minimum wage on anything are likely to be small." Robert Martin of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Domestic Policy Office disagrees with Brown's prediction. He believes a study commissioned by the Chamber of Commerce is more accurate. That study used an econometric model from Washington University and predicts that 700,000 jobs will be lost. "There will be some unemployment," says Martin, "but the lion's share is disemployment" He defines disemployment as jobs that will be not created because of the minimum wage. Both the econometric models and Brown's studies agree that an artificial wage floor costs jobs, but they disagree as to how many jobs will be lost However, some politicians, especially Democrats, argue that those who will gain by obtaining a higher standard of living will greatly outnumber those who will lose their jobs. One group that stands to gain from a minimum wage increase is union members. "A minimum wage helps prevent kids from competing for jobs with adults," says Professor George Johnson, a labor economist at the University of Michigan. Johnson, who served as a staff member on the Council of Economic Advisors in 1977-78 during the Carter administration, says that the AFL-CIO has been a strong supporter of a minimum wage. ''The AFLCIO pushed for a minimum wage tied permanently to inflation. This was effectively opposed by economists in the administration." Instead Congress passed a bill calling for a series of increases from 1977 to 1981. American corporations who compete against foreign products are likely to remain unaffected since many of the jobs lost to a minimum wage increase are in service establishments which are relatively immune to import competition. However, Brown says that there is "an artificial distinction between service and manufacturing occupations." This means that manufacturing fums will feel some of the pinch, though Brown characterizes many of these employers as "smaller fums" which do not represent much of the export market Furthermore, some proponents of raising the minimum wage say that history contra-

dicts the gloomy predictions. In a letter to the New York Times (March 4, 1988), former Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare Arthur Flemming says that "after 50 years of minimum wage coverage, only once - during the 1974-75 recession did unemployment increase." Nevertheless both sides of the issue agree that confounding factors in the economy make it difficult to ascertain the true effects of a minimum wage. Regardless of whether the minimum wage is raised, the equilibrium wage, which is determined by labor supply and employer demand, is already beginning to rise, especially in the fast-food industry. A post-baby boom decline in the number of 16- to 25-year-olds has left local and national businesses competing for workers. James Thiry, director of personnel for the University of Michigan, believes a minimum wage hike will have very little effect on U-M employees. "There are no regular employees at the minimum wage," he says.

tive to the minimum wage the Earned Income Tax Credit or EITC, a refundable tax credit of 14 percent of the first $5,714 earned in a household with one or more children. The maximum credit would be $800 and would decrease as income increases. Gramlich estimates the cost of Petri's plan at $2 billion, about 20 percent of what the government currently allocates to welfare. Professor Gramlich says thatan EITC "is a better way to aid low income workers, since there is no rise in the cost of labor for the employer ... and the subsidy provided is more targeted [to needy families]." Opponents of such a policy akcee that an EITC could be helpful, but that it would depend on the availability of money in the federal government's budget, making it vulnerable to future budget cuts. This means that people dependent on the EITC would not have the relative security associated with a steady minimum wage. Sorting out the rhetoric from the facts may prove an impossible task for the

Both sides of the issue agree that confounding factors in the economy make it diffiCUlt to ascertain the true effects of a minimum wage. "Only the lowest category of temporary employees makes $3.35 an hour as a starting wage." Vicki Bowman of the public relations department at Manpower Inc., a corporation that represents 500,000 American temporary workers, says that her firm has "no positions at the minimum wage." Wages at McDonald's and Burger King restaurants in Ann Arbor are between $4 and $4.50 for entry-level jobs. The two campus McDonald's even offer some medical and dental insurance to its employees. This increase in unskilled wages can be interpreted two ways. Some see increasing the minimum wage as a natural step because of the high demand for teenage labor. Opponents view it as the free market eliminating the need for a minimum wage. Either way the seller's market for fast-food labor may only be temporary, since the birth rate has been on the rise since 1976. This means that larger labor pools will begin entering the market in 1992. In the interim, a minim um wage will probably not affect these entry-level jobs, at least in Ann Arbor. Since working at ~cDonald's does not bring a family of three above the poverty line, some punditS and politicians believe an aid package for poor families with working parents is desirable. Rep. Thomas Petri (R-Wisc.) has offered as an altema-

Congress as it considers this issue in the upcoming months. In the end, the decision will be influenced by what Professor Johnson describes as "symbolic politics." Republicans have been able to prevent increases in the minimum wage, but since they lost control of the Senate in 1986, this will be more difficult. But with the upcoming elections, all congressmen may find it politically expedient to support such a bill. Still opposition to raising the minimum wage is strong, reflected in the compromise to $4.55 from Kennedy's initial proposal of $4.65 and Hawkin's proposal of S5.05. Regardless of the final outcome of the political battles, the effect of an increased minimum wage on Ann Arbor would appear to be small. Local experts and businessmen believe that as long as unemployment remains low in the area, employers will continue to offer premium wages for unskilled, entry-level jobs, eliminating any immediate effects of a minimum wage hike. However, what effect a raise in the minimum wage will have on Ann Arbor in the long term is still up for debate.

Jiilt ()ttevaere is a senior in microbiology and a statrwriter (or the Remw.

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The Michigan Review

September 1988

Essay: Education

A Defense of Western Civilization by Mark Molesky Word has it that a pall has begun to descend upon our universities. It used to be that young intellectuals would reach for the sublime in the classical works of Dante and Aristotle as well as in that no less illuminating art of inebriation. Nowadays, many educators fear that while the Corona may be flowing as freely as ever, the chances of a student running across one of the aforementioned writers during his undergraduate years are becoming quite slim, reflecting a profound loss of faith in our society's traditions and ideals. Now, this author does not believe that barbarians have invaded the sacred walls of academia. Yet the recent spate of developments, from the popularity of E. D. Hirsch's Cultural Literacy and Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind, to Stanford University's controversial decision to "water down" its Western Civilization course by replacing many generally acknowledged classics with works by women, Third World authors, and people of color, indicates that the relative importance of teaching Western culture is being seriously questioned by the educational elite. At the core of the problem dwells the popular tendency to dispel that which is Western as intrinsically racist, imperialistic, and obsolete, while embracing that of the non-Western world as novel and relevant. Educators who are skeptical about the overall worth of teaching a Jane Austen or a Thomas Mann because these authors hail from the same culture that produced the Holocaust and Jim Crow react by filling their syllabi with more obscure works by representatives of other cultures or minority groups. "How," they argue, "can one truly ascertain the superiority of one book over another, and why shouldn't students be steered away from the ethnocentric West toward a wider variety of choices?" The problem with such an argument is that its proponents have forgotten the essential role of education: to learn more about society's culture and traditions, as well as an individual's particular relationship to that society. A student's years at a university should be spent constructing a personal intellectual and philosophical framework in which to be better able to interact with his fellow citizens. College should be a time for reflecting on and consolidating one's values, not a four-year dose of tie-dyed nihilism. And if we study any culture, our primary objective should be to study the one in which we live. After all, we are the West.

Our government, music, philosophy, literature, and religion are all derived to a great extent from Western civilization. And if their actual origins are elsewhere, they still owe much of their present shape and personality to contact with Western institutions. Though the West admittedly has its flaws, its legacies of personal liberty, social justice, technological and scientific progress, and rapidly improving living conditions sustained by a very effective economic system have become standards for the rest of the world. In addition, the West deserves our study because, far from embracing a narrow vision of itself and the world, it has in fact steadfastly refused to follow a single set of beliefs. When a new idea sprang forward and received attention, a thinker always surfaced who could formulate a powerful critique or create an entirely antithetical vision. As outgoing Secretary of Education William Bennett asks in a rccentessay, "On the ends of government, whom do weÂˇ follow - Madison or Marx? On the merits of the religious life- Aquinas or Voltaire? On the nobility of the warrior - Homer or Erasmus? On the worth of reason - Hegel or Kierkegaard? On the role of women Wollstonecraft or Shopenhauer?" The ability to search for new ways of thinking, to be unsatisfied with the present store of knowledge, and to battle existing institutions and beliefs if they stand in the way of such inquiry - these are primarily Western notions. And if we allow ourselves to forget that the very tools we use to dismantle the West's legacy spring from that legacy itself, then we may find ourselves in the very intellectually static society that we thought we were destroying. This does not mean that other cultures do not have worthwhile histories, or that they represent irrelevant peripheral cultures which should be replaced by a stronger, monolithic West. On the contrary, the study of non-Western societies is a vitally important and valuable undertaking. By learning about the majestic and turbulent cycle of Chinese dynasties, or the religious power of Islam that leads her pilgrims to Mecca, we become more aware of the inherent similarities in human social behavior, as well as the uniq ue aspects of our own traditions. Yet, whether one likes it or not, the modern world has been shaped to a greater degree by Western Ci vilization than by any other factor. The history of Eastern and Third World countries, especially in the last few centuries, reflects this contact primarily in the way in which their traditions

have accepted or resisted Western encroachment. The study of modern Iranian culture for example, would be incomplete if one did not recognize the profound impact that Russian, British,and American policy played in the shaping of Iran's destiny in the last two centuries. Likewise, the economic successes of both Japan and South Korea have to a large degree been based on their acceptance of modern free market practices, and future success will no doubt rest on their ability to reconcile their pasts with the demands of a Western world. Non-Western literature, while providing valuable insight into the character and psyche of a nation, frequently deals with this struggle of the traditional against the forces of the West. For example, the literature ofChinua Achebe of Nigeria and Jorge Amado of Brazil, beyond illustrating their own cultures, are strewn with images of their countries' experiences in adapting to the West. One must be acquainted with the

Civilization cia<;s, to be replaced by a more "relevant" selection, will have the effect of not making the modem world more understandable, but making it less so. Imagine a scholar studying American law without a firm understanding of British legal history, or a fan of the Beatles unaware of Chuck Berry. What we are as a culture has much less to do with how we appear at any given moment than with whatconOictsandprocesses, what triumphs and failures we have endured in getting there. Now that the West finds itself under attack, universities must defend themselves against the damage that such changes could have on the quality of their education. Programs should be adopted that follow the lead of the University of Chicago and Columbia University, which have year-long Western Civilu..ation courses for incoming freshmen. At present, the University of Michigan offers only the Great Books and Western Civilu..ation programs

If we study any culture, our primary objective should be to study the one in which we live. positive and negative aspects of Westernization before begining an adequate interpretation of such works. It is simply more necessary to know about the West before studying Brazil than it is to know about Brazil before studying, say Holland. Thus it is foolish to attempt a thorough understanding of most non-Western cultures withouta basic knowledge of the Wcst,and those who attempt to do so will invariably be guilty of the same narrow-mindedness they accuse the West's proponents. Unquestionably, works by non-Western and minority authors should be taught, but they should not infringe on the central role that Western studies must play in a solid and complete liberal arts education. Today, instead of exploiting our own rich resources, or targeting specific nonWestern practices we wish to emulate, we find ourselves recklessly replacing works that are universally acknowledged as hallmarks of our cultural heritage with works that represent politically expedient or popular choices. Dante's Divine Comedy, for example, is a great work of literature that tells us much about the medieval cosmology and its philosophical foundations, thus giving us a greater understanding of what the Renaissance thinkers faced in creating a new vision of man and the world. Stanford's decision to take it out of their Western

to honors students. The present success of these programs combined with the fact that all students, from the future history professor to the future engineer, need a similar cultural vocabulary in which to communicate with each other warrant such a classwide program. Such a course would also provide a valuable bond between members of the U-M by providing a similar experience for all incoming students, regardless of their major or future field of study. It would therefore add a cohesive quality to the undergraduate's years, and help to further define the Michigan experience which currently tends to mean little more than protests on the Diag and fall football games. The challenge for our universities must be to create thoughtful and informed minds able to deal with the realities of a rapidly changing world. They must also have the courage to protect our proud Western heritage, never forgetting that the legacies of Thomas Jefferson, William Faulkner, and Pabst Blue Ribbon must be fully appreciated before one can indulge in the exotic pleasures of Gabriela Garcia Marquez or Kirin beer. Mark Molesky,ajunior in the Residential CoUege, is a history major and the executive editor or the Review.

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The Michigan Review

Books in Review

1999: Victory Without War 1999: Victory Without War

Richard Nixon Hardcover, $19.95 Simon and Schuster 336 pp.

by Marc Selinger Former President Richard Nixon's seventh book, 1999: Victory Without War advocates two popularly supported foreign policy goals: 1) Preventing a nuclear war with the Soviet Union; and, 2) Encouraging, throughout the world, the growth of political freedom while limiting the spread of repressive, Soviet-inspired communism. Based on these premises and drawing from his lengthy experience in politics, Nixon develops a basic foreign policy handbook concentrating on how the United States should evaluate and deal with the Soviet Union. Nixon has a less-than-romantic view of General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Although the Soviet leader has received much positive attention in the Western press for his attempts to reform the Soviet system, Nixon asserts that Gorbachev is not the freedom-loving democrat he would have the American people believe:

role. But as Nixon explains, and as the Soviet leader himself indicated during the conference, Gorbachev is not planning to end the one-party system. The recent, brutal repressi-on of the Democratic Union, an opposition group, testifies to Gorbachev's true intentions. Recognizing that as long as the Communist Party controls the Soviet Union the two superpowers will remain ideological adversaries, Nixon cogently explains why the United States, a promoter of self-determination, and the Soviet Union, an opponent of self-determination, cannot become friends:

Nations differ from one another in basic ways - political traditons, historical experience, motivating ideology-that often breed conflict. Clashing interests - the fact that we do understand one another-lead to dispUles and ultimately to wars. Only when countries have accepted the existence of conflict and sought to manage it through a balance of power have enduring periods of general peace resulted.

Deterrence is the fIrst part of this conflict-management effort Although the American nuclear arsenal is currently adequate to deter the Soviets from attacking the United States or its allies, Nixon believes the United States mustcontinue to modernize its nuclear weaponry. "Advances in technology," he says, "could in the coming decades create the possibility of a successful surgical attack against all of our nuclear forces that would leave the United States without the ability to retaliate." Nixon offers a convincing explanaThis statement raises a point that few serition as to why a build-up in offensive ous political observers would deny. However, when Nixon contends that the Soviet forces and development of the Strategic Union will, if its reforms succeed, become Defense Initiative (SDI) should be integral an even greater threat to the United States parts of this modernization drive. His adthan it is now, he speaks at odds with man y vocacy of building an SDI system to propoliticians, including President Ronald tect U.S. nuclear forces rather than the Reagan, who believe that a freer and more entire population properly recognizes this open Soviet Union will make the world nation's technological and economic consafer. Although Nixon may be a little parastraints and the need to deter the Soviets by noid in fearing the results of glasnost and increasing the difficulty of launching a successful first strike. However, Nixon perestroika, his warning that the United States should remain cautious in it'! reladocs not adequately address the oftentions with the Soviet Union is one worth raised suggestion that fear of destoying all heeding. human life due to nuclear fallout and/or Nixon's statements about the Communuclear winter would deter the Soviet, nist Party's influence are worth noting as from attacking even antiquated U.S. nuwell. Those who watched this summer's clear forces. He also does not indicate Communist Party conference in Moscow whether a sufficient number of offensive may fed that Gorbachev' s proposal to give, WC<lpons could be built, giYen budgc.tary more power to local governments repreconstraints, and docs not discuss the idea of sents a major change ;io the, Party's basic, placing MX missiles in rail g~UTisons or

Regardless ofthe refinements he {Gorhachev] has introduced into Moscow's public-relations techniques, he has preserved the long-term objective of pushing for global predominance. But he is the rust Soviet leader who has faced up to the fact that the Soviet Unum suffers from fundamental internal problems that threaten its status as a superpower.

how the B-1 and Stealth bombers should fIgure into U.S. nuclear strategy. Despite ignoring these crucial details, Nixon's general deterrence strategy is sound. Negotiation forms the second part of the conflict-management strategy. Nixon skillfully explains why and how the next president should negotiate with Gorbachev. Nixon's present objective - to seek cuts in the Soviets' first-strike weapons and their superior conventional forces in Europe - could prove to be very effective. He is not alone in arguing that the INF treaty and the START agreement, which envisions a 50% bilateral reduction in strategic weapons, would actually increase U.S. vulnerability. However, invalidating the INF treaty at this point may embarass the United States and possibly damage the NATO alliance, something which Nixon does not address. Nixon' s general negotiating strategy is sound, but some of his advice on negotiations reflects his being out of office for 14 years. Along with deterrence and negotiation comes competition. According to Nixon, the United States must be willing to use military force when necessary to defend its "vital interests," which include Western Europe, Japan, Canada, Mexico, and the Persian Gulf, as well as most of its "critical interests," such as South Korea, which, if it fell to Soviet expansionism, would make Japan more vulnerable. Although protecting "peripheral interests" - Nixon uses the country of Mali as an example - may be desirable, military force should not be used since what happens in those countries does not directly affect the United States or its allies. While foreign policy experts, such as former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, would not learn much from reading about this trichotomy of interests, it could be yseful to college students and others who are just beginning to study geopolitical strategy. Nixon offers a number of specific ways in which to compete with the Soviets. For instance, he suggests that the United States expand Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty-type activities, a rarely discussed but potentially fruitful way of connecting people in Soviet-dominated countries with the West. He also explains each foreign policy option which should be considered by the next president: economic aid, which could be linked to the promotion of free enterprise in the Third World; military aid, especially to "freedom fighters"; military power - here, Nixon digresses into a ycry partisan attack on the War Powers Act and covert operations. Nixon discusses , how the next prc~ident .can "Finland.izc"

Eastern Europe - a noble but perhaps unrealistic proposition given the hard-line nature of most of these countries' leaders - and keep Western Europe united. The next president, he contends, must ~lso resist any protectionist movement in Congress which could jeopardize the United States' friendship with Japan or its improving relations with China, Recognizing that an expansion of Japan's military would make China and other Asian countries uneasy, Nixon wisely encourages Japan to increase its economic aid. Japan appears to be listening, as evidenced by its promise this summer to increase its economic hid program by $50 billion over five years. Nixon also explains how the United States can compete with the Soviets in the Third World. The United States. he believes, should generally support noncommunist Third World countries, even though they may not become democratic in the short term. "A communist dictatorship," he says, "allows some freedoms; a communist dictatorship allows none. A noncommunist regime allows some opposition and consequently creates the chance for peaceful change; a communist regime allows no opposition." Nixon fails to discuss the Reagan administration's decision to deny aid to noncommunist rebels fighting against the Marxist government of Mozambique. However, one of his insights - that anti-apartheid activists usually ignore the fact that blacks in most African countries face greater repression than South African blacks - deserves attention. 1999, although somewhat lacking in detail, can provide the voting public with enough foreign policy background to make a fairly educated electoral decision this November. Nixon advises his audience to select the presidential candidate most likely to apply skepticism andcircumspeclion in dealing with the Soviets. 1999 is easy to read, since it has no confusing foreign policy or military jargon, and Nixon's personal anecdotes make it enjoyable and educational. Discovering at the end of the book that Nixon had a team of researchers to help him write the book was somewhat disappointing. Nevertheless, Nixon's 1999 should be read by foreign policy amateurs or anyone interested in knowing how the next president should conduct foreign policy.

Marc Selinger i~ a junior in politicul science and tilt' editor-in-chief of the Re-

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The Michigan Review

September 1988

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A Summer Update The following is a synopsis of the major campus and campus-related developments which arose over the past summer:

...

The 'Code' The University of Michigan board of regents approved a policy developed by the 1988 U-M Civil Liberties Board designed to guarantee the freedom of expression of speakers, artists, and protesters. The policy also allows two Department of Public Safety officers to carry handcuffs and make arrests, and permits the president to draft" ... rules of conduct and enforcement procedures as are necessary." A committee of 18 faculty and staff members released a policy statement to deal with discrimination by University of Michigan faculty and staff. The policy, which is very similar to the one passed for students, defines and, if adopted, would prohibit discriminatory behavior, particu-

larly when it can negatively impact a student's life at the U-M. A three-member committee of facuIty and staff would investigate and, if necessary, recommend remedial action or punishment. The policy also prohibits consensual sexual relationships in which a faculty or staff member has power at the U-M over the other person. Approval of the document is pending.

students in order to comply with a request by Governor James Blanchard (D-Mich.).

Tuition The state legislature settled on a 2.8 percent increase in state funding to the U-M. The increase is well below the U-M's request of 21 percent and is the lowest funding increase for any state-funded college or university in Michigan. The regents approved a 12 percent increase in tuition for undergraduates and most graduate-level students, but may lower it at its upcoming September meeting to less than 10 percent for in-state

Racial Issues In July, the United Coalition AgainstRacism protested an orientation workshop on racism being staged by the theater group Talk to Us. UCAR charged that the skits were not followed by facilitation and addressed stereotypical racism rather than "institutional racism." The Orientation Office replaced the Talk to Us presentation with a panel discussion by various anti -discrimination activists followed by small group discussions.

The President The regents selected former Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs James Duderstadt as the eleventh U-M president (see pages 8-10 for a complete interview with President Duderstadt).

Student Government The regents approved a fall semester MSA fee of $6.28 pcr student, which is 20 cents below MSA' s request but 3 cents above the winter term fee. The regents also approved 35 cents for the Michigan Collegiate Coalition, a student lobbying group, and a $1 fee, including a 50 cent increase from the winter term fee, for school governments. Local Elections Jim Dunn defeated Robert Huber in the Republican primary for the U.S. Senate and will run against Sen. L>onald Riegle (D-Mich.) in the Novemberlgeneral election. State Sen. Lana Pollack (D-Ann Arbor) defeated Dean Baker in the 2nd District congressional primary and will face Rep. Carl Pursell (D-Plymouth) in November.

What's Happening on Campus Throughout the year, the Review will publish a monthly list of clubs and their activities. Please send your group's announcements four to six weeks in advance to: The Michigan Review Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Here are just some of the many diverse student organizations at the University of Michigan: A-Squares Dance Group AIESEC Anvil Aikido Club Air Force ROTC Alternative Career Center Amateur Radio Club American Civil Liberties Union Amnesty International Angel Club Ann Arbor Film Cooperative Armenian Students Cultural Heritage

Federalist Society Fencing Club Forum for International and Strategic Affairs Free South Africa Coordinating Committee Friends of Revolution Books Gilbert & Sullivan Society Glee Club, Men's Glee Club, Women's Greeks for Peace Hill St Cinema Indian American Student Association International Relations Society IMPAC Integrity-Ann Arbor Juggling Club Karate Club Korean Student ,Association Law Club, Undergraduate Lesbian Network LSA Student Government Markeqng Club Michigan Economics Society Michigan Eeview " Michigan S,tijdent Assembly Mortar Board' '

Arts Students League Artemage Magazine Asian American Association B'nai B'rith Hillel Foundation Bahai Club Black Greek Association Black Student Union Black Theater Workship Campus Against Weapons in Space Campus Crusade for Christ Chabad House Chess Club Chinese Student Association Christians in Action Coalition for Democracy in Latin America College Bowl College Credit Card Committee for the Graduation Committee on Kosher Eating Compufair Consider Democratic Socialists of America Democrats, College Eclipse J9ZZ Engineering Council Entrepreneur Club .

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Muslim Students Association NAACP Native American Student Association Ozone House PIRGIM Philosophy Club Political Science Association, Undergraduate Progressive Zionist Caucus Rackham Student Government Republicans, College Residence Halls Association Rifle Club Right to Life Rugby Football Club Safewalk Sailing Club Stillyagi Air Corps Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry Students of Objectivism Tagar Talk to Us Turlcish Student Association World Hunger Education Action , Committee Young Americans for Freedom

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The Michigan Review

September 1988

An Immodest Proposal by Jon Swift

We need a change! A change from the monolithic bureaucracy. A change from those professors and administrators who do not understand our needs. A change from that constricting vision of the world to which we refuse to subscribe. It is time that the real beliefs of the students are not only heard but acted upon. We make up the overwhelming majority of the University of Michigan community, and we demand that our voices be translated into concrete political power. Through democracy our vision shall prevail. Through democracy we shall create a new university that best reflects the most natural environment for all who believe in peace and justice. I hereby submit this proposal aimed at sparking such a revolution. A revolution that will make the U-M the envy of all academia: 1. All U-M admissions requirements shall be changed. No longer will a student be judged on his grades or standardized test

ing about. Ignorance must never stand in the way of democracy. And for that matter, democracy must never stand in the way of ignorance! All grades will be abolished, for they tend to give students the impression that competition is natural. All we have to do is eliminate this attitude from college campuses and it will almost simultaneously disappear throughout society because the conscience of the university has always mirrored that of the nation as a whole. And while this is not true in all instances, and in fact rarely true in even the most general cases, it sure does sound good. All class requirements will be abolished except for a mandatory course entitled "Human Appreciation in the Hyper-Imperialistic Age." The subject matter of this course will not be pre-determined, as its content and direction will not follow the narrow views of any professor or department, but will reflect the organic evolution of the random thoughts and impressions produced by the universal confluence.

Ignorance must never stand in the way of democracy. Andfor that matter, democracyemust never stand in the way of ignorance! scores. Such criteria tend to imply rather insidiously that some students are more qualified than others, and tend to discount those more important qualities that translate into success, such as the way one dresses, or that peculiar brand of unlimited worldliness one acquires by living on the East Coast. The single most important factor for admission will be social consciousness - the ability to experience guilt at having been born into a middle-class family, and the insistence that others must share that guilt, even if it requires turning up the volume of one's stereo and forcing everyone within ten miles to listen to Bob Dylan. Note: Wearing a tie-dyed shirt to an interview will only increase one's chances of admission. 2. All decisions concerning the academic curriculum shall be made entirely by the students. We pay the tuition. We write the papers and pull the all-nighters. And, though we may not know a tenth as much about education as our professors, this will not abrogate our constitutional right as American citizens to make infonned decisions on things we know noth-

Note: If the universal confluence proves too difficult to gauge, students will be forced to improvise. All lectures will be abolished, for this tends to give the impression that the professor knows more than the student. And, because many lectures are scheduled in the morning, this leads one to ask that inevitable question: Why must a student wake up at 8 0' clock in the morning to find out in lecture that he knows less than he thought he did when he went to bed only five hours before? The logic is undeniable. All books shall likewise be banned, because they force students to commita capitalistic act in purchasing them, imply that the student must read them, and promote the undemocratic idea that the authors know more about their subjects than the reader.

3. AU major sports at the U-M shall be discontinued. A university that is di-

rected toward peace must have no part in promoting these thinly disguised fascist rituals that so cleverly promote violence. The forming of small para-military bands of individuals intent on decisively defeat-

ing the "enemy" only reinforces man's unnatural urge to kill. Even life imprisonment or the threat of capital punishment will not discourage the psychopath who has been driven mad by years of "Hail to the victors" or intramural volleyball. Ultimately, sports only succeed in pacifying the masses and keeping them from achieving a greater sense of the self in relation to society. Since the natural impulse of the self is to create revolution, as long as football coach Bo Schembechler is employed by the U-M, revolution is simply not possible. The U-M will be able to retain organized athletics as well as promote revolution when the sports themselves are changed. These new contests will discard age-old practices and promote entirely new rules. Instead of working against one another in a winner-take-all contest of destruction, both teams will work together to create things. These creations will not consist entirel y of touchdowns and baskets, but of poems and short-verse works that can be read during time-outs, as well as beautiful tapestries and velvet paintings that can be exchanged with the crowd for useless trinkets and shiny beads. Furthennore, the role of the fan will be redefined. U-M fans will not lose their individuality by only applauding for the players; they will also applaud for themselves. Likewise, the players will not discard their identities by wearing dehumanizing numbers on their backs. Instead, each unifonn will be a personal collage, telling about that particular player's life, favorite color, and opinions on various social issues. Half-times will be reserved for telling stories and giving speeches, especially about relevant questions that affect the global community, such as: What are the prospects for world peace? What was it really like back in the 1960s? A dome will be constructed on top of the football stadium to keep out the acid rain. And a giant ionizer will keep the air fresh and clean inside.

plore his own individuality by completely subordinating his life to a vast rational plan created for him by someone else! Never again will a student be guilty of slinking off to facilitate his own individual ends. Instead he will be busy constructing windmills and aqueducts, writing folk songs, and learning to march. Only the finest fresh foods will be grown and served: whole grains, fresh vegetables, golden fruits, unpasteurized milk, and of course lots and lots of tofu. After all, food reflects values.

4. The food served on campus will be substantially altered. The availability of fresh food will be assured by having students grow their own on the Diag. All those ugly concrete walkways will be replaced by row after delihio~ row of the frnest food higher educatipn can offer. Not only will students be engaged in the most noble of professions but they will do it in the most naturally human of human groupings: the commune. Imagine every student being able to ex-

6. The Michigan Daily needs to make no changes whatsoever.

5. Student government shall be su~tly reformed in order to facilitate democracy and assure security. As the present student governing body, the Michigan Student Assembly, does not represent the collective will of the U-M, it will be dissolved and replaced by a five-member committee called The Group. The Group will meet secretly to assure that it will not become tainted by antidemocratic elements. No one at the U-M will know their identities, and they will be allowed to serve for as long as they wish. The Group will have complete legislative and executive power within the U-M grounds, though they all will be required to wear boxer shorts and will be prohibited from playing most board games. The leader of The Group will be elected by secret ballot and his identity will never be revealed to the other members of The Group, nor for that matter to the leader himself. The leader shall be called the president. And since the present president of MSA is the most anti-racist, anti-sexist, and sexually tolerant person in the universe, the future president of The Group will have an uphill fight to surpass his glory. The Group will also be responsible for dealing with the regents and foreign dignitaries, and visiting pontiffs, Leonard Nimoy, members of the African National Congress, and Elvis Presley if he ever decides to suddenly appear on North Campus

Jon Swift is a graduate student in post. modern studies, a member of the "Say No To Civilization Society," and a starr writer rOrthe Review.