•.
~- ~.'''.~
.. ;
THE MICH1GAN REVIEW Volume 8, Number 6
February 1990
The Death of Socialism? fact, ceased toexistasa viableideologi-
cal and institutional alternative. Among those highly critical of the "death of socialism" analysis is Professor Thomas Weisskopf of the Departr---------------------~~ ment of Economics. He says that "those who are ready to proclaim ~ . the dea Ih of socialism," as evidenced by recent events, "make a crucial mistake in assuming that socialism is entirely represented by the selfstyled, existing War or the passing of a particular pesocialism found in riod of post war Eastern Europe." history, but, in .: .... "Only insofar \( ! as one defines sofact, signify the \' \ . cialismasasystem death of socia 1ism. . in which a ruling Thomas Weisskop£ elite centrally Although apparently a foreplans economic gone conclusion among the general life," said Weisskopf, "can one make public, at the University of Michigan such an argument. However, this there remains considerable disagreeimplies an incorrect definition." ment as to whether socialism has, in "On the economic front," he
added, "socialism involves the control tunately, intellectuals who are memof enterprises by the factors of producbers of an establishment often seem to tion under decentralized, democratic be the last to get the message." guidance (similar to cooperative own"These regimes," he added, "did ership)." not simply repre" Soc i a lis m .~ sent one variation also refers to de~ , -. - § of socialismthat mocracy in fair")~ was perverted by ness," said Weiss~ ~ authoritariankopi. "These rel . , ~ ism." Insofar as gimes represent .:o:ti.J Z socialism is con~ cemed fund amenonly one variation ~. tally with equality, of socialist ideology, which has "there is only one been argued for socialism." some time to be "Socialism," inappropriate on " said Tonsor, "will grounds that it is .,'t always resort to undemocratic and •~ coercion and reunequaJitarian." Ii" pression. The Howe v e r , ',: , more total the Professor Stephen ~. ~ quest for equality, J. Tonsor, of the }. •... ,2 the greater the coDepartment of . t! . ercion, but it is alStephen J. Tonsor ways there. CoerHistory, disagrees that socialism will cion is a given in survive by developing into a kinder, the socialist system and mentality and gentler political system. "Oearly these events do represent Seepage 9 the death of socialism," he said. "Unfor-
'f
Prof. Assesses Eastern Europe by Rahul Banta As political upheaval sweeps across Eastern Europe, the University of Michigan can boast that it has many resident experts who can interpret these historic events. Few people, though, can claim both professional and native knowledge of the area in question. One who can is Piotr ''Peter'' Wrobel, a visiting professor of history at the U- M and a Polish citizen. Asa historian, Wrobel offers an intert'sting commentary on the current situation in Eastern Europe. "We are
not at the end of history," he says. "The current changes are only one step in a long process of continuing change." Wrobel says that the decline of the communist and socialist schools of thought will not be painless. 'There are many ethnic conflicts that have been suppressed by years of Soviet totalitarian control. As the Soviet Union allows the nations of Eastern Europe more freedom in managing their own problems, these
conflicts will become violent." One nation that Wrobel says is especially unstable is Yugoslavia. ''In Yugoslavia, you have one central government, three competing religions, and two alphabets." Ethnic divisions run along the provinces of Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia, Siovonia, Montenegro, and Macedonia. The Yugoslavian province of Kosovo, where nearly one million ethnic Albanians live, has already made
See page 9
Inside Review Comes Out Against Gay Lounges
4
Women's Studies Debate
6
Prof. Discusses Panama Invasion 8
..
". ."...~.:Z?,·,,: ',':;:.],~:<::.".;o'......'==:"'=:~:=' ~
n" • • ,_ ..
'._,~ ,_~ _
_ _ _ __ ",
_"_,_:~.,-.. ..., ~. --...._,,
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 2
Serpent's Tooth Betsy Esch and Amy Harmon sure know how to go out in style. In their final days as Daily opinion page editors, the pair capped off their reign with an article containing so many inaccuracies that it elicited a response from President Duderstadt, Regent Power, and Dr. Amnon Rosenthal, chair of the Board of Student Publications. The dynamic,duo also printed a fake letter from Rep. Carl Pursell, RPlymouth, knowing'that his signature was forged. Way·togo,ladies. We hope you get real jobs now.
Puerto Rican Solidarity Organization fliers appearing around campus recently said, "We promote a creative rethinking of socialism for the 90' sand the building of a revolutionary, multiracial, feminist, and radically democratic working class movement in the U.S." Well, there's no doubt these guys bleed red, white, and blue. They've got our votes in '92.
First we had MLK Day, during which classes were canceled in celebration of the civil rights movement. Now it's February and we have "Black History Month," full of lectures and musical performances. With all of this going on, one would think that the contributions of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln were being overlooked, . but this is not so! A ''President's Day Pie Sale" was recently held at the Union, thus preserving the U-M's longstanding commitment to American values...
The administration is at it again. According to the University Record, it has formed a 24-member Commission on Student Recruitment and Graduation, the 11 th new committee since we started counting in November. Apparently, the Task Force on Minority Recruitment and Retention and the Senate Assembly's Committee for a Multicultural University, both new committees themselves, are not sufficient.
Bo Schembechler said recently that Detroit . and Flint high schools are doing a poor job of educating students because too many of their teachers attended out-{)f-state colleges. Does this mean that if Bo had gone to college in Michigan rather than at Ohio's
Miami University, we would have won more Rose Bowls?
have meetings at Dominick's. Now, that's not funny.
Health Services recently held a "Condom Sense Workshop." According to a flyer, "sample condoms" were available (hopefully they weren't sampled condoms) and a "hilarious film" was shown. Best of all, the "Workshop" (maybe they were sampled) was held on Valentine's Day. Whata nice date it would have made.
As for our other favorite Daily staffer, Jim Poniewozik, we have a matter to clear up. In December, we said that Jim was "probably the best wri ter to attend the U-M since Arthur Miller." Since then, we've heard that Poniewhatever and others were confused as to whether we were being serious. We apologize. Miller's a hack.
In the spirit of UCAR's call for "revolutionary changes in the exclusionary attitudes, policies, and practices of (UM) undergraduate admissions," as outlined in a Daily op-ed piece, the Review suggests that U-M students be randomly selected from the population at large. In order to eliminate the prohibitive nature of the current admissions process, students need not apply for admission. Completely objective, this policy will eliminate the need for grades, SAT scores, and other unfairly biased indicators. Heck, students won't even have to go to high school - we'll just pick their names out of a hat!
The last issue of the Review, which came out on Jan. 31, featured an article about the V-M's underground tunnels. Two days later, the Daily weekend section featured a similar article. You know what they say: imitation is the highest form of flattery.
Spike Lee, explaining why he refused to give autographs to a mostly white group in Brooklyn, was quoted in Life assaying, "IfI wasn't a celebrity, I'd be just another nigger to them." Nice way to improve race relations, Spike. Too bad those people were just a bunch of palefaced honkies to you.
A note below the Daily's tunnel article said, ''Not only does the Daily not condone illegal entry into the tunnels, we're not even printing a map," as the Review did. So what was thatgraphicin the upper left hand comer of page eight supposed to be, if it wasn't a portion of the blueprint we used to make our map? And if the Daily doesn't condone illegal entry, why did it send some of its writers and photographers into the tunnels illegally in order to do a story?
Last month, we said that someone tried to censor the Review by throwing away 2,000 copies of the December issue. Now it seems that only 800 January issues were trashed. Well, at least our enemies are getting lazy.
The Michigan Civil Rights Department, a bastion of free speech and open-mindedness, released a report last December called "Civil Rights in Michigan." The report recommended a "zero tolerance" anti-discrimination speech policy and a mandatory class on racism. That's funny. We always thought that civil rights proponents encouraged the expansion of personal liberties, not their restriction.
Rob Earle, who was editor-in--chief of the Daily three years ago and still hasn't found it in himself to graduate, had some nasty things to say abou t the Review in one of his recent weekend columns. The Serpent's Tooth "isn't even funny anymore it!; so watered down," he said. Well, we have to consider the source. This is the same Rob Earle who once wrote a scathing piece accusing the Review of "girlfriend swapping." And this is the same Rob Earle who pours beer for us when we
After spending thousands of student dollars last year to send students on "fact-finding missions" to El Salvador and the West Bank, MSA is finally promoting a trip that is in the student body's interests. On March 14, MSA hopes to send some U-M students to Lansing to talk with state legislators about keeping tuition rates low. It's about time the students started getting some real representation in MSA. Now only if we could get some in Lansing ...
THE MICHIGAN REVIEW The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan Editor-in-Chief John J. Miller Publisher Matthew Lund Executive Editor Mark Molesky Campus Affairs Editors Adam DeVore Peter Miskech Production Managers Karen Brinkman Brian Jendryka Personnel Manager Vince Wilk
Editor Emeritus Marc Selinger Staff Ruth Armstrong, Rahul Banta, Thomas Binkow, Michael Bonanno, Jim Borninski, Bryan Case, Brian Gambs, Oifton Gault, Peter Harbage, Jeff Hartgen, Nicholas Hoffman, Michelle Janoschka, Phil Johnston, Bob Juneja, Mark Kalinowski, Sarah Kingston, Joseph Klein, Brian Meadors, Michael Murray, Latha Palaniappan, Dan Rice, Josh Shackman, Chris Terry, John Transue, Mark Tulkki, Chau-Ye Wu The Michigan Review is an independent, non-profit, student-run journal at the University of Michigan. We are not affiliated with any political party. We welcome letters and articles and encourage comments about the journal and issues discussed in it. Our address is: Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, Mich. 48109 (313) 662-1909 Copyright 1990
~~""','M."~"".!'
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 3
Roving Photographer Question: Do you think ROTC should be barred from the U-M for discriminating against homosexuals?
"'~;"'" Lisa Weishaar, School of Art junior: "I think so because I don't believe in discrimination. I think ROTC is a good establishment and I don't see why anyone should miss out on the opportunity."
Rich Baraff, LSA freshman: "I don't know. I didn't know that they did. Thinking about it from ROTC's point of view, I can understand that they could discriminate in that way because it could cause tensions. On the other hand, the Army is supposed to be the symbol of freedom, enforcing freedoms."
r-------------------------,
Myron Smith, School of Art student: "0h, they have? Is that just at this university? I would say no because I don't fully understand the case. Hopefully, they are working to rectify it. Is it something that has ever been evaluated? Is it something that has been looked into in terms of the university's discrimination policies?"
Lydia McNally, School of Art junior: "I have a problem with barring things. There are so many sides to things. There are so many good things about ROTC; it' s a fine line."
Kimberly Springer, LSA sophomore: "Yes."
Dave Zylstra, Architecture senior: "I would say yes. I really haven't spent time thinking about that issue. I wasn't aware that ROTC discriminated, but I know the armed services has run into a lot of controversy about that."
I I Here's my tax deductible contribution to help sustain the University I of Michigan's independent campus affairs journal. I understand that I with my contribution of $15 or more, I will receive a one year's I I subscription to the Review. I I lam enclosing: I I _$100 _$50 _$25 _$15 I YES! I want to support the Michigan Review!
_$250
_$500
$1,000
_Other
I Make checks payable to ''The Michigan Review"
Send to:
The Michigan Review Suite One 911 North University Ann Arbor, MI 48109
L I
Please send my subscription to: Name: _________________________ ~ Address:
This month's roving photographer was Karen Brinkman, a Residential College junior in communication and the School of Art and a production manager of the Review.
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 4
From Suite One: Editorials
Oppose Gay Lounge The Lesbian and Gay Male Programs Office (LGMPO) recently requested that its budget be increased by a factor of six. LGMPO officials said they want to expand their staff and increase their ability to organize and publicize events of special interest to lesbian and gay male students, faculty, and staff. They said they would also like the University of Michigan to provide students with a lesbian and gay male lounge. In a time of skyrocketing tuition, however, such an increase cannot be justified, especially when one considers the questionable nature of LGMPO's proposals.
The LGMPO maintains that a homosexual lounge would provide a refuge where homosexuals could relax in a drug-free environment and regain the strength necessary to go out into a largely "homophobic" world. LGMPO acts as an organizing, coordinating, and publicizing agency for homoscxual groups and events. Although it also provides counseling services and support groups, it devotes much time and eifort to programs that serve a purely social function. For instance, on its monthly calendar, it publicizes a massage therapy workshop for gay and bisexual men. While it may be the U-M's responsibility to provide an environment where discrimination does not inhibit learning, the U-M is not obligated to ensure that each student's social calendar is full. LGMPO also advocates that bisexuals accept their orientation. By endorsing
and pLlblici"ling bisexual events, the office promotes promiscuity, as a sexually active bisexual requires more than one partner. When the U-M is campaigning for safe sex and even making free condoms available, it is hypocritical for it to actively promote events for bisexuals. LGMPO officials also maintain that a homosexual lounge would provide a refuge where homosexuals could relax in a drug-free environment and regain the strength necessary to go out into a largely "homophobic" world. Such a change is necessary, they claim, because drug and alcohol abuse is 40 percent more frequent among homosexuals. This is supposedly because they are forced to meet in bars and other similarly drug-infested areas. The most obvious problem with the logic of LGMPO officials relates to the cause of frequent drug abuse among homosexuals. Although they acknowledge that homosexuals often resort to drug and alcohol abuse because of the tremendous social pressure they face, they seem to ignore this point when assessing the origins of the drug abuse. And there is no reason to imagine that simply providing a lounge will eliminate all the stress to which homosexuals are subjected. Moreover, the LGMPO's "Lavender Calendar" even advertises a weekly "GAY HAPPY HOUR" at Dominick's, "Womyn's Night at the Blind Pig," and notes that the "Flame Bar is gay EVERY night!!" If reducing drug and alcohol abuse is on LGMPO'sagenda, thenit should refuse to publicize events taking place in suchan environment. Most importantly, such a lounge only provides a band-aid for a gaping wound. A special homosexual lounge would inhibit homosexuals from participating in the outside world. If homosexuals arc to become genuinely open about their orientation, thl'n they have to integratL' tlwtnsel\'cs with the public at large. 11K' solution tll personal ,lnxiety must come from within, as ,1 result of personal confidence building. Such confidence building should take place in a public environment. One cannot get used to adverse conditions by hiding from them. It is difficult to define precisely what the role of the U-M should be concerning homosexuality. Students, however, should not have to fund a homosexual lounge or the promotion of such events as massage therapy classes for gay and bisexual men.
Mandela, de Klerk, and the Shanties South African President F,W. de Klerk's timely munificence has brought to the forefront - and not a moment too soon - the pressing issue of Diag Liberation. The United Coalition Against Racism (UCAR), the Black Student Union (BSU), and the Free South Africa Coordinating Committee (FSACC) have with tireless fervor chanted their litanies against all that is racist (as well as many things that are not even remotely racist) and erected two shanties in the Diag that, we were told, would stand until the University of Michigan had completely divested itself from South Africa. But when the U-M finally did divest in the fall of 1988, the above-mentioned organizations duly informed us that the shanties would not come down, that they would defiantly continue to rot on the perimeter of the Diag until apartheid it.self had rotted away. Had any other organizations committed such a breach of promise, their leaders would have been immediatedly branded scoundrels, opportunists, and liars. But as everyone knows, UCAR is composed of rational-minded, coolly reserved angels who can do no wrong.- To malign them would be a most foolish act indeed. UCAR labels racist anyone whosc aesthetic sensibilities arc offended by the
appearance of the shanties. But putting name-calling aside, it is clear that the shanties will have to go, that the the Diag will have to be liberated, and that the reign of demagogic ugliness will be overthrown so that the squirrels that inhabit the Diag area may go about their business in an environment unmarred by the folly and buffoonery of man. Normally, we would ask UCAR, BSU, and the Free Southern Africa Committee (FSAC), which has replaced FSACC, if they would be kind enough to remove the shanties, since they are the organizations that put them upin the first place. But since their ears arc tuned only to the disquietingmurmers of revolution, we are forced to take our pica elsewhere. Now that de Klerk has taken notice of the shanties and decided that it would be better to free Nelson Mandela than face the ire of a bunch of unforgiving campus half-wits, \ve exhort him to quickly achieve the goal that the freeing of Mandela entails: the complete dissolution of apartheid. This, it seems, is the only way our friendly neighborhood campus activists may be prodded into removing the sublimely unappealing shanties and the juvenile slogans scrawlcd on them. TIl(' hour of reckoning is near. And only you, President de Klcrk, mav free tiS of the shanties once and fOf all.
~~-~,~,."
........~,
...
,,,,,,,,~)S' ,.,,,,~~,,t',-!'-""'"J+,"""""'(''''''<~''~'O\'''~'."'-'''''''''S<IW'!'''''"l,1' ~'路'
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 5
Review Forum
CC Appeal to the Administration Justified by Jeff Johnson While most readers are probably tired of hearing about the recent MSA election fiasco, I feel compelled to bring up the subject one more time. Unfortunately, the Michigan Daily has chosen to manipulate the situation and resorted to bashing the Conservative Coalition (CO because CC has chosen to appeal to the administration to rectify this miscarriage of justice. I hope to fairly review the events so that readers may judge for themselves who brought about this travesty. During the fall MSA elections, U-M students voted overwhelmingly in favor of CC and handed Choice, the opposition party, a resounding defeat. In the election, CC won 14 seats while Choice won only three seats. This victory gave CC an MSA majority and the power to make the changes it had campaigned for. During the election court hearing to validate the election, Choice members demanded that the election for the nine LSA seats be invalidated due to printing errors on a few ballots. When the election directors revealed that only 19 invalid ballots had been cast, the election court voted unanimously to validate the election. The court rea-
soned that even if all the in valid ballots had been cast for Choice candidates, no Choice candidate would have had enough votes to overtake the closest CC winner. At the time, it appeared as if the students would have the CC majority they had voted for. What happened next made a mockery of the student government. Choice candidates appealed the election court's decision to the Central Student Judiciary (CSJ) and demanded a recount, alleging that the election directors whom they had voted to appoint only three months earlier had improperly counted the ballots. This charge was ludicrous, given that MSA had hiredpeopleunaffiliated with the U-M to count the ballots. Since the ballots had been thrown out a few days earlier, a recount was out of the question. CSJ held a hearing to decide what to do. In spite of many requests to CSJ Chief Justice Laura Miller, no CC representative was allowed to be present at the hearing. With no one allowed to argue CC's side, the outcome was predictable. The CSJ voted to overturn the election court ruling and to invalidate the LSA elections. When I asked Miller to explain the
Letters to the Editor Review is Vapid The Review's biggest problem is that it is boring, dull, and vapid. Keep the campus affairs idea, but give freedom to writers who are willing to publish but are turned off by the idea that their children will be sacrificed to the Hum-Drum god. Even the antiDaily thing is too narrow to make the criterion twofold, campus related, and alive. Alive means living. Your paper is dead. Make your enemy more sinister than the petty left: stupidity and boredom are good candidates.
J.G. Hillman Residential College sophomore
ists. I don't know if anybody remembers the MSA-funded EI Salvador trip, but the Review wrote a good piece on it. It was an issue that deserved more consideration than it really received. All the flaming radicals working for the Daily opinion page who were also involved in LASe and the trip were really upset from what I heard, but there was no written response, no dialogue. The article may have even had some influence on the students who voted the left out of office last fall. The Review apparently speaks for many students and could probably be a little more agressive and sarcastic, while remaining intelligent, to effectively convey its opinions that some of us feel you actually restrain.
Review Needs More Guts I think what the Review needs is to go for the gut more often. The point is that it is being ignored by campus left-
Manuel O/ave LSAjunior
These Letters to the Editor were taken from the Michigan Review's MTS Conference. For information on how you can become a part of the conference's lively discourse, please see page 8.
decision, she said that the election was being invalidated because "Choice was denied their fundamental right to a recount." When I told her that neither MSA's code nor constitution mention a "fundamental right to a recount," she said that it was "common law." The rest is history. The LSA Student Government appointed nine people to fill the vacant seats and removed the people that the students had chosen to lead MSA. While the students had elected CC candidates to eight of the nine LSA seats, the LSA-SG chose to appoint only four CC candidates. The CC candidates who were not appointed to MSA actually defeated the Choice candidates who were appointed. This is a slap in the face to the students who vot~ for these CC candidates. With LSA-SG's appointments, including one student who did not even run in the fall elections, there has been a net shift of eight votes away from CC to Choice. This has cost CC its majority. As a result, we have not been able to gain control of crucial committee seats. One glaring example of the fact that CC had its majority stolen by CSJ is
left-wing grad student and 19605 leftover Corey Dolgon's election to chair of the Peace and Justice Committee. Dolgon strongly supports the controversial "fact-finding" missions (i.e. vacations) to El Salvador and the West Bank, funded by student money that belongs on campus. Students have clearly been denied ' the representation they voted for. I am continuing to pursue all possibilites for overturning CS]'s ridiculous decision. While the Daily opinion page writers and other campus radicals scream about CC "crying" to the administration, the fact remains that a gross injustice was done. This injustice was done not primarily to CC, but to the students. All that CC is asking is that the students' wishes be respected and that this injustice be rectified. If CC settled for anything less, it would not be worthy of the students' support.
Jeff Johnson is a senior in electrical engineering and director of the Conservative Coalition.
路";-,,,,,,...t/IIJ!>""""'~;"~~$\Jil',~"""11l,""'.f;(~\II>'II'tof'll~~J.;,;~7"*~'t''t'"''''~4!''''<路~''-'''>""",,',
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 6 /
Review Forum
/
(
)
Women's Studies Is Worthwhile
/ by Christopher Terry As my orientation tour group re1turned to Alice Lloyd last September, talk arose in the ranks about how far away our classes were from our residence halls. We quickly learned that the engineers among us had to get to North Campus several times weekly. Some students had assembled schedules that ensured mandatory sprints from one side of campus to the other. When I saw that one of my classes was in my residence hall, Mary Markley, I was overjoyed. That gleam quickly turned to gloom when I informed my fellow freshmen which class promised such close proximity: Women's Studies 100. Never in my life had I been SO quickly shelled with such a quantity of negative reactions. From all the responses, it appeared that I had made a heinous error. Women's Studies seemed to have a rich mythology all its own. I was quickly informed that the essence of the class was one long ERA indoctrination. I was told that I would be quickly singled out as the target of persecution by legions of vicious manhaters, mouths frothing with shield and sword a( hand. As you might guess, a naive freshmen from the small town of Lake Orion, Mich., like myself would be quite distraught when faced with such warnings. Indeed, I was most disturbed ... '
else was on the field of battle. My first discussion session sent me reeling headlong into intense forensic confrontations. Every five minutes or SO, fiery arguments erupted between myself and other members of the class. By the end of the first night, it was clear where the battle zones were and who erected them. I stood in political solitude. There I was, the lone freshmen, believing I would be all 1,000 points of light wrapped up in a nifty package. I would try my best to purge the class of all that stood against ultra right-wing thought. My new role: minion of truth and justice for the abolishment of the vile wretchedness that I thought was the women's liberation movement. Taking more flak than a B-17 over Bremen, I was destined for martyrdom in service of all that was honorable. If my father had been a silent observer in the room, he would not have been more proud that I retained my conservative disposition. But, what I did not realize until only a few weeks ago was that the class had much more to offer than a forum for honing my debating skills. Instead of actually listening, I repeatedly spewed out the classic right-wing rhetoric against the class, against the study of women, and even against women themselves. My quick tongue and reactionary temperament were
turely I acted, it will most likely inhibit the learning of others. Now that the course is over, I can say Women's Studies 100 is a multifaceted look at a subject most men feel threatened by but need to look at. The knowledge I gained from class is frightening yet rewarding. I can say now that I have a relatively compte-
Women's Studies 100 is a multi-faceted look at a subj ect most men feel threatened by but need to look at.
It is my firmest opinion that if trifles like a strange wardwobe or a pamphlet upset you so much that you stop yourself from learning what the class has to teach, you need to reevaluate why you go to this university. . Classes like Womens Studies 100 are for those who want to study a subject that will not admit treatment from a mainstream perspective. My rotten attitude was entirely self-defeating in nature. Only in retrospect have I come to understand all that I learned and, more importantly, all that I probably missed. Unfortunately for me and my classmates, my mouth moved much faster than my mind. Maybe if those lame stereotypes had not bombarded me, I might have actually contributed to class. The people from orientation who told me about the class knew less, in reality, than I did. The stereotypes I heard at orienta tion were merely products of ignorance and an inability to comprehend a thought different from one's own. If I had not been told all those stupid myths, I would have most likely learned a lot more than the fact that my debating skills were slowly oxidizing. If I had participated in the conducive to opening my mouth inclass rather than against it, myalternastead of my mind. tive viewpoint might have contribBecause my two facilitators had an uted to the learning process. odd style of thought (and apparel), I If ever again faced with the queshad rarely listened to them. But just a tion of taking a class with an alternacouple months ago, I came to know tive viewpoint, the first question asked them as deep and valuable resources. will be why I would consider taking it. Both are actively working on degrees If you would rather teach than be involving Women's Studies and thus taught (like I did), think again. Obviknow the subject very well. But beously, classes like these are bound to cause of their obvious affinity to all set some people off, even offend oththat is radical, I had quickly disers. But in reality, you just cannot let counted their words. Before class the radical perspective disturb you. began, they would pass around inforDoing so will reduce how much you mation about pro-choice marches or learn and, judging from how imma-
I stood in' political solitude. There I was, the lone freshman, believing I would be all 1000 points of light wrapped up in a nifty package. I would try my best to purge the class of all that stood against ultra right-wing thought. One month had passed between orientation and the beginning of school. I prepared myself for the liberal brainwashing that I thought Women's Studies was going to be. Becauseof those preconceived notions I had developed one month earlier, my foxhole was dug well before anyone
announce speakers talking about Nicaraguan death squads. In my opinion, this was poor practice, but why should I have made a big deal about it? It happened before class started, and I seemed to be the only one to mind. And the myths about Women's Studies facilitators brandishing weapons were, of course, all untrue.
hensive understanding as to what the feminist movement is really all about and why certain people are so vehement about its execution in a world ruled almost exclusively by men. I do admit, the first day when I saw what appeared to be two hippie, beatnik, peace survivors in my discussion group, I wasa bit alarmed. When these same two very intriguing individuals introduced themselves as the facilitators, I moved from alarmed to afraid. But now that I know these two people (after brushing off my obnoxiously judgmental first impression), I not only respect them but like them as well. If you choose a course such as I did, try being open-minded. A good attitude will ensure a well--cultivated learning environment for all. Class will never be boring as there is a broad spectrum of opinions. But when I speak of respect, I do not mean that people should be silent. I learned a great deal, but I was in no way ''brainwashed" - I am still a conservative. If something goes against your principles, vigorously challenge it. Again, do not let frail attempts of passing on leftist propaganda bother you. If you want, bring your own materials to pass along. Do youself a favor and forget the myths, the stereotypes, and all the other brainless hype you hear about certain classes. The best thing you could do is enroll and see for yourself. Take the class. The time commitment is little and the type of knowledge gained is certainly an interesting al ternative to mundane academia, Christopher Terry is a freshman in political science and a staff writer for the Review.
"J,<~;iH~~tiiI.4i.t'i:-;,*H_~Vb""ty""~l."V"W<;W~l,.~,;;~~~,,,~_,",y.-l<"" ""~~~>"'i'-"'·"""fM
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 7
Review Forum
Women's Studies: An Academic Ghetto by carol Iannone If anyone had proposed some three decades ago that women speak a special female language or crea te art in special female forms, he would probably have been greeted by educated people with anything from indignation to derision. If someone had argued that there was a distinct female tradition in fields such as history, logic, philosophy, theology, and the sciences, he simply would not have been taken seriously by the academic community. Yet these are precisely the premises of the Women's Studies programs that have proliferated at nearly every college in the country. Surely this is one of the most saddening developments of the counter-cultural upheavals of the 1960sand 1970s. How ironic, that during the very years American women were encouraged to establish identities beyond gender restrictions, entire fields of knowledge were deliberately splintered off and genderized. Before the feminist era, gender was a term that governed certain (albeit, crucial) aspects of life; in the feminist era, gender governs everything. Unlike genuine academic disciplines, Women's Studies has neither a distinctive methodology nor subject matter. What it does have is the assertion that sex and gender are such important factors, in so many areas, that they deserve to be stucied as such. Women's Studies is "interdisciplinary" -it crosses the oepartmental lines of history, literature, political science, and sociology. But it challenges the traditional teachings of those disci-
plines and even the way they search for knowledge. Surely no one believes that feminist science will produce feminine submarines; some of us, apparently, believe that there is feminine language and feminine morality. These assertions are unproven, and perhaps unprovable, and so, at its core, Women's Studies is an ideology. The typical Women's Studies studentis a young woman. If she is at all curious about herself and the world, she should expect from !'er professors an introduction to the great books and ideasof the Western tradition. Instead, Women's Studies teaches her that the Western tradition is not her tradition, that she is an outsider and a victim trapped in an "inauthentic life." Exhorted to take control of her experience by avoiding hegemonic "male" discourse, she is told to avoid "defining" and "naming." (As if you could take control without defining or naming.) Women's Studies traps its studentswhether they know it at· the time or not-in a ghettoized world of speculation, pseudo-thought, and halftruths. These educational "reforms" had not yet taken hold at Fordham University, where I took my B.A. some years ago. For this, lam unspeakably grateful. I still recall the excitement I felt, entering college as a young woman from a working-class background, discovering the treasures of the Western tradition and realizing that they were mine. I entered a special place in which race, sex, nationality, and background diminished in importance
next to the qualities of mind needed to pursue the truth. If anyone had presumed to '1iberate" me by channelling me into the study of "Italian-American life," or "blue-collar life," or "female-life," he or she would have been depriving me of one of the greatest opportunities of my existence. In a different context, the young Saul Bellow was also called an outsider by those who felt his sense of the English language was not pure enough for literary expression. (His early la;nguages included Canadian French, Yiddish, Hebrew, and English.) Bellow responded by saying " ... to hell with that. The reason being that language is the spiritual mansion in which you live and nobody has the right to evict you from it. Your possession of it is guaranteed by your devotion to it." Similarly, the Western tradition does indeed belong to women,
to the extent that they exercise the courage and integrity necessary to claim it. What is most damaging is that the more Women's Studies programs thrive, the more they give the message to the culture at large that women cannot compete in the real life of the mind, but instead require the protection of separate courses, Afriend of mine, whose wife and mother are both women of accomplishment, told me that the first inkling he had that women might actually not be capable of genuine academic achievement came from his perception of what was going on in Women's Studies. We women should do everything we can to resist this latest, intellectual ghetto. i
Carol Iannone is an English professor at Iona College in New York.
Savings from
5% to 50% OFF
March 12th through 17th, 1990 Save on ... Amiga 500
$799
1Mb RAM. two 3.5" floppy drives, color monitor, Reg. $1199
Amiga 2000 /2/PC
' $1599
A2000 with 1Mb RAM, IBM-XT® Bridgeboard,
second internal Hoppy, color monitor. Reg. S2483
Amiga 2500/30/PC 25 Mhz 68030/68881 C?U, IBM-AT" Bridgeboard,
3Mb RAM, 40Mb HD, color monitor. Reg. $5614
compatibility options • Professional applications in video, music, desktop publishing • 13% NBD financing All Amigas come with • Up to 704x480 resolution, 4096 colors on screen • RAM expandable to 9Mb • Internal 3.5" 880k floppy disk drive • True Multitasking as • Speech synthesis & stereo sound • Real-lime animation faster than machines costing twice as much
Michigan Memorabilia • Books • Posters Art Supplies • Frames • Office Supplies Calculators • Electronic Accessories • Disks Calendars • Writing Instruments • And More Limited Quantit ies ' While Supplies Last · No Special Orders Please Valid 3112·17190 • Must Present Coupon ' One Coupon Per Customer This Coupon Is Not Valid With Any Other Offer or Discount
56YEARS
UA",iJlM'S
Main Bookstore: 549 E. University Ulrich's Annex; i 117 S. University
..IIi.
Electronics Showroom: 1110
MORE THAN A BOOKSTORE
-
E3
/J,.. ,
S. UniverSIty
Phone: 6623201
Hours: M-F 8:30·5:30 Sal 9:30-5:00
.;.m""."",~",~:~~W{V!,~!<':.~~\~~;tIV~~~"~'"*,~''~~'''~)''''''~~M'''"""~k"""\'4h,,""';'Il:fW='"'h''''''~'''' '
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 8
Campus Affairs
U-M Professor Blasts Panama Invasion On December 20, 1989, President George Bush ordered a U.S. invasion of Panama. sparking much debate on this campus and around the country as to whether the action was justified. On Feb. 2, Brian Jendryka of the Michigan Review interviewed University of Michigan Professor Daniel Levine. Levine has been a U-M professor of Latin American politics since 1969 and has traveled extensively throughout the region. He received his undergraduate degree from Dartmouth College and has graduate degrees from the London School of Economics and Yale University. He received his doctorate from Yale. REVIEW: After the failed coup attempt in October 1989, President George Bush said that invadingp;mama would not be prudent. Two months later, the U.S. invaded Panama. What factors could have caused Bush to change his mind? LEVINE: I think he needed a cheap foreign policy success. Something that would look good and play well. Acting like a bully is always popular with the American public, particularly if it works. That is my cynical answer. Having been criticized for not supporting the coup attempt, he figures he should run his own coup attempt.
Panamanian government under Noriega, but no one had suggested repudiating the treaty as far as I know. REVIEW: Was a full-scale invasion of 20,000 plus troops needed to accomplish Bush's goals? LEVINE: Obviously they encountered more resistance than they had anticipated, and in fact, in the aftermath of the resistance they are substituting for the police forces. The PDF (Panamanian Defense Forces) was a combination military force and internal police force. With its collapse, there was no alternative to p0licing.
motive to intervene in a sovereign nation." Does the invasion set an international precedent for nations to intervene in other sovereign nations' affairs in order to protect its citizens living in these nations?
..
coastlines. With a country of 25 or 30 million people, it would be extremely unwise, apart from the fact that it is the wrong thing to do. I find the whole notion of dealing with drug policy only by attacking Latin Americans to be foolish. We are the ones who are consuming all the drugs. Something wI g; has to be done about demand, not just ~. supply. . '-
<1l
5. REVIEW: During what the State Department deemed as a general sweep for arms, U.S. troops raided the home of Nicaragua's Ambassador to Panama, uncovering six rocket propelled grenade launchers, 12 AK-47s, four UZIs and one light anti-tank gun. Is this an unnecessary amount of firepower for an ambassador to Panama to have in his home? LEVINE: The issue is completely irrelevant. You are not supposed to invade diplomatic territories, even in war time. And you pay a cost for that. How are they going to protest if someone invades an American ambassador's home? Where is this going to stop?
REVIEW: So 20,000 troops were needed for the aftermath?
REVIEW: Among the reasons Bush used to justify the invasion was the protection of the Panama Canal Treaty. The treaty, however, specifically forbids U.S. interference in Panama's internal affairs. Is this a contradiction?
LEVINE: It is a typical military doctrine to blast the enemy to nothing, just to avoid a problem. Whether it was militarily necessary is doubtful. There were already 12,000 or so troops there in the Canal Zone, so the total that you hear involves about 15,000 additional to the 12,000 already in place. So irs not true that they airlifted that many troops.
LEVINE: Looks like that tome. No one has suggested that the Panama Canal Treaty was threatened. There were problems with the administration of the canal, between the canal and the
REVIEW: The Organization of American States voted ~1 to condemn the invasion. The Mexicanrepresentative said that "combatting international crimes cannot serve as the
dent as far as the Bush administration is concerned. The obvious question to ask is, what's next? Are we going to intervene and send troops to arrest every political leader who thumbs his nose at the United States? Are we going to engage in warfare all the time? I can think of lots of states which are equally, if not more, offensive than Panama. I can't imagine that it's a precedent that would hold up as a general principle. But it may become an operative one, except I don't know who's next under those guidelines. REVIEW: Bush said that the apprehension of Noriega will send a clear signal to others that international drug trafficers cannot escape the scrutiny of justice. Does this mean that in the near future we should look for Bush to send troops into Colombia to apprehend Colombian drug lords? LEVINE: I don't think so. I certainly hope not. I think it would be very unwise. Grenada is a little island, Panama is a little bigger, Colombia is a large, mountainous country with two
REVIEW: Would calling for new presidential elections help new Panamanian President Guillermo Endara to distance himself from the United States and regain sovereignty for Panama in the eyes of the international community? LEVINE: That is probably not a bad idea, though I doubt that it will happen. I think the invasion is probably popular in Panama, and if he were to hold new elections, he would probably come out the winner anyway. REVIEW: What will Panama have to do to prove itself a sovereign nation, and will the U.S. let this happen? LEVINE: As far as I am concerned, it's not an issue. The main thing that has to happen is the troops have to go. The notion that a guy is sworn in as president on an American military base is a little disturbing. Beyond that, Panama has always been kind of a semi-sovereign nation. When you have an extraterritorial body cutting your country in half, it's a problem. But for this country to have legitimacy in the eyes of other governments, I assume lhe
Seepage 10
The Michigan Review, January 1990, p. 9
Socialism Continued from page 1 implicit in the notion of an intellectual elite who know what is best for individuals and society." "All socialism is authoritarian. No one would freely choose this systemit has always been imposed upon people." "Perhaps one reason for many people's unwillingness to concede the death of socialism," said Tonsor, "may be that it represents the death of Utopia. Socialism, it can be argued, is the opium of the intelligentsia. In many ways, for them it makes life bearable." "Often universities are claimed to be on the cutting edge of ideas," he added, "yet, in actuality, a university is the most conservative place in the world. Thirty years from now, as many of my colleagues are concluding their careers, they will still be pawing over these ideological rags." , One of the most controversial theories arising from the tumultuous events of 1989, is Francis Fukuyama's prediction of the "end of history." Inan article in the National Interest, Fukuyama has argued that not only do the changes in Eastern Europe indicate the "suicide of socialism," but they further represent the total "triumph of
Western liberal democracy." As a result of the apparent absence of viable al terna tive political systems, mankind's ideological evolution "history" has ended. Interestingly, although members of U-M's academic community reject this argument on different grounds, there appears to be a consensus in opposition to Fukuyama's thesis. "Certainly we are not witnessing the end of history," said Weisskopf. "In forcing a distinction between the various forms of socialism and by affording the people an opportunity to participate, these changes, if anything, represent a great step forward for socialism." "The only thing that has been resolved is the failure of authoritarian socialism," he added. "By ending the pretense that these represented socialist societies, socialism or democracy in fairness can now develop as an idea. Clearly, there remains the democratic conception of socialism as a real possibility." Characterizing the notion of an fIend of history" as "nonsense," Professor Ronald Suny of the Department of History is also highly critical of this interpretation of recent events. ''Far from ending mankind's ideological
evolution," he said, "these changes will allow people to talk seriously about notions of democratic socialism and how one can combine elements of liberty and equality." "Ultimately," he added, "you can't have socialism without democracy or democracy without socialism." Equally critical in his assessment, Tonsor labels Fukuyama's thesis "trash." "Only a student of Allan Bloom (Fukayama studied with Bloom at the University of Chicago) would argue for the end of history," he added. "If there is no history outside of socialism, then, arguably, history has ended. Obviously this is not the case." Although also rejecting speculation on the fIend of history," Professor Samuel Barnes of the Department of Political Science said, 'We are indeed in a unique period of history in which, for the first time since the French Revolution, there appears to exist no credible alternative political movements that seek extensive change and are electoral threats to the political order." Yet, although the notion of "universal democratization" appears to be predominant, added Barnes, "there is no guaranteed success of the capitalist ideology." Pointing to the potential
conflicts that may arise between ecological concerns and capitalism, he said, "In the long-run this conflict may well push people in the direction of greater control over the economy." Clearly, the events of 1989 have secured it a place in history as a most incredible year. At the very least, these changes reflect the difficulty socialists have had in reconciling ideology with pragmatic policies of governing. In a world in which governments are increasingly judged in terms of consumption and consumer well being, these difficulties may prove to be insurmountable. But will the events of 1989 ultimately lead to the worldwide dominance of Western style capitalism? Although in the absence of a larger conceptual framework, interpretations of recent events (such as "the death of socialism") may border on mere rhetorical speculation, one fact does seem to merit consideration: to date, the world has never seen a non-capitalist, liberal democracy.
could not pass university entrance exams. After this Polish version of affirmative action was put in place, even fewer underrepresented minorities actually attended the universities than in pre-communist Poland. Wrobel says that because Polish universities are free, many students simply try to earn good grades to get into the universities and then stop working hard. The aspiration among these students is to stay in school for as long as possible and enjoy a relatively carefree life. He credits American students, since they pay, with having a much greater desire to interact with professors and use their education as an means to an end, rather than an end in itself. The U-M draws much praise from Wrobel, who calls it a "great university." He says he hopes to install some of the features he sees here at the University of Warsaw. Summer classes and credit hours, for example, may not seem so innovative to American stu:' dents, but Wrobel says he believes their introduction could greatly benefit Polish students. He says he also is impressed by the facilities available at schools in the United States. "The U-
M librarf is excellent; I can find almost any book I want. " Wrobel says he admires American students for being very goal oriented with their academics, but he admits that Polish students are more politically aware than their American counterparts. Also in Poland, the Catholic Church plays a central role in the life of students - an influence Wrobel says he does not see in this country. Wrobel, who originally came to the
United States in 1988, has been at the U-M since last fall. Although he would like to stay here for one more year, would also like to see other universities around the country before returning to Poland. For now, however, he serves as both an educator and a student in this nation.
Mark Tulkki is a senior in economics and political science and a staff writer for the Review.
Polish Prof Continued from page 1 headlines with its violent flare-ups. The government had to send in the army to quell the disturbances in the region. Wrobel says he is very concerned about the effects a unified Germany might have on his native land. "The Polish border ",ith Germany and the Soviet Union has changed so often through history that Polish people are naturally afraid of a unified Germany. The Germans could demand the return of the Brandenburg and Prussia territories." The Soviet Union gave these lands to Poland after the Second World War in compensation for Polish land absorbed by the Soviet Union. Wrobel says that one of his favorite topics is Poland's educational system. He criticizes the communist government's methods for making the education system more equitable. One such method involves judging thechildren of workers and peasants along less stringent criteria when consideringe them for places at universities. This system, however, does not work, as the schools in peasant villages are of such poor quality that these students
Rahul Banta is a junior in history and Poltical Science and a staff writer for the Review.
22
For Exam Preparation, Choose to EXCEL • • • •
Learn ~o Anticipate the Exam Improve Your Test-Taking Skills Use Your Study Time More Effectively Achieve Your Maximum Potential Score
E\~~~paration
996-1500 1100 South University
• .•. ,~~"!>ii¥'d...,,&11t1' ..... .. .....! i '.... ~~"Krl.t'\:OI':.!;~~~~I~'Y.~.,.".._W_N>'....",._''''''.w _ _ _ ...
The Michigan Review, January 1990, p. 10
Levine Continued Jom page 8 withdrawal of the troops is necessary, and many Latin American governments have said that. REVIEW: Noriega has been the Panamanians' scapegoat for economic and social problems. With him gone, will the Panamanians become disenchanted with the Endara government during the lean years that are almost certainly in their immediate future? LEVINE: It's almost inevitable. Anybody who has euphoric support initially almost always has it collapse or divide a little bit. REVIEW: The new Panamanian army-police force is made up almost entirely of former members of Noriega's Panamanian Defense Force. What type of problems is this likely to create? LEVINE: I don't know who else they're going to hire. The real critical issue will be in the leadership, the middle ranking officer corp. It's bound to create some problems. If they want to avoid having a hostile body within, they will have to recreate the officer corps as well. As for the ordinary policeman on the beat, I would not imag-
~ THE
ine that it would create any enormous problems. REVIEW: According to a CBS News poll, 92 percent of Panamanians approved of the invasion and a large majority want the U.S. troops to remain in Panama. How accurately do you feel this poll represents the feelings of Panamanians? LEVINE: I don't have any independent information. It's probably accurate. Although Noriega was not very popular, he had some base of popularity. Ninety-two percent is probably exaggerated. On the other hand, times were hard. The Panamanians knew things would get better with Noriega out of power. REVIEW: Overall, what do you think of American press coverage of the invasion? LEVINE: It was nottoo bad. There was not much coverage of the actual moments, and they used a lot of file footage. The rest of it was just about what one would expect - thin, not very critical. I found it hard to find news. Also, it did tend to get pushed off the pages by the revolution in
1204 S. University
~!~~WN 761-3355
Romania. Without that, we probably would have had more attention focused on this, but we didn't.
REVIEW: If Noriega is convicted of the charges he faces in Miami, he could face up to 165 years in jail and over $1 million in fines. Taking this into consideration, along with his invaluable information Noriega possibly has on the operation of the South American drug cartels and Bush's alleged involvement in the Iran-contra affair, do you feel that either side will actively seek out a deal before
Alittle of your time may mean more time for someone else.
Noriega takes the stand? LEVINE: A deal would be equally embarrassing, wouldn't it? Noriega certainly knows a lot. There is always a legal problem with the release of classified material, and the judge will have to decide whether the trial can or cannot go forward with or without this material. My understanding is that precedents are not completely clear, if you look at the Iran- contra trials and the debates over classified material. And if anybody has a lot of embarrassing things to say about Bush, it is Noriega.
v •
Give Plasma! Plasma Donors Are "People Helping People"
Breakfast all day, Burgers, Sandwiches, Dinners, Pizza, Beer, Wine, liquor, Two Happy Hours and Weekend Brunch
Carry out only. Walk up window.
Greek Salad Pizza by the slice Homemade Spinach Pie Calzone, Rice Pudding Baklava (from Greektown)
M-Th, 7:30 AM - 2 AM F & S 7:30 AM - 3 AM SUN 9 AM- 2 AM
______ .....
761-9214
I
New Donors Receive ·$20 On Your First Donation HOURS: Mon. thru Fri. 8 a.m. - 4 p.m.
Michigan Ave. Ypsilanti Phone 482-6790
Z 605 Church St.
I C~r
Plasma Collection Facility
813
III
I-
l- ~ y.I.
....,~y,~-·~I11'~'44'<.~~~~w~, ...... ~,l" ' ..., · .·, ..'· ... , .• '(~., .,., •• •
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 11
Arts: Book Review
The Last Temptation of Bork The Tempting of America Robert Bork Hardcover, $22.50 Collier-Macmlllan 432 pp.
by David Katz Robert Bork stepped into the national spotlight two and a half years ago when President Ronald Reagan nominated him to the U.S. Supreme Court. During the months that followed Reagan' s nomination of the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals judge, special interest groups waged a media campaign to defeat the nomination, marking the first time in U.S. history when an expensive, nation-wide campaign was launched against a Supreme Court nominee. Full-page newspaper ads and prime time television commercials were run with no concern for either cost or accuracy. Moreover, Bork was treated as if he were running in a popular election for the office of Supreme Court justice. Bork's opponents must have assumed that the judiciary is a political institution, like the legislative and executive branches of the federal government. In his book, The Tempting of America, Bork takes a deep look at this issue of judicial politicization. The book is divided into three parts. In part one, ''The Supreme Court and the Temptation of Politics," Bork presents a concise summary of the court's history from its creation in 1789 to the present. Bork emphasizes episodes ofthe court's history in which the justices substituted their own moral and political views for proper constitutional interpretation. Most of the decisions that Bork criticizes as
stitutional because the business community's substantive due process rights had been violated. Bork also criticizes many of the Warren and Burger Court's liberal decisions on issues such as abortion and contraceptives, which the court held to be protected under a constitutional right of privacy. In part two, ''The Theorists," Bork turns to a discussion of the competing theories on how judges should go about interpreting the Constitution. He begins with his own theory, called original understanding, in which he argues that judges should not stray from the meaning of the text as it was understood by the Founding Fathers. This philosophy is one of judicial restraint. Bork believes that if a judge cannot find a constitutional principle which speaks to a particular issue, then the issue should be left to the democratically~lected legislatures to decide. Many of these issues involve highly controversial questions of morality, such as abortion and homosexuality. Moral concerns, Bork argues, should be decided by local community standards. The danger that exists in allowing judges to determine the outcomes to these controversies, using their own code of morality clothed in a broad and undefinable constitutional principle, is that future courts will use these newly-<:reated constitutional principles for purposes its creators did not intend. Bork uses the right of privacy as an example. The right of privacy was "found" in the Constitution by justices who wished to use it to protect a woman's right to have an abortion. Once this new principle was created, however, it took on a life of its own.
Bork argues that if a judge cann9t find a constitutional principle which speaks to a particular issue, then the issue should be left to the legislature to decide. examples of judicial activism are ones in which the justices are furthering an ideology: a decision holding that blacks are not people and that slavery is protected by the "takings" clause in the Fifth Amendment, a decision holding that state laws regulating workers' hours and wages are unconstitutional because they interfered with the constitutionally-protected liberty of contract, and decisions holding much of the New Deal legislation to be uncon-
Whatelsecana general right of privacy protect? Can businessmen fix prices in private? Can two people torture an animal in private? Bork is also quick to caution that his philosophy does not sanction a particular political position. It merely confines the power of policy decisions to the legislative branch, where it belongs. Only those issues that are protected in the Constitution - freedom fromracial discrimination, free speech, a fair trial - are beyond
the reach of the democratic process. In the remainder of part two, Bork discusses other theories of constitutional interpretation and why many of
that would-be recipients could enforce in court." Bork summarizes Harvard Law Professor Richard Parker's theory by stringing together Ii • , C , 4 a . a . .. •• i o three quotes from a law review article. to> :l He then discards Parker's theory as "a Court-managed version of the French Revolution." In these descriptions, Bork risks allowing himself to be charged with incorrectly characterizing the arguments of some of his opponents in order to support his own views - a charge which Bork justifiably makes against those who opposed his own confirmation. In part three, ''The Bloody Crossroads," Bork gives an account of his own involvement in the Supreme Court confirmation process. Bork provides a summary of the hearings and the Senate floor debate, in which he illustrates how his views were both distorted and unfairly criticized by special interest groups (People for the American Way), senators (Ted Kennedy, D-Mass., and Howard Metzenthem ultimately fail to refute his own baum, D-Ohio), and the media (the theory of original understanding. In New York Times and the Washington almost all cases, Bork finds that the Post). Even more interesting is Bork's other theories allow the courts to make account of his experiences that were
Bork dispels the myth that he is not in the "mainstream" of American judges and scholars. policy decisions that Bork believes the Constitution leaves to the legislatures. His discussion of the theories developed by constitutional law professors Alexander Bickel, John Hart Ely, Bernard Siegan, and Richard Epstein are particularly interesting because they illustrate the broad spectrum of disagreement among academics on the question of constitutional interpretation. In spite of some areas of disagreement, these theorists have much in common with Bork. They simply espouse different methods to reach the same ends. There are instances in this part of the book when Bark's analyses of certain theorists' positions are so brief that one wonders why he includes them. He sometimes summarizes their theories in anecdotes that appear to sacrifice accuracy for brevity. For instance, Bork devotes one sentence to Professor Frank Michelman of Harvard University, who has been "working on a theory that would make welfare payments a constitutional right
not viewed by the public, such as private interviews with senators who offered to support his nomination if he promised to vote in certain ways. Perhaps most importantly, Bork dispels the myth that he is not in the "mainstream" of American judges and scholars. He does so by explaining his theory of interpretation in the context of constitutional history and in the context of other legal scholars' theories. His prose is written to an audience of laymen rather than law professors, and his tone is one of contemplation rather than not self-righteousness. The Tempting of America is an excellent chronicle of constitutional interpretation and misinterpretation, and it should be required reading for anyone who cares about the future of the U.S. judicial system. David Katz is attending Cardozo Law School and is a former publisher of the Review.
•
-";'1'
.
...· ._~"~"r"" ''''''''''''''=''''·'''''''''''~~=.::::,~-''. ,";'.;'''''_.""'. , ..""w .... c.~_~ ......
··.0···
,
The Michigan Review, February 1990, p. 12
I
Arts: Architecture Review
I
(Some) Buildings Are Beautiful
I
I
.
'"
by Clifton Gault The Egyptians left us the pyramids. The Incas left us the ruins at Machu Picchu. Is the University of Michigan doomed to leave posterity the UGLi? When today's U-M students recall their days in Ann Arbor, most will conjure up fuzzy images of shaded green lawns and ancient buildings with bits of ivy crawling up the walls. However, the more attentive may recall the interesting variety of architectural styles that blend together to form the campus of the U-M. The U-M campus reflects the extraordinary changes in style and method that both architecture and urban planning have undergone in the last century. U-M Planner Fred Maher and Architect Richard Glissman work together in planning the direction in which the uni versi ty' Sa ppearance will . evolve. Due to the size of the U- M, Maher pointed out, molding the shape of the physical plant is "much like crafting a city." It is a city divided, however. While Central Campus boasts a variety of architectural styles, North Campus is stylistically modem. This variety reflects changing needs and presents the image of a continually evolving U- M. Central Campus has taken more than a century to evolve into its present form. According to Maher, one would hardly recognize the campus as it appeared immediately after World War II. The buildings represent more than just the evolution of architectural styles, however. A large degree of historical symbolism is embodied in the buildings of the U-M. Many Central Campus buildings were constructed during the first quarter of the century under Presidents James Angell and c.c. Little. At the time, there was a strong desire to imbue the U-M with a sense of tradition. It was seen as the U-M's purpose to uphold the ancient, multi-faceted culture that we had inherited from Europe. Thus, . classical, particularly ancient Greek, models were influential, sometimes overtly - and sometimes subtly. Angell Hall is the most notable example. Its giant columns and precise symmetry symbolize the civilization that celebra ted the powers oflogic and reason. In contrast, the Law Quad, which is an exact duplicate of a quadrangle at Cambridge University in England, exemplifies Gothic Architectural styl-
ing. Gothic architecture was first used in French Cathedrals in the 12th and 13th centuries, and is the prevalent style on Central Campus. This duplication reflects the American Anglophilia of the first part of this century as well as the importance of the Christian traditiot:\ to the modem university. The rigid Gothic style of the Law Quad has given way to looser interpretations built of bri<:k, which can be seen throughout the U-M in such buildings as the Michigan Union, East Quad and West Quad. In the 19305, the U-M veered away from honoring the distant past and utilized a trendy art-nouveau style. This can be seen in such prominent buildings as the Rackham Building
tellectual trends, the past was derided as a horrible legacy that had to be forgotten. At the time, the U-M was expanding dramatically and work began on a whole new campus about a mile north of Central Campus. In contrast to the slowly evolved Central Campus, North Campus had a master plan by the famous architect EeroSaranen. North Campus was designed to be spacious and tranquil, with ample room to accommodate automobiles. This feature represented a radical shift away from the pedestrian-oriented Central Campus. The architecture is primarily in the nondescript utili tarian style of the 19505. Such designs set the tone for the North Campus in the way that historical architecture sets the
In the 1930s the U-M veered away from honoring the distant past and utilized a trendy art-nouveau style. and the Burton Memorial tower, which is probably the most enduring symbol of the U-M. Maher and Glissman both feel that the Rackham building is, architecturally, "probably the best building on campus." The Harlan Hatcher Graduate Library and Hill Auditorium are also of the art-nouveau style. Architectural trends changed radically after the Second World War. Due to the war and various artistic and in-
tone for Central Campus. Nevertheless, Central Campus still has its share of modem buildings. The south wing of the Graduate Library and the Denisson building figure prominently among these. However, aesthetic disasters such as the Undergraduate Library (aptly referred to as the UGLi) and the Modem Languages Building exemplify the failure of modem architecture. Due to skillful planning, historical
. ...
and modem architecture usually mix together well on Central Campus. A case in point is the new Chemistry building. From North University Drive, one can see a spectrum of architecture beginning with the original Chemistry building, fading into its modern addition, and ending in the newest addition, completed in last fall. The new Chemistry building takes advantage of recent architectural trends. No longer prisoners of bland modernism, architects are free to give buildings lives of their own, though in the eyes of this critic the Dow building (which, not surprisingly, was designed by a company that builds prisons) is too similar to the new suite hotels found in suburbia. New trends in architecture allow historical patterns to be included in modern design. Recent trends inarchitecture and urban planning have sought accommodation with the past, as evidenced by the historical style of the Alumni building It is a welcome compromise between the vilification of the past that prevailed in the 1950s and 1960s and the glorification of past seen earlier in the century.
Clifton Gault is a junior in history and political science and a staff writer for the Review.
..............
~~-\-'=::Jn.:-==I'-{-f--r~~ . ~~
.~ • • ,1\_I\-A-lt
..........,\....ji n ft
.
1I1r j l
.
t' 00 r I,, 1. r s·t 1'1
• lJ 01 M INSIGNIA (I .OTHING _,no! ~OUVLNIltS • orllcr: SUPI'ULS • (Al.eUI Af()IlS • COMI'UTEH SUl'l'l.ILS • BA(I(I'A(I<S • GnlTnNG (AliOS • I'HINT~ ,m.! POST\J{S • c.,ntiv _,nIl $nMk.\
• AND MUCH MOItL
A-11-1'1--11 . . . • •.
.
1 JI , .
A-a.;.,,-..... I'
a II
Sec 0 n u l' 100 r
• AHT ,1rx; ENG1NrEIUN(' SlIprhe~
book. & J 17 S.
~upply
STr~TE
STHEET
100 Ih~ $Llcicnl
_'11(1 I'rnl~"io""i • I'IIOTOGHAI'IIiC SUI'I'ULS
Lower Level
• (J 1 J) (,(, ;'-'1 ~ ')0
• COIJIt~L TE.XTS NEW ,wi USED
Store
lIo\lr~
Y-Fltl DI\ Y: 9: 00-6: 00 SI\TURDI\Y:9:JO-5:00 SUNDI\V:12:00-;:00
~IONDI\
(lNe
I",w.
(Ollr ..p.
11 .. 1..
Irom vour In~lnl(lor~)
• PHOFE..t;SIONAI. ItOOI<S • MEOICAL SlJPI'UES • speCiAl . OlmEl!S