Lakas ng Bayan by mitzi_l

LAKAS NG BAYAN Uncovering the changing hues of the Philippines

“LAKAS NG BAYAN: Uncovering the changing hues of the Philippines” is a free publication created by youth-run organization Assortedge who’s goal is to fight misinformation and propaganda with fact and academic research.

Copyright © 2021 Assortedge. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Book design by Jane Doe. New Thoughts Press Quezon City, Philippines Find more on: www.assortedge.com.ph @assortedge

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INTRODUCTION FILIPINO SELF POLITICAL VIEW NARRATIVES LEGACY CONCLUSION

INTRODUCTION

Colors hold significance for people around the world. Not only do colors influence emotion, but they also hold meaning in religion and various cultures. Colors play an important role in our lives. They can remind us of a place, a time of year, or our favorite traditions, and can also shape the way we feel. When it comes to what different colors symbolize in cultures around the world, these associations can vary greatly. In art and anthropology, color symbolism refers to color’s ability to signify meaning to a viewer. While there are some universal associations people have with different colors, their meanings differ from culture to culture. There are a range of cultural influences that affect one’s view of a specific color like political and historical associations (flag colors and political parties), mythological and religious associations (color references in spiritual texts), and linguist associations (idioms, expressions). Through the years, colors have shaped people’s beliefs, emotions and history. It has evoked various emotions and beliefs, as well as positive and negative connotations. A color may represent happiness and warmth in one culture but is associated with betrayal and jealousy in another. Focusing on yellow, the color is generally associated with the psychological feelings of optimism, stemming from its association with the crucial player in our solar system, the sun. Research shows that those who live further away from the equator and in rainier countries are more likely to associate yellow with joy as pleasant weather more generally, have been related to better mood. However other countries in warmer climates may not this positive evaluation of sunshine might not hold globally. Sunshine, warmth, and sufficient rain are necessities for life and growth whereas sunshine alone might lead to drought and death. Thus, people in the Sahara Desert, where yellow is the color of sand and the burning sun, might rate yellow as less joyful than Norwegians. It’s important to be familiar with the fundamentals and history of certain colors as it allow further understanding on why it can evoke specific emotions. Sometimes, a color we associated negatively could have actually been historically positive but distorted to fit a certain ideology.

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FILIPINO SELF

CULTURAL MOTIFS In Filipino culture, the color yellow has mostly taken on a positive connotation. The color is displayed throughout the country’s cultural emblems, often boasting its geographical location and tropical sunny climate. Symbols such as the mango which is widely known as the unofficial national fruit has been a staple in Filipino households. It is prevalently known for its rich yellow color, ripened to perfection and creating its addictive taste. It is also recognized worldwide for its best qualities, which cannot be beaten by any kind of mangoes around the globe. One big proof is that our mangoes especially, those coming from Guimaras Island, are reportedly served at both the White House and Buckingham Palace. In 1995, the Guinness Book of World records listed the Carabao mango variety in the Philippines as the sweetest fruit in the world. Grown by around two and a half million smallholder farmers, the mango is a high value crop and provides a huge boost to the rural and national economy compared to other crops grown in the Philippines like rice, corn, coconut and sugarcane, making it one of the country’s top export variety. It’s popularity in taste and color has represented the Philippines worldwide. Its golden color signifies richness and its heart shape has symbolized a very crucial part in the human anatomy. The official national tree, the Narra tree is also distinct in the Filipino landscape due to its yellow flower petals. Though the flowers are short lived, they are quite noticeable as the whole Narra tree canopy becomes filled with fragrant tiny golden yellow flowers. After the flowers have fallen, flat or disc-shaped seed pods form on the branches tips, after a few months, the seeds are scattered and dispersed in the area. The flower is used as a honey source while leaf infusions are used as shampoos. Both flowers and leaves are said to be eaten. Narra is one of the most useful tree in the country as it provides both timber and also shade. It is noted for its hardiness, rapid growth and being pest resistant. The Narra wood is classified in the Philippines as one of the most beneficial hardwoods found in the region. It’s strength has allowed its lumber to be used widely especially in the furniture industry. While other trees are bent or uprooted by frequent storms, the Narra usually withstands such disaster. It may strip its leaves or break off smaller branches, but the tree itself remains upright. As the Narra has resisted the tempest, so has the Filipinos LAKAS NG BAYAN

fought oppressors. The Narra tree is a symbol of many things. It is tall, strong, enduring and signify the persistence of the Filipinos in their demand for freedom. It symbolizes the lofty ideals of the Filipino people. NATIONAL SYMBOLS Yellow is also highly referenced in representing the nation. The color plays a very crucial part in the national flag. The Act of Declaration of Independence tells of the meanings of the symbols in the Philippine flag. The three yellow stars represent the “three principal islands of this Archipelago, wherein this revolutionary movement broke out.” These are Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. The sun symbolizes “the gigantic strides that have been made by the sons of this land on the road to progress and civilization.” The eight rays of the sun represents the eight provinces “declared in state of war almost as soon as the first resurrection was started.” These are Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna and Batangas, the 8 provinces the initially rose up in the 1896 Philippine Revolution against Spain.” It symbolizes freedom, unity, democracy, ‘enlightenment’ and sovereignty. This positive storytelling transcends into the National Anthem, “Lupang Hinirang”. The original lyrics of the Philippine national anthem were in Spanish, then translated into English, before sung in Filipino after 1956. Even throughout, the presence of the bright yellow sun did not get lost in translation with the original Spanish calling the country “Hija del sol de Oriente” (daughter of the Orient sun) as well as the English version naming the anthem the “Land of the Morning”. National anthems are important and is something taught to us early in life. It lingers, becoming embodied. We hear strains of the music and we stand alert, put our right hand over our heart, ready to sing out. The Filipino’s national anthem has many messages to express. It is a product of revolution and one of the messages it conveys is that Filipinos are compassionate, bonded people, who can achieve anything if they join together. It uses the sun and its light as metaphors to expresses the commitment, determination, nationalism, sentiment and spirit of the people.

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Ang kislap (spark mo’y, Tagumpay n (shining); Ang bitu and sun) niya, Kai magdidilim (neve Lupa ng araw (lan ng luwalhati’t pag langit sa piling mo ( joy) na ‘pag may mamatay nang da

“Lupang Hinirang.” Stanza 4 and 5.

kle) ng watawat na nagniningning uin at araw (stars ilan pa ma’y di er ceases to dim). nd of the sun), gsinta, Buhay ay o; Aming ligaya mang-aapi, Ang ahil sa ‘yo.

POLITICAL VIEW

BACKGROUND In the Filipino political scene, the color yellow became associated to the People Power Revolution and the Aquino family. The story begun during Ferdinand Marcos’ presidential rule on the nation. His election in November 1965 gained political success by claiming to have been the “most decorated war hero in the Philippines” but many of his claims have been found false, with United States Army documents describing his wartime claims as “fraudulent” and “absurd.” 1 He was re-elected in November 1969 with the help lf declaring martial law in order to overcome the constitutional limitation of two presidential terms.2 He later ruled for another term, and was recorded as the longest ever serving president of the country with almost 21 years under his belt. This period in Philippine history is remembered for the administration’s record of human rights abuses with an increase influence and control the armed forces and police.3 The beginnings of martial aw began after Marcos exaggerated the “communist threat” of the Communist Party of the Philippines, even if it was still a small organization,4 and placed the entirety of the Philippines under martial law. This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of one-man rule which essentially retained all of the powers of a dictator.5 Upon his seizure of absolute power, Marcos issued a Letter of Instruction No. 1 which ordered to “take over and control.. all newspapers, magazines, radio and television facilities and all other media of communications.. to prevent their use for propaganda purposes which would tend to undermine the faith and confidence of the people in our government” 6 A free press is a key feature of a functioning democracy in which media serves as a government watchdog and source of information for citizens. Marcos controlled people’s access and the kind of information they got. He also stifled public criticism and ensured he had the final say on what he claimed was the truth. 1 Maynigo, Benjamin. “Marcos fake medals redux (Part II)”. Asian Journal USA. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. 2 Leifer, M. (2000). Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia (3rd ed.). Routledge 3 Magno, Alexander R., ed. (1998). “Democracy at the Crossroads”. Kasaysayan, The Story of the Filipino People Volume 9: A Nation Reborn. Hong Kong: Asia Publishing Company Limited. 4 John, Kessler, Richard J. (1989). Rebellion and repression in the Philippines. New Haven: Yale University Press. 5 Ocampo, Ambeth (2021). Looking Back 15: Martial Law. Mandaluyong City: Anvil Publishing, Inc. 6 Index on Censorship: Volume: 7 issue: 3, page(s): 39-47 Issue published: May 1, 1978 E. San Juan, Jr. LAKAS NG BAYAN

General disillusionment with martial law and with the consolidation of political and economic control by Marcos. One of these false illusions was about the absence human rights abuses occurring under his leadership. In 1975, Marcos aide and chief propagandist Primitivo Mijares defected from the Marcos dictatorship and revealed in front of US lawmakers that torture was routinely practiced within the Marcos regime. The international community eventually got word of these human rights violations and applied pressure to the Marcos dictatorship to end them. Putting international political pressure on the Marcos administration, three Amnesty International missions were able to speak to political prisoners and release mission reports containing detailed stories and descriptions of specific torture cases. The reports, released in 1974, 1975, and 1981 respectively have since become a major source of historical documentation regarding torture under Ferdinand Marcos’ regime. Amnesty International’s first report about the Philippines in December 1975 revealed the “systematic and severe torture” handled under Marcos’ rule.7 Amnesty International found convincing evidence of widespread torture among prisoners, enabled by Marcos’s suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and the absence of judicial oversight.8 These reports included interviews with detainees who were often illegally arrested without warrants. The victims stories’ included abuses such sexual assaults including rape and degradation; non-sexual physical tortures including variants of electrocution, waterboarding, suffocation, burning, mutilation and beating; as well as various forms of psychological torture. While in prison, some guards played a potentially deadly Russian roulette game by placing a revolver with a single bullet into the detainees mouth, spinning the cylinder and forcing him to pull the trigger. Some were burned with a flat iron or cigars, others were forced sleep deprivation by playing loud, repetitive music. Evidence reveals that not only was Marcos aware of tortures and murders enacted by his military and police force, but that he was condoned and at times arranged for it.9 Although Amnesty International made President Marcos aware of the names of these perpetrators, only one of them was ever brought to court and wasn’t even convicted. Most of these individuals were eventually promoted despite Marcos’ regular press announcements that supposed military torturers had been caught and tried. Based on the documentation of Amnesty International, Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, and similar human rights monitoring entities, historians deduced 11 that the Marcos dictatorship was marked by: 11

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70,000 35,000 3,257 77

INCARCERATIONS

DOCUMENTED TORTURES

KNOWN EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS

‘DISAPPEARED’

15 16

7 “Report of an Amnesty International Mission to the Republic of the Philippines 22 November – 5 December 1975”. 17 Amnesty International Publications. September 1976. 8 AGUILAR, CARMENCITA T. “THE MARCOS RULE AND ITS 18 DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL CONTROL.” Indian Journal of Asian Affairs, vol. 1, no. 2, Manju Jain, 1988. 9 Robles, Raissa. Marcos Martial Law: Never Again. FILIPINOS FOR A BETTER PHILIPPINES ,INC. 2016 10 Pumipiglas: Political Detention and Military Atrocities in 19 the Philippines, 1981-1982. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Association of Major Religious Superiors in the 20 Philippines. 1986 11 McCoy, Alfred. “Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime”. Ateneo de Manila University. September 20, 1999. LAKAS NG BAYAN

Marcos initially denied knowledge of human rights violations on a nationwide telecast and said, “no one but no one has been tortured.” But he eventually confessed at the 1977 World Peace through law Conference in Manila that “there have been, to our lasting regret, a number of violations of the rights of detainees”.12 Those who were detained particularly targeted student activists, journalists, religious workers, farmers, and others who fought against the Marcos dictatorship. Many of them were his political opponents, one famously being Benigno Aquino Jr. THE AQUINOS Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. was the Secretary-General of the opposing Liberal Party and became known as a constant critic of the Marcos regime. As a senator, Ninoy was an adverse speaker of the Marcos regime and its abuses. He claimed that the 1967 elections were fueled by “guns, goons, and gold” and stood by the need to criticize to “be free.” 13 In his maiden privilege speech, Ninoy denounced Marcos’ intent of building up a “Garrison state” by “militarizing civilian government offices,” instating “overstaying generals,” and inflating the armed forces budget. 14 Ninoy was also critical of the administration’s overspending of the nation’s money in infrastructure. He criticized the San Juanico Bridge project as a “luxury bridge to nowhere.” In his most polemical speech “A Pantheon for Imelda”, he assailed the Cultural Center, the $8 million signature project of First Lady Imelda Marcos, as extravagant, and dubbed it “a monument to shame” and labelled its designer “a megalomaniac, with a penchant to captivate.”15 President Marcos was outraged and publically labelled Aquino “a congenital liar.” 16 Though Ninoy aspired to run for president following Marcos’ second term, his aspirations were crushed when Marcos declared Martial Law. He was widely viewed as a likely candidate for President if elections had been held in 1973. When martial law was declared, he was among the first to be jailed. The morning after the declaration, Ninoy was arrested along with other members of the opposition and detained first in Camp Crame and later in Fort Bonifacio. He was detained on false charges 17 of murder, subversion and illegal possession of firearms for wnich he received a death sentence from a military court in 1977. While in Prison, Aquino announced that he was going on a hunger strike, a fast to the death to protest the injustices of his military trial. Ten days through his hunger strike, he instructed his lawyers to withdraw all the motions he had submitted to the Supreme Court. Even as he grew weaker, suffering from chills and cramps, soldiers 13

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forcibly dragged him to the military tribunal’s session. His family and hundreds of friends and supporters heard Mass nightly at the Santuario de San Jose, San Juan, praying for his survival. Near the end, Aquino’s weight dropped from 54 to 36 kilograms. On May 13, 1975, on the 40th day, his family and several priests and friends, begged him to end his fast, pointing out that even Christ fasted only for 40 days. He acquiesced, confident that he had made a symbolic gesture In mid-March 1980, Aquino suffered a heart attack. He was transported to the Philippine Heart Center, where he suffered a second heart attack. Tests showed that he had a blocked artery. Philippine surgeons were reluctant to do a coronary bypass, because it could involve them in a controversy. In addition, Aquino refused to submit himself to Philippine doctors, fearing possible Marcos “duplicity”; he preferred to go to the United States for the procedure or return to his cell at Fort Bonifacio and die. In 1980 Marcos commuted the death sentence and allowed Aquino to go to the United States for heart-bypass surgery. This was arranged after a secret hospital visit by Imelda Marcos. This “emergency leave” was set up after Ninoysigned a pact that he will return,and not speak out against Marcos in the US. 18 After the surgery, Ninoy made a quick recovery, after which he decided to renounce the agreement, saying, “a pact with the devil is no pact at all”. 19 Aquino remained there with his family for three years, receiving research grants from Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Though Ninoy spent his time in peace, he kept his mind on the country’s political state. He remained a staunch critic of the Marcos regime even in exile, and it was during this time that Ninoy delivered his often quoted speech 20 in 198 where he stated: 13 Benigno, A. (1984). Testament from a prison cell. Makati City: Benigno S. Aquino Jr. Foundation. 14 Harding, James. “Alpha Dogs: How Political Spin Became a Global Business.” Atlantic Books Ltd, London, 2009. 15 Corsino, MacArthur F. “THE PHILIPPINES IN 1980: At the Crossroads.” Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1981 16 Walter J. Whittemore, “Untimely Deaths by Assassination”, iUniverse, 2012. 17 Wurfel, David. “THE AQUINO LEGACY AND THE EMERGING SUCCESSION STRUGGLE IN THE PHILIPPINES, 1984.” Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1985 18 Pedrosa, Carmen N. Imelda Marcos. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987. 19 Ibid. 20 Ninoy’s interview with Asia Society on August 4, 1980 in New York City. LAKAS NG BAYAN

The Filipin is wor dying

“I have asked m worth suffering a coward who be he foreign o more comforta leader because burdened with unprepared, or or parliamenta weighed the vi and I have com Filipino is wor

myself many times: Is the Filipino g, or even dying for? Is he not would yield to any colonizer, or homegrown? Is a Filipino able under an authoritarian e he does not want to be h the freedom of choice? Is he r worse, ill-suited for presidential ary democracy? I have carefully irtues and faults of the Filipino me to the conclusion that the rth dying for.”

no rth g for

Former president Cory Aquino, in writing on her life with Ninoy, reiterates this awareness of the momentary of life in Boston: “Throughout our three years in the US, we were always aware that our life there was temporary. Ninoy never ceased talking about the Philippines. Ninoy had many reasons for wanting to return, among the most compelling were the deteriorating political situation in the country, combined with the rumored poor state of the President’s health”21 In 1983, Ferdinand Marcos’s health began to deteriorate, and with it his iron grip on the Philippines. Aquino worried that if he died, the country would descend into chaos and an even more extreme government might emerge.22 Aquino decided to take the risk of returning to the Philippines, fully aware that he might be killed, even after being warned repeatedly by the Defense Minister and First Lady that plots to kill him had been discovered. Imelda went so far as to mention that there are “certain allies of the President who couldn’t be controlled” and that Aquino should stay in America where she would be “happy to stake him to some money”. 23 The Marcos regime tried to prevent his return by revoking his passport, denying him a visa, and warning international airlines that they would not be allowed landing clearance if they tried to bring Aquino into the country. On August 13, 1983, Aquino began a meandering, week-long flight that took him from Boston to Los Angeles and through Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Because Marcos had cut off diplomatic relations with Taiwan, the government there was under no obligation to cooperate with his regime’s goal of keeping Aquino away from Manila. Prior to his departure from Taipei, Aquino gave an interview from his room at the Grand Hotel in which he indicated that he would be wearing a bulletproof vest. He advised the journalists that would be accompanying him on the flight: “You have to be ready with your hand camera because this action can become very fast. In a matter of three or four minutes it could be all over, and I may not be able to talk to you again after this.” Ninoy spent most of the in-flight time posing for photographs and giving interviews. Upon touch down, Ninoy was fingering his rosary beads, his lips moving in silent prayer. On the airplane’s arrival at the gate, soldiers boarded the airplane to arrest Aquino. The soldiers escorted him off the airplane and onto the jet bridge; however, instead of following the jet bridge to the terminal, they exited the jet bridge down the service staircase onto the apron, where a military vehicle was waiting to take Aquino to prison. As he disembarked the plane, one of the personnel was heard saying “Pusila! Pusila!” (Shoot! Shoot!) before the gunshots were heard. It was recorded on the news camera, but the actual 17

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shooting of Aquino was not caught on camera due to the exposure to bright sunlight. As the firing cleared, a bloodied Aquino was seen lying on the ground The mastermind has never been conclusively identified, although many assume it was connected to Marcos. What really happened may never come to light as many political assassinations in the country in recent years have remained unsolved. Many Filipinos are also skeptical of any government-instigated inquiry into the killing. Ninoy Aquino was admired as a tough, effective, honest man with charisma and a strong sense of mission. He aimed to revive democratic principles, to rebuild the Philippine economy, and to distribute wealth more equitably. His assassination is credited with transforming the opposition to the Marcos regime from into a national crusade. It started a chain of events that would eventually lead to the People Power Revolution of 1986, also known as the Yellow Revolution. THE YELLOW REVOLUTION In the months that followed his death, opposition movements gathered momentum around Mr Aquino’s widow, Cory, to run for the presidency. Although she did not initially want to run, the people encouraged her to challenge Marcos for presidency. Marcos was confident that he still had the support of the people now that Benigno was dead and decided that Corazon was “just a woman.”24 The combination of economic hardship, military brutality, and impotence of the democratic center convinced many that only violence could depose Marcos. The Philippine nation was ripe for revolution, but it lacked one last incentive, which, in the case of the was the February 7th presidential election.25 21 Fuentecilla, Jose V. “Fighting from a distance how Filipino exiles helped topple a dictator.” University of Illinois Press. 22 2013 Hernandez, Carolina G. The Philippine military and civilian control: Under Marcos and beyond. Third World Quarterly Vol.7,Issue 4. 1985 23 Aquino, Belinda A. “POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE PHILIPPINES: Aftermath of the Aquino Assassination.” 24 Southeast Asian Affairs, ISEAS, 1984 Reyes, Jun (Director) (August 21, 2009). The Last Journey of 25 Ninoy (Documentary film). SAWIN, JANET L. “A STUDY OF PEACEFUL REVOLUTION: THE PHILIPPINES, 1986.” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol. 26 17, no. 1, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1993 Chin, J. L., Ladha, A., & Li, V. (2018). Women’s leadership within a global perspective. In C. B Travis, J. W. White, A. Rutherford, W. S. Williams, S. L. Cook, & K. F. Wyche (Eds.), LAKAS NG BAYAN

For the first time ever, democratic forces joined with leftists and Communists against Marcos and boycotted the elections. As teachers and students, members of the middle and business classes, and respected clergymen from Protestant and Catholic churches joined the radical left, “the New People’s Army may have developed the most highly educated leadership on the history of guerrilla warfare.”26 Despite the boycott, Marcos somehow convinced 62 percent of the population to vote and he won with 86 percent, leading most Filipinos to believe that the democratic opposition had no power or any influence. Anti-government demonstrations occurred frequently since Ninoy’s assassination but significantly rose after the election. The most notable occurred only when high ranking officials had announced their opposition to the Marcos regime. On February 22, Defense Minister Juan Enrile, who was once at the center of the declaration of Martial Law, discovered a plot to implicate him and officers involved in the Reform the Armed Forces Movement in a coup. Faced with only two options, dispersing or regrouping, he chose the latter as the “more honorable” option. He announced his defection from Marcos, alongside the high-ranking Lieutenant General Fidel V. Ramos. The Catholic Church announced their support of the two, and enjoined people via radio broadcast to provide aid and create a human cordon to guard them against anticipated offensives. On February 23, Enrile and Ramos met along EDSA. Encouraged by the head of the country’s powerful Catholic Church’s Cardinal Jaime Sin, crowds started pouring onto EDSA and the base and its surroundings were teeming with citizens. Surrounded and protected by a growing number of supporters eager for what already seemed then as a fomenting revolution. But Marcos and his remaining officials had mobilized forces still under his command: Columns of armored tanks formed barricades along EDSA, with heavily armed battalions as escort. Thus began the banded Filipinos’ show of force; through song and slogans; through earnest extensions of friendship to hard-faced soldiers; through prayers and linked arms and rosaries, human barricades and flowers. And thus the People Power Revolution was formed. Also known as the EDSA Revolution or the February Revolution, it was a series of popular demonstrations in the Philippines, mostly in Metro Manila, from February 22–25, 1986. It is also referred to as the Yellow Revolution, due to the presence of yellow ribbons during demonstrations. It began from a reference to the Tony Orlando and Dawn song “Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree”) as a symbol of protest following the assassination 19

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of Filipino senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. The song’s lyrics served as an allegory of Aquino’s homecoming after a long period of incarceration and subsequent exile due to his constant criticism of the Marcos regime. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland), which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the ‘LABAN’ sign, which is an “L” formed with their thumb and index finger. ‘Laban’ (fight) was also the abbreviation of Lakas ng Bayan, Ninoy Aquino’s party. On the afternoon of the protest’s second day, the president sent in tanks to clear the street. But the troops refused to fire making it the first case of a non-violent movement successfully toppling an authoritarian regime, replacing it with a democratic government.27 MARCOS FLEES On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino. All the way in EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino’s presidential campaign. An hour later, Marcos held his inauguration at Malacañang Palace. Despite holding an inauguration, Marcos and his family were already preparing to flee the country. Earlier that morning, Marcos phoned United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for counsel from the White House in which Laxalt advised him to surrender. 28 By then, even the US was urging Ferdinand Marcos to step down a huge blow for the Philippine leader. Washington had seen him as an autocratic but useful regional ally, and President Ronald Reagan faced a dilemma. Facing pressure from all sides to step down, he realized his time was up, and fled the country. At 9:05 p.m. on the 25th of February 1986, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos 26 Overholt, William H. “The Rise and Fall of Ferdinand Marcos.” Asian Survey, vol. 26, no. 11, University of California Press, 1986, pp. 1137–63, 28 Lejano, Raul. “Problematizing the People Power Revolution.” Budhi: A Journal of Ideas and Culture 10.1 (2006) 29 Ellison, Katherine. Imelda, Steel Butterfly of the Philippines. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988. Print. LAKAS NG BAYAN

departed Malacañang Palace for the final time in a US Air Force helicopter. Although later he claimed that he was forcibly carried from the Palace and lifted into the helicopter, Marcos actually left of his own accord.30 For the first time since he began his political career and 21 years of presidency, Marcos was forced to admit defeat; a defeat, in large part, of his own making. When news of the Marcos family’s departure reached civilians, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators stormed the Palace, which was closed to ordinary people for around a decade. Despite looting by some angry protesters, the majority wandered about inside through rooms where national history was shaped, looking at objects extravagant and mundane that the Marcos clan and its court had abandoned in their flight. Later that same night, protesters stormed Malacañang Palace, exposing the opulent wealth that the Marcos family had amassed during their time in power. Crowds poured into the presidential palace, to provide the second lasting image of the revolution – the closet of Ferdinand Marcos’ wife Imelda, with its 1,220 pairs of shoes. In the end, under the Marcos dictatorship, unemployment worsened, prices of essentials soared, and poverty persisted. All the while, the Marcos family still boasts "ill-gotten" and "unexplained" wealth. Philippine courts have determined this to have been acquired through illicit means during the presidency. This gained them the distinction from the Guinness World Records as the "largest-ever theft from a government" in 1989, a record they are currently still holding in 2021. When Marcos imposed martial law, he also proclaimed to build a “new society,” presumably a society Filipinos would benefit from economic development prosperity. What he did not mention was that his corrupt rule was the main cause of the crisis in society. In pursuit of his new society, Marcos subjected the country to experimentation in authoritarian modernization. But the result was a development debacle that saw more than a quarter of the workforce unemployed or underemployed, about sixty percent of all families living below the poverty line, and seventy percent of children under or malnourished. 31 By the time of his ouster, the Philippines had a foreign debt totaling $28 billion, GNP had shrunk precipitously for two years in a row, government coffers were cleaned out and bankrupt, and environmental destruction had been perpetrated in the countryside, with half of the forest reduced. Instead a new society, the Philippines had become Asia’s basket case, second Bangladesh. 32 21

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75%▼ Tripled* 49%▲ $28.3B DETUCTED FROM DAILY WAGES OF WORKERS 33

FOOD PRICES 34

OFFICIAL POVERTY INCIDENCE 35

FOREIGN DEBT FROM 360 MILLION 36

30 THE PHILIPPINES, 1986.” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol.17, no. 1, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1993 31 Bello, Waiden,"Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines." CA: Institution Development Policy. 1982. LITONJUA, M. D. “THE 1986 YELLOW REVOLUTION OF 32 THE PHILIPPINES: WHY NOT RED?” International Review of Modern Sociology, vol. 31, no. 2, International Journals, 2005 Boyce, J. K. The political economy of growth and 33 impoverishment n the Marcos era. Ateneo de Manila University Press. Ibid. 34 AWIN, JANET L. “A STUDY OF PEACEFUL REVOLUTION: THE 35 PHILIPPINES, 1986.” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol. 17, no. 1, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1993, 36 Ellison, Katherine. Imelda, Steel Butterfly of the Philippines. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988. Print.

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NARRATIVES

Martial law is a complex period in our history. Different kinds of people had different kinds of experiences. Those who took up arms against the state, or were sympathetic to them, naturally had different narratives compared to those who lived through the period as compliant, obedient citizens. And in between are others who had different stories to tell, some are positive, some negative, and many others that are mixed. We should understand that almost one third of our voting population never experienced the Marcos Regime. Another larger percentage never experienced oppression. These would include our brother and sisters that had the Marcos’ favor. The Marcoses home city, Ilocos Norte, for example, actually progressed while the other regions suffered. A boy from Ilocos Norte and a boy from Manila would have had opposing views, yet both are right. They just different sides of the story. We have to see this country as a whole. But our system is already counter-intuitive when it comes to unity. Our rationalistic mindsets and education limits our empathy towards our brothers and sisters. Our histories are different. Our truths are different. Our stories are told differently. This is what’s differs us from some countries. This is why we’re so divided. We have to admit that people who were oppressed during those times were a minority but it does not mean that it is anything but insignificant.

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“Nasaksihan ko ang labanan ng grupong militar at ng militanteng grupo sa Grove. Alam ko na ang kalayaan ng mga tao ay pinaghihigpitan noong panahong iyon. Gayunpaman para sa akin sa akinkahit papaano ay nakatulong ang pamamahala ng militar sa pagtatanim ng disiplina sa mga Pilipino. Nakatulong din itong lumikha ng mapayapang panahon. Dahil kontrolado ang ating mga kilos at sinusubaybayan ang mga aktibidad, tayong mga Pilipino ay dapat magkaroon ng sapat na disiplina upang maiwasan ang ating sarili na maaresto at mabilanggo. Naniniwala ako, kailangan ang martial law ng lipunang Pilipino. Ito ay kinakailangan sa isang takdang panahon.”37

37 Yema, Dan Paolo R., “Experiences of selected University of the Philippines Los Banos (UPLB) community members during Martial Law in the Philippines” (2021). Journal Articles. 3949. “I witnessed the conflict of the military group and the militant group at Grove. I knew that freedom of the people was restricted during that time. However, for me, the military rule somehow helped in instilling discipline among Filipinos. It also helped create a peaceful time. Since our actions were controlled and activities were monitored, us Filipinos had to be disciplined enough to prevent ourselves from being arrested and imprisoned. I believe, Martial Law was needed by the Philippine society. It was necessary for a given period of time.” 25

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“Sa simula ng martial law, halos walang lumabas sa mga kalye dahil alam namin na pinakamahusay na manatili sa bahay. Nakarinig kami ng mga taong biglang nawawala at naglaho sa loob ng ilang buwan o kahit taon. Maririnig natin ang tungkol sa mga pagpatay at pagpapahirap na ginagawa ng militar sa mga normal na mamamayan. Tahimik kaming pamilya pero lagi pa rin kaming takot lumabas. Wala kang masasabing masama tungkol sa rehimeng Marcos nang malaya sa takot na may malalang kahihinatnan. Nang magsimula ang mga protesta ay sumali akodahil naniniwala ako na kailangan ang isang rebolusyon upang maibalik ang demokrasya at kalayaan ng bansa. Muntik na akong arestuhin dahil kalabanin ko ang mga guard pero nakatakas ako. Isa ako sa mas masuwerteng tao.”38

38 Ladia Jr, .Felix. Interview. By Mitzi Ladia. “At the start of martial law, barely anyone went out on the streets because we knew it was best to stay home. We heard of people suddenly going missing and disappearing for months or even years. We would hear about the killings and the torture being done by the millitary on normal citizens. We were a quiet family but we were still always scared to go out. You couldn’t say anything bad about the Marcos regime freely in the fear that there would be dire consequences. When the protests started I joined in because I believed a revolution was needed to gain back the nation’s democracy and freedom. I was almost arrested because I was going against the guards but managed to get away. I was one of the luckier ones.” LAKAS NG BAYAN

“Sa time na yan, hindi na magulo kasi natatakot na yung mga tao kasi may curfew. Magsimula yun nang 10 o’clock nang gabi. Wala natalaga lumalakad sa labas kasi natatakot sila baka huluin. Wala naman pag torture pag may nahuli, sabihan ka lang na sasusunod wag ka na mag pagagala sa labas. Pro-Marcos kami kasi marami sya proyekto na gawa, katulad yung LRT, tapos napataas ang sahud nang guro. Wala ka din kaba pag lumalakad. Marami kabutihan na ibinigay nya pero nagkoroon din nang disadvantage dahil sa military control. Kasi minsan may mga military na nag aabuso. Sa martial law din, walang trial nun kasi tinangal ng pangulo. Pag suspect ka talaga, e pick up ka nila kaagad. Di mo na alam kung makabalik ka ba o hindi, swerte kung makabilik. Gusto namin yung martial law kasi wala kang kabakag pag lumalakad ka kasi kontrolado yan lahat nang military.”39

39 Villareal, Prince . “Martial Law Interview” Youtube. “At that time, it was no longer chaotic because people were afraid since there was a curfew. It started at 10 o’clock at night. No one really walked outside because they are afraid they might get caught. There was no torture when someone was caught, you were just told not to wander outside next time. We are pro-Marcos because he has done a lot of projects, such as the LRT, and also the teacher’s salary has increased then. Also you had no fear when you walked out. He gave many other benefits but there was a disadvantage due to military control. Sometimes there were military people who abused their power. In martial law as well, there was no trial because the president got rid of it. If you were really suspect, they would pick you up right away. You never know if you would come back home or not, you were lucky if you did. We like martial law because you don’t have to worry when you walk because it’s all controlled by the military.” 27

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“Binibisita ko lang sa bahay ng mga kaibigan ko. Ni-raid ang bahay at dinala ako sa sasakyan ng mga bihag ng militar ko, nakaposas at nakapiring. Inusisa nila ako at patuloy na sinasabi sa akin na “ikaw ay isang komunista.” Inabuso nila ako sa safehouse kung saan nakulong ako.Nangyari ang lahat ng ito dahil sa isang kaso ng maling pagkakakilanlan. Nais kong magsampa ng kaso ng panggagahasa laban sa mga bumihag sa aking, ngunit sinabi ng aking mga abogado na mayroon siyang kaso: pagsasabwatan upang gumawa ng rebelyon. Kahit nilaglag yung kaso ko, hindi ako agad pinalaya dahil nangangailangan ito ng pag-apruba mula sa pangulo. Ang bilangguan ay may kakila-kilabot na mga kalagayan. Napakainit, walang maayos na bentilasyon at sandamakmak na lamok. Inihain sa amin ang nabubulok na pagkain na may mga uod na. Ako ay pinahiya, hindi makatao bilang isang tao.” 40

40 Guerrero, Ena-Kamila. Never Again, Never Forget: Reconstructing Memories and Imagining Democracy in Post-Authoritarian Philippines. Budapest, Hungary 2018 “I was just visiting my friends house. The house was raided and I was brought into my military captors’ vehicle, handcuffed and blindfolded. They interrogated me and kept telling me “you are a communist” They sexually abused me at the safehouse where I was detained. All of this happened because of a case of mistaken identity. I wanted to file a rape case against my captors, but my lawyers said that she has case: conspiracy to commit rebellion. Even though my case was eventually dropped, I wasn’t immediately released as it needed approval from the president. The prison had horrible conditions. It was very hot with no proper ventilation and laods of mosquitos. We were served rotting food with worms already in it. I was humiliated, dehumanized as a person.” LAKAS NG BAYAN

LEGACY

The Yellow Revolution has inspired a call for a change of government through peaceful protests rather than bloodshed. Twenty-five years on, the legacy of the People Power revolution is still strong. Rampant corruption during the term of President Joseph Estrada led to the similar 2001 EDSA Revolution leading to his resignation from the presidency. Meanwhile, the woman who never wanted to become president buckled down to work. Although becoming the face of the ‘People Power’, Cory, actually played a minimal role in the revolution itself. She was used as someone who represented change and a victim of Marcoses regime. Through the encouragement of the people, Cory Aquino became the first ever female presiden of the Philippines. Being the face of the revolution meant the prominence of the color Yellow also followed her, her family and the Liberal Party. It became their campaign color. Cory, which everyone called her despite her own sense of reserve and formality, would go on to be a Nobel Peace Prize nominee and the founding figurehead of “People Power” uprisings in Burma and Seoul, Tiananmen Square and Tehran. But it was her personal transformation in the lead-up to the 1986 Philippine presidential elections that informed her place in history. During the first months of Aquino’s presidency, the country experienced radical changes and vast democratic reforms. However no presidents are without faults. Aquino was a housewife who had no formal education in politics had to learn throughout her stay in the stay. She had the burden of inheriting an economy that was bankrupt and debt-ridden as a result of twenty years of misrule and mismanagement under the Marcos regime. President Aquino’s early years in office were punctuated by a series of coup attempts. Her greatest frustration, and a most serious impediment to economic development, was a fractious, politicized army. Some officers wanted to regain the privileges they enjoyed under Marcos; others dreamed of saving the nation. Even with all coup attempts failed, it frightened away foreign investors, forced Aquino to fire cabinet members of whom the army did not approve. 41 Her popularity took a dive with many questioning he competence. Aquino had been swept into office on a wave of high expectations that she would be able to right all of the wrongs done to the Philippines under Marcos.

41 Ronald E. Dolan, ed. Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991 LAKAS NG BAYAN

Together with her presidency, her son, Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, became the 15th president in 2010. His presidency was marked by stabilizing and growing the nation’s economy into its highest in decades, and the country was dubbed as a “Rising Tiger”. Aquino received criticism for the Mamasapano clash, a botched police operation that killed 44 members of the Special Action Force, and several other issues. With the Aquino name being entangled with the color yellow, all their family’s accomplishments and inherent values combined with thw failures throughout their time in office. This blend has left the legacy of the color yellow at a duller state. The true meaning of the color yellow representing an enduring narrative of the heroism of Filipinos and their faith in a nation worth dying for has been forgotten. DISINFORMATION Today, these ideas is being warped by political opponents who want to stay in power, defaming the Aquinos and subsequently their yellow connection. The derogatory term “dilawan”, meaning yellows and Liberal Party, is being used by many Duterte supporters to describe persons or groups who are against Duterte or his policies. After succeeding Noynoy Aquino, Duterte was able to tap into Filipinos’ deep frustration with the status quo, which he effectively framed as the fault of the elite “dilawan”. His appeal to the common Filipino rested on his ability to embody and connect with Filipino identities, while also appealing somewhat paradoxically to a conservative, patriarchal society. Social media provided him with a potent stage to connect with voters and capitalize on amplified behavioural biases online. During Mr. Duterte’s 2016 campaign, his allies flooded the social media platform with misinformation about his opponents and laudatory stories about him.42 Four years later, after allegations that Facebook aided disruptive misinformation campaigns in many countries, the Silicon Valley giant has put up increasing checks on what politicians and their allies can say online. And Mr. Duterte is not pleased. Facebook said that it had deactivated two networks, one based in China and one based in the Philippines, for breaching its policy on “coordinated inauthentic behavior.” In a statement, Facebook’s Head of Security Policy, said that the networks had used fake accounts to post information about a variety of subjects related to Philippine politic. According to Gleicher, the China-based network shared news in Tagalog, Chinese and English that was supportive of Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte-Carpio, who is rumored to be considering a presidential run in 2022. It also commented on China’s assertive actions in the disputed South China Sea. 43 31

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In his weekly public address on Monday, Mr. Duterte lashed out at Facebook for taking down fake accounts that supported his policies, making vague threats to shut the platform down in the Philippines. “I allow you to operate here,” Mr. Duterte said. “You cannot bar or prevent me from espousing the objectives of government. Is there life after Facebook? I don’t know. But we need to talk.”44 The Philippines has been famously dubbed by a Facebook executive as “patient zero” in the fight against disinformation when “fake news” sites emerged in the lead-up to the 2016 Philippine election, months before similar strategies were documented for the Brexit vote and Trump’s election in the US.45 As a campaign, it was largely dependent on networks of digital labourers who took contract ‘influencing’ work or were employed by troll farms. These digital workers sold their services in shaping online dis- cussions and public opinion on Facebook, the most popular social media platform among Filipinos. The same Media tactic has also allowed for the resurgence of the Marcoses. In spite of the revolution’s repudiation of Marcos’ dictatorial regime, the Marcos family has slowly regained a political presence in the Philippines mostly through lies and disinformation,46 with Imelda and her children Bongbong and Imee reacquiring positions in government by the 1990s. Bongbong himself was defeated as runner-up to Leni Robredo as candidate for the Philippine vice presidency during the 2016 presidential elections. He protested in the Supreme Court and was denied multiple times, with the official gap getting even significantly larger from the original results. Since the return of the Marcoses, there has been a trickle of new information in social media, a historic revisionism of Martial Law. Martial law survivors noted how the Marcos family is using social media to rewrite history highlighting what the late strongman’s family’s claim that their rule was the Philippines’ golden age.47

43 Facebook. Removing Coordinated Inauthentic Behavior 2020. Nathaniel Gleicher, Head of Security Policy 44 GMANews. “LIVESTREAM: President Duterte addresses the Nation | September 28, 2020 | Replay” Youtube. 45 Combinido, Pamela and Curato, Nicole. “2. Curing “Patient Zero”: Reclaiming the Digital Public Sphere in the Philippines”. 46 From Grassroots Activism to Disinformation: Social Media in Southeast Asia, edited by Aim Sinpeng and Ross Tapsell, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021 47 Domingo, Luis Zuriel. “Removing Philippine History in the ‘age of disinformation’: Politics, implications, and efforts” DLSU Research Congress, De la Salle University, Manila 2021 LAKAS NG BAYAN

e Philippines became the third ri rcos. No one was arrested. It wa nation. Martial law was a good ti artial law. The economy was pro In 2019 Facebook discovered hundreds of fake aceful time. No one was tortured news accounts linked to Duterte and the Marcoses.48 rruption cases. Ferdinand Marco ippines. Filipinos were free to ro news. Marcos got the highest s aduated from Princeton Univers ecorated Filipino soldier in Worl rcos Couple stole billions from F esidency to avoid bloodshed fro w to supress a communist insur cos got his wealth through paym o young during Martial Law. Dut nds left for typhoon Oddete reile a war hero. The Aquinos destro ome. The Philippines became th

ichest country because of Ferdi as the best years.Marcos as a he ime. There were no massacres d ospering during Martial Law. It w d. Marcos has been acquitted fro os was the greatest president o oam outside. Everyone had acce score ever in the bar exam. Bong sity. Ferdinand Marcos was the m ld War II. There is no proof that t Filipinos. Marcos stepped down om the uprising. He declared Ma rgency and seccionism in Minda ments of Tallano gold. Bongbon terte says government has no m ef and rebuilding operations. Ma oyed and stole from the Marcos he third richest country because 48 Ong, Jonathan Corpus and Cabañes, Jason Vincent A., “Architects of Networked Disinformation: Behind the Scenes of Troll Accounts and Fake News Production in the Philippines” (2018)

This all the while brushing aside billions of dollars lost to corruption, millions sunk into debt and thousands dead or missing. Online petitions, memes, videos, and articles from websites with unverified content were weaponized to challenge existing narratives about Marcos, they are never accurately academically sourced. Together with this the education system has failed to teach the atrocities of martial law sufficiently. Several textbooks used under the social studies curriculum program were found to have peddled falsehoods or half-truths about the martial law years. The Department of Education (DepED) over textbooks being used in schools that supposedly are whitewashing the atrocities committed during the Martial Law years should be questioned. The country’s education system is failing to equip students with correct information and critical thinking skills amid an age of fake news. Together with this, the Marcoses also have creqated ties with the Current President, Rodrigo Duterte with him stating in the 3rd Sulong Pilipinas Convention 2016 that Imee Marcos was of great support as a campaign funder.49 The Duterte and Marcos dynasties along with their partnership has created a huge buzz, occupying and spamming the media. Duterte’s strong authoritarian personality as well as his human right violations on his anti-war drug has possibly coined him a ressurected Ferdinand Marcos.50 While Duterte may not have ambitions to extend his own presidency, the groundwork for a new political dynasty is potentially being laid, leaving open the possibility that his vision of autocratic rule will extend far beyond his tenure. With current climate in politics, the values and lessons learned from the Yellow Revolution is making it lose the color lose its vibrancy. Rather, the memory of People Power ought to be inspiring, its legacy has become tarnished by miseducation, internet manipulation and propaganda. Although the fight for Democracy has remained successful, Filipinos have paradoxically shown significant support for strong, autocratic leadership elect in Filipinos have paradoxically shown significant support for strong, autocratic leadership. In turn, the substantive problems of elite democracy may have disappointed citizens so deeply that many are willing to abandon democracy in all but name. Ultimately, the memory of People Power should not be what failed to come afterward but what opportunities it offered for the future. 35

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The Philippines may take great pride in its status as Southeast Asia’s oldest democracy, but the reality is that the current edition of Philippine democracy is still very much in its youthful stages. Regardless of the failures of politicians since then, the People Power Revolution remains an important symbol of the strength, determination, and faith of the Philippine people, and it should serve as an impetus for renewed efforts towards achieving the ideals of liberal democracy.

49 3rd Sulong Pilipinas Convention 2016, Oct. 4, 2016. 17:13 to 18:25 PRESIDENT RODRIGO ROA DUTERTE’S SPEECH DURING THE SULONG PILIPINAS — LOCAL GOVERNANCE SERIES: LGU CONSULTATIONS ON PEACE AND ORDER AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT WITH LUZON LOCAL OFFICIALS Mayuree Grand Ballroom, Dusit Thani Hotel, Makati City 50 Dressel, Björn and Cristina Regina Bonoan. “Southeast Asia’s Troubling Elections: Duterte Versus the Rule of Law.” Journal of Democracy, vol. 30 no. 4, 2019 LAKAS NG BAYAN

CONCLUSION

The People Power Movement offers several lessons. We can see the courageous solidarities and coalitions that might mobilize against authoritarian restrictions on civil liberties. But we must also look at the importance of finding ways to build anew and address the grievances and injustices that have made such authoritarians so popular in the first place. The EDSA protests in 1986 were a remarkable moment in Philippine history, a moment filled with the sense of unlimited hope and possibility. For those with democratic dreams, it provides both a lesson and a warning for the battles ahead. Ultimately, the memory of People Power should not be what failed to come afterward but what opportunities it offered for the future. Although they became the face of the revolution and so on the color yellow, the Aquino myth seems to suggest that Filipinos are very much indebted to them for releasing the Philippines from the clutches of the dictator. However we seem to forget that the Aquinos simply provided a tangible rallying point around whom Filipinos could launch their fight against the Marcos excesses. Ninoy’s criticism and stance against Marcos which led to his eventual assination started off a catalyst. His values on giving his life for his love for fellow Filipinos represented the nation’s same love for their own people's welfare. Cory on the other hand became a beacon of hope for the country who have lost their own as she pushed through. In the end, none of this would have happened without the comradery of the Filipino people who came together and ousted a dictator. We musn’t look at the color yellow as something negative as it is only representing a story of solidarity, the need for change, strength and hope. Its idea mimicks that of the yellow in our Philippine flag, which represents unity, freedom, sovereignty and democracy. It connects to The Philippine National Anthem, a product of revolution, represents the tradition, history, and beliefs of a nation and its people. It helps evoke feelings of patriotism among the country’s citizens and reminds them of their nation’s glory and rich heritage. The Yellow in Filipino history should be remembered as a color that embodies all these things, and highlight the best of Filipino core values. The Yellow Revolution will always be the victory of the Filipino people, and it will always serve as another reminder that the Filipinos, throughout our history of struggle, will always be capable of toppling our oppressors. LAKAS NG BAYAN

WHAT IT MEANS FOR THE 2022 ELECTION Before voting, we must take note that there has been an increase of misinformation, historical revisionism and propaganda travelling in the internet realm. Facebook being the most popular app amongst Filipinos has been a convenient source of news and information on current events in the Philippines. This means the platform’s algorithms tailor content, both news and advertisements, in response to their ‘likes’ and ‘shares’ and those of other members of the groups they had joined and their platform ‘friends’. The default configuration of Facebook account settings clusters them on the platform in terms of their demographics, geography and political leanings and then allowed advertisers – including Filipino political campaigns, to target their Facebook feeds accordingly. To do right by Filipinos’ dedication to democracy, the ideals of duty and service must manifest amongst the country’s elected officials and its citizens. Before voting we should take on the responsibility of independently researching the candidates who will become the leader of our nation. We must let go of our own personal biases in order to properly dissect and be critical of the options. This publication only shows a snippet of the history and it is important to educate yourselves with academic and well-sourced information before coming to a conclusion. Currently the Filipino political system is being based on name rather than merits and the basic education system is failing in educating the history of politics. First-time voters get easily swayed by the passions of friends, teachers, and idols. We can’t hear our own conviction. As the country moves closer to the elections, the more idealized the presentation of aspiring candidates will be so to become an informed vote, one must look at the actions of potential candidates as early as possible to better know them. For young voters, the most critical question is not who do they like as president or senator for 2022 but rather, what is the plan, the platform of government that would effectively allow us to recover as a nation? Young people need to assess candidates critically and decide who has the plan that would give them quality education amidst the pandemic, jobs when they graduate, and a pandemic proof economy to make sure our gains are sustained. While the results of the approaching elections may not have an immediate effect, they will in six years, good or bad. The youth of today are the inheritors of the land of tomorrow. Now, in the face of several present-day difficulties, we should banding together, 39

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educating ourselves, and push to be heard. Overdone phrases like “the youth are the future” or “the youth is the hope of our nation” are looking to ring especially true. We actively participate in ensuring an equitable and uncorrupted political process, aiding local communities, shaping and building a progressive nation.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Robles, Raissa (2016). Marcos Martial Law: Never Again. FILIPINOS FOR A BETTER PHILIPPINES , INC. John, Kessler, Richard J. (Richard (1989). Rebellion and repression in the Philippines. New Haven: Yale University Press. "Alfred McCoy, Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime". Ateneo de Manila University. September 20, 1999 Ocampo, Ambeth (2021). Looking Back 15: Martial Law. Mandaluyong City: Anvil Publising, Inc. ISBN 978-971-27-3637-7 Pumipiglas: Political Detention and Military Atrocities in the Philippines, 1981-1982. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines. 1986. Yap, M. (1987). The making of Cory. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. JOURNAL ARTICLES SAWIN, JANET L. “A STUDY OF PEACEFUL REVOLUTION: THE PHILIPPINES, 1986.” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol. 17, no. 1, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1993, pp. 181–207, http://www.jstor.org/stable/45288833. LITONJUA, M. D. “THE 1986 YELLOW REVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINES: WHY NOT RED?” International Review of Modern Sociology, vol. 31, no. 2, International Journals, 2005, pp. 179–206, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41421643. Corsino, MacArthur F. “THE PHILIPPINES IN 1980: At the Crossroads.” Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1981, pp. 246, http://www.jstor.org/ stable/27908432. Maynigo, Benjamin. "Marcos fake medals redux (Part II)". Asian Journal USA. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. Maynigo, Benjamin. "Marcos fake medals redux (Part II)". Asian Journal USA. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016.

Wurfel, David. “THE AQUINO LEGACY AND THE EMERGING SUCCESSION STRUGGLE IN THE PHILIPPINES, 1984.” Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1985, pp. 261–78, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27908530. Aquino, Belinda A. “POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE PHILIPPINES: Aftermath of the Aquino Assassination.” Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), 1984, pp. 266–76, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27908506. Leifer, M. (2000). Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia (3rd ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203389386 Overholt, William H. “The Rise and Fall of Ferdinand Marcos.” Asian Survey, vol. 26, no. 11, University of California Press, 1986, pp. 1137–63, https://doi.org/10.2307/2644313. SAWIN, JANET L. “A STUDY OF PEACEFUL REVOLUTION: THE PHILIPPINES, 1986.” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, vol. 17, no. 1, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1993, pp. 181–207, http://www.jstor.org/stable/45288833. From Grassroots Activism to Disinformation: Social Media in Southeast Asia, edited by Aim Sinpeng and Ross Tapsell, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2021 THESIS Guerrero, Ena-Kamila. Never Again, Never Forget: Reconstructing Memories and Imagining Democracy in Post-Authoritarian Philippines. Budapest, Hungary 2018 Domingo, Luis Zuriel. “Removing Philippine History in the ‘age of disinformation’: Politics, implications, and efforts” DLSU Research Congress, De la Salle University, Manila 2021 REPORTS “Report of an Amnesty International Mission to the Republic of the Philippines 22 November – 5 December 1975” (PDF). Amnesty International Publications. September 1976. Ronald E. Dolan, ed. Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991 Ong, Jonathan Corpus and Cabañes, Jason Vincent A., “Architects of Networked Disinformation: Behind the Scenes of Troll Accounts and Fake News Production in the Philippines” (2018). https://doi. org/10.7275/2cq4-5396

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