Europe’s Extreme Parties

Indeed, these European Commission proposals are ripe for continued tensions between

the U.S. and EU. Though the Biden administration has rejoined the Paris Agreement, therefore avoiding the possibility of major disagreements over free trade deals, U.S. businesses may be

subject to increased costs for European trading and operations due to lax climate policies in

America. In 2019, some European countries threatened to levy carbon tariffs on goods from

the U.S. and other countries whose climate policies missed European marks.160 Yet another

consequence of the United States’ negligence on climate action is the positioning of China

alongside the EU as a global climate policy leader. China set ambitious goals after the September

2020 EU-China summit: greenhouse gas emissions peaking in 2030 and climate neutrality

by 2060.161 This is viewed by experts as Xi Jinping jockeying for stronger influence in global politics as the main EU climate partner. The rivalry between the U.S. and China can be leveraged

by the EU to influence both countries’ climate policies. Several European leaders welcome the role of global leader in climate action and arbiter between the U.S. and China, namely France’s

President Macron, who views Europe as the party responsible for keeping China within the Paris

Agreement after Trump’s withdrawal.162

Climate is one policy arena that exemplifies the incredible challenges and opportunities the Biden administration faces in the wake of the Trump presidency. If thoughtful and strategic actions are taken to signal to the world that the United States is serious about preventing further

environmental degradation before it is too late, the U.S. will undoubtedly regain favor with their

European allies. However, the United States is no longer the only ally Europe may call upon to

achieve their own climate ambitions.

While Europe’s leadership in the area of climate policy is strengthening, European leaders must also be wary of their own changing political landscape. Extreme parties within

European borders and at both ends of the political spectrum pose concerning trends that may

seek to destabilize EU integration through radical agendas that give priority to identity and

party politics or to national interests. Many far-right European parties benefited from President Trump’s leadership, and while he may no longer hold power, his influence lingers.

THE RISE OF THE FAR-RIGHT While much of Europe let out a collective sigh of relief at Trump’s loss, Europe’s farright found themselves without a powerful ally. Many of these movements have existed for years

amid an ongoing migrant crisis and ever-increasing EU integration, but several parties have made

significant political gains by capitalizing on anti-immigration sentiments and Euroscepticism.163

Immediately following the November 3 election, many far-right actors’ responses to

the election were preoccupied with Trump’s claims of electoral fraud. Similarly aligned news

outlets, including some Eastern European state-owned broadcasting companies, repeated the

claims, many of them purporting evidence of the alleged fraud.164 Right-wing politicians in

Slovenia and Estonia openly claimed the election was stolen.165 Most other parties, primarily in

Western Europe, took a softer approach, speaking more of “irregularities” than outright fraud and declining to acknowledge Biden’s win as Trump took his allegations to court.166

Ultimately, most far right leaders welcomed Biden cordially. Viktor Orbán and Andrzej Duda sent congratulations to Biden while Matteo Salvini promised to work with whomever won the White House.167 As evidenced above, right-leaning media outlets were often more

outspoken. Many painted Biden as part of a global, liberal elite, a charge frequently linked to dubious conspiracy theories.168 Meanwhile, the Hungarian media warned that Biden would impose America’s will in Europe through a form of “moral imperialism” and suggested he would interfere in their upcoming parliamentary elections.169 Private far-right Western European websites were also deeply critical of Biden; aside from policy disagreements, some accused him of corruption and others of weakness in resisting the far-left wing of the Democratic Party.170

Far-right leaders across Europe faced a reckoning after the January 6 storming of the U.S. Capitol. Many Western European far-right leaders—Marine Le Pen, Santiago Abascal, and Salvini—condemned the violence and called for respect for democratic institutions. Orbán and

Duda, meanwhile, refused to comment, calling the attacks a domestic matter.171

Trump’s role in emboldening the European far-right has led some to believe his defeat

will cause a rippling setback across Europe and the world. Trump’s loss might signify the far-

right movements’ lack of longevity, or cause other countries’ movements to lose credibility,

but the crises motivating them had existed prior to Trump and will continue in his absence.

Further uncertainty stems from the fact that Trump’s loss leaves a gap in the leadership of the

global far-right. The “global far-right” leader is an ironic concept and an unofficial title, given far-right parties’ nationalist policies and desire for self-reliance. However, a new informal

leader who guides conservative rhetoric and far-right ideologies may rise with the momentum

built during the last 20 years.172 Many European right-wing parties, such as Spain’s Vox and

the Rassemblement National in France, borrowed much of Trump’s anti-immigration, anti-

globalization rhetoric. Now that Trump has been stripped of his presidential platform and his

social media influence, the rising right-wing leaders of Europe may seek new role models.173

Given how closely Europeans monitored the U.S. election, there is fear that the European

far-right could employ Trump’s electoral tactics; questioning election results, insinuating fraud,

and encouraging supporters to doubt democratic institutions. Though unsuccessful legally and

judicially, Trump’s strategies proved effective in compelling large portions of the Republican

Party to espouse that widespread fraud had occurred, sowing doubt about the fairness of the

American electoral system among voters.174 Consequently, this rhetoric could likely resurface

in future midterm and presidential elections. Far-right parties in Europe could attempt the

same, particularly if their nationwide popularity wanes, and the results of their elections are

unfavorable. Given the extent to which the far-right was willing to embrace Trump and his

rhetoric, there is reason to believe these tactics will be employed in European elections as well.

THE REACTION OF THE FAR-LEFT While many far-right political parties and policies have seen an increase in popularity in the years following Trump’s election, the far-left has stagnated. The last two EU28 parliamentary

elections saw the far-left only deliver a 1% increase in vote share while the far-right and

extreme right had a respective 2% and 1% increase.175 The far-left has not benefited from a