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01
Introduction:
Ecological Redevelopment
VAU BAN
CP 249
Entrance Mural (Meaduva, 2006)
Introduction Vauban is a largely residential neighborhood in Freiburg-imBreisgau, Germany. Created from the brown eld redevelopment of a French army base in the late 1990s and early 2000s, Vauban is an exemplary model of many environmentally responsible practices. Vauban is the product of an extensive public input process. In many ways, the current residents of Vauban were also the designers.
Fall 2009
Residential Street in Vauban (Adeupa de Brest, 2008) Forum Vauban, the public process coordinator, was a grassroots citizens’ association selected by the city. Co-building groups made decisions on architecture and environmental features and are largely responsible for both the quality and variety of the results. Vauban is also an e ort in planning for alternative mobility. While not quite “car-free,” Vauban is car-light with unbundled parking (at high prices), extensive tra c calming on residential streets, a high bicycle
mode share, and a tram connection to downtown Freiburg. Individual structures within Vauban meet strict environmental goals, be they designed for passive heating, solar electricity generation beyond their needs, wastewater recycling, or any number of other features. While Vauban bene ted from a supportive city and public, its accomplishments are nonetheless valuable as inspiration and education for future projects.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
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03
VAU BAN
400’
Introduction:
Background
Passive Houses (Fraker 2009)
CP 249
Vauban, Europe’s first car-free Eco-City (author 2009) Bicycle Repair Shop (Fraker 2009)
WHY IS VAUBAN SPECIAL? Freiburg is one of the few cities in Germany with a growing population and needs to build >1,000 homes/year. To meet this demand, city planners and citizens in Freiburg collaboratively decided to build a model eco-city following two guiding principles: a carfree style of living and extremely low energy use buildings. Vauban is the rst district anywhere to combine these ambitious goals.
Fall 2009
GOALS Four C’s: “Connectivity, Climate, Community, and Character” 1) High quality building spaces for young families within city limits 2) Alternative transportation concept: priority for non-auto users 3) Dense mix of housing and workplaces and retail 4) Low energy standard for all buildings, green spaces, tram extension, and amenities such as kindergartens and a primary school
PROGRAM The site is located 2 miles to the southeast of Freiburg city center. Vauban is home to 5,500 residents within about 90 acres (~1800 units). Buildout is expected for 6,000 residents in the near future (CABE, 2009). Reducing carbon emissions to as close to zero as possible is a major goal of Vauban.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
04 Comparison to other Cities: Rieselfeld
VAU BAN
CP 249
VAUBAN, FREIBURG
RIESELFELD, FREIBURG
Population at Build-Out Current Population Size Former Land Use Development Model Land Use Policy
6,000
10,000-12,000
5,500
6,810
84 acres Ground Force Military Base Co-operative Building
172 acres Sewage Treatment Farm Individual Developers
Transit and home within 500m
Total Estimated Energy Demand
54 kWhr/m2/yr
Within a 12 minute walk of the transit hub 65 kWhr/m2/yr
Cornelia-Schlosser-Allee (www.badische-zeitung.de)
Tram stop on main axis (flickr.com)
Vauban vs. Rieselfeld Vauban is one of two districts in Freiburg, along with the district of Rieselfeld, that was created in the 1990s in order to respond to the increasing demands for housing (Projektgruppe Rieselfeld, 2007). The City of Freiburg touts both of these developments as unique ‘ecocities’ in their own right (Salomon, 2009). Vauban, in comparison to Rieselfeld, has made larger strides in energy efficiency, although is a smaller neighborhood in scale.
Fall 2009
Bird eye view (www.rieselmesse.de)
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
05 Comparison to other Cities: Treasure Island
VAU BAN
CP 249
VAUBAN, FREIBURG
TREASURE ISLAND
Population at Build-Out Size Former Land Use Development Model Land Use Policy
6,000
approximately 11,000 to 13,000
84 acres Ground Force Military Base Co-operative Building
400 acres Naval Base Top-down planning
Total Estimated Energy Demand Transportation Goal Transportation Policy
54 kWhr/m2/yr
Within a 12 minute walk of the transit hub 70 kWhr/m2/yr
Car-free and Park-free community Traffic-calming
Compact, transit-oriented community Low speed and safe crossings
Bird eye view Transit and home within 500m
Extension of bike lane Bicycle center ‘Mobile’ Park-and-ride system
Bike path to/from the Bay Bridge Bicycle Library “green transport” support Guaranteed Ride Home program Separate sale of parking lot Separate sale of parking lot Eco ticket (regional transferable) Ecopass High parking fee Car-sharing “pods” Congestion Pricing Program No garage at residential area Extension of tram and bus lines On-Island Shuttle Bus Service Off-Island Bus, Ferry Transit Service
(www.sftreasureisland.org)
Transit hub: Ferry Terminal (www.sftreasureisland.org)
Land use (www.sftreasureisland.org)
Vauban vs. Treasure Island Critical to this analyis is the comparison of the German standard to the North American standard. We have used the 2006 plan for Treasure Island--the closest zero carbon plan--to Vauban’s planning targets, in order to see the differences in the development process.
Fall 2009
Overall Plan (www.sftreasureisland.org)
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
06
Timeline:
Historical Context
VAU BAN
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Chernobyl Disaster (Soviet Authorities, 1986)
Berlin Wall (Unknown Photographer, 1989)
Historical Context The Chernobyl disaster provides the impetus for Freiburg’s local energy supply concept and is one of the events which contributed to ecological awareness in Freiburg.
1986
1987
As this imminent withdrawl become apparent, the slogan “barracks into dwellings” develops in Freiburg in light of an acute housing shortage
1988
The fall of the Berlin Wall and other events related to the breakup of the USSR provides the rst hints that the French army will leave the base that would become Vauban.
Fall 2009
1989
1990
The “Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany” is signed on September 12, 1990, setting timetables for occupying forces to withdraw from Germany.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
07
VAU BAN
Timeline:
Project Initiation
Vauban, 1992 (City of Freiburg)
CP 249
Public Participation Process (Forum Vauban)
Project Initiation The French army withdraws and the city buys the land from the federal government. The decision is made to develop a new residential area due to an ongoing severe housing shortage.
1991
1992
The rst construction activity consists of seven barracks buildings being converted to student housing and SUSI low-cost environmental housing.
1993
The redevelopment project is o cially initiated on December 14, 1993.
Fall 2009
1994
1995
The planning process begins in 1995. Forum Vauban, a citizenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s association, is recognized and funded by the City of Freiburg as the public process coordinator.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
08
VAU BAN
Vauban, 1996 (City of Freiburg)
Vauban, 2000 (City of Freiburg)
Timeline:
Planning
Planning
CP 249
Master planning of the district begins with signi cant public involvement and outreach facilitated by Forum Vauban (Ornetzede and Rohracher, 2006).
1996
1997
By 2000, construction is progressing along the eastern half of the Vaubanallee, the districtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main east-west street.
1998
1999
2000
Final concepts take shape, rst building lots are released (Ornetzede and Rohracher, 2006). Genova, Forum Vaubanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a ordable housing arm, forms (Gauzin-Muller, 2002).
Fall 2009
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
09
VAU BAN
Timeline:
Construction
Vauban, 2002 (City of Freiburg)
CP 249
Vauban, 2004 (City of Freiburg)
Construction This co-builder in{uenced typology of buildings continues to the west, along the Vaubanallee, and construction of the solar district of 210 â&#x20AC;&#x153;plus energy homesâ&#x20AC;? begins in the southeast.
2001
2002
Construction of the tram link to connect the district to downtown begins. Preparation for light industrial and other development also begins to the north.
2003
The solar district is largely completed. The land for the adjacent development was originally to be part of the solar district, but nancial di culties forced its sale.
Fall 2009
2004
2005
Construction begins to the north, along with the installation of tram stations. Most other areas of the site are completed or nearly completed by now.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
10
VAU BAN
Vauban, 2006 (City of Freiburg)
Vauban, 2009 (City of Freiburg)
Timeline:
Completion
Completion
CP 249
Vauban is largely built out and occupied, however, an additional lot is being prepared for development.
The tram connection is completed in 2006, and the development is substantially complete as well (Ornetzede and Rohracher, 2006).
2006
Fall 2009
2007
2008
2009
2010
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
11
11 % 400’
VAU BAN
21 %
56 %
12 %
Land Use:
Mixed-use Residential
1”=400’
CP 249
Residential
Land Use Distribution (After Schroepfer, Werthmann, and Hee, 2007) Industrial Green Space Parking Residential Commercial
Institutional
Land Use Although Vauban is mixed-use, it is predominantly residential. Of the site’s 84 acres, approximately 50 are residential and 11 are commercial and industrial. The majority of the remainder is public space, whether squares, green spaces, or streets, with the rst two greater in areas than the streets (Schroepfer, 2008). Interestingly, the proportion of space dedicated to streets is much smaller than the typical quarter or third often found in urban North America.
Fall 2009
Squares
University
Commercial uses are concentrated along the main streets, such as the Vaubanallee, which is lined with commercial and retail uses including a grocery store, a bar, a hostel, and o ce space. The limited industrial land in the district is located to the north, where it aligns with similar areas in adjacent districts. Institutional uses tend to be located around the periphery of Vauban, while public open space is generally concentrated to the south border. Green ngers penetrate the district, branching o of the creek
Commercial Open Space Streets which forms the southern border of Vauban. Public spaces are strung along the Vaubanallee, with major squares located at the entrance and closer to the center of the district. In terms of {oor area ratio and density, the overall FAR is approximately 1.2 (multi-story construction with ample public and private green space). Residential densities vary, but a typical block has a gross residential density of 21 dwelling units per acre (DU/A) and a net residential density of 44 DU/A.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
12
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Vauban’s Public Participation Process (Forum Vauban, 2009)
Advertisement (Forum Vauban)
Participatory Planning
Local Policy
Vauban’s success relied heavily on participatory planning processes. Early on, the City of Freiburg decided to employ a grassroots citizens’ association, Forum Vauban, as its public process coordinator, and to use a co-building model for residential development. Forum Vauban in turn worked to overcome a ordable housing gaps by creating Genova, which built units under a cooperative cost sharing model.
Fall 2009
Parallel to these e orts were those of the “self-organized, independent settlement initiative,” or SUSI, which retro tted four barracks buildings to provide housing at an even greater level of a ordability. Participatory planning is credited with a variety of positive outcomes, including a more social community and building cost reductions, but it was unable to prevent Vauban from developing a reputation as a homogeneous neighborhood of white-collar families.
In terms of supporting Vauban’s unique approaches to communitybuilding with governmental policy, the City of Freiburg was the key player. From its original purchasing of the land from the federal government for housing to its decision to employ the Forum Vauban as the public process consultant and promote the cobuilding baugruppen model, Freiburg set the stage for Vauban’s later success.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
13
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
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A Rare Private Development (naturConcept, 2009)
Freiburg had the option of selling the land to private developers, and explicitly adknowledged that bidding wars with developers would have driven land costs up for cobuilders. The city thus chose this ultimately successful model in the face of a reduced nancial return from the land, although it is clear that the city’s goals for community building were well served by this decision, as were other goals for energy and transportation, as will be discussed in later sections.
Fall 2009
Logo of the EU’s LIFE Program (EU LIFE, 2009)
Governmental Support Although the majority of the necessary framework for this approach was created by the City of Freiburg, Vauban also received key funding from several higher orders of government. Forum Vauban was awarded funding by the European Union’s environmental program “LIFE” in 1997, which allowed the community organization to hire experts in the elds of energy and tra c to develop the key concepts of environmentally friendly building
and living without a car (Forum Vauban, 2009). However, they blame the EU for bankrupting the group in 2006 by pulling funding. The Federal State of BadenWürttemberg also contributed $5 million, although its support for a ordable housing would fail to materialize. This failure to fund a ordable housing led to the creation of Genova by Forum Vauban in 1997, but only 10% a ordable housing was achieved rather than the planned 25%.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
14
VAU BAN
Development Assoc of State of BadenWurttenberg
Building Dept Private Developers
Other consultative members
Solar Settlement
Student’s Organization
S.U.S.I.
PROJECT GROUP VAUBAN
CITY COUNCIL VAUBAN COMMITTEE
Design by Community:
Approach
administrative coordination of local authorities dealing with Vauban
CP 249
Head of Building Dept
platform for information exchange, discussion, and decision preparation within City Council body
VAUBAN
City Public Utilities
Council Members & other Administration
Baugruppen
Genova Co-Op
FORUM VAUBAN
Association for Car-Free Living
local citizens' association & legal body of public participation process
Citizen’s Initiatives
Project Organizational Chart (After Forum Vauban, 2009)
PROJECT ORGANIZATION The three main players in the redevelopment project were the Forum Vauban and the City of Freiburg along with its Project Group Vauban. Each of these three groups held committee meetings with other key organizations, and between themselves. Two of the six development actors, the baugruppen and the Genova co-op, reported through Forum Vauban, while the other four were independent of the forum.
Fall 2009
The project had a special status as a development site and its own budget of US $85 million controlled by Project Group Vauban. The money to clean the area and develop the infrastructure (neighborhood center, kindergartens and primary school included) came from the Redevelopment Fund of the Federal State of Baden-Württemberg (US $5 million, or 5.9 %) and from credit raised by the city of Freiburg (Sperling, 2006).
Billboard (Forum Vauban, 2009) All credit was to be repaid through sale of the building plots. However, an analysis at the time of project completion indicated the complete sale of building plots would not be possible and that the project would close with a de cit of about US $1,000,000. As a whole, the project received no further subsidies (Sperling, 2006). The key actors in developing the project as a community will be discussed in the following sections.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
15
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Freiburg City Hall (Eduardo Manchón, 2007)
City of Freiburg The City of Freiburg formed a special committee from the City Council concerning Vauban, where representatives from political parties discussed the main Vauban issues together with administration and other consultative members such as Forum Vauban. Freiburg entered the project with the goal of providing high quality building spaces for young families within the city to counter suburbanization. This goal was to be achieved
Fall 2009
Rolf Böhme, Mayor 1982-2002 (RGSO, 2005)
through a dense urban environment, strong low energy standards for homes, ample green space, good transportation access, and supportive infrasturcture including kindergartens and a primary school (Forum Vauban, 2009). Between 5 and 7 city sta ers worked on the Vauban project by creating a masterplan for the development with moderate regulations and standards for energy use, building height, and other design guidelines (Sperling,
2006). Further special committees were founded which collaborated with other establishments such as the city’s welfare institutions, and included the initiation and support of grassroots initiatives and con{ict management (Sperling, 2006). Meetings between Forum Vauban and members of the city administration took place periodically and further common initiatives such as round tables and workshops were organized for such projects as planning the open green spaces (Sperling, 2006).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
16
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Forum Vauban Logo (Forum Vauban, 2009) Forum Vauban Staff Photos (Forum Vauban, 2009)
Forum Vauban Forum Vauban eV was a citizen’s association that was selected by the city to coordinate the public involvement process. It emerged from grassroots groups with about 300 initial members and received funding from donations and grants from organizations such as the European Union. In addition to organizing larger planning exercises, it provided support to 30 of the cooperative building groups, or baugruppen (Little, 2006).
Fall 2009
Operationally, Forum Vauban was composed of an executive board, several working groups, and a team of sta members. Its major goals, as described on its website, included “the advancement and support of the citizens participation through community work,” “the formation and support of private building groups and dwelling projects,” and “the realization of examplary ecological standards emphasising on tra c concepts and energy usage” (Forum Vauban, 2009).
The Forum’s priority was to develop Vauban with an exemplary participatory process that could become a model for later endeavors. To accomplish this goal, it followed a “learning-by-doing” model and was responsible for workshops, newsletters, and promotion. Out of the participatory process came support for the ideas that led to the district’s promotion of car-free living, co-building baugruppen (discussed next), and speci c areas for passive solar homes (Forum Vauban, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
17
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Planning by a Baugruppe (Forum Vauban, 2009)
Baugruppen The baugruppen were key to the projectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s success in creating a new community. While baugruppen are not unique to Vauban, they are rarely found at this level of concentration outside of Freiburgâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s districts of Vauban and Rieselfeld. Now with 2000 units in 150 projects, Freiburg was where co-building was reborn in the mid-1990s. Baugruppen were actively promoted by the City of Freiburg, which made
Fall 2009
Baugruppe Meeting (Forum Vauban, 2009)
the decision to favor these groups early on in the sales process and set prices speci cally to avoid bidding wars with private developers. Some baugruppen applied to the city fully formed, but others needed to be carefully assembled into viable groups, generally of more than ten families (Little, 2006). Pro les of the types of people generally attracted to this type of cooperative building arrangement are unavailable, but they tend to be nuclear families headed by white-collar workers (Gauzin-MĂźller and Favet, 2002).
Baugruppen were responsible for the detailed building design of their shared property, accommodating their speci c individual and collective needs and aspirations in a common plan, and pursuing additional environmental and social objectives (Scheurer, 2001). They had a great deal of independence to select a site and complete detailed building design with their choice of architects and builders. This approach made ecological building a ordable and also brought the community together.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
18
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Baugruppe Construction (Forum Vauban, 2009)
Such a participatory model also allowed for cumulative intelligence to be gained through self-organizing processes of “learning-by-doing” - experimenting with ideas as the community took shape (Schroepfer et al., 2007). By articulating needs and expectations, a community is formed in space even before the rst building is erected (Schroepfer, et al., 2007). This participation took the form of residents’ meetings, workshops, a cooperative council,
Fall 2009
A Baugruppe’s Completed Project (M. Heller, 2004)
and residents’ representatives on the management team (Bagaeen, 2006). To help out the baugruppen, the Buergerbau AG or the “Citizens’ Building Stock Corporation” was created by Forum Vauban to provide support and guidance through project nancing and managing accounts, controlling costs and schedules, answering questions, and advertising to nd future baugruppen members (CABE, 2009).
A prevalence of co-builder groups promoted early neighborly bonds and signi cant cost reductions (Gauzin-Müller and Favet, 2002). Costs for baugruppen-built structures in Vauban averaged about $250/square foot, 20-40% less than what might have been expected on the open market (Little, 2006). The self-organized nature of these groups led to a great deal of experimentation in terms of ecological design features and approaches, as well as architecture.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
19
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
Two Buildings Retro tted by the Selbstorganisierte, Unabhängige Siedlungsinitiative (naturConcept, 2009)
SUSI The “self-organized, independent settlement initiative,” or SUSI, was one of the rst two groups to begin residential construction in Vauban by retro tting four barracks buildings (Cerfontaine, 2007). A grassroots initiative and self-help project, they worked to create lowcost and ecologically sustainable living space (CABE, 2009). They built what turned out to be half of Vauban’s a ordable housing stock after state funding fell through.
Fall 2009
Housing for 260 residents was created in two to ten room apartments that are currently occupied by an eclectic mix of workers, artists, students, and former homeless or drug addicted people. They kept construction costs low at $65/square foot, or about $25,000 per housed resident, while still implementing environmental measures by relying on 105 hours of unpaid labor by future residents (SUSI-Projekt, 2009).
Costs were actually more than a thousand dollars per person higher than they planned because they decided to implement advanced features such as better insulation and electricity co-generation, along with other expensive items such as balconies. Financing was provided by a combination of personal loans (nearly $1 million) and grants. Slogans for the fundraising campaign included “those who want to build need friends” and “do you know what your money is doing?” (SUSI-Projekt, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
20
Design by Community:
Approach
VAU BAN
CP 249
GENOVA I on Heinrich-Mann-Straße (Fraker, 2009)
Genova Wohngenossenschaft Vauban eG was responsible for building the remainder of Vauban’s a ordable housing. Created by Forum Vauban in 1997, Genova built low-cost environmental housing through a cooperative model in which the residents shared the nancial risks but stable rents and even homeownership could be achieved by those who would otherwise have been unable (CABE, 2009). The process was similar to that
Fall 2009
GENOVA II on Vaubanallee (Fraker, 2009)
employed by the baugruppen, with an emphasis on joint ownership and self-management to create the a ordable and {exible living space. Residents were also heavily involved in the development process, from architecture, orientation, and design of buildings to facades, colours, and the plans for the individual apartments. Participation took the form of workshops, a cooperative council, and residents’ representatives on the management team (CABE, 2009).
Forum Vauban and households with limited nancial means were thus able to build 73 apartments, split between 46 rental units and 27 condominiums and two building sites. Among other features, the units incorporated solar-thermal heating and rain collection, and avoided composite building materials and PVC. At about $225 per square foot, these were among the cheapest units in Vauban to construct, but it is perhaps di cult to describe them as particularly a ordable (Genova, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
21
400’
Design by Community:
Implementation
VAU BAN
CP 249
1”=400’
Districts by Actor (After Schroepfer, Werthmann, and Hee, 2007) Baugruppen University Solar City Developer
SUSI
Implementation Most individual blocks were sold to small cooperatives of owneroccupiers, comprising between 3 and 21 households (Scheurer, 2001). The amount of land dedicated to baugruppen demonstrate how important they were to the project’s design approach. By dividing the land into small plots and giving priority to private builders and groups of builders, a variety of housing styles were
Fall 2009
Light Industrial promoted to create housing of increased density for di erent social groups. (Bagaeen, 2006). Only a small portion of the land was sold to private developers, much of which was supposed to have been part of Rolf Disch’s Solar City were it not for nancial di culties. Both these areas are separated from the district proper by a major street. Seven of the barracks buildings were retained for the SUSI and University housing, and there is some land for light industrial in the north.
Learning by Doing (Forum Vauban)
Blockpro l In an attempt to create a diverse population, the city developed a model called the “Blockpro l” which included marital status, number of children, occupation, workplace location, age, previous address, low energy or other housing type, owner or tenant, and nancial need. Buyers were interviewed on these criteria, and decisions were made by city council (Gauzin-Müller and Favet, 2002). Where multiple individuals, families, or baugruppen
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
22
Design by Community:
Implementation
VAU BAN
CP 249
A Genova Housing Project (naturConcept, 2009)
were competing for the same building lot, council generally decided in favor of the applicants with the greatest environmental goals or bene t for the district’s demographic mix, rather than for any nancial considerations.
Affordable Housing An earlier plan to incorporate 25% social housing into Vauban had to be reduced considerably due to cutbacks in the state of BadenWürttemberg’s housing program
Fall 2009
Mixed-use Vauban (Badische Zeitung 2008)
(Scheurer, 2001). Genova, a shareowned association and project of Forum Vauban described in the previous section, was therefore formed by households short of the means for outright home ownership for the purpose of creating selfadministered rental housing in Vauban.
Mixed-use, Multi-purpose While Vauban is predominately residential, it also contains commercial and some light
industrial. The district contains most things that are needed on a regular basis, including pharmacies, banks, and two supermarkets, one of which is entirely organic (Melia, 2006). Although the small commercial establishments don’t provide jobs for all the district’s residents, a larger employment area is adjacent to Vauban (Melia, 2006). Vauban’s primary school was also speci cally designed to provide a variety of rooms for use by the wider community outside school hours (Gauzin-Müller and Favet, 2002).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
23
Design by Community:
Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
A Family in Vauban (Forum Vauban, 2009)
Children Playing in Vauban (Fraker, 2009)
Analysis
Demographics
Vauban’s public involvement model is indeed exemplary as was envisioned from the beginning. This is a neighborhood where residentsto-be had a great deal of control over shaping their future homes, from broader planning objectives down to their individual units. Nonetheless, there are several valid negative critiques of Vauban as a community, generally focusing on demographics, employment, and cost.
First phase blockpro l results tell the story of a very young neighborhood. Three quarters of the households, mainly nuclear families, had children (10% single parent, 65% two parents), and only 25% were childless (GauzinMüller and Favet, 2002). At 3.34, the average household size is higher in Vauban is higher than the regional average of 2.0 (Scheurer, 2001). With a preponderance of families, it is not surprising that nearly half of Vauban’s residents would be
Fall 2009
under 18 years old (Cerreta and Salzano, 2009; Scheurer, 2001). One major problem arising out of this very young population is that school facilities are inadequate. The main primary school has had to be expanded, and Vauban will soon need a third kindergarten (CABE, 2009). The one-sided age structure may also pose potential problems for the district’s social workers (CABE, 2009). In terms of socio-economic status, although there was a relative
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
24
Design by Community:
Analysis
VAU BAN
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Of ces in Converted Barracks (naturConcept, 2009)
balance between owner (60%) and renter (40%) in the rst phase blockpro l results, three quarters of residents had jobs in management or are self-employed, as compared to one quarter with lower level jobs (Gauzin-MĂźller and Favet, 2002). The result is that not only is it rare to see older people in Vauban, but those from diverse racial and occupational backgrounds are also underrepresented (Schroepfer, Herman, and Hee 2007). One wonders what the result would have been had the city not encouraged diversity.
Fall 2009
Commercial Establishments in Vauban (Fraker, 2009)
Employment The limited number of commercial and light industrial establishments mean that the district is only home to 600 jobs, about a quarter of what would be needed to support its 5000 residents (Scheurer and Newman, 2009). Further, the jobs within the district are largely limited to a few small retail outlets, restaurants, service providers, schools, and a few o ces (Schroepfer and Hee, 2008).
While these are appropriate uses to support the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; needs, they are not an especially good match for the mainly white-collar population. However, there are established areas of varied employment adjacent to the district. Just to the northwest are building contractors, an institute of art history, a car rental outlet, a music store, and an o ce of Northrop Grumman, to name a few establishments. The lack of new jobs can also be excused since the project was focused on providing much needed housing.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
25
Design by Community:
Analysis
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“Environmentally Aware Middle Class” (Fraker, 2009)
Cost An accusation repeatedly leveled at Vauban is that it caters too much for the environmentally aware, educated middle class and pays too little attention to mixed social communities. (Cerfontaine, 2007). As mentioned earlier, even the cheapest new construction is not that cheap, and while cohousing tends to reduce these costs somewhat and promote home ownership, home ownership is still perhaps equally likely in other areas.
Fall 2009
Ad for a new Baugruppe (Baug. Blomquist, 2009)
An earlier plan to incorporate 25% social housing into Vauban had to be reduced considerably (to 10%) due to cutbacks in the state of BadenWürttemberg’s housing program (Scheurer, 2001). Without state nancial support, the a ordable housing e orts that did materialize were limited and relied on cost reductions, risk sharing, and sweat equity. If the a ordable housing goals had been fully implemented, Vauban could have had a much di erent demographic mix.
Baugruppen Although Vauban may be criticized for some perceived elitism, its cobuilding model is really quite remarkable. Cobuilding brought the community together early and helped reduce housing costs. The resulting community involvement helped residents articulate their goals for their individual homes and the district at large, as well as setting up a stable, very sociable neighborhood (CABE, 2009). It will be quite interesting to see how
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
Design by Community:
Analysis
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the cobuilder model matures over time; its immediate bene ts seem apparent, but to be widely adopted it will need to demonstrate stability as well.
Looking Toward the Future Regardless of any complaints, Vauban is very popular with a long waiting list, and only 22 of approximately 1,800 residences had been resold as of 2007 (Wustenhagen, 2007). Combined with a currently large youth
Fall 2009
population, low turnover could mean that the schools will only be needed periodically, and that they will be dormant before a new wave of occupants appears. A demographic mix better matching a historically established neighborhood would have helped here. Nonetheless, Vauban is an example of what can be achieved through participatory planning processes. What are negatives for Vauban are useful lessons for other projects.
A Baugruppe Group Photo (Little, 2006)
Children Playing in Vauban (Forum Vauban, 2009)
26
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
27 Design By Transportation: Approach
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Light Rail Train (lightrailnow.org)
OVERALL APPROACH Clear guidelines for the evelopment of the new city quarter would make environmental-friendly urbanism a new reality - car-free neighborhoods as far as possible both through removing the need for automobiles as well as restrictions to car-parking (Schroepfer, Herman, and Hee, 2007). The innovative approach for transportation was crucial because energy and carbon emissions saved through building can be more than
Fall 2009
offset by car use. Transport is often the Achilles heel of a supposedly sustainable development (Little, 2006).
NATIONAL POLICY There are five categories of government policies for transport sustainability in Germany. First, taxes and restrictions on car use help limit car use and mitigate its harmful impacts. Second, the provision of high-quality, attractively priced, well-coordinated public
transport services offers a viable alternative to the car for many trips. Third, infrastructure for nonmotorized travel has been vastly improved to increase the safety and convenience of walking and cycling. Fourth, urban development policies and land use planning have encouraged compact, mixed-use development, and thus kept many trips short enough to walk or cycle. Fifth, all of these policies have been fully coordinated to ensure their mutually reinforcing impact. (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
28 Design By Transportation: National Policy
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Traffic calming: “Tempo 30” (Google.com)
Pricing and restrictions on car use. The overall cost of owning and operating a similar car is about 50% higher in Germany than in the USA. Most of that difference is due to much higher taxes and fees. In particular motor fuel taxes in 2006 were nine times higher in Germany than in the USA. In 2006, petrol cost 107% more. (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). German cities place restrictions on car use through limited road supply,
Fall 2009
Traffic calming: “home zone” (Buehler and Pucher, 2009)
lower speeds, and less parking. German motor ways rarely penetrate into the city center (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Roughly 70-80% of the road network in German cities and small towns has speed limits of 30km/hr (15mph) or less (Beatley, 2000, Newman et al., 2009). Almost all residential neighborhoods employ speedinhibiting measures such as “Tempo 30” signs, road narrowing, raised intersections and crosswalks, extra curves, speed humps, and so forth (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Many residential streets in Germany impose even lower speed limits for ‘walking speed,’ set at 7km/hr (4mph) for legal purposes (Beatley, 2000). The ultimate restrictive measure is to ban cars. Most German cities created car-free zones in their centers, mainly for pedestrian but permitting cycling during offpeak hours. Another measure discouraging car use is the high price and restricted supply of parking (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
29 Design By Transportation: National Policy
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The Wiwili Bridge in Freiburg 1970s and after motor vehicles banned from the bridge (City of Freiburg)
Public transport improvements German public transport is economically sustainable due to high revenues as well as low costs. The high revenues are from many passengers due to the density of cities. Costs are low because German public transport vehicles are generally quite new, thus avoiding the high maintenance costs. They also are carrying more passengers and requiring fewer drivers per passenger.
Fall 2009
Schwabentor in Freiburg today (City of Freiburg)
Labor productivity is enhanced by signal priority at intersections and by wider spacing of bus and tram stops to avoid frequent stops. Thanks to higher revenues and lower costs, German public transport requires much smaller operating subsidies: only 28% of total operating costs (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Another reason for the success of German public transport is the multi-modal coordination of public transport services, fares, and schedules within metropolitan
areas. Starting with Hamburg in the 1960s, one German city after another created regional public transport organizations, which fully integrated all aspects of public transport operations and ďŹ nancing (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Additionally, German systems oďŹ&#x20AC;er discounts on transferable tickets that make it economical and convenient to use public transport and competitive with cars for the commute to work (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
30 Design By Transportation: National Policy
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German Bike-Carrying Train (www.wired.com)
Walking and cycling Since the 1970s, most German cities have improved transport infrastructure for pedestrians and bicyclists. These infrastructure are financed with local funds, but often with substantial state and federal subsidies. A special federal urban transport fund allows 70-85% federal matching funds for state and local expenditures on facilities such as paths, lanes, bike parking, traffic signals, and signs (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Fall 2009
Cycling routes in and around Freiburg (City of Freiburg)
Urban development and land use policies With few exceptions, new development is limited by law to areas immediately adjacent to already built-up areas, thus avoiding leap frog development and suburban sprawl. The key to compact, mixed-use development lies in cooperation between jurisdictions at the same level and different levels of government, through strict regulation of private development at the suburban fringe,
zoning that encourages high density and mixed use, and tax sharing arrangements reducing competition among cities and towns for tax base (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Coordinating policies The explicit coordination of transport and land use is a key to the success of sustainable transport policies in Germany. There is a combined Federal Ministry of Transport and Land Use in Germany to ensure coordination.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
31 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Freiburg’s Cathedral Square in the 1960s. (City of Freiburg)
Transport policy reforms The German federal government provided the overall framework for sustainable transport policies by raising petrol taxes, decreasing spending on roads, and increasing investment in public transport (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
REGIONAL POLICY In 1992 Freiburg was selected as the capital of environmental cities-the most environmental city in Germany.
Fall 2009
Freiburg’s Cathedral Square in the mid 1970s after cars were banned (City of Freiburg)
(Hiroe, 1999) Freiburg’s efforts to promote sustainability have focused on pushing auto-traffic out of the city center and maintaining a vital public transit system. Freiburg was almost completely destroyed in World War II. In 1948, the city decided to rebuild the city centre in its old, compact form instead of a car-oriented urban structure. During the 1950s and 1960s, however, Freiburg grew rapidly, with the construction of new neighborhoods on the fringe of the city (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
The new residential and industrial districts were more spread out and car ownership and use grew rapidly, causing increased air pollution, congestion, and traffic injuries (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the various social and environmental problems caused by car use— combined with the 1973 oil crisis— evoked a grassroots revolt among the citizens of Freiburg, forcing politicians to adopt a series of crucial policy decisions (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
32 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Klarastrasse in the 1960s (City of Freiburg)
Joseph Schlippe, the then head of planning, devised a policy that rejected the idea of widening the city centre streets to accommodate car traffic, but moved car traffic to a ring road around the city centre, with the inner core remaining only accessible by trams and bicycles (Thomas and Taylor, 2002). Freiburg’s first intermodal transport plan of 1972 emphasized the importance of walking, cycling and public transport for the overall transport system, and the 1979
Fall 2009
Klarastrasse after traffic calming (City of Freiburg)
update of the transport plan favoring those ‘green modes’ over the car. The 1989 transport plan went a step further by restricting car use in the city centre and all residential neighborhoods (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Land use policies shifted accordingly. In particular, new development was to be concentrated along public transport corridors, especially the city’s expanding light rail public transport system, the Stadtbahn (City of
Freiburg, 2008c). The plan focuses on high-density development along light rail routes (City of Freiburg, 2008c). All future development is to be based on the principle of shortening trip distances to make them more walkable and bikeable, ensuring local accessibility to all the daily necessities of life (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). It gave Freiburg the nickname “city of short distances” (Osmose 2007).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
33 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Existing and Planned Extensions to Tram Network with Walkable Catchment Areas (Melia, 2006)
The 2008 land use plan further strengthens the priority given to public transport, walking, and cycling over the car (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Public transport improvements In 1983 the first new tram route was opened, and it has since expanded to four lines with total length of 36.4km in 2008. The light rail lines focus on the city center and terminate in various inner suburbs.
Fall 2009
Connections between Light rails and bus (City of Freiburg)
The bus system (26 lines) extended from 100 route km in 1974 to 273 route km in 2007. Freiburg’s population lives and works within walking distance of a light rail line: 65% residents and 70% of all jobs (City of Freiburg, 2008f). The city’s goal is to raise those percentages to 83% of residents and 89% of jobs (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Public transport trips roughly doubled between 1983 and 2007 (from 31 to 72 million passenger trips) (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Both transits are fully integrated and benefit from traffic signal priority at key intersections. In addition, real-time information is provided on digital displays at light rail stops and key bus stops (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
ZRF The key actor is the Zweckverbund Regio-Nahverkehr Freiburg (ZRF), a regional public transport association. ZRF sets overall public transport policy in the region
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
34 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Region covered by Region Karte and the images of cards (www.rvf.de)
Real time information (John Pucher)
and develops an updated public transport plan every five years. It is also responsible for receiving funding from federal, state and local governments and distributing those funds among the 17 public transport operators (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Regio-Karte In 1984, Freiburger Verkehrs AG(FVAG) public transport system offered Germany’s first monthly ticket transferable to
Fall 2009
other users (FitzRoy, Felix, and Ian Smith, 1998). It was marketed as the ‘environmental ticket’ (Umweltschutzkarte) with a bargain cost of DM38 (about 19 euro) per month. The FVAG was founded in 1972 and is responsible for the organization of public transport within the city. FVAG holds a monopoly on tram and local bus services and estimates that it has an 80% share of all trips into Freiburg (FitzRoy, Felix, and Ian Smith, 1998). The VAG is one
of 17 partners forming the RegioVerkehrsverbund Freiburg (RVF) (Freiburger Verkehrs AG, 2009) 1991, FVAG’s Umweltschutzkarte was superseded by a transferable region-wide environmental travel card (Regio-Umweltkarte) valid not only on FVAG vehicles but on all local and regional bus and rail lines in Freiburg and the neighboring counties. At DM49 (€45.50) per month, the regional environmental card offered access to a route network of 2400 km on 90 lines.
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
35 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Bachle Gassle platza in Freiburg (flickr.com)
Traffic calming zone
Rail way in Freiburg (flickr.com)
(City of Freiburg)
It was coordinated under the association of public transport operators in the Freiburg region founded in 1985, which became the Regio-Verkehrsverbund Freiburg (RVF) in 1994, and by 1997 constituted a union of 17 operators. The regional transport of Freiburg (RVF) is on behalf of the Regional Transport Zweckverband Freiburg (ZRF). (Fitzroy, and Smith, 1998). In 2004 the Regio Mobil Karte, which costs only €47 per month and provides all the benefits of the regular RegioKarte plus car-sharing
Fall 2009
membership, reduced taxi fares, and discounts on bike and car rentals, were introduced (Fitzroy, and Smith, 1998). Thanks to this transferable card, public transport trips roughly doubled between 1983 and 2007 (from 31 to 72 million passenger trips) (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Capital investments for the expansion of Freiburg’s light rail network averaged €16 million per year from 2000 to 2007 (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Currently, Freiburg’s public transport system covers 75% of its operating costs from passenger fares, 15% from state government reimbursements for student and elderly reduced fares, and only 10% from direct operating subsidy from the City of Freiburg, the two adjacent counties, and the state government (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). There are two explanations for the sharp drop in operating subsidy requirements: reduced costs and increased revenue (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
36 Design By Transportation: Regional Policy
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Junction priority lane(Melia,2006)
Mobile: Cycle park at main railway station (Fraker,2009)
Mobile (Fraker,2009)
Restrictions on car use.
The city expanded its network of separate bike paths and lanes from only 29km in 1972 to 160km in 2007 (Fitzroy and Smith, 1998). In total, there were 682km of bike routes in 2007, and they continue to expand.
Freiburg restricted the car use by making it more expensive, less convenient, and slower through the tax, traffic calming, pedestrianization of city center and so forth as mentioned above. Parking garages are deliberately placed at the periphery of the city centre. On-street parking in commercial areas of the city becomes more expensive with proximity to the centre: €2.20 in
Fall 2009
the innermost zone, €1.60 in the intermediate zone, and €.60 in the outermost zone (City of Freiburg, 2006, 2008f). Almost all on-street car parking is limited in duration to prevent long-term parking by commuters. Building codes have reduced parking requirements for cars in new residential developments at the same time they increased parking requirements for bikes (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Bicycling and walking
Freiburg’s cycling facilities have been fully integrated into a complete bikeway network that permits cyclists to ride on separate facilities or safe, lightly travelled streets in the city. The traffic calming of residential
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
37 Design By Transportation: Analysis of Freiburg
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100% 90% 35
24
23
80%
Freiburg Germany
70% 21 60%
27
Walk Bike Transit Car
15
50% 11
18
40%
18
30% 20%
38
37
32
10% 0%
1982
1989
Europe
U.S.
1950
28
13
18
268
1960
113
82
41
306
1970
248
208
135
389
1980
361
375
241
573
1990
422
445
288
613
2000
420
532
427
746
2006
419
546
466
776
2007
Transportation trends in freiburg, 1982- 2007
Auto Ownership Trends, 1950 – 2006
(Buehler and Pucher, 2009)
(Buehler and Pucher, 2009)
neighborhoods has turned almost all residential streets into good bike routes (Buehler and Pucher, 2009). Between 1987 and 2009, the number of bike parking spaces almost tripled, rising from 2,200 to 6,040 (City of Freiburg, 2008f, a). In addition, there is a major bike station at Freiburg’s main train station called ‘Mobile’ offering secure, sheltered parking for 1,000 bikes, bike rental, bike repair, travel advice, and bike shipment to other cities (City of Freiburg, 2008a).
Fall 2009
The total number of bike trips rose from 69,500 in 1976 to 211,000 in
ANALYSIS The portion of bike use is getting bigger while that of the car use is getting smaller. Freiburgers take average 350 bike trips per year, three times as many as the average German (104 trips) and 29times more than the average American (12 trips) Between 1982 and 1999, bicycling and public transit use increased
significantly. Walking decreased following a country wide trend, and car use also decreased. In 1999, the different forms of transportation became more evenly distributed as shown. In the case of auto use decrease, from 38% to 32% seem to be not significant but the actual number of auto ownership in Freiburg is much less than other places. Moreover, from 1992 to2005, transport CO2 emissions per capita in Freiburg fell by 13.4% .average (Buehler and Pucher, 2009).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
38
115’
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Design By Transportation: Local Policy
P
CP 249
30km/h (18mph)
X_N
^WN
\N
XYN
]N
Section of Vaubanallee (Author)
Vaubanallee
7km/h (4mph)
solar garage
1”=400’
Location of Parking lots and Traffic Calming Zones (Author)
Vaubanallee (Fraker,2009)
LOCAL POLICY
To make this system work, residents must declare their status of vehicle ownership on a yearly basis, and there is scope to allow for households to increase or reduce their vehicles as long as the transaction also includes a parking space.
Vauban is a nearly car-free community, supported by innovative traffic concepts and the promotion of alternative mobility
Restrictions To Car-Use Vauban decided to keep the original grid of the military base which is comprised narrow streets. There is a speed limit of 30km/h (18mph) on Vaubanalle, the main thoroughfare, while the side access
Fall 2009
roads have a limit of 7km/h (4mph) and are no-parking zones, aside from set-downs and deliveries (Schroepfer, 2007). Housing units and parking spaces are sold separately, which resulted in extra costs for vehicle owners of approximately € 18,000 plus a monthly fee to cover ongoing cost. Car owners must purchase a place in one of the multi-storey car parks on the periphery, run by a councilowned company.
Carfree households are organized in a special association and are granted exemption from the legal requirement to provide a parking space for each residential unit. The car-free association was required
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
39 Design By Transportation: Local Policy
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to Hamburg
Rail Tram Bus
Station on Vaubanallee (Fraker,2009)
P
0m
50
to Basel
1”=400’ 1”=4 1”=40 ”=400 ”=4 00’ 00 0’’
Station on Vaubanallee (Fraker,2009)
Public Transit routes in Vauban (Author) by Regional planning regulations to buy a site to reserve land in case of future needs. But the reserve is being used as public open space (Scheurer and Newman, 2009).
Alternative mobility Homes and workplaces are no more than 500 meters (1600 feet) from transit, about the same as the distance to the peripheral car parks. An extension of tram line #3 from the city center was planned in 1998 to coincide with Vauban’s
Fall 2009
completion in 2006 (cost €665,000) (Gauzin-Müller and Favet, 2002). The terminus of tram line #3 is now at a loop in western Vauban, with two additional stops in the center and east of the district. In order to encourage Vauban residents to give up their cars, the local authority, in conjunction with Forum Vauban and the Freiburger Auto-Gemeinschaft eV (FAG), devised a special package of attractive conditions for anyone joining the FAG car-sharing scheme:
the Mobilitätspaket, or ‘mobility package’ (Cerfontaine, 2007). Members signing up for car sharing qualify, upon payment of a €350 semi-refundable deposit, for a free annual public transit pass covering the entire Southern Black Forest region and a free Bahn Card (a halfprice subscription pass of German Rail, valid for a year). A range of different sized car sharing vehicles, located in the Solar garage, as well as bikes and trailers have been made available for hire in Vauban, their
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
40
640
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430
CP 249
1108 -61 150
cars per 1,000 inhabitabts
186 Freiburg Vauban
US
Car ownership (Scheurer and Newman, 2009)
Cars
Bicycles
Number of cars and bicycles per 1000 residents (Scheurer and
Play grounds for kids (Melia, 2006, Sperling, 2006)
Newman, 2009)
numbers growing with the population (Nobis, 1999).
Public space Combined with a lack of private garages, this creates a largely carfree environment and a variety of pedestrian and cyclist priority spaces. They take on the function of “communication spaces” or “urban courtyards.” (Schroepfer, 2007)
Fall 2009
ANALYSIS Vauban appears to be promoting car-free living rather than selfselection. As of 2004, 81% of residents previously owned a car, but 57% sold their car when moving to Vauban (Morris, 2005). The result is that 70% of families in Vauban do not own cars (Rosenthal, 2009). Although transit ridership is perhaps less than would be expected, bicycle traffic significantly outnumbers automobile traffic (Melia, 2006).
Whereas in Germany only 0.1% of people owning a driving licence use car-sharing, the share of car-sharing users in Vauban is 33% of all adult persons. Car sharing counts on 46% of Vauban households 75% of Vauban’s residents work in Freiburg . The average distance to work or school is 6.8 km, a range including most relevant destinations within Freiburg (the city centre itself is located 3.5 km north of Vauban).
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
41
16
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Design By Transportation: ANALYSIS
64
CP 249
6% 10%
Car Public Transit Walk/Cycle
42%
42%
>25km 6-25km 2-6km 0-2km
Residence in Vauban
Modal split in percentage of all trips
Dictribution of trip length
(Sperling, 2006)
(Scheurer and Newman, 2009)
(Scheurer and Newman, 2009)
The strength of non-motorised transport, no further than 6 km (Scheurer and Newman, 2009). There is, however, a small but signiďŹ cant share of long-distance commuting, particularly up and down the Rhine corridor, in some cases as far as Switzerland (7% of journeys to work or school are over 25 km). The signiďŹ cance of the regional rail stop planned (but still not built in 2008) at Vauban becomes obvious here (Scheurer and Newman, 2009).
Fall 2009
CRITIQUES Even though the environmental mobility concept has been a success, there are disputes between carfree residents and those with cars (Cerfontaine, 2007). A substantial 39% of households expressed disapproval about the mobility management concept as it is currently run (Scheurer and Newman, 2009). up to 15% of car owners in Vauban avoided registering their vehicle in order not to have to pay for a
parking space, even though our own and subsequent surveys could not establish as high a number (Nobis, 2003) In practice, a substantial number of residents do leave their car in the streets for more than loading and unloading purposes, sometimes even overnight Parking enforcement may be lax as it depends on social/ neighbor enforcement and not any particular active enforcement mechanism (Melia, 2006). Last but not least, there is the problem of visitor parking. Many
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
42
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Community (Sperling, 2006)
CP 249
Cars in residential area(Fraker, 2009)
Cars in residential area (Fraker, 2009)
of having to pay for parking in an edge-of-town residential area, and more so in a peripheral garage some distance away from their ďŹ nal destination (Scheurer and Newman, 2009). Vauban embodies all contemporary elements of a settlement that makes car use either completely unnecessary or a relatively marginal choice for everyday activities, thus positioning itself as a global demonstration case for the Sustainable Transport City (Scheurer
Fall 2009
and Newman, 2009).
CONCLUSIONS
services and generates a high proportion of trips short enough to cover by walking or cycling.
Policies must fully integrate public transport, walking and cycling to foster the synergies of these complementary modes of sustainable transport. Land use and transport policies must be coordinated by planning for compact, mixed-use development that clusters residents and businesses near public transport
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter
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56
VAU BAN
Design by Nature:
Local Approach
Local hostel/bar (Fraker 2009)
CP 249
Cars are unwanted intruders in the Vauban landscape (Fraker 2009)
OVERALL APPROACH The built form and public realm in Vauban was shaped by city guidelines, ecological imperatives, and co-housing realities, but nothing in{uenced the design of Vauban as much as the low energy strategies discussed above. The desire to create a neighborhood that was as close to zero carbon as possible had a major impact on the physical parameters of the development. The need to maximize passive solar gains and natural
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ventilation informed the orientation, dimensions, and typology of buildings. The following design approaches will be investigated: 1) Re-use of contaminated land and existing barracks 2) Design for natural cooling, through vegetation and rooftops 3) Natural stormwater system 4) Compact development pattern To control development in Vauban, the Freiburg city council set guidelines for to all builders. City
High density (Fraker 2009)
stipulations for development were as follows: building heights could be no higher than 13 m (44 ft), the 70 year-old oak trees along the main street must be preserved, stormwater must be in ltrated in swales, and setbacks could not exceed a maximum (Showcase, 2009). The city also speci ed the number of units and parcel sizes. Apart from these requirements, the city left considerable leeway to the builders, resulting in a diversity of form and architecture.
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Design by Nature:
Implementation
Colorful facades (Wustenhagen 2008)
CP 249
The process of remediation took several years before construction could begin (Freiburg 2008)
REMEDIATION & RE-USE Before the site could be utilized, major environmental remediation was necessary (due to contamination from military uses). Over 250,000 tons of contaminated soil were removed, to be replaced with 110,000 tons of gravel ll. To seal in any remaining toxins, a nal layer of 21,000 m² asphalt and concrete cover was completed (Bagaeen, 2006). It should be noted that the City of Freiburg
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nanced the clean-up. A major emphasis was put on the adaptive re-use of buildings remaining from military times. Large barrack structures were rehabbed and converted into usable units by a team of unskilled laborers, spearheaded by SUSIâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s funding and technical know-how. Being able to re-use the old barracks recycled the embodied energy already expended in construction of barracks. These buildings are characterized by large balconies,
Balconies made of local wood (SUSI 2008)
external wooden staircases, and their ecological qualities: reuse of old building materials, outer insulation of walls with cork and cellulose, and the use of ecologically sound building materials such as local wood and clay (CABE, 2009).
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Design by Nature:
Implementation
VAU BAN
CP 249
400’
Green Corridor (Fraker 2009)
1”=400’
An extensive canopy connects open spaces and provides shade (Author 2009)
Rock wall (Schroepfer 2009)
NATURAL COOLING To minimize the need for arti cial cooling, buildings, blocks, and open spaces were designed in such a way to take advantage of natural sources of cooling: 1) Shading through tree canopy + green corridors 2) Hollentaeler cooling breeze 3) Balconies and facades covered with vegetation 4) Green roofs
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CANOPY + CORRIDORS Being a brown eld redevelopment, Vauban was already home to 70 mature trees including planes, limes, poplars, maples, and chestnuts. These were incorporated into the plan, and help to alleviate the e ects of urban heat island (Gauzin-Müller and Favet, 2002). There are three main green spaces in Vauban: the creek and its banks, the central spine, and undeveloped areas to the west (CABE, 2009). Green corridors,
which provide space for social activities (playgrounds, sun bathing, barbecue areas, water basins and pumps, seating areas), have been created between plots. These green “ ngers” contain a variety of recreational activities, such as rock walls, climbing walls, & playground equipment made from organic materials (CABE, 2009). Children can move freely between corridors. Freiburg handles the upkeep of parks & playgrounds in Vauban.
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VAU BAN
400’
Design by Nature:
Implementation
Ivy (Hagemann 2009)
CP 249
Cooling Mountain Breezes
Topography Vertical Greening (Fraker 2009)
WIND + CROSS VENTILATION Vauban is fortunate to be situated adjacent to a mountain range which produces a cooling summer breeze known as the Hollentaeler. To ensure this breeze is not blocked by new development, the size and shape of buildings on key streets have been regulated since the 1990s (Brown 2009). These cooling winds blow into the development from the south and southwest. Building form in southern
Fall 2009
neighborhood has been strongly shaped by the Hollentaeler. Buildings were built lengthwise along the north-south axis so as to allow breezes to cool units through cross ventilation. In addition, no buildings are more than four stories high to keep them lower than the trees and assist air circulation (Showcase 2009).
variety of species that has been planted and maintained by the residents themselves. Ivy, vines, and other hardy plants are vertically integrated into the buildings’ facades. This “vertical greening” serves to beautify exteriors and cool residents within. Since Baugruppen buildings are co-owned by their residents, they are free to plant as they see t.
VEGETATION Balconies and internal courtyards are covered with an incredible
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Design by Nature:
Implementation
VAU BAN
CP 249
400â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
Extensive roof (Minn Gr Roofs 2009)
Green Roofs are found all over Vauban (author 2009)
GREEN ROOFS Roofs in Vauban are not wasted, either producing electricity from solar cells or providing the environmental bene ts of a green roof. Green roofs are found on more than half of all structures in Vauban, and serve as rainwater catchment and cooling surfaces. Only 10% of stormwater goes into the drainage system (Wilson, 2009). Plants and greenery help to absorb the sunâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rays adding an
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extra layer of protection between harsh UV rays and the roof membrane, keeping residents cool on the inside. Green roofs in Vauban are extensive rather than intensive, which means they are roughly 3-4 inches deep and no foot tra c is possible. They are largely self-sustaining, consisting of sedum, mosses and wild{owers. An extensive greenroof is lightweight and a ordable (Minnesota Green Roofs, 2008).
Roof in Vauban (Hagemann 2009)
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400â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
VAU BAN
Design by Nature:
Implementation
Natural Swale (Fraker 2009)
CP 249
Direction of Run-off Flow
Retention Ponds
Infiltration Trench/Swale
STORMWATER Stormwater in Vauban is managed by a combination of natural drainage and traditional storm pipes, reducing costs for engineering. In total, there is 6,000 m² of permeable surfaces which in ltrates rain naturally. A natural trough + trench system (1,250 m) connecting to the conventional stormwater sewers (1,300 m) deals with impermeable surfaces (Fichtner 2009B). Along the two main
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Stream terminus (Fitchner 2009)
streets, open in ltration swales collect run-o . The topography of the district was shaped purposefully so that run-o {ows toward these swales (composed of gravel and synthetic trenches). Once water reaches the trench, some rainwater is absorbed naturally into the soil, while part is ltered and re-routed via pipes back into the stream to replenish the natural aquifer (Fichtner 2009). Runo is intentionally diverted away from the stream and cleaned natu-
rally. Drainage wells integrated with the main in ltration troughs provide protection against over{ow from decennial {oods despite unfavorable soil conditions (Fichtner 2009B). Stormwater striking roofs is not wasted either. Many buildings have a gutter/cistern setup which capture rainwater. Not all Baugruppen chose to include this feature. Residences in the Solarsiedlung were built with gutters to catch run-o from the angled rooftops.
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Design by Nature:
Implementation
VAU BAN
CP 249
Residences, while similar in overall form, still show amazing diversity (Fraker 2009)
COMPACT DESIGN A de ning feature of Vauban is the multifamily apartment block. The city council speci cally outlawed detached homes, which led to a preponderance of four or ve story buildings and rowhouses (Rosenthal 2009). Indeed, the dominant building typology consists of multistory apartment units and attached dwelling units of up to ve stories (townhouses and maisonettes). Typical dimensions
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are roughly 10m x 45m meters (33â&#x20AC;&#x2122; x 160â&#x20AC;&#x2122;). Small building footprints (160m2) were parceled out to favor cooperatives and individual property owners, which was done to increase the variety in architecture and landscape (Cerreta and Salzano, 2009). On the whole, due to this tight physical form, the collective area of community spaces and public greens are greater in area than the streets (Schroepfer, 2008). While the building typology is fairly consistent from
one Baugruppen to the next, the involvement of so many di erent co-housing groups produced great heterogeneity of facades, colors, and materials, resulting in a unique, diverse landscape of buildings. To reinforce the pedestrian scale, Spielstrasse were constructed with a maximum 1.5 width/ height ratio. The typical ROW is under 60 feet, whereas building heights average 40 feet. Narrow roadways limit vehicle intrusion and provide sense of enclosure.
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VAU BAN
400’
Design by Nature:
Implementation
Balconies oriented south (Fraker 2009)
CP 249
Public Open Space
Public Plazas and Promenades
Athletic Facilities
Daycare + Schools
Shared Street Space
Playgrounds
Vegetation on facades (Fraker 2009)
GREEN SPACE While Vauban is the most densely populated district of Freiburg, the abundant open spaces would suggest otherwise (Moore 2009). With a net density upwards of 40 DUA, this higher density development pattern allows for ample external space as well as community amenities, with numerous daycares and schools distributed throughout Vauban (Schroepfer, 2008). The principal public green
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space is located to the south, with green ‘ ngers’ penetrating northwards through residential areas. Within each block, apartments surround intimate community space. Each co-housing building block adheres to the street perimeter, which encloses the interior private courtyard and gardening space. The space within the S.U.S.I and student quarters is of a semi-private nature, and is frequented by all residents (Showcase 2009).
BALCONIES In contrast to a typical suburban pattern, Baugruppen chose to prioritize private balconies and shared courtyards over individual backyards. Balconies are not only used extensively for private outdoor space (many residents have added personal touches) but also provide excellent shading (CABE 2009). Balconies are constructed independently of the building wall to preserve the integrity of insulation (Passivhaus, 2008).
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Design by Nature:
Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
Small details create a sense of individual ownership (Fraker 2009)
STORMWATER Although Vauban does an excellent job of handling 100% of the storm water that strikes the site, there is still several thousand meters of traditional sewers – perhaps they could have installed entirely natural drainage. However, diverting water towards stream re-charge remains a worthy goal. As for roofs, there has never been a requirement to install green roofs; the city could institute a district-wide mandate. On the
Fall 2009
Many units fronting shared open space (Hagemann 2009)
whole, the combined stormwater system saves hundreds of thousands of gallons of water per year (Fichtner 2009B).
COMPACT DESIGN Though Vauban’s net density is around 40 DUA, it does not have an overwhelmingly urban feel. An iconic high-rise building might have created a unique gateway. The repetitive pattern of four-story stacked {ats might be termed ‘low-rise density;’ yet it is precisely
this comfortable scale that helps make it a desirable place to live. Energy strategies also informed the urban design. The demands of passive houses (southern orientation) created di culty in maintaining street facades along the north-south axis and challenged Baugruppen to produce a more creative block pattern than repetitive rows of stacked {ats (Passivhaus, 2008). There is limited possibility for growing the population as site has clear boundaries.
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Design by Nature:
Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
Pedestrian arcade along Main Allee (Fraker 2009)
View down the main thoroughfare (Fraker 2009)
ENERGY Positioning the city of Freiburg as a leader in sustainable building techniques has generated strong demand for these new, innovative residences, despite their being on average 7-15% more expensive than ordinary construction (Wustenhagen, 2007). Through the use of low energy design, signi cant progress was made toward closing waste, water, and energy loops, thus furthering sustainability goals. As a whole,
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the Vauban neighborhood comes close to zero carbon emissions, due primarily to the extremely low space heating loads.
DESIGN Vauban is so successful because it seamlessly integrated the best qualities of the city (multistory apartment housing, cafes + plazas, tram service, mixed use) with a suburban feel (abundant greenery, family amenities, quiet streets, privacy). In contrast to
New Urbanist projects, there was no building type and facade control mechanism, instead giving free rein â&#x20AC;&#x153;within clear principled limits for individual expressionâ&#x20AC;? (Schroefer, 2008). No preconceived model of architectural typology or urbanism allowed for a wide variety of colors, materials, and building form to {ourish in Vauban. The cooperatives saw to it that high quality outdoor spaces were created; internal (balconies) and external (shared yards).
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VAU BAN
Loose, low, open, sunny buildings
vs
Shadowing avoided and ventilation preservedvs Orientation towards the sun
Analysis
Design by Nature: CP 249
E cient use of land
vs Cooling by shadowing
Greenspace and air{ow channels preserved vs PV & solar thermal installations
Dense, high, and shadowy
Tra c avoided
vs Facade/rooftop greening
Catch 22: Ecological vs Design Goals (Kohler 2009)
Unattractive Infiltration Trench (Fraker 2009)
CRITIQUE One critique leveled at Vauban concerns the Main Allee: for a place that supposedly de-emphasizes vehicle use, this street could be considered far too wide at almost 120 feet. This vast expanse is due to the presence of the deep in ltration trench and the doublewidth tram line. Having such a wide thoroughfare does create access barriers between the north and south neighborhoods,
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and makes crossing unattractive and inconvenient. Additionally, the dead end nature of Vaubanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s street grid eliminates the problem of fast through tra c but discourages connectivity to nearby neighborhoods.
CONFLICTS Baugruppen and private builders in Vauban faced tensions between meeting ecological or planning/design objectives. Choosing whether to use photovoltaics or green roofs is one good example of the trade-o s that had to be made.
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Design by Nature:
Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
Compact form, bike paths, and unique buildings (Fraker 2009)
TAKEAWAYS Vauban was not master planned in a true sense, yet a city-led formulation of master plans and design codes achieved excellence in urban design. Delegating unit design to a multitude of progressive building groups allowed a {exibility that enhanced character and visual di erentiation. One is taken aback by the true heterogeneity and organic nature of buildings and landscapes. The
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Solarsiedlung is a triumph of low carbon technologies (Fraker 2009)
high quality of design was ensured by city-mandated requirements, rather than leaving it open as guidelines. On the energy front, national (feed in tari ) and regional efforts created a strong support for renewable energy supply in Vauban, which was born out by an impressive implementation of photovoltaics and solar thermal. A combined city and community vision for reduced energy led to
an increase in passive houses and experimentation with new building types. The Solarsiedlung, though falling short, is still a powerful model for other would-be architect/entrepreneurs.
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Conclusions:
Overall Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
Bebauungsplan (Zoning/Development Plan) (Freiburg, 2004)
Vaubanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Main Square (M. Bamberger, 2009)
Overall Analysis
Bottom-Up Planning
Across all aspects of Vauban, it is a district shaped by both top-down and bottom-up planning processes. When the City of Freiburg purchased the former army base from the German government in 1991, it could have immediately sold the land to a private developer. However, not only did Freiburg foster a exceptional public involvement process, but it implemented the necessary policies and infrastructure to make Vauban a success.
Public participation in the planning process grew up from the grassroots through Forum Vauban, which helped future residents articulate their goals. Each building constructed by a baugruppe is a unique expression of the householdsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; needs and aspirations for themselves.
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When the state failed to make its a ordable housing commitments, citizensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; organizations worked to
provide a ordable housing without the public subsidy. Then there was Rolf Disch, an architect who became something of a social entrepreneur to see this project through. The result is an organic development and a social community. However, despite council scrutinization of residents, there remains a young population that is not very diverse. This block pro le approach to selecting residents is one example of the other, top-down side to the project.
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Conclusions:
Overall Analysis
VAU BAN
CP 249
Tram Along the Vaubanallee (Steve Melia, 2006)
Top-Down Planning Freiburg set the project direction and provided key infrastructure such as the tram connection - something di cult to accomplish by a citizens’ group. Its in{uence can also be seen in the project’s aesthetic: although the buildings are distinctive and unique, there is a common character to the streetscaping that ties everything together. Further, while much of the impetus for ecological innovation came
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Residential Courtyard (Steve Melia, 2006)
from the residents, government standards set the bar to be beaten. Along with government agencies, private partners were needed including Badenova, a private-public energy utility, and developers such as Rolf Disch. Project goals, especially those for transportation and energy, also bene ted from a political and social context that provided the necessary support and allowed Vauban to set an even higher standard.
An Organic Whole Vauban is also an illustration of “allof-a-piece” development - Freiburg owned the land, constructed infrastructure, and set the design and energy standards, and then sold lots to baugruppen. The result, however, is an eclectic and innovative whole made up of countless unique pieces that come together to create Vauban, a demonstration of the feasibility of ecologically sensitive residential development.
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References Bagaeen, Samer Ghaleb. “Redeveloping former military sites: Competitiveness, urban sustainability and public participation.” Cities, 23, no. 5 (2006): 339–352. Beatley, Timothy. “Green Urbanism in European Cities.” In The Humane Metropolis: People and Nature in the 21st-Century City, ed. Rutherford H. Platt. 297-314. Cambridge, MA: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 2006. Brown, William. “Energy: Where Design Begins.” In Planning: The Magazine of the American Planning Association. October 2009: 35-37. Buehler, R., and J. Pucher. “Sustainable Transport that Works: Lessons from Germany.” World Transport Policy and Practice. 15, no. 1 (May 2009): 13-46.
References
Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE). “Case Studies: Vauban, Freiburg, Germany” 2009. http://www.cabe.org.uk/case-studies/vauban abe.org.uk/case-studies/vauban/info (accessed October 19, 2009).
CP 249
Cerfontaine, Caroline. “The Vauban district in Freiburgim-Breisgau: living in a holiday destination.” Public Transport International Magazine Online, May 9, 2007, http://www.uitp.org/mos/PTI//2007/05/09-en.pdf (accessed October 21, 2009). Cerreta, Maria, and Illaria Salzano. “’Green Urban Catalyst’: An Ex Post Evaluation of Sustainability Practices.” Procceedings from REAL CORPS 2009. April 22-25 2009. http://programm.corp.at/cdrom2009/papers2009/ CORP2009_20.pdf (accessed October 9, 2009).
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Disch, Rolf. SolarArchitecture. http://hosting.moreelements.com/MoccaMS/projects/plusenergie/index. php?p=home&pid=266&L=0&host=2 (accessed November 3, 2009). Fichtner Water and Transportation. “Drainage of the Vauban Housing Development in Freiburg, Germany.” http://www.fwt. chtner.de/php/main/page/php/ referenzen.php/ukat_id/10/kat_id/2/idc1/77/z1/3/map/1/ sprache/e/li/0re_s (accessed November 1, 2009). -----. “New Housing Development in Vauban.” http://www. fwt. chtner.de/php/main/page/php/referenzen. php/o /1/z/2/ukat_id/13/kat_id/10/sprache/e/li/0re_f (accessed November 2, 2009). FitzRoy, Felix, and Ian Smith. “Public transport demand in Freiburg: why did patronage double in a decade?” Transport Policy. 5, no. 3 (June 1998): 163-173. Forum Vauban. Summary and Review on the Project “Sustainable Model City District Vauban.” http://www. forum-vauban.de/history.shtml (accessed December 6, 2009). Fraker, Harrison. Lecture on Sustainable Cities. Architecture 209X Seminar. UC Berkeley, October 7, 2009. Freiburger Verkehrs AG (FVAG). Das Unternehmen VAG. http://www.vag-freiburg.de/en/wir-ueber-uns/aboutthe-vag.html (accessed December 7, 2009). Gauzin-Müller, Dominique, and Nicolas Favet. Sustainable architecture and urbanism: concepts, technologies, examples. Switzerland: Birkhauser - Publishers for Architecture, 2002.
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Genova. Wohngenossenschaft Vauban eG. http://www. genova-freiburg.de/ (accessed November 8, 2009). Hagemann, Ingo B. “Solarsiedlung am Schlierberg, Freiburg (Breisgau), Germany.” PV Upscale. Prepared for the Fraunhofer-Institut fur Solare Energiesysteme ISE, 2007. http://www.pvupscale.org/IMG/pdf/ Schlierberg.pdf (accessed October 2, 2009). Hiroe, Sakai. “The Environmental Policy of the City of Freiburg.” Research Reports of Toyama National College of Technology. 33 (1999): 79-87. Hopwood, D. “Blueprint for Sustainability: What Lessons Can we Learn from Freiburg’s Inclusive Approach to Sustainable Development?” Re-Focus. 8, no. 3 (2007): 54-57.
References
Kohler, Babette. What Land Use/Climate Change Actions Are Being Taken At The Local Level?: A Municipal Case Study from Freiburg, Germany. Presentation at the University of Maryland, 2009. http://www.smartgrowth.umd. edu/croatia/presentations/bkoehlerpresentation.pdf (accessed October 2, 2009).
CP 249
Little, Joseph. “Lessons from Freiburg on Creating a Sustainable Community.” MSC Architecture: AAES, 2006. http://www.feasta.org/forum/download. php?id=77&sid=48a380a3 5fcc2f6203eab2baa0e0dd (accessed October 21, 2009). Melia, Steve. “On The Road to Sustainability: Transport and Carfree Living in Freiburg.” 2006. http://www. stevemelia.co.uk/vauban.htm (accessed October 19, 2009).
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Morris, David. Car-Free Development: The Potential for Community Travel Plans. Leicestershire, UK: Loughbourough University, 2005. http://www.atyponlink.com/doi/pdf/10.1680/udap.2009.162.1.19 (accessed October 19, 2009). Moore, Tristiana. Heroes of the Environment: Scientists and Innovators: Residents of Vauban. http://www.time. com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1924149_ 1924154_1924430,00.html (accessed October 19, 2009). Nobis, Claudia. “The impact of car-free housing districts on mobility behaviour.” Case study, E. Beriatos, C.A. Brebbia, H. Coccossis and A. Kungolos, eds. In: International Conference on Sustainable Planning and Development, (2003): 701-720. ----. “Less Car Tra c through New Town Planning Concepts: The Model District Freiburg-Vauban” from World Carfree Network - Towards Carfree Cities IV. 2004. http://www.worldcarfree.net/conference/2004/details. php#vauban. (accessed December 6, 2009) Ornetzeder, Michael, and Harald Rohracher. “User-led innovations and participation processes: lessons from sustainable energy technologies,” Energy Policy 34, no. 2: (2006): 138-50. Panesar, Arne, and Jorg Lange. “Innovative Sanitation Concept Shows Way Toward Sustainable Urban Development: Experiences from the Model Project ‘Wohnen & Arbeiten’ in Freiburg, Germany.” 2003. www.gtz.de/ecosan/download/Freiburg-VaubanAPanesar.pdf (accessed September 28, 2009).
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Projektgruppe Rieselfeld. The New District of FreiburgRieselfeld: A Case Study of Successful, Sustainable Urban Development. 2007. http://www.energie-cites.eu/IMG/ pdf/freiburg_sustainable_urban_dvt.pdf (accessed November 4, 2009). Renneberg, Wolfgang. “Nuclear Phase-Out in Germany and the Challenges for Nuclear Regulation.” 2001. German Ministry of the Environment. http://www.bmu. de/english/nuclear_safety/doc/3420.php (accessed November 4, 2009). Rosenthal, Elisabeth. “In German Suburb, Life Goes On Without Cars.” New York Times, May 11, 2009. http:// www.nytimes.com/2009/05/12/science/earth/12suburb. html?_r=1 (accessed October 20, 2009). Rudig, W. “Phasing Out Nuclear Power in Germany.” German Politics, 9 (2000): 43-80.
References
Salomon, Dieter. “Solar Region Freiburg: City Planning and Housing Areas. Workshop Session F-2--Building and Construction.” ICLEI World Congress, Edmonton, Canada. June 14-18, 2009.
CP 249
Scheurer, Jan. Car-free Housing in European Cities: A Survey of Sustainable Residential Development Projects. Perth, Australia: Murdoch University, 2000. http://www.istp. murdoch.edu.au/ISTP/publications/jscheurer/carfree/ carfree.html (accessed October 18, 2009). -----. Urban Ecology, Innovations in Housing Policy and the Future of Cities: Towards Sustainability in Neighbourhood Communities. PhD Dissertation. Perth: Murdoch University Institute of Sustainable Transport, 2001.’ http://www.vauban.de/info/verkehrsprojekt/
Fall 2009
anhaenge/janscheurer.pdf (accessed October 20, 2009). ----- “Sustainable Urban Transport” Draft Paper. Melborne, Austraila: RMIT University, 2006. http://mams.rmit.edu. au/vyrdv8afgvzg.pdf (accessed October 18, 2009). Scheurer, Jan, and Peter Newman. “Vauban: A European Model Bridging the Green and Brown Agendas.” Case study prepared for Revisiting Urban Planning: Global Report on Human Settlements, 2009. Schroepfer, Thomas, Christian Werthmann, and Limin Hee. “Case Study 01: VAUBAN--Charting Experiments for Cities of the Future.” Design and Technology Report Series. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Design Magazine, 2007. Schroepfer, Thomas, and Limin Hee. “Emerging Forms of Sustainable Urbanism: Case Studies of Vauban Freiburg and SolarCity Linz.” Journal of Green Building 3, no. 2 (2008): 65-76. Showcase. “Eco-towns: Freiburg.” Homes and Communities Academy, UK. 2009. http://showcase.hcaacademy. co.uk/case-study/ecotowns-freiburg-germany.html (accessed October 21, 2009). Spaeth, Philipp. “District Heating and Passive Houses-Interfering Strategies Toward Sustainable Energy Systems.” Graz, Austria: Inter-University Research Centre for Technology, Work, and Culture, 2004. http:// www.csi.ensmp.fr/WebCSI/4S/download_paper/ download_paper.php?paper=spaeth.pdf (accessed October 8, 2009).
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Sperling, Carsten. “Sustainable Urban District Freiburg-Vaubann.” Habitat International Coalition, 2006. http:// www.hicnet.org/document.php?pid=2637 (accessed November 1, 2009). SUSI-Projekt. Die selbstorganisierte, unabhängige Siedlungsinitiative. http://www.susi-projekt.de/index. html (accessed November 8, 2009). Thomas, L., and L. Taylor. “An Introduction to Transportation Policies.” Sustainable Cities Practicum and Field Trip to Europe, 2002. http://www.istp. murdoch.edu.au/ISTP/casestudies/Euro_Field_Trip/ eft2002-ch-2.pdf (accessed December 6, 2009). Treasure Island. Master Development Submittals. http:// www.sftreasureisland.org/index.aspx?page=26#transp ortation (accessed December 3, 2009). Wilson, John. Solar Village. http://www.thesolarvillage. com/faq.asp (accessed October 21, 2009).
References
Wohnen & Arbeiten. 2008a. Passivhaus. http://www. passivhaus-vauban.de/ (accessed October 21, 2009).
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-----. 2008b. Warum ein alternatives Sanitärkonzept? http:// www.passivhaus-vauban.de/warum.html (accessed Nov 4, 2009). Wustenhagen, Rolf. Rolf Disch’s “Solarsiedlung am Schlierberg.” Proceedings for the Sustainable Consumption Research Exchange. SCP Cases in the Field of Food, Mobility and Housing. Paris, France: May 31, 2007. http://www.score-network.org/ les//6579_ ProgrambookletSCOREworkshopParis07.pdf (accessed October 1, 2009).
Fall 2009
Brian Gould, Seungyen Hong, Nicola Szibbo, Troy Reinhalter