AC5007 – Batch 1 CARDINIA GLADYANDZA

AUTHENTICITY & RESTORATION: CASE STUDY OF DIASPORIC CHINESE TEMPLES IN INDONESIA

CARDINIA GLADYANDZA (MAArC, NUS)

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ARCHITECTURAL CONSERVATION DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2021

Authenticity & Restoration: Case Study of Chinese Diasporic Temples in Indonesia Cardinia Gladyandza (A0173571A) Abstract Restoration as a strategy of heritage conservation focuses on returning the physical form of a building to its physical state following destruction or the process of ageing and decay. In most cases, restoration is adopted as a strategy due to the perceived notion that authenticity is purely contingent upon physicality – that is, how closely the physical form and intricacies of a building closely align with what is seen to be its original state.

In heritage conservation, authenticity is traditionally deemed to be contingent upon heritage assets’ physical likeness either with the first iteration of their typology or the state that they were in when first constructed. Such notions were strongly tied to conservation approaches especially prior to the 1994 Nara Conference on Authenticity. These narrow definitions lead to a seeming continuous necessity to restore damaged assets to their original state.

In the context of Chinese diasporic temples in Indonesia, restoration has long been taken as the default approach of conservation due to physical authenticity being seen as the pivot of temples’ sanctity and sacredness; temples are surmised to be defunct when rid of ornamentation and architectural elements that are symbolic of religious meanings. While these elements embody immense value, the economic costs of restoration are massive. Moreover, diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia are privately-owned rather than state-owned, meaning that there often exist complications, difficulties and delays in their restoration.

This dissertation hence seeks to examine if the default choice for restoration of diasporic Chinese temples is still necessary today. In doing so, this study will uncover discourses on authenticity in intangibility that has often been overlooked.

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Through a descriptive and comparative analysis of several diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia against traditional Fujianese temple typologies that are regarded as authentic markers, this study posits that conservation approaches towards diasporic Chinese temples should regard authenticity as a cultural byproduct of adaptive and transformative intangible processes rather than stagnation in physicality. In doing so, this study proposes that the conservation of the typologies should employ a mixed approach in recognition of the simultaneous need to restore or reconstruct various parts of a diasporic Chinese temple depending on their varied contribution towards the concept of authenticity.

Keywords:

Restoration,

Diasporic

Chinese

Conservation

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Temples,

Authenticity,

Heritage

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Content Page Content Page Acknowledgements

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Chapter 1

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Introduction Chapter 2

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History of Diasporic Chinese Communities in Indonesia Chapter 3

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Form & Symbolism in Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia Authenticity in Form of Diasporic Chinese Temples

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Roof Construction

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Architectonics & Materiality

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Spatial Arrangement

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Ornamental Details

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Religious Details

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Authenticity in Facilitative Qualities of Diasporic Chinese Temples Chapter 4

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Authenticity Across Diasporic Chinese Temple Typologies in Indonesia Architectural History of Jin De Yuan Temple

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Architectural History of TITD Ling Sii Miao

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Architectural History of Vihara Ekayana Serpong

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Comparisons to Traditional Fujianese Temple Typologies

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Chapter 5

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Conclusion Bibliography

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Acknowledgements This dissertation was written over just 6 months but is in fact worth many long years of selfdiscovery and academic explorations; my 15-years-old self never thought that her undivided attention in history classes would equip her with the consistency to take her through Southeast Asian History in Junior College. It was then that the socio-political history of Indonesia piqued my interest. For a young Singapore-bred Indonesian girl, that was a cultural anchor I needed growing up.

I first dived into the topic of diasporic Chinese because of my paternal heritage, and I will always remember this as the perfect medium for me to learn more about them and my course of study simultaneously.

Above all, I would like to thank my supervisor - Prof Johannes Widodo - for guiding and challenging my thought processes throughout this journey. Taking on this topic under the purview of a supervisor with the same cultural roots has definitely provided insights I would not have gotten elsewhere, and for that I am deeply grateful. I would also like to thank my other MAArC tutors - especially Prof Nikhil Joshi and Prof Ho Puay Peng - who have provided the basis of my critical skills and sustained my passion in this course of study.

I wish to thank my friends for cheering me on in everything that I do. To my friends in NUS Architecture - Raynard, Ian, Joanne, Ernest and Gordon just to name a handful - I’ll see you on the other side.

To my parents (and Claffy), thank you for your unconditional love, support and pride through the highs. Thank you for believing in me, and your generosity with hugs and comforting reassurance on my lowest days.

Lastly, thank you Nas - for your endless faith in me, your ever-growing interest in my passions despite our courses of study being worlds apart and, most importantly, our board game and movie nights that have kept me sane this semester. We made it!

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CHAPTER 1 Introduction Heritage conservation is an overarching term for the various approaches that experts, professionals and academics take on to protect heritage assets from damage, deterioration and eradication amidst socio-economic reforms that threaten our historical landscape. The core purpose of heritage conservation lies in retaining mediums for the sustenance of multigenerational socio-cultural values and communication (Ryal-Net et al., 2019) as well as the continuity of socio-historical community narratives (Chitty, 2017). Few of these approaches traditionally include reparations, restoration, preservation and reconstruction (De La Torre, 2013).

The discourse on heritage conservation is rarely divorced from the concept of authenticity; an authentic heritage asset is embodied with the role of transmitting values and significance across chronological time and generations. Such values and significance often stem from preconceived meanings latched upon heritage assets, for example as a reminder of what used to be. Historically, authentic heritage assets are burdened with the criterion of having to index a physical origin (Choay, 1995). This validated restoration and preservation as the default approaches of conservation for various heritage assets, given that they seemingly enabled the built environment to transcend time in their original physical state.

The 1931 Athens Charter accentuated the importance of authenticity in the context of physical origin; in discussing restorative approaches in architectural conservation, it explicitly allowed for the use of modern materials, yet encouraged such work to be concealed for the purpose of retaining “the aspect and character of the restored monument…”. Despite this fixation on authenticity in mere physicality, it cannot be denied that the Charter had purportedly placed continuity and sustainability of buildings at the core of restoration.

Yet, it was the 1994 Nara Conference which formed the apogee of the discourse on authenticity; the criterion was broadened to references of physical form, materiality, traditional construction methods, functions and the spirit of heritage assets (Larsen, 1995).

This was groundbreaking in that the intangibility of heritage assets could then be considered 7

as pivots of authenticity. More importantly, authenticity theoretically evolved into a more dynamic concept instead of one that resists change, thus necessitating conservation approaches that seemingly fossilize heritage assets through a chronological timeline.

This study will begin by drawing the line between restoration and reconstruction due to common tendencies of conflating the two; while the former is defined by academics to be a strategy intended to strengthen and restore heritage assets that have deteriorated or been destroyed due to destruction or decay and ageing processes, the latter refers to construction of parts within heritage assets that had not been completed for various reasons (Gnezdilov et al., 2019). Oftentimes, the method of restoration utilizes materials that are similar to that of an asset’s original state, thus blurring the line between respecting the original character of a building and integrity of new constructions. On the other hand, reconstructive methods may not necessarily subscribe to expectations outlined by historic materiality and architectural values embedded in the original state of a building. In fact, they have been argued to be more representative of contemporary architects’ visions for the heritage assets rather than the original architects’ (Breatore & Young, 2013; Hewitt, 2019). Heritage assets that undergo reconstruction may become tangible mediums for socio-architectural statements and manifestos, as opposed to restoration in which the intentions and visions of original architects are retained in physical manifestations. A marker of reconstruction would hence be its purpose of qualitatively altering the functionality of a heritage asset.

This study will focus on the association between restorative conservation approaches and the concept of authenticity seen through the lens of diasporic Chinese temple case studies in Indonesia. Contextually, restoration has been the default strategy taken on in their architectural conservation. In order to understand the reasons for its adoption, a third-party analyst must first look into the peculiarities surrounding the developments of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia and, more importantly, the significant socio-political factors that have contributed towards the growth of the diasporic Chinese communities. These are ostensible justifications for the reasons that restoration is the default approach to their conservation.

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To clarify, this paper does not seek to vilify restorative approaches in conservation but rather the common misconception that they are fundamental in retaining all-rounded authenticity of heritage assets. Observably, some diasporic temples in Indonesia have been awarded the status of a national Cultural Property - locally referred to as cagar budaya. While not explicitly laid out, the legislations pertaining to Cultural Property in 1992 regarded heritage assets as static, thus restricting activities that might jeopardize their physical states in the process of rejuvenation and development. This hence entailed the default approaches towards heritage assets - and not just Cultural Properties - to be restoration and preservation. Despite a new set of legislations enacted in 2010 explicitly stating the importance of dynamism in conservation approaches, it has been argued that the newly established understanding is not widely accepted or applied onto heritage assets. Instead, conservation approaches are still static (Rahardjo, 2013) and unwelcome towards treatments of the built environment as living heritage instead. This fascination centred upon architectural value above all else observably results in the devaluation of heritage assets, often into mere objects of archaeology commodified for tourism. This is corroborated by arguments on Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temples on the fetishization of their ornamentations, possibly due to their rarity in the West (Sali, 2016).

Additionally, the same overwhelming fascination with the architectural value of heritage assets results in complications and delays in conservation necessitated by destruction. To illustrate, a fire engulfed the premises of Jin De Yuan Temple in Jakarta in 2015. 6 years on, the main prayer spaces have instead been replaced with a temporary structure - which this study will delve into in Chapter 2 - due to various reasons including the fact that there has been little documentation for restorative processes to refer to. Moreover, a full restoration of ornamentative temple forms is undeniably costly, and fundraising processes are lengthy given the private ownership of the temple. While the temporary structures have not incited public backlash given that they are still functional for prayers, it can also be argued that a place as sacred as a temple deserves to embody higher aesthetic and architectural values.

Function hence becomes a key terminology for discussion within this study.

This dissertation will begin with an architectural study of traditional Fujianese temples. This is necessary such that the idea of physical authenticity with reference to Indonesia’s diasporic 9

Chinese temples – especially Jin De Yuan Temple as one of their pioneers – can be extracted and superimposed as the reasons for which restoration has been their default conservation approach. Additionally, it is imperative for this architectural study to enunciate the characteristics that define Fujianese temple typology. As discussed by Rafael Moneo in On Typology, typification of architecture is based on the idea of repeatability – in other words, a common denominator of elements and details present amongst buildings or, in the context of this study, heritage assets that fall into the same category. Such commonality formalizes structures and – again, in the context of diasporic Chinese temples – perhaps becomes placemaking factors that give rise to a resilient community spirit and identification with the architecture as a socio-religious congregatory space.

Yet, he also mentions that a criticism towards typologies lies in their seeming staticity and demand for the same repetition in subsequent constructions. This is likened to the study’s primary stance on restoration – that it fossilizes, mummifies and even resists change. Thus, it follows that the study will present various case studies of 21st century and hybrid-diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia which might be considered as astray in their physical alignment to traditional Fujianese temple typology. In other words, they recognize the need for change and bend to the parameters of more contemporary times. Such parameters could include the extent to which diasporic Chinese communities have been assimilated, as well as the varying functions of temples which were previously seen to be mere dwellings and prayer spaces.

These are surmised to have been the reason for the deviation from traditional Fujianese temple floor plans, ornamental intricacy and architectural elements, of which such differentials will be tabulated against traditional Fujianese temples’ architectural characteristics.

This paper takes on the stance that the meaning of authenticity manifests differently in every heritage asset, and that restoration is based on the misconception that authenticity is permanently tied to typologies instead. Therefore, the central aim of this study would be to extract a conciliatory conclusion pertaining to both notions. Moreover, it holds that conservation approaches should regard heritage assets as authentic based on more than just mere physical likeness to their architectural origins. In doing so, heritage assets should instead

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be treated as living heritage whereby their developmental, adaptive and transformative processes should be regarded as part of their authenticity.

Given the tabulation of differentials, it is hoped that such meaning of authenticity can be examined to have deviated from mere physicality but rather also pinned onto the social and religious functions of diasporic Chinese temples. This would hence corroborate with the study’s hypothesis that their restoration in the 21st century is a lazy approach at best, and that it should be done only with sufficient consideration for its economic viability and the value of other pivots of authenticity.

Yet, it must be conceded that a significant portion of communities still hold physical authenticity in ornamentation and motifs as the sole defining quality of a temple, especially given the fact that diasporic Chinese temples are often conflated with viharas which are usually devoid of such intricacies (Safitri, 2013); their differences will be further discussed in Chapter 4 of this study. Thus, it is also the interest of this study to put such values under consideration when proposing an appropriate framework for conservation management strategies of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia. Ultimately, this paper aims to extract the specific set of common denominators amongst historic and contemporary permutations of diasporic Chinese temples - seen to be the apogee of hierarchical authenticity categories - in order to address the question of which aspects warrant utmost restorative efforts.

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CHAPTER 2 History of Diasporic Chinese Communities in Indonesia To begin, diasporic Chinese temples are incredibly nuanced due to their functions as an architectural medium for inter-worldly communication, of which such sanctity is often seen to be anchored upon iconography and visual ornamentations. A temple that is rid of physical symbolism could be seen as inauthentic of serving no religion nor social value. In other words, a temple devoid of intricate ornamentation may be interpreted to be one that is devoid of meaning and symbolism.

The first arrival of the diasporic Chinese in Indonesia traces back to the 13th century when Mongol troops were found to penetrate Java Island and established the country’s first SinoIndonesian communities (Wang, 1998), a mark to the island’s first rise as a major maritime power in Southeast Asia. Under the royal rule of the Sriwijaya empire, Hinduism and Buddhism were widely practiced. Unfortunately, it led to much of the suppression of Chinese religions and their practices. However, this changed with the arrival of the Dutch in 1619; a growing population of diasporic Chinese meant that they could outnumber the colonialists and even used violence to ward them off in some instances. For example, in the beginning of the 17th century, the Dutch had attempted to take part in pepper trade in the city of Banjarmasin of which the Chinese had already been renowned for prior. It was met with hostility and sheer aggression; some Dutch traders were captured and killed, resulting in retaliations and piratical raids at sea when they were in the vicinity of the Chinese.

Though Dutch treatment had been ill-meaning, this illustrated the capacity of the Chinese in sticking out for themselves as opposed to how powerless they had been under the royal rule.

Moreover, Dutch hostility was suppressed by the fact that the Chinese were the only mediums who could aid them in conversing with locals due to the Chinese having acquired fluency in Javanese language and the colonialists’ ability of speaking Chinese language. In essence, while the Dutch mostly treated the Chinese as enemies, they acknowledged that the Chinese carried great value in their colonial plans. This resulted in the Dutch being incapacitated in controlling the Chinese as much as they wanted to, depicted by their failure to restrict the Chinese from following their diasporic religions in 1651 (Purcell, 1951). In fact, the 1600s were 12

a witness to the erection of Indonesia’s first diasporic Chinese temple in Jakarta, namely the Jin De Yuan Temple (Figure 1) in 1650.

Figure 1: Jin De Yuan Temple, Colonial Period (pre-1900s) Source: Perkumpulan Tridharma, 2018 Though constructed in the 1650, it was destroyed during the 1740 Batavia Fury which was a massacre carried out by the Dutch against the diasporic Chinese. Its reconstruction took place in 1755, though it is not clear whether any alterations were made to the original design of the temple (Dinas Komunikasi, Informatika dan Statistik Pemprov DKI Jakarta, 2017) as documentations have always been lacking. In a socio-cultural discourse, it is hence imperative to note at this point that the role of the temple became much more than a mere place of worship; given the aggression and hostility often posed by the Dutch, the temple also became a social enclave for the diasporic Chinese who were – and are, to this day – still racial minorities. Architecturally, its design possessed various elements seemingly adopted directly from traditional Chinese temple typologies. For example, as shown in Figure 1, the edges of its roofs curve upwards akin to that of a “swallow tail”. This is common to that of temples in Fujian, China and became a precursor for many of Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temple typologies, which this study will further elaborate on in subsequent chapters. In addition, the presence of stone lions at the borders of the temple’s footprint denoted ownership by Majors, 13

Captains or Lieutenants, as compared to those constructed by lower hierarchical classes who were only allowed to build roofs in the saddle style devoid of statues. The presence of lion statues are said to be symbolic of guardianship and protection in Chinese temples, thus contributing towards the sanctity of the temple as a place of worship. These details hence illustrate the ways in which religious symbolism manifested in Architecture were seen to be a pivot of its functionality as a congregatory social space for the diasporic Chinese in Jakarta.

Identification with religious symbolism and class representation became some of the primary placemakers in Jin De Yuan Temple.

Even through the 20th century, animosity and exclusion of the diasporic Chinese communities in Indonesia persisted through various periods of ruling by the Dutch, Japanese and then the newly independent state leaders. For example, under the purview of the Japanese during World War 2, the Chinese had taken a retaliatory stance due to Sino-Japanese conflicts which warranted social exclusion and various incidents of violence. Not only that, the Indonesians were conversely pro-Japanese due to the ease at which some Indonesian officials had gained favour. While there was a lapse in which the Indonesians attempted to take on a reconciliatory outlook towards the Chinese in the bersiap period post-independence, the fact that the Chinese had taken on a neutral attitude towards Dutch military presence was seen as a betrayal by locals. Furthermore, incidents such as kidnapping of the Chinese and looting of their dwellings were rampant (Purcell, 1951). Some semblance of the animosity remained to the extent that utter violence manifested itself in the May 1998 riots triggered by an economic recession, yet targeted largely at the diasporic Chinese who were seen to lack national patriotism given their surmised loyalty towards China (Glionna, 2010). In a history tainted with social marginalisation, it is clear that the diasporic Chinese needed safe places they could recluse as a community in. Temples provided exactly that, thus justifying the necessity of keeping placemaking factors such as authentic physical markers exactly the way they have always been. Familiarity and a sense of belonging have been retained largely through authenticity of the physical form. It is hence unsurprising that restoration has been the default strategy in the conservation of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia, and that even newly constructed temples such as Kong Miao Temple in 2010 (Figure 2) embodies traditional architectural specificities.

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Figure 2: Kong Miao Temple, Jakarta, Indonesia Source: Meidiana Kusuma, 2015 Yet, other new constructions such as the Vihara Ekayana Serpong and the architecture of Jin De Yuan Temple post-2015 dichotomize the meaning of authenticity within Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temples. The former is a tributary to modernist architecture, of which its meaning and symbolism embodied in its orientation and internal spaces will be discussed in subsequent chapters of this dissertation. Still, while previously authenticity had been rooted in the presence of architectural intricacies on roof and structural elements, the construction of Vihara Ekayana Serpong (Figure 3) has introduced a statement to the discourse likened to a retaliation against socially constructed traditional requisites. This brings forth the question of the extent to which restoration of traditional diasporic Chinese temples and its elements are necessitated to keep them running as places of worship, especially in light of the fact that restorations are economically depleting. Specific to the context of Indonesia is the fact that ownership of diasporic Chinese temples remains within the private sector. Not only does this create immense friction between multiple shareholders (Zeng, 2020), it also means that fees for reconstruction are contingent upon fundraisers and monetary contributions by private donors (Kurnia, 2015). It can be surmised that these are the primary reasons that Jin De Yuan Temple has not been restored to its original state even 6 years after a huge fire that broke out in the premises, thoroughly damaging the main building and prayer altar.

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Figure 3: Vihara Ekayana Serpong Source: Mega Putra Ratya, 2017 Even so, in a video documentation uploaded by user Johnny Young on YouTube, it was noted that a mere temporary structure currently replaces the prayer spaces which have ceased to exist. With reference to Figure 4, it is evident that the temporary structure is made up largely of aluminium corrugated sheets as roof placeholders and presumably steel framework to support them. Besides the use of modern materials, it can also be observed that the current prayer space is almost rid of any Chinese ornamental or structural nuances that were previously seen to be the architectural placemakers of diasporic Chinese temples in Southeast Asia. As aforementioned, the case study is similar to that of the Vihara Ekayana Serpong in that it brings forth the question of whether restoration of diasporic Chinese temples is necessary in this day and age given the lack of economic viability.

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Figure 4: Jin De Yuan Temple, 2021 Source: Johnny Young This study hence serves to examine the importance of restoration as a primary conservation approach of diasporic Chinese temples. In doing so, this study poses the alternative argument that the authenticity of diasporic Chinese temples has always been rooted in other placemakers as well such as their capacity to facilitate the sustenance of intangible heritage and the heritage significance housed within diasporic-hybrid Chinese temples in Indonesia, thus possibly decompressing the importance of costly restoration in an age of economic efficiency.

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CHAPTER 3 Form & Symbolism in Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia In exploring the traditional concept of physical authenticity, it is important to first delve into the traditional elements and nuances that have become the forefront of such concepts within diasporic Chinese temples in Southeast Asia.

3.1. Authenticity in Form of Diasporic Chinese Temples The idea of authenticity in Chinese temples in Indonesia has always been largely contingent upon the ways in which they are mimetic of traditional temples in China. In the context of Indonesia, there is a wide variety of diasporic Chinese dialect groups. Yet, the fact that one of the first diasporic Chinese temples constructed – namely the Jin De Yuan Temple – was initially named Kwan Im Teng when it was first erected is indicative of its Hokkien character, given that the name is of the dialect’s orient. As such, this study takes the Jin De Yuan Temple to be at the forefront of Indonesian diasporic Chinese temple case studies and seeks to compare and contrast its characteristics - along with few others in Chapter 4 - with that of traditional Fujianese temples. Specific attention will be paid to aspects such as ornamentalism and architectonics, which would aid the formulation of a conclusion pertaining to what authenticity means for the case studies.

A classic Fujianese temple typology was common in both China and Taiwan circa 17th century (Fu, 2005), thus justifying the inclusion of case studies from both countries in this portion of the study. Four fundamental concepts of Southern Chinese architecture discussed by David G. Kohl in Chinese Architecture in the Straits Settlements and Western Malaya are taken to be the basic defining qualities. However, given the fact that these concepts apply generically to various Chinese building typologies, this paper will further adapt these bases through a lens of scrutiny based on C. -C. Fu’s Symbolic, Architectonic & Artistic Decorations in Structural Elements in Traditional Architecture in Taiwan due to the discourse involving Fujianese temple typologies. Five appropriated defining characteristics are hence discussed as below:

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3.1.1. Roof Construction Kohl argues for a defining criteria of Southern Chinese building typologies to be the roof of buildings given its domination of visual elements. Most notably, roof ridges typically subscribe to a “Swallow Tail” style, though it has also been broken down into specific variations according to the ends of the roof ridge as shown in Figure 5 below.

These ridges tend to be more heavily ornamented and more dramatically upturned than roof styles in other parts of the country.

Figure 5: Roof Ridge Ends of Southern Chinese Buildings Source: David G. Kohl Additionally, various roof shapes are abundant across temple typologies such as the use of double-eaved roofs in Nanputuo Temple in Fujian (Figure 6a) and Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou (Figure 6b). Yet, there is also the popularity of a “rolling skyline” (Fu, 2005) which Kohl refers to simply as a “gable roof” (Figure 7).

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Figure 6a: Nanputuo Temple, Fujian, China Source: Top China Travel

Figure 6b: Kaiyuan Temple, Quanzhou, China Source: Tan Weiyun

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Figure 7: Types of Roofs in Traditional Southern Chinese Buildings Source: David G. Kohl Specific to Southern Chinese temple typologies are also a relatively thin and lightweight appearance of roofs in which the eaves are distanced further from load-bearing walls to allow for rainwater run-off and sun shading given that the Southern areas experience harsher sunlight.

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3.1.2. Architectonics & Materiality In terms of structural integrity, Kohl discusses a Fujianese invention of a bracket system for roof trusses in which bracket clusters are constructed along a single plane (Figure 8) and slotted into pillars. This is starkly different from trusses that are constructed in four varied axes in the National style of traditional Chinese buildings.

Pillars are predominantly made of granite and carved with ornamentations of dragons or serpents. This can be contrasted with typologies constructed in other parts of China whereby wood is the primary material used for pillars. In accordance with the overall importance of having buildings appear light, the walls of traditional Fujianese temples are built as curtain walls rather than for load-bearing purposes, of which the latter is fulfilled by stone columns instead. Conversely, walls are made out of bricks and feature openings of various shapes to ensure ventilation and visual continuity between spaces. In addition, any usage of wood in Southern Chinese typologies often employs short lengths of timber joined into cantilever arrangements such as to support wide-eaved roofs.

Figure 8: Bracket Clusters in Traditional Southern Chinese Buildings Source: David G. Kohl

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The previously aforementioned details on materiality corroborate with a central part of Fu’s argument; she observes that materials engaged in Fujianese temple typologies are regarded highly for their intrinsic values and differences, thus leading to the multiplicity of usage within a single building. In other words, while roof ornamentation in Southern Chinese temple typologies is typically constructed out of ceramics and porcelain due to their complementarity with roof materials, there may be other ornamentation present on structural elements such as pillars and columns which are constructed out of wood and stone instead.

3.1.3. Spatial Arrangement Kohl argues for the importance of courtyards in Chinese building typologies such as temples and houses. These courtyards are usually embedded within building plans for the curation of aesthetic experiences that one may have while traversing across different spaces in a building. The courtyards are hence enclosed and secluded within a North-South building axis. Southern Chinese buildings have courtyards that are typically smaller than that in Northern China due to building sites being deeper and narrower. In many typologies, they manifest more of an airwell.

Floor plans are hence constructed out of socio-culturally constructed etiquette pertaining to the hierarchy in which the triple gate hall, worship hall, main hall and back hall are to be designed in. Specifically, the main hall can be said to be the hearth of Fujianese temples, thus having courtyard spaces and other halls arranged around their parameters within enclosed walls. Additionally, the front of halls is to be opened, presumably following the principles of Yin and Yang in which the latter orientates towards warmth and sun-orientedness (Kohl, 1984). Yet, the arrangement of these spaces along the axes established by traditional siheyuan and sanheyuan floor plans are fairly commonly found in Southern China due to the specifications of elongated building sites that can accommodate these floor plans.

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A secondary observation would be that of the façade; in Southern China, buildings are typified by loggias over their facades as compared to that of plainly constructed walls in Northern China.

3.1.4. Ornamental Details Ornamental details pose utmost importance pertaining to the elements carved or painted on traditional Fujianese temples, as well as the colours used. Kohl expounds on the role that colours play as a medium for relationships between man and nature to transcend. This justifies the use of terracotta tiles on roofs of Fujianese temples, especially due to their ability to camouflage into surrounding landforms. Typically, roof ornamentations are also constructed with ceramic cemented over reliefs of flora, fauna and human images. This is referred to as “mosaic work” by Kohl, in which the specific technique is known to locals as chien nien and directly translates as “cut-andpaste”. Oftentimes, the primary motif on roofs consists of two fish or dragons with a pearl in between.

Colours that are rampantly used include yellow, blue, red, green and white for the various symbolic representations that they materialize. For example, red is said to symbolize prosperity, truth and sincerity while yellow symbolizes grandeur, thus justifying its exclusive use in imperial buildings. Likewise, white is symbolic of sorrowful terms and death, unsurprisingly concomitant with its rarity in traditional Fujianese temples.

In terms of painted and carved structural elements, most fixate on narratives of the harmony between man, flora and fauna.

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3.1.5. Religious Details Lastly, this study finds that religious details should be categorized separately due to the varied role that they play in Southern Chinese temples as opposed to the previously discussed characteristics. Religious details contribute largely towards the symbolic sacredness and sanctity of temples, and are largely found in altar tables or prayer spaces adorned with traditional stone tablets or couplets. These are intended to remind religious followers of the sanctity of spaces. Many others are also representative of the greater narrative that temples embody the responsibility of policing believers’ attitudes – for example, in the ways that they should be obedient to their parents.

More importantly, the deity statues are found to be the apogee of the spiritual importance of temples, given that most devotees observably spend a large amount of their time praying to these statues. They are also found to play an important ritualistic role during celebratory season, given that it is common for temple caretakers or religious followers to devote time to cleaning these statues just prior to Chinese New Year. This signifies a newfound purity and sacredness of the temple each year.

Ultimately, temples devoid of these statues may well be considered defunct.

To illustrate, diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia have not subscribed to all of the above defining qualities, although some are still observable; for example, the Jin De Yuan Temple subscribes to the (siheyuan and sanheyuan) hybrid floor plan geometries respectively that is commonly found in traditional Chinese dwellings not exclusive to Southern China. This is symptomatic of a larger discourse on how diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia – especially those constructed in the 18th century - align themselves to an idea of authenticity contingent on the way that spaces are laid out and organized. This dissertation will discuss further in subsequent chapters on whether this alignment is necessary to determine the social and religious values embedded in a temple and whether future temple typologies necessitate bearings to these floor plans.

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A more detailed analysis, however, will present authenticity in form beyond mere floor plans and space layouts but – perhaps more importantly – the tangible architectural elements materialized in Chinese temples. These elements predominantly include features that are distinguishable from one another to a layman’s eye such as in the shape and colour of roofs, intricacies on facades and materiality, all of which make up significant parts of temples’ forms.

Given these, the question on authenticity then remains; why does restoring the forms of temples seem so necessary? To answer this, it is imperative that we look beyond forms and further into their symbolisms. In reality, each architectural feature or element that makes up a part of diasporic Chinese temples have their roots in ideas of sacredness – be it of the temples, or man’s relationship with cosmology and the spiritual realm. Oftentimes, this sacredness is also seen to be the crux of what makes a community. As established by Joyce Koh Chong Hui in Sacred Space: Chinese Temples in Singapore, there exists perceptions by religious followers that temples are sacred based on the “holiness of deities, absence of evil spirits and observance of codes of behaviour.”, all of which arguably policed by such symbolism in forms. Such sacredness and sanctity are important placemakers of temples as places that provide opportunities for spiritual consultation between deities and their believers.

With reference to the ornamental details of Jin De Yuan Temple, for example, one would be able to easily observe the abundance of dragon carvings accessorial to architectural structures such as its roofs. Based on the historical symbolism of dragons to traditional Chinese communities as that of wealth and protection (Markarian, 2020) and that they protect religious followers from harm and bad luck (Lip, 1983), it is presumable that there is a certain extent of belief embedded in the value of architectural elements as something more spiritual and sacred. This hence justifies the regarded importance of restoring temple forms to the states at which they were originally constructed, even if construction methods were to be different. What is of utmost importance, it seems, is the physical manifestation of such sacredness.

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3.2. Authenticity in Facilitative Qualities of Diasporic Chinese Temples This dissertation also maintains the argument that the tangible facilitates the intangible, especially in case studies such as diasporic Chinese temples whereby they were once the glue that held Chinese communities together whether during colonial rule or in societies whereby they made up the minority race - this has been thoroughly discussed in Chapter 2.

To illustrate, the Jin De Yuan Temple was once the primary node of the Pecinan area in Jakarta which is regarded as the capital city’s Chinatown. Having been constructed in 1650, it laid at the crossroads of a period in which the Chinese had just begun to enjoy rights to their culture and religion; while the Islamic rule between the 16th to 17th century had forbidden them from celebrating religious festivals and holy days, it was only when the Dutch colonized onward 1619 that the Chinese had started to celebrate days such as the Chinese New Year (Noviasari et al., 2009). This enabled the construction of the Jin De Yuan Temple which became an urban placemaker of the Chinatown that had once merely been known to be the centre of trade in Jakarta. In doing so, Jin De Yuan Temple became the main node of the ethnic Chinese enclave and is a point of community coagulation in which the diasporic Chinese could visit for prayers even amidst tumultuous times of social rejection and isolation. While being wary of the hypothesis that Jakarta’s diasporic Chinese community would not have flourished as well in the absence of the temple, one may argue that the tangibility of the temple – defined by the distinction of its form and structure from other depleting diasporic Chinese architecture in the Pecinan area – has enabled the intangibility of religion, spirituality and worship to persist among the diasporic Chinese. Specifically, it is that the function of the Jin De Yuan temple is seen to be largely attributed to its sacredness derived from architectural features and elements. This is further concretized by the aggression posed by the government’s planning strategy of having turned Pecinan into an economic bustle, thus overwhelming the cultural nuances previously characteristic of the area.

The inherent meaning of function can then also be extended to the autonomy of a diasporic Chinese temple in facilitating the sustenance of intangible cultural heritage such as social practices, religious rituals and festivals. Every Chinese New Year, the Jin De Yuan Temple welcomes approximately 5000 visitors who spend approximately an hour each at the temple.

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This number excludes the many who are old and frail, thus incapacitated to visit the temple at its maximum capacity during festive days but choose to do so days or a week prior (Tri, 2015). While Chinese New Year in Indonesia is not valued to the extent that it is inscribed Intangible World Heritage status by the UNESCO the way that the Qiang New Year Festival is, this paper argues that the intricacies of the diasporic Chinese’s celebrations make it just as significant of a cultural heritage; not only should it be protected, consistent effort should also be inculcated such that generations of diasporic Chinese will sustain traditions. Such sustenance is indubitably aided by the physical presence of a socio-religious congregatory space such as temples.

Chinese New Year in Indonesia is not a mere celebration, but rather symbolic of a more nuanced socio-political narrative pertaining to the growth of diasporic Chinese communities locally. As aforementioned, such narrative has long been tainted with tones of animosity and socio-political discrimination. This was especially true under the rule of Soeharto, in which he prohibited the diasporic Chinese from openly celebrating or carrying out ethnic activities, including Chinese New Year. While this was reverted in 2000 when Abdurrahman Wahid established Chinese New Year as a facultative public holiday for the diasporic Chinese, it was only in 2002 that the community felt recognized and accepted; 2002 marked the year in which President Megawati had declared the day to be a national holiday, thus underlining the idea that Chinese New Year was a celebration to be observed and respected by Indonesians regardless of race and religion, rather than something to be shunned into private spaces. This kickstarted the scale and grandiosity of celebrations that marks Chinese New Year in Jakarta each year, characterized by activities such as worship, congregatory dinners, angpao giving and visiting of relatives (Laurensia, 2019). As such, this study perceives that the celebration of intangible heritage connotes more than just an ethnic festival, but – perhaps more importantly – how far the diasporic Chinese communities in Indonesia have come and persevered through. While a number of the stated activities take place outside of places of worship, temple compounds remain to be the primary space for these communities to celebrate their “Chineseness” (Koji, 2012) to the best of their capacity – a physical place in which the lines between existing as they are and assimilating are nonexistent. For this reason, the function of diasporic Chinese temples is instrumental. Not only that, architectural

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elements and ornamentations are seen to be the vehicle of religious followers’ identification with the place since they distinguish temples from other places of worship.

As such, arguments would soundly follow that the authenticity of diasporic Chinese temples are contingent upon the restoration of architectural tangibility, though not specific to just ornamentation. Consequently, continuity in heritage and historical narratives are anchored upon both authenticity in forms and functions.

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CHAPTER 4 Authenticity Across Diasporic Chinese Temple Typologies in Indonesia As aforementioned, this study will delve into the various typologies of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia. Case studies have been carefully selected based on the breadth and depth they can contribute to the discourse, as well as the availability of materials published online. The following subchapters will discuss the case studies via a thorough architectural analysis accompanied by relevant diagrams and images. A tabulation of their qualities against the previously discussed defining characteristics of traditional Fujianese temples adapted into Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temples will conclude this chapter.

4.1. Architectural History of Jin De Yuan Temple A brief introduction of Jin De Yuan Temple has been provided in Chapters 1 and 2; built in 1650, it was subjected to extensive destruction during the Batavia Fury in 1740, hence posing for the opportunity for reconstruction by a Chinese captain in 1755.

In terms of religious values upheld, it is constructed to be a Tridharma temple.

Contextually, the diasporic Chinese in Indonesia are followers of various religions, of which three are historically predominant amongst the country’s original sojourners – Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism (Suryadinata, 2014). Diasporic Chinese temples, otherwise known to locals as klenteng, was the basis of subsequent permutations of places of worship belonging to diasporic Chinese communities in Indonesia with Jin De Yuan Temple being the first of its kind.

The discussion of Jin De Yuan Temple will also be stratified into two different parts, starting with its architectural qualities pre-2015 which was the year in which a fire engulfed its main building and prayer spaces, followed by its present conditions.

At first glance, the most striking feature found in the pre-2015 state would be its “swallow tail”-shaped roof as shown in Figure 9. The terminology is applied to roofs that have their edges curved upwards, akin to that of a swallow bird’s tail. Atop sit two 30

dragon statues along with intricate carvings that are symbolic of the temple’s hopeful embodiment of a dragon’s positive qualities, as well as myths attached to its existence.

Made out of porcelain and intentionally designed to be facing each other, a statue of water gourd underneath a pearl sits in between the dragons – both elements allegedly narrating the strength and power emitting from the dragons. Just under the roof ridge, as aforementioned, are intricate carvings of shrubs and their flowers, both of which are symbolic of longevity and prosperity. In terms of colours, the intentional use of yellow and red denotes reference to nirvana and joy respectively (Salim, 2016). As discussed, symbolism in ornamentation and architectural intricacies are significant in that they promulgate the sanctity and religious value of diasporic Chinese temples.

Moreover, the embedded values play the role of enforcers of appropriate attitudes amongst religious followers thus policing the ways they carry themselves within the parameters of the places of worship and, under the principle of good karma, in external settings. This hence frames an argument for the importance of restoration of architectural ornamentation in diasporic Chinese temples.

Figure 9: Roof of Jin De Yuan’s Main Temple Space, Pre-2015 Source: Polniwati Salim Going into the organization of spaces within the temple, it has been studied that they are stratified into sacred and non-sacred spaces, the latter consisting of the front room, impluvium, side room and main sacred room. These spaces are also enclosed

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within non-load bearing walls, given that brackets can be seen to connect to specific column sites instead (Figure 10).

Figure 10: Structural Features of Jin De Yuan Temple Source: Wonderful Indonesia One of the most significant spaces remains to be that of the front sacred space given that this was where the altar table was housed. A Wei Tuo statue accompanies the space along with a Mi-le-fo – better known as the God of Medicine – deity facing the door, symbolizing protection of the temple. The main sacred space, on the other hand, houses the statue of Goddess Kwan Im – the deity that the temple is built for. As such, the study finds that, pre- 2015, these spaces can be argued to have been the most significant given that it tops the hierarchy of sanctity; with the temple bearing functions of primarily a prayer space for diasporic Chinese communities in Jakarta, the front and main sacred spaces are presumably the spaces that held largest quantities of visitors and religious followers. This can be corroborated with accounts and documentations of Chinese New Year celebrations whereby it can be seen that the bulk of visitors were headed towards the altar space (Berita Harian, 2014). As shown in Figure 11, most of the deity statues were placed in this space, signifying it to be the hearth of the premise. Hence, in terms of heritage significance, these spaces can be argued to be most symbolic of the temple’s functional authenticity.

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Figure 11: Jin De Yuan Temple Floor Plan Source: Dewobroto Adhiwignyo & Bagus Handoko Post-2015, however, the Jin De Yuan temple has been left devoid of its front and main sacred spaces due to the fire that engulfed it. Instead, as mentioned in Chapter I, a temporary holding space designed with an altar has replaced them. These spaces are devoid of the ornamental intricacies deemed to be essential to the existence of diasporic Chinese temples. Yet, reports state that this has not deterred the number of visitors and religious followers who frequent the temple during Chinese New Year for the past 6 years. Celebratory rituals – such as the cleaning and swapping of deity statues’ outfits – are held no differently than before. Such rituals are based on the belief that deities rise to the sky and leave the deity statues as mere vessels (Anugrahadi, 2019). One can hence conclude that the celebratory and religious rituals commonly executed by diasporic Chinese in Indonesia have circumvented the complete destruction of necessary sacred spaces within their places of worship.

Therefore, this study argues that there is a more inherent spiritual value to diasporic 33

Chinese temples that has been overlooked and is perhaps a more pertinent basis to authenticity.

4.2. Architectural History of TITD Ling Sii Miao The second case study within focus is the TITD Ling Sii Miao located in Denpasar, Bali.

Also known as Ong Tay Jin Temple or Griya Kongco Dwipayana, the temple had started off as a mere pile of stones surrounded by forestry. This paper finds this historical fact alone to be worth looking into within the scope of functional authenticity; it poses the question of whether physicality is truly a grand marker of authenticity in diasporic Chinese temples.

In 1998, however, a main altar space was constructed in its place along with a main Confucian building. The year after, buildings for its deities were fully constructed; its full form consists of a 7 Goddesses altar space (Figure 12), a 7-storeyed pagoda, and a griya which serves the purpose of a dwelling. Presently, religious followers still pray within these spaces, especially every Chinese New Year (Supartika, 2019). As with the management and conservation of diasporic Chinese temples in Jakarta, the temple was constructed with public funding gathered by private management (Santoso et al., 2017).

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Figure 12: 7 Goddesses Altar Space Source: Putu Supartika Architecturally, the temple’s roof resembles that of a “swallow tail” style and is predominantly red and yellow in colour in both building and small-scale elements such as column ornaments (Figure 13). Columns are also seen to be the primary loadbearing structural elements, thus contributing to a lightweight appearance of curtain walls that highlight the intricacies of ornaments and carvings instead.

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Figure 13: TITD Ling Sii Miao, Denpasar, Bali Source: Gunawan Nyoto Santoso, Andereas Pandu Setiawan & Poppy F. Nilasari Additionally, two dragon statues are located at its entrance. These characteristics can be easily concluded to be denominations of a traditional Fujianese temple typology, thus representing diasporic Chinese heritage. Additionally, the gateway into the temple vicinity is adorned with the characteristics of a traditional Chinese siheyuan gateway. A classic Balinese gateway into Hinduist temples normally features a carved karang boma (Figure 14). Yet, the peak of the gateway in Ling Sii Miao has been modified into a Buddhist stupa painted red and white atop a lotus flower petal ornamentation (Figure 15). In the Tridharma religion, the lotus represents purity and clarity of the soul and heart (Santoso et al., 2017). It can hence be argued that its inclusion in Ling Sii Miao is symptomatic of the aforementioned larger discourse pertaining to the role of temple ornamentations in policing attitudes of their religious followers. Yet, it is also a manifestation of the negotiation between diasporic Chinese 36

and Balinese heritage, given that the lotus also plays a symbolic role in Hinduism – deities in Hinduism are believed to have been born out of lotuses which represent purity as well. Other featured ornamentation includes those of a dragon and Chinese religious deities (Sulistyawati, 2011).

Figure 14: Karang Boma on Candi Kurung, Bali Source: Putu Mardika

Figure 15: Ling Sii Miao Gateway Source: Serba Serbi Tridharma

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In terms of spatial arrangement, it is notable that the overall floor plan is curated based on a tribhuwana concept rooted in traditional Balinese architectural symbolism representing three different hierarchies of humans, non-humans and spiritual beings.

There are demarcated sacred and social spaces as marked in red in Figure 16; two significant spaces named by locals as Bale Sakanem and Bale Tempat Persembahan represent diasporic Chinese and Balinese heritage respectively. While the former is likened to that of a traditional diasporic Chinese altar, the latter accommodates Balinese belief of offerings as a spiritual responsibility in Hinduism lest bad karma befalls them (Samiyono, 2009).

Figure 16: Floor Plan of TITD Ling Sii Miao, Denpasar, Bali Source: Ir. Sulistyawati; modified by Author Insofar as the architectural qualities of TITD Ling Sii Miao have been discussed in this chapter, the purpose of its inclusion as a case study fulfils the representation of hybrid38

diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia. As detailed, there exists multiple architectural evidence of the cultural assimilation of diasporic Chinese religious beliefs into the larger Balinese society, thus positing the temple as a negotiative space of both cultural heritages. It must be reiterated that the temple was once a mere pile of stones regarded as sufficient representation of its socio-religious function, thereby corroborating with the primary hypothesis of this study that religious authenticity of diasporic Chinese temples are embedded in aspects other than mere physicality that has long been deemed to be of priority for restorative approaches.

4.3. Architectural History of Vihara Ekayana Arama Vihara Ekayana Serpong – also known as Vihara Ekayana Arama to many – was constructed in 2017 with a main building of rectangular massing and an overarching flat roof atop. A third-party analyst may surmise that a minimalist style had been chosen to enunciate the ideological and spiritual nuances within the building. Yet, past research (Margaretha, 2020) has surveyed that the justification for its architecture lies in the embodiment of ideas pertaining to a calm, balanced spirit. Moreover, it depicts a reflection of Buddha’s simple yet firm character. Vihara Ekayana Serpong acts as a congregatory place for Chinese Buddhists in Jakarta who are considered a minority.

Naturally, this predisposes the design of its architecture to be much larger in scale and is more similar to that of a complex (Figure 17) rather than a standalone building.

Prior to the subsequent architectural study, it should be noted that Viharas are also a more contemporary permutation of klenteng in Indonesia. Historically, the terminology was applied during a time in which the suppression of Chinese nuances were arguably at its strongest, thus leading to an erasure of Chinese-sounding names pinned onto architecture amongst other things. As such, it is fundamental to note that Viharas inherently take on a stylistic assimilative approach rid of physical likeness to traditional Fujianese temples, which developed over time to become an architectural approach distinguished against the defining characteristics of a klenteng.

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Figure 17: Complex Layout of Vihara Ekayana Serpong Source: Cindy Margaretha In this complex lays 8 different spaces – a main prayer building, a Sunday school space, a building with events spaces, a dining hall, a cremation ashes holding room, a library, a kitchen and a courtyard. This hence supports an earlier assertion made that temples have a role of coagulating minority communities, or at least providing opportunities for devotees to congregate within a private religious enclave. In aligning the complexlike design to such a core idea, this dissertation posits that – despite having been eschewed from traditional stylistic tendencies of diasporic Chinese temples – social provisions made may also play an integral role in becoming placemaking factors contributory towards authenticity.

Despite the present lack of information pertaining to the spiritual justifications behind the design process of Vihara Ekayana Serpong, there exists a more established survey regarding its materiality and form. Firstly, there was a strong intentionality to utilize neutral colours found in nature to incite a sense of calmness, peace and harmony that is fundamental to Buddhist ideologies. Secondly, there is also humility in its materiality given that local wood is used to create the grill façade of the main building. Lastly, natural elements such as localized green grass was also retained in the complex (Margaretha, 2020). This dissertation posits that – despite its subscription to a seemingly meaningless modernist style – Vihara Ekayana Serpong maintains sacredness and sanctity through an amalgamation of factors that do not necessitate 40

its physical likeness to pioneering diasporic Chinese temple typologies. Through this case study, one can also observe a localized definition of contemporary based on how its architecture serves to fulfil its responsibility as a congregatory religious space for minority diasporic Chinese and descendants in an urban city.

In terms of spatial arrangement, Vihara Ekayana Serpong seems to also be rid of traditional Fujianese nuances characterized by an airwell or elongated floor plan.

While a courtyard does exist within its premises, it is laid with interlocking pavers (Figure 18) to fulfil the functionality of an open carpark more than to complement the prayer spaces within the Vihara. Its interiors - even main prayer spaces - are painted with colours complementary to its exteriors, yet devoid of ornamentations or carvings (Figure 19). Notably, a large part of the ambience is characterized by the accessorial lanterns hanging from the walls along the walkway leading towards the altar table right at the back of the room.

Figure 18: Courtyard of Vihara Ekayana Serpong Source: Cindy Margaretha

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Figure 19: Main Prayer Space of Vihara Ekayana Serpong Source: Cindy Margaretha Insofar as the points that have been examined, this dissertation asserts that the restoration of traditional diasporic Chinese temple typologies should not be prioritized for the mere sake of physical authenticity and integrity but also other pivots of authenticity such as social and spiritual values.

4.4. Comparisons to Traditional Fujianese Temple Typologies As briefly mentioned in previous paragraphs, a comparative study of the three primary case studies of Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temples will be tabulated against several chosen typifying characteristics of traditional Fujianese temples to examine their defining factors. Thus, this will aid the conclusion on which aspects of a temple warrant utmost conservation efforts more so than others.

As shown in Figure 20, the defining characteristics of traditional Fujianese temple typology are chosen based on previously discussed architectural features in Chapter 3. It is notable that two categories of characteristics - namely Architectonics and 42

Materiality as well as Spatial Arrangement - are predeterminants of a temple’s physical likeness to traditional Fujianese temple typology. They are representative of workmanship, traditional crafts and construction knowledge - all of which are intangible heritage materialised. As such, these characteristics are specificities traditionally seen to be indicative of a diasporic Chinese temple’s physical authenticity. Yet, it must be noted that most restorative efforts at conservations seek to return these diasporic Chinese temples to their original state of likeness to Fujianese temple typology without consideration for the aforementioned intangible heritage in Indonesia. Simplified, this refers to the lack of information and, most likely, any involvement of traditional Chinese craftsmanship and construction in the restoration of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia.

On the other hand, the categories of Roof Construction and Ornamental Details are more symbolic than representative in nature - of religious sanctity, values and sacredness. Their role, as discussed in previous chapters, is largely to police the codes of behaviour of religious believers and typify the diasporic Chinese temple typology apart from other places of worship, thus creating a congregatory space followers are able to identify with. These placemaking factors play a significant role in the extent to which diasporic Chinese communities are able to freely express their “Chineseness”.

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Figure 20: Comparative Study of Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia Source: Author It remains that Jin De Yuan Temple is most closely aligned with traditional Fujianese temple typology, especially in terms of Roof Construction and Ornamental Details.

Conversely, Vihara Ekayana Serpong has deviated the furthest. It is also observable that Presence of Deity Statues is the one commonality across all case studies considered.

Thus, this study posits that - first and foremost - diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia have manifested in ways divergent from socio-architectural constructs of traditional Fujianese temple typology. Especially in the case of TITD Ling Sii Miao and Vihara Ekayana Serpong, it is worth noting that traditional Fujianese elements found within the buildings such as Roof Ornamentation and Symbolic Ornamentation are equally laden with ethnic Balinese symbols and influence. For example, some of the floral ornamentation found in the premise of TITD Ling Sii Miao are found to be inspired more by elements found in Balinese traditional residences (Santoso et al., 2017). This suggests that the case studies in Indonesia are sites for negotiation between ethnic and diasporic Chinese cultures, and are assimilative processes architecturally manifested as places of worship.

Secondly, in addressing the question of what authenticity encompasses in diasporic Chinese temple typologies, this study argues that each case study is - in fact - authentic in their unique 44

ways. It is a factual claim that their deviation from traditional Fujianese temple characteristics have not cheapened their social value as a place of worship, as well as their spiritual roles as mediums of communications between religious followers and otherworldly figures. It is this function that gives places of worship meaning, and deviations from architectural origins have not depreciated this meaning. Authenticity in the case studies can hence be taken as an overarching concept further segregated into branches, namely physical, social, spiritual and transformative - all of which are inarguably worthy of consideration within conservation management. More importantly, authenticity encompasses dynamism - in transformations, adaptations and processes of cultural negotiation that gives rise to certain deviations and alignment to socio-architectural typifications - rather than mere physical likeness.

Hence, it is non-negotiable for conservation approaches to acknowledge this dynamism as a prerequisite of authenticity rather than to staticize physical typifications against the chronology of time. Restoration of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia has insofar been hyperfixated with returning them to their original physical state at construction. In alluding towards the concept of dynamism, an all-rounded examination of what social, spiritual and transformative authenticities entail should be carried out prior. This is especially important given that the last three categories mentioned are people-centric and anchor themselves in the ways that religious devotees perceive the changing roles of diasporic Chinese temples across time.

This hence brings forth a secondary point that there is little evidence of workmanship, traditional crafts and construction knowledge being imparted as intangible heritage to future generations in such conservation processes. This study hence argues that restoration - amidst its economic fallibility and other complications discussed - pose a stronger case when it guarantees other spillover effects such as the sustainability of intangible heritage. It is especially important that the diasporic Chinese communities themselves are involved in the restoration so as to ensure their accountability and sense of ownership towards heritage assets, rather than to have the state or upper echelons of temple management hierarchy dictate conservation strategies.

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It has now been made apparent that there is a dichotomy between dynamic and anthropocentric outlooks on authenticity versus restoration which mummifies the physicality of a temple. This paper hence proposes a representative diagram for restorative approaches in conservation which enables it to be the reconciliatory factor in marrying the two, as shown in Figure 21 below; the diagram acknowledges the necessity of taking on restorative approaches towards several elements of a temple such as those that dictate sacredness, sanctity and social identification amongst minority. Yet, the vulnerabilities of restorative efforts in its lack of economic viability, managerial complications and tendency to mummify physicalities have to be recognized. As such, this study proposes a mixed approach towards different parts of a diasporic Chinese temple in Indonesia in accordance with their various contributions towards authenticity; elements that denote social, spiritual and ornamental importance to the communities still present sound grounds for restorative approaches. Yet, others that have been proven to lack socio-religious significance in this day and age - such as structural likeness to Fujianese temple typologies that are now devoid of cultural meaning could take on reconstructive possible instead.

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Figure 21: Framework for Conservation of Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia Source: Author Firstly, through the findings presented, this study posits that physical authenticity is conceptually too convoluted - at least in the scope of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia - to be categorised singularly; in the tabulations found in Figure 20, physicality can be further segregated into ornamental and structural, in which the latter consists of categories Roof Construction, Architectonics & Materiality and Spatial Arrangement. These categories are more reminiscent of traditional Fujianese socio-architectural constructs and the undertone of intangible heritage pertaining to construction knowledge and workmanship. It is found that these characteristics have observed the most deviation across permutations of diasporic Chinese temples due to assimilation of cultures. Thus, this study argues that restoration tainted by the lack of economic viability and other complications may not be fully justified as a default approach to these elements. In fact, setting restoration to be the de facto conservation approach of diasporic Chinese temples could be seen as an erasure of cultural assimilation and transformation across time, thus degrading authenticity. Rather, this study proposes for structural elements to subscribe to reconstructive approaches instead that are 47

more representative of cultural processes and developments. Hence, this interjection of a non-restorative approach forms the core argument for the framework and concept of mixedapproach proposed.

On the other hand, Ornamental Details are still abundantly found on diasporic Chinese temples due to the fact that they recognize dynamism - that carvings or decorative elements could represent traditional Chinese, local and contemporary cultures simultaneously. As such, in present times - carefully defined for the short-term - they may still be seen as green flags of authenticity. Given that they are physical elements seen to define diasporic Chinese temple typologies in Indonesia, they can be regarded as a fundamental pivot of authenticity in restorative approaches. Notably, in the case of Viharas, Ornamental Details can be expanded to include accessorial ornaments that set out the ambience of interiors which may not render restoration per se but rather careful treatments.

Both the reconstruction and restoration of structural and ornamental elements respectively contribute towards the manifestation of authenticity in Indonesia’s diasporic Chinese temples in different ways; firstly, the former allows for recognition of the changes that diasporic Chinese communities have undergone. This creates the newfound conclusion on what this study finds authenticity to represent through the stated methodology and findings - a cultural byproduct that encompasses transformative, adaptive and negotiative processes. In recognizing that structural elements in diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia no longer hold cultural significance or importance, restorative approaches should not fixate on their capacity to replicate traditional Southern Chinese methods of construction workmanship, as well as architectural stylistic approaches to roof and structural elements. Rather, damaged or decayed structures should be reconstructed in accordance with what local communities and religious devotees deem to be important in the present day.

Secondly, the restoration of ornamental elements has been discussed to contribute towards the social and spiritual values and functionalities of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia.

To reiterate, social values are embodied in the ways that ornamental details allow for communal identification and distinction of temple typologies from each other. Conversely, spiritual values denote the function of a temple as a reconciliatory medium for 48

communication between worldly beings, ancestors, deities and spirits. Such a role is defined by the sanctity and sacredness of spaces within temples, often characterized by religious ornaments and accessorial elements attached to architecture. Therefore, it is logical to assert that the restoration of ornamental elements is justified to retain the functions of diasporic Chinese temples. Given that these functions define a temple at its most basic prerequisite as a place of worship, authenticity may only be retained concomitant with them.

Contextually, this framework is curated based on the understanding that restoration as a singular approach to a temple’s entirety is fallible in that it is akin to staticizing architecture to specific timeframes in which social, spiritual and ornamental elements may have meanings that are well outdated. Thus, this study ultimately calls for a mixed approach to the conservation of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia whereby other pivots that may be contributive to authenticity - such as structural - should be allowed to develop in their own terms architecturally. This study finds that this would herald a newfound priority placed on the transformative potential of cultures and heritage manifested as architecture.

In the case study of Jin De Yuan Temple, for example, it has been made evident that the sociospiritual functions of the temple persist despite the lackluster construction of the temporary temple. While spaces denoting these functions may have justifiable causes for restoration in the future, it still begs the question of whether a restorative approach to its original roof and architectural elements are necessary in this day and age given the plausible lack of economic viability and documentation. In this sense, one should explore the possibility of employing another approach - ideally, reconstruction which would be more indicative of transformations in meanings and priorities. Ultimately, this study finds that restorative approaches should be rooted in more nuanced justifications - such as ornamental, social and spiritual elements as discussed - towards the discourse of authenticity as a transformative cultural byproduct rather than a mere mimetic conservation approach.

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Chapter 5 Conclusion This study provides a thorough exploration into the dichotomy between restorative approaches in architectural conservation and dynamism in authenticity; the latter has largely alluded to a perceived need of mummifying heritage assets based on the long-standing misconstrual that authenticity entails physical likeness to an architectural origin. It must be clarified that this study does not seek to denigrate restoration as a conservation approach.

Rather, it seeks to question the validity of justifications for restoration, especially in the context of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia. Contextually, parameters for authenticity have been pinned onto socio-architectural constructs set by traditional Fujianese temple typology. Yet, an architectural study of the given case studies - namely Jin De Yuan Temple, Vihara Ekayana Serpong and TITD Ling Sii Miao - leads to the finding that temples are defined and coagulated as places of worship primarily due to the symbolism embedded within architectural elements. These symbols are highly contributive to the meaning imbued in the typology given that they play two fundamental roles - one, that they are regulators of codes of behaviour that enforce the sanctity and sacredness of temples and, two, that they become physical placemaking factors allowing for believers’ identification with a place they can call their own. Authenticity, therefore, is anchored more upon these factors that give temples their meanings rather than physical attributes more reminiscent of traditional crafts and workmanship which are considered to be intangible heritage.

Still, the two named factors are not a zero-sum game; in reconciling them, this study proposes a framework in which restorative approaches can marry the importance of imparting intangible heritage onto future generations as well as retain physical placemakers rich with religious symbolism. This framework indicates the pivots of authenticity that may well justify restoration as a conservation approach despite the complications it brings about. Specifically, these pivots are ornamental, social and spiritual, all of which are found to be contributory towards a higher cause of transformative recognition of authenticity. To conclude, architectural conservation should not be wholly averse to taking on restorative approaches, but rather to curate conservation plans more thoughtfully with all-rounded considerations for heritage significance outside of merely architectural and aesthetic values; to uphold 50

authenticity as a dynamic concept and architecture as living heritage. This study hence proposes an angle towards the discourse of authenticity - that the conservation of diasporic Chinese temple typologies may consider a mixed approach, for example involving the restoration of elements that are reminiscent of the aforementioned pivots and reconstruction of structural parts that no longer carry nuance.

It must be conceded that the study’s potential is highly suppressed by the current COVID-19 situation that has impaired the ability to travel. Outside of such a vacuum, more depth could be provided via qualitative methodologies such as interviews and on-site observations of the ways that religious believers interact with various architectural elements in diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia. More importantly, a deeper study could be explored in all aspects through the wider availability of literary works and resources in Indonesia; currently, there exists a reliance on merely resources that have been published online, supplemented by anecdotal knowledge and observations of diasporic Chinese communities in Indonesia. There also exists a greater potential in the categorical specification of the proposed pivots of authenticity which would then help develop the framework into a form of rubrics for the conservation of the case studies. For example, specific branches of ornamental, social and spiritual pivots could be broken down and thoroughly discussed if the study was carried out over an extended period of time. Nevertheless, it is hoped that this study has provided a stepping stone into the discourse of restoration and authenticity primarily illustrated by case studies of diasporic Chinese temples in Indonesia.

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List of Figures Figure 1. Perkumpulan Tridharma, n.d. Batavia / Jakarta EenChineesche Tempel – 金德院 – Jin De Yuan/ Kim Tek Ie – Vihara Dharma Bhakti – PERKUMPULAN TRIDHARMA. URL https://tridharma.or.id/batavia-jakarta-eenchineesche-tempel%e9%87%91%e5%be%b7%e9%99%a2-jin-de-yuan-kim-tek-ie-vihara-dharma-bhakti/ (accessed 10.14.21).

Figure 2. Kusuma, M., 2015. Hunting Foto di Taman Mini Indonesia Indah - Geret Koper [WWW Document]. URL https://www.geretkoper.com/2015/06/hunting-foto-di-tamanmini-indonesia.html (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 3. Ratya, M.P., n.d. Wihara Modern di Serpong Ini akan Diresmikan 17 Desember [WWW Document]. URL https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3770053/wihara-modern-diserpong-ini-akan-diresmikan-17-desember (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 4. Johnny Young, 2021. VIHARA DHARMA BAKTI SUDAH RATA TANAH | PEMBANGUNAN VIHARA BARU JIN DE YUAN DI PETAK 9 GLODOK. Figure 4. Johnny Young, 2021. VIHARA DHARMA BAKTI SUDAH RATA TANAH | PEMBANGUNAN VIHARA BARU JIN DE YUAN DI PETAK 9 GLODOK. Figure 5. Kohl, D.G., 1984. Chinese Architecture in the Straits Settlements and Western Malaya: Temples, Kongsis, and houses. Heinemann Asia, Kuala Lumpur.

Figure 6a. Top China Travel, n.d. South Putuo Temple in Xiamen: Nan Putuo Si in Xiamen of Fujian [WWW Document]. URL https://www.topchinatravel.com/china-attractions/southputuo-temple.htm (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 6b. Tan, W., 2020. Kaiyuan Temple stands as an icon of Buddhism’s golden era [WWW Document]. SHINE. URL https://www.shine.cn/feature/art-culture/2007081697/ (accessed 11.14.21).

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Figure 7. Kohl, D.G., 1984. Chinese Architecture in the Straits Settlements and Western Malaya: Temples, Kongsis, and houses. Heinemann Asia, Kuala Lumpur.

Figure 8. Kohl, D.G., 1984. Chinese Architecture in the Straits Settlements and Western Malaya: Temples, Kongsis, and houses. Heinemann Asia, Kuala Lumpur.

Figure 9. Salim, P., 2011. Ragam Ornamen Atap Klenteng Jin De Yuan sebagai Salah Satu Aset di Kawasan Kota Tua. Humaniora 2, 1219–1224. https://doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v2i2.3173 Figure 10. Wonderful Indonesia, 2021. Vihara Dharma Bhakti (The Jin De Yuan) - Indonesia Travel [WWW Document]. URL https://www.indonesia.travel/gb/en/destinations/java/dkijakarta/vihara-dharma-bhakti-the-jin-de-yuan (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 11. Adhiwignyo, P.K.D., Handoko, B., 2015. Kajian Arsitektural dan Filosofis Budaya Tionghoa pada Kelenteng Jin De Yuan, Jakarta (Journal:eArticle). Interior Design. Bandung Institute of Technology.

Figure 12. Supartika, P., 2019. Sejarah Griya Kongco Dwipayana, Berawal dari Batu Bertulis Dinasti Qing Sekitar 500 Tahun Lalu [WWW Document]. Tribun-bali.com. URL https://bali.tribunnews.com/2019/01/30/sejarah-griya-kongco-dwipayana-berawal-daribatu-bertulis-dinasti-qing-sekitar-500-tahun-lalu (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 13. Santoso, G.N., Setiawan, A.P., Nilasari, P.F., 2017. Akulturasi Budaya Bali-Tionghoa pada Interior TITD Ling Sii Miao Tanah Kilap, Denpasar. Intra 5, 27–34.

Figure 14. Mardika, P., 2017. Begini Makna Karang Boma yang Selalu Ada di Candi Kurung Jeroan Pura [WWW Document]. URL https://baliexpress.jawapos.com/balinese/25/12/2017/begini-makna-karang-boma-yangselalu-ada-di-candi-kurung-jeroan-pura (accessed 11.14.21).

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Figure 15. Edi, 2015. SERBA SERBI TRIDHARMA: T.I.T.D LING SII MIAO - Tanah Kilap, Denpasar-Bali. SERBA SERBI TRIDHARMA. URL http://tradisitridharma.blogspot.com/2015/01/titd-ling-sii-miao-tanah-kilap-denpasar.html (accessed 11.14.21).

Figure 16. Sulistyawati, Ir., 2011. AKULTURASI BUDAYA BALI DAN TIONGHOA DALAM ARSITEKTUR GRIYA KONGCO DWIPAYANA, KUTA. (modified by Author) Figure 17. Margaretha, C., 2020. Redesign Ekayana Arama Buddhist Temple with Architecture Semiotic of Mindfulness in West Jakarta. Podomoro University, Jakarta, Indonesia.

Figure 18. Margaretha, C., 2020. Redesign Ekayana Arama Buddhist Temple with Architecture Semiotic of Mindfulness in West Jakarta. Podomoro University, Jakarta, Indonesia.

Figure 19. Margaretha, C., 2020. Redesign Ekayana Arama Buddhist Temple with Architecture Semiotic of Mindfulness in West Jakarta. Podomoro University, Jakarta, Indonesia.

Figure 20. Comparative Study of Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia by Author Figure 21. Framework for Conservation of Diasporic Chinese Temples in Indonesia by Author

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