Interview with Salome Zourabichvili

The Independent Member of the Parliament of Georgia and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Salome Zourabichvili, spoke about the role of his great grandfather Niko Nikoladze, in the restoration of the state independence of Georgia. She recalls the years spent in emigration and reminds us that independence is not permanent for anyone especially as she talked about the constant struggle involved.

How would you evaluate the role of your great grand-father - Niko Nikoladze, in restoration of Georgia’s independence?

Firstly, let’s remember that Niko Nikoladze had a direct role in the decision to declare independence. It’s known that Jordania and the social democrats were hesitant towards the independence issue, when in March 2018 while participating in Batumi negotiations Nikoladze and Chkhenkeli presented the government with a proposal which had no alternative:

Declaring independence was the only way to escape Turkey’s ultimatum (either you recognize the Russian Turkish Treaty of Brest-Litovsk entailing the concession of Batumi to Turkey otherwise Turkey will occupy these territories by force). Independent Georgia would ally with Germany and be thus protected from the ambitions of Turkey, another ally of Germany.

The message from the Batumi delegation to authorities in Tbilisi was clear: “Independence is close at hand how can we not welcome it … If we miss this opportunity what answer can we give to those who will come after us?”. The arguments of Nikoladze and Chkhenkeli were decisive and indeed the government declared independence on May 26, 1918.

However, Nikoladze’s contribution in preparing the restoration of independence by spreading liberal and European thoughts is no less important. Nikoladze’s attitude was different from his pairs in that he believed in practical work more than in words and ideology. While Ilia Tchavtchavadze was shaping what would become the national ideology of the future state, Niko Nikoladze travelled across Europe and was searching relentlessly for scientific endeavours or new technologies, economic models, approaches towards private property and labor, which would be suitable for the development and consolidation of an independent Georgia.

He searched for practical ways for Georgia to establish firmly its independence on its own resources. He didn’t just search, he created and developed what indeed would become the base of the Georgian economy: Through the building of the Poti Sea Port, the development of the Tkibuli coal mines, the Chiatura manganese mines, the launching of the first Georgian railway, his participation into the development of Baku oil fields, the belief in private capital investment, he created the economic preconditions for state independence before the actual independence of the state.

You were born and raised in the family of Georgian emigrants in France, at the time when Georgia was in Soviet Union, what kind of mindset did the emigrants have and what was it like to fight for restoration of independence?

Fighting for the restoration of independence in emigration was a difficult struggle especially due to the fact that the Georgian political emigration had lost most of the instruments with which to carry this fight: after 1934 the last diplomatic representation in France was closed down, representatives of the government in exile were no longer recognized by the major European countries… that meant a drastic lessening of political leverage …Georgian emigrants have never had neither financial leverage nor military force…

So basically, the struggle continued on grounds of morality and preservation of principles. It meant continuing to promote and spread the idea of statehood, independence and self-existence of Georgia on daily bases in foreign and Georgian emigrant press… calling officials in international governmental and nongovernmental organisations not to reconcile with the forceful occupation of Georgia, denouncing the occupation by the Red Army as a violation of international law, the endless waves of repressions, the denial of national and Human rights. The emigration had also a mission to keep the name of Georgia alive when well known musicians, sportsmen or others were mentioned solely as Russians or as citizens of the Soviet Union… protecting the truth and standing against historical falsification and propaganda while keeping alive Georgian culture and free thinking was part of that daily battle, as exemplified by the numerous political pamphlets, newspapers and journals published in Paris, Berlin or New York, principal centers of the Georgian political emigration.

One of the central principles by which stood the Georgian emigration was the refusal to recognize the legality of the Soviet Union and not reconcile to the fact of occupation. Thus most of the emigrants stood firm in not applying for soviet visas to visit their homeland and went back. During the second world war, this fight took for a short time a military dimension when a part of the emigration took the German side in the war against the Soviet Union, hoping that Germany’s victory would bring the defeat of the Soviet Union and thus Georgia’s liberation. The other half of emigrants sided with the Western democracies, in the belief that defeating one totalitarianism would lead to the weakening of the other. None of these expectations was to be accomplished at least not until almost half a century later.

After the world war the fight took a new form: by the time when the world reconciled to the idea that the Soviet Union was close to be immortal, emigrants stubbornly carried the hope and belief that in the end the Soviet Union would not be able to retain conquered nations and would collapse. That’s what I kept hearing until the day of my father’s death. Every New Year, they would congratulate each other with the words “This year may we see Georgia being independent and free!”.

Also, every year the day of restoration of the independence in 1918, May 26 was celebrated by emigrants not only in Paris but in Brussels, Germany, America, Argentina where Georgian communities existed. These were political celebrations accompanied with Georgian songs and dance, where emigrants and their foreign guests remembered the meaning and significance of independence. It is not to be forgotten that the Georgian church, the church of saint Nino in Paris was founded in 1933, since then it played a central role in the consolidation of the Georgian emigration, as a haven for the spirit of independence where Georgian emigrants from all over the free world would come and pray.

How would you evaluate 100th anniversary of the independence of Georgia? What are some major mistakes and advances?

The history of our state is not one but many centuries old, depending on when we date back the birth of the Georgian statehood … Out of the last hundred years, we only count three years and the last 26 years of independent statehood, So, mistakes and advances of the state cannot be evaluated based on one hundred years, because we are not responsible for the good or the bad things which happened during 70 out of those 100 years.

But we can evaluate what those 3 years of independence brought to the country, what was this energy which then helped it to survive for 70 years under the totalitarian regime and still allow the national identity, the national energy not to be destroyed and the country not be annihilated ... Restored independence and having regained of freedom gave the nation not only political existence but creative energy as well: painting, writing, poetry, theatre came back to life and since then has been feeding the national spirit for tens of years. Kakabadze, Elene Akhvlediani, Grigol Robakidze who were sent abroad by the independent government came back and lit the immortal fire of independence in their creative work. The obtained treasure of independence has followed Georgia for a long time and appraisals in the 20-ies and 30-ies, as well as national demonstrations in 1956 or in 1974 are a testimony to this untamed spirit. A proof as to how strong was the national idea entrenched and how deep the footprints that even a short-lived independence had left for the future generations. It could be said that the referendum of 1991 and the second restoration of independence would not have been possible if the 1918-1921 independence had not paved the way.

However, it’s hard to say whether we have realized and fixed the mistakes we had made in the first years (party based bias and separation of people on party division line, the lack of preparation of military forces, uncertain strategy regarding Europe and Russia) and sometimes it seems like we are making the same mistake: we are devoting less energy to the consolidation of the state and the integrity of society than to personal or party’s ambitions, letting thus the country be divided and weakened in front of outside threats and challenges.

How should Georgia’s fight for independence be continued?

The history of Georgia in the current and previous centuries is the proof that independence is never given permanently and must always be protected. Even today we can see that a big part of our borders are yet neither protected nor even legally recognized by our neighbors and territorial integrity which is one of the cornerstones of the statehood is yet to be strengthened. However, freeing the spirit is even more crucial since without it a free society and free individuals and citizens cannot exist. Unfortunately, 70 years of Soviet regime has left deep imprints and one can see this reflect in still lagging subservient attitudes: to look for someone to obey and follow in internal politics, while hiding in the shade of a stronger state. Fear of expressing nation’s interests, a different opinion, and determine our own ways of self-development, these 70 years of colonial past and Soviet domination in the last century left us with a deep mark which we have to completely get rid of in order to regain trust in ourselves, and belief that a country is not measured only by its territory or demography but its measured by how it can determine its interests and act accordingly.