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V . XLI, 5. 4 W ednesday 7 2011 vol ol XlIvN, oD n. ecember o VTol . XLIV, No. 8 1, 2011 ueSday , november

The IndependenT STudenT publIcaTIon SInce 1949

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Post-election turmoil Ali Kassem News Executive Threats, flyers and fistfights have been a great issue in the past few weeks. After the SRC elections ended, and after each side had claimed victory, the USFC appointments were scheduled to take place. Indeed, it is the vote each SRC members has in deciding the USFC that makes them of interest. As always, the two main “parties” battled to win the USFC. At the end of the day in the faculty of engineering, the USFC was claimed in its integrity by the Order of Engineers. In FAS, the seats were claimed by the secular club. These wins did not go smoothly and the word was that two SRC members, Ahmad Noureddine from FEA and another SRC member from FAS (that prefers to

remain anonymous) were threatened and did not show up to vote. Subsequently, two flyers were circulated amongst AUB students claiming that their choice not to vote was a result of threats, messages to their phones and political pressure. In FEA, there was a tie between the students running with the Order of Engineers and those of the ICAN-Students at Work alliance. Additionally, there were two independent candidates, one of which with the secular club: Ahmad Noureddine. The claim has been that Noureddine was threatened not to vote and as a result of this intimidation, the Students at Work “refused to go in to vote amidst the unprincipled situation.” In response to this, Noureddine began by utterly

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refusing the claims that he was threatened. Interviewed by the Outlook Staff, Noureddine stated that he ran as an independent candidate. He had established “trust” between himself and the architecture students who consequently voted for him. Further, Noureddine, having been elected on the basis that he will not vote for any political party, stated that his decision not to come to the elections was taken after having consulted with the secular club. continued on page 2

Political economy of aid flows to North Africa Sarah Zaytoun Staff Writer Tugce Coskun Photographer

In light of the Arab Spring, questions have been established mainly concerning the flow of aid and its contributing factors on a political and economical level. The countries of interest are in the North African region, specifically Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, and Algeria. The Center for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies (CAMES) held a lecture to address this topic on December 1, in AUB. Jane Harrigan, who is a professor in the Department of Economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, led this discussion. The arguments Harrigan posed during the lecture, were that flows of aid to North Africa are heavily politically motivated, geopolitical factors prevent aid flows, and finally that sociopolitical factors have increased the unemployment rate. Some of the specific facts Harrigan presented are the aid flows per capita and the aid flows from multilateral and bilateral countries. She added that bilateral countries are susceptible to donor interest and that they dominate the flow of aid. On the note concerning bilateral countries, “The United States has been the largest donor of all aid www.aub.edu.lb/outlook

flows from 1980-2006,” added Harrigan. Egypt allying with the West contributed to massive flows of aid to Egypt, which justifies the importance of western aid, explained Harrigan. She proceeded by revealing her studies on aid allocation. The dummy variables for Egypt and Israel were often positive and statistically significant, revealing a large amount of aid to those countries. Some of her other studies further showed that multilateral aid, such as the World Bank and the IMF, are not immune from donor interest. Her study was supported by qualitative and quantitative analyses. Harrigan explained to the audience that the “WIDER” paper additionally includes the political variables. Harrigan’s studies have revealed that, “aid supported reform in North Africa has been disappointing.” There has been a degree of success with early stabilization programs but not with any structural changes. Tunisia showed to sustain economical growth whereas Egypt, Morocco, and Algeria had little growth with the IMF. Continued on Page 4

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