Colonial and Post colonial Urbanism In Iran

Iran’s archeological wealth and natural resources has been always absorbed the west’s interest towards itself .The story of their competition to monopole, colonize or dominate the Iranian landscape is not a new one. But in 1921 after the British coup, these ambitions deliberately contextualized and dramatically transformed urban configurations and diminished the historical identity of the Iranian Landscapes. Needless to say, the modernism as the main driver for these speculations played a key role on satisfying their orientalism and colonialism incentives . While the Iranian Architects and scholars trying to find the links between the emergence of modernism and dramatic alternations of the spatial and social configurations happened in this period ,The critical role of colonialism in this game is still encapsulated. This paper by no means is a try to relate this dramatic flux to the western colonial speculations nor a position against the Imperial colonization and modernism as an enlightment project .It is a modest effort to find the symptoms of colonial incentives in the applied policies and plans for Iran in the period of the “Pahlavi” dynasty. It kicks off by demonstrating the traditional and vernacular configuration of the spatial pattern of Tehran and Isfahan as case studies, and then structures the investigation by comparing the British and French colonial characters parallel to the urban morphology of Tehran and Isfahan in the mentioned time frame.

Keywords: Modernism, Colonialism in Iran, British coup, Urbanism Iran 1920,Pahlavi , Colonization

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Anglo-Persian Oil refinery 1300 Architect :James M. Wilson Employer: William Knox D’Arcy Britian [Source: Crinson ,1996]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Abstract

Fig1.,Nassereddin Shah Paris 1850

Fig2.The Golestan Palace , 1875 [Sourcehttp://www.Flickr.com]

Inroduction The Entry gate to the modernism in Iranian architecture opened around 19th century in the Qajar reign era. It was the time that cultural dialogue with the Europe started by orientalism approach of the imperial west to the archeological and architectural wealth of Iran and the appreciation of the European modern architecture particularly France and England by the Qajar Kings. But fundamentally, what interested the Europe imperials mostly Britain and Russia ,were the abundance of the natural resources and strategic location of Iran within their colonial trajectories. Therefore, they always strived to dominate the political landscapes and monopole the oil industry of the country by any means possible[Fig1]. This trend seamlessly started from giving the large loans to Iran and getting long term contracts in return [ Blair Brysac,2007:2] By the late 19th century, Tehran was looking more and more toward the West, and in 1873 ‘Nassereddin Shah’ became the first Persian monarch to visit Europe.This became apparent in the design of government monuments like the ‘Shams al-Emareh’ and ‘golestan palace’[Fig2]. Although still a very traditional city, Tehran began to sport a “European veneer”[Ethlers and Floor 1993 :254] in such new structures as a theatre that resembled Victoria and Albert Hall in London and the city’s first public clock tower, reminiscent of Big Ben.Afterwards, Persia remained land in chaos, a playground of Russian and British empires and resistant of the nationalist forces . It was not until the 20th century and the Pahlavi dynasty that Tehran was literally opened up to the West. This was after the first Russian revolution which splitted the Ottoman Empire into two pieces. This victory for the proletariat of the world was the greatest enemy of British colonialism [Blair Brysac,2007:3] . .One of the pillars of Iranian Studies in France, is archeology. From 1894 to 1931, the French Ministry of Public Education had the monopoly on archeological excavations in Persia. In charge of uncovering the past, of unearthing the splendors of the pre-Islamic era, French archeologists thus helped embellish the image of a prestigeous Iranian civilization distinct from the Muslim, and mostly Arab, Middle East.

[Hourcade,1987:2] . In 1901 William Knox D’Arcy, a millionaire London socialite, negotiated an oil concession with the Shah Mozzafar al-Din Shah Qajar of Persia. He assumed exclusive rights to prospect for oil for 60 years in a vast tract of territory including most of Iran. In exchange the Shah received £20,000, an equal amount in shares of D’Arcy’s company, and a promise of 16% of future profits.[ Kinzer,2003,48] .This influence of the British and Russian on Iran has a long-standing story In Iran. starting from the Qajar dynasty (1785) renowned for the shameful bribes they took and the vices they allegedly practiced. This originally stems from their naïve strive to retain their independency from the Russian Threats. They believed that by giving the British a large economic stake in the country they would become committed to defending that independence. As a result, in less than a century, Britain secured their position on the Persian landscape, winning extraordinary concessions. Financiers, traders, speculators, and adventurers flocked to Persia, most of them from Britain and Russia. Markets opened in the hinterland, consulates blossomed and foreign shipping began competing for Persian markets draining all the resources as fast as possible.

For instance Baron Julius de Reuter, a naturalized Briton born in Germany and founder of the British press agency, brought off the most spectacular coup in 1872. In one stroke, he privileged to build railways, found a bank, and collect customs for 20 years. That was not all. He was granted exclusive rights for 70 years to mine minerals, , operate tramways and water works; to build irrigation canals, and fell timber, plus an option to found utilities, post offices and other enterprises.

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4.Throughout the end of nineteenth and early twentieth century, many Iranians living in the northern Iran, would go to the city of Baku for work. Azarbaijan was one of the territories that the Tsars had taken away from Iran in the early 19th century. The city of Baku had an abundance of oil fields. The Iranian nationals, motivated by poverty, would travel to Baku to take the most dangerous jobs of the time that Russian people would not take. Living in Russia meant exposure to European ideas and specially those of Marxism. The first Iranian communists were trained in Russia, and brought those ideas to Iran. The First World War was followed by a soviet takeover of Russia. This victory for the proletariat of the world was the greatest enemy of British colonialism. Although they were victorious in WW1, they had to deal with Marxist Leninist Russians who were by far more dangerous and appealing to the poor people of the colonies.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

I

In order to stabilize their situation on Iran industry and to control over the nationalism movements, British commissioned three military Generals and a team stabilize the situation and seek for a new figure that can apply their strategies in Iran[Baussani 2000:49].The head of this team was general Edmond Iron side which with assistance of Reza khan arranged a military coup which led Qajar dynasty fall and with putting the Reza shah on power ,Pahlavi reign established[Fig3,4]. This was the launch point that European colonizers could directly dictate their speculations on the hinterland. The dramatic transformation of the cities in this period is the vivid manifestation of this phenomenon. For most of the twentieth century before the revolution, story of Iran was the story of two Pahlavi Shahs and their attempts, often in the face of foreign interference and domestic religious opposition, to turn Iran into a progressive modern state before its oil ran out.

However, the intention of his paper is not to review the Iranian history, but to reveal the direct influence of the western countries specifically Britain in Iranian king’s decisions for planning the new modern and industrial cities. Reza Shah’s Modernization policy, although focused on a few cities and sectors of industrial activity, had a profound influence on urban transformation throughout the whole country. These developments mark two basic events. First, they are a decisive break with the past and traditional urban growth was directed towards new modern and Westernized forms of development Ethlers and Floor 1993 :267 In order to clearly illustrate this phenomenon which is the main premise of this paper, the following chapter will describe the main characteristics of pre-1920 Iranian city focusing on Tehran and Isfahan as case studies.

Traditional Persian Urbanism Principles Tehran is a city of 7 million in an urban region of 12 million inhabitants. As the capital city of Iran, it acts as a centre of gravity for economic, political and cultural affairs of the country. The history of its foundation goes back to more than six thousand years ago when it was a small village outside a city named Ray(raga) Its strategic location on the Silk Road and even more important on the Khorasan highway, which connected east to west in the Iranian plateau ,made the city of great importance in ninth and tenth centuries [Fig5].

After the Mongol raids, the city was demolished and never regained its importance until the eighteenth century when it selected as the capital city of the newly established kingdom of Qajar in 1795. Like many other Iranian cities, Tehran was founded by three main elements: state, religion, and market. The physical manifestation of these elements was the Friday mosque, the royal palace(Citadel), and the bazaar [Fig6].

The relation between the bazaar and the royal family or the government is what determines the shape and story of many Iranian landscapes. The Friday mosque and the place of government were symbolically placed at the centre of the city in concentric planning concepts, as the top or head of the town in anthropomorphic plans, which relates to the slope of the landscape and the natural flow of water[Madanip 1 Field Marshal William Edmund Ironside, 1st Baron Ironside GCB, CMG, CBE, DSO, (6 May 1880 - 22 September 1959) was a British Army officer who served as Chief of the Imperial General Staff during the first year of the Second World War.His third overseas posting of the year was to Persia in late August 1920, where - among other things - he appointed Reza Khan to command the elite Cossack Brigade;[7] Khan oor,2006,438]. would later seize control of the country, and rule as Shah from 1925 to 1941. The exact level of British involvement in Khan’s coup is still a matter of historical debate, but it is almost certain that Ironside himself at least provided advice to the plotters. On his departure from Persia in 1921, the Shah awarded him the Order of the Lion and the Sun.[Source:Wikipedia.com]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig3. Edmund Iron side in the centre Source [www.Wikipedia.com]

Fig4. 1922 Reza shah(left) and Attarurk(right) old rivals competing to modernize their countries. .Source[www.Iranhistpics.com]

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Fig6.Tehran and the silkway Source[http://www.wikipedia.com]

Tehran bazaar 18th century Source[http://www.Flickr.com]

The city was protected by walls, as were some quarters within the city. The citadel, usually the seat of the governor, symbolized the security aspect of the walls. Within these ideal plans, the public spaces of gathering were situated in an orderly and mutually self-supporting manner according to a hierarchy, commencing with the major elements of the city centre and continuing to the minor nodes of residential districts.[Ardalan 1996:124] . Surrounding these public structures were the residential areas, concentrically arranged, divided into quarters and often differentiated by ethnic divisions.[Fig7] The labyrinth of alleys often connected with the bazaar and terminated in cul-de-sacs [Fig8].These randomly orientated mazes are also typical for the traditionally Persian -Islamic cities. The French geographer, Xavier de Planhol, in his The World of Islam states that “irregularity and anarchy seem to be the most striking qualities of Iranian cities,” while Paul Ward English has called the labyrinth of twisted alleys a hallmark of the Islamic city. The prevailing viewpoint is that “the organic, irregular plan is universal in the Muslim world,” The devisions of the quarters was mainly accentuated by the gates which were closed against hostile outsiders[Fig9]. [Madanipoor,1998:95]. While Tehran exactly follows the typical Persian principles of Iranian traditional urnbanism, Isfahan has developed around two different geomentris.

Fig6.The configuration of a Typical Iranian city Source[http://www.fouman.com]

Fig7.Tehran 17th century Source[http:// www.fouman.com]

Fig8 Narrow alleys [Source Iranhistoricpics .com] Fig9 Tehran Southenr gate 18th century [Source http://chestofbooks.com]

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1A cul-de-sac (literally “bottom of bag”) is a word of French origin referring to a dead end, close, no through road (UK and Australian English) or court (American English and Australian English) meaning dead-end street with only one inlet/outlet. While historically built for pedesterain use, its modern use is to calm vehicle traffic.[www.Wikipeida.com]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Tehran

Fig11 Isfahan 17 th Century The new addition to the old center

Isfahan city has a population of almost 1.6 million people. It is Situated in the central part of Iranian Plateau at the eastern foothills of Zagros mountains and lush plain of the ‘Zayandeh’ River. Heading north with a slight deviation to the west it goes towards foothills of the Alborz mountain range and Tehran.The eastern boundry of the city almost touches the Great Kavir and Gav khooni marshlands several minor basins with infrequent desert stretches. The first dynamic development of Isfahan started with the emergence of Islam in Iran dating to the sixth century B.C.In the region of Isfahan ,the first Islamic node was stablished in the southern neighberhood of Yahoudiah and in a village called Kushinan ,As settlements began to develop around this new nucleus,the first real center of the town called Isfahan shaped at the juncture of the new and old settlements.[Fig10]The city of Isfahan has been in constant evolution from more than 2000 years ago till now.Each time a new nucleus born in respond to new demands and rose in the vicinity of the old center and developed organically.[Shirazi,1998:6] Isfahan has experienced two major transformations till now; The first one occurred on the late 16th century and the other one at 20th which will be discussed further .But to briefly mention the first acceleration start point of the city ,It goes back to the time that when Safavie dynasty took control of the Iran .The King Shah abbas I chose Isfahan for the capital and designed a master plan with his first consultant Sheikh bahayi for the city development.They designed a plan on a monumental scale on the south of the old city center and integrated the formation new palatial city with a series of gardens and bazaars into the River. The orthogonal intersections of the charbagh ave and the river created Charbagh(Four gardens)at the scale of the city which produced a synthesis between Persian and Islamic concepts of paradise ,Turkic nomadic traditions of ritual and social uses of gardens,and the principle of the royal capital city[WALCHER,1998:4]. From that certain point in history of Persia Isfahan called “Paradise “, “Half of the world” and Face of seven Spheres “and amazingly the new image of the city illustrated in all the paintings . [Fig11,12,13] How ever, The pattern followed the same principles of the typical Iranian –Islamic city .But after introduction of the ecologic intervention of the Madi’s (water channels) oriented it towards the other typology of the Iranian cities and partly shaped it along the agricultural fields[Fig12].

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There are seventy seven MADIs branched from left side (north) of ‘Zayande rood’ river while there are only seventy one MADIs branched from right side (sough).Based on the reports from Isfahan Regional Organization of Water Resources (Isfahan Water Administration 1993), the MADIs provide 91% of agricultural, 4% of industrial and 5% of urban water requirements. ). [Sattari et al.. 2003]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig10 Isfahan 11th Century

Fig13 Naghse jahan Square [Source:http://www.panoramio.com]

The orthogonal network of water channels naturally followed to the slope of the landscape. Passageways follow these channels to reach various plots of cultivated land. Isfahan city expanded along the existing streets and water channels and the morphology of residential quarters cities s created by houses filling in adjacent rectangular fields and orchards.To put it in a nut shell,the essential structure of Isfahan in the Safavid period can be described by two major axes of development: first, the north-south axis alongside the old backbone of the city, which was formed alongside the main chains of the bazaar and extended through Chaharbagh Avenue to the south of the river; and second, the east-west axis alongside the Zayandeh-Rood river and its artificial branches, or madi’s. Whereas the first axis of development shaped the built environment in Isfahan, the second axis provided the natural element and its influence on the urban life.

The New Metropolis The previous part was an attempt to provide a perspective to the original pattern typical Iranian cities which assists this essay to follow its main premise which revealing the intensity of the transformation in one hand and tracing the symptoms of colonial speculations s on the other hand. The planning policies that Reza shah applied to the cities were almost following Progressive principles of British and French modern plans for their colonized territories. The indicators for a typical French plan were, designing streets before buildings, Allowing public spaces to generate the plan and give it order, turning away from monumentalize and basing urban design on local traditions and vernacular motifs rather than on universal standards which is interpreted as “modernist evocation of the efficient well-ordered metropolis”[Wright 1991:361] .The new dictated policies for urban growth and functional change in Iranian cities generated three basic patterns of urbanization; Urban renewal of traditional centres, expansion of old cities and establishment of new towns. But if we want to narrow down our scope to Tehran as one of our case studies this will be translated into two main goals. On one hand, it included clearing and reconstructing degraded areas, in particular in the central and north-western parts of the old city. On the other, the “construction of very impressive administrative buildings(ministries, banks, museums, universities and schools), together with several palaces in a quasi- European style mostly designed by the European architects (Andre Godard, Maxim Siroux, E.E. Beaudouin,…).Other constructions, in a pre-Islamic style, such as the Police Headquarters, the Ministry of Justice and National bank kept as before .This vividly mirrored the British colonial attempts of 20th century establishing a dialogue between “a modernist vision of formal order ‘ and an ‘‘exotic dream of voluptuousness” [Wright 1991:361]] or the juxtaposition of the ‘nouvelle ville’ and ‘medina’ in French colonized contexts [METCALF,266]. As to reinforce this assumption it good to mention that new modern centre of Tehran named “Shahre no “ (new town ).

1 Henri Prost the Famous French conial planner believed that progressive design are vital to the furure of the city.[Metcalf,1996:264]

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2 It was also strongly influenced by nineteenth-century Neoclassical European architecture. This style was applied to the design of governmental buildings or schools and banks and its influence was particularly felt in the plans of the buildings through an application of symmetry,hierarchy and geometric forms: buildings like the National Police Headquarters (1933) are a good example. The combination of these two approaches – European and Iranian – was such that European architecture, and especially the Neoclassical style, found a specific expression of its own. The entry gateways of Maidan Mashgh (1931) and Hassan Abad Square (1935) are superior examples of this trend.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig11 Madi water chanells in Isfahan ,1890 Fig12 Charbagh ave 1900 [Source:(Re)drawn from water system Isfahan] [Source:http://www.Fuoman.com]

Fig14_1 Veresk bridge Symbol of British colonialism

Veresk Bridge is located in Veresk district of Savad Kooh county, in Mazandaran province.

During World War II, it was known as the Pol-e Piroozi, or the bridge of victory. The bridge stands at 110 m (360 ft) tall and its arch measures 66 m (217 ft) long. The bridge is serving the Trans-Iranian Railway network in Northern Iran.

The patterns of British colonial attempts can be also observed in the Iran trans-railway implementation. In fact, The first push trough industrialization of Iran as an important economic resource was triggered with the project of Iranian Trans -railway . The concept of railway was nothing new , The strategic location of Iran between the Russia and India as one of British colonial lands had been realized before. The northern connection of the line, extending from Astara to Tehran was beneficial in political situation of the Russia while the British were more concerned with the southern section, since they already dominated in the southern region and the Persian Gulf. Accordingly with collaboration of 12 major Russian banks and six million pound loan by the British government the railway construction began 1927[Fig14].The engineering and design of the Railway were contracted with German and Austrian engineers and architects.

Fig14 _3 Railway and the industrial concentration

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The Trans-Iranian Railway was a major railway building project started in 1927 and finished in 1939, under the direction, Reza Shah, and entirely with indigenous capital. It links Tehran with the Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea. The railway connects Tehran to Shahi and Bandar Shah in the north, Semnan to Mashed in the east, Zanjan to Tabriz in the West, and To Ahwaz and Abadan in the south of Iran.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig14_2 The American train in Tehran-astra trajectory [Source:wikipedia.com]

Fig16The parlemant Buiding and the gates . A sample of Pahlave Style

Consequently,The boundaries of the cities situated along either highways or railroads became, at the same time, the preferred locations for new industrial enterprises and work- shops[Fig15]. British industrialization policy, although focused on a few cities and sectors of industrial activity, had a profound influence on urban development. It created the rudiments of an industrial working class, which marks the beginning of the modern Perso-Islamic class structure. This totally demonstrates the characters of pure British colonial attitudes towards the colonized landscape. The same strategy that they applied to New Delhi. In fact, the British in their imperial enterprise never attempted the preservation of traditional urban fabrics.

In British Idea the juxtaposition of the traditional and modern took shape not in the city planning but in the architectural design . For instance ,based mainly on the increased yields of cotton Behshahr and Shahi became centers of textile production like Isfahan, which was called the Manchester of Iran. Both cities, more or less replacing small villages, were constructed according to a grid iron pattern[Ehlers and Floor,1993:266]. They did not display the general characteristics of a traditional Iranian town: no traditional bazaars, no cul-de-sacs and blind alleys, no twisted and condensed city quarters, no spectacular mosques Instead, they boasted broad streets and ‘maydans’ Squares, flanked by houses in the ‘Pahlavi’ style[fig].

Pahlavi style was a mixture of the neo classic European style and traditional Persian architecture which resembled the “indio –Saracenic” of the British and “Arabisances” [Metcalf ,1996:265] of the French which both emerged in the same period .

However, the growth rates for the urban population increased considerably, signalling the beginning of migration to urban centres. This phenomenon resulted in part from the government’s development policies, especially its industrial policy which offered new job opportunities for under-employed male and female labourers.[Shirazi,1998:43] Another dramatic impact industrialization trend in Tehran was on the political classification of the city.

Appearance of train line and highways at the southern part of the city dictated the growth orientation and more dramatically the social classification of the city. While the south was accommodating the wasteful industrial quarters the north gardens at the foothills of Damavand Mountain absorbed the royal family and the British, French and Russian ambassadors and consulates.

“Colonial planners preferred not to acknowledge explicitly the political implications of their work. The “pervasive domination” of one group over another was simply ignored.”

[Metcalf and floor 1993,257] “In Tehran the double centres serve subsidiary and growing residential areas of differing quality. Social segregation leads to sharp isolation of the upper class quarter.”

[Seger 1956:12] The division of society into two groups of population-one leading a traditional life-style, the other living according to Western norms-has found its reflection in Reza Shah’s urban reforms.

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig15 The opening of the Textile factory in Isfahan [Source:www.Iranpihistor.com]

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Fig17 Old toopkhane 1926 . [Source: http://www.fouman.com]

The main infrastructural plan of the new modern Tehran was comprised by a perpendicular grid superimposed on the mazelike old fabric of the residential neighbourhoods, Wide boulevards and large public squares which was inspired by the Haussmann boulevard in Paris and Oxford in London[Fig17].

Unlike new streets and thoroughfares in many urban centres in different parts of Iran, in Tehran most of the main thoroughfares have been asphalted or paved during the last two years, accompanied by a considerable amount of new buildings [Ehlers and Floor,1993:270].It was decided to demolish many of the buildings and to widen some of the narrow lanes. The New configuration of the city admired many British and European visitors to the city. The consolidation of this image in the British mind is described below, on the background of the history of the town and the character of the later British colonial regime there.

“Wide avenues of the European pattern are being cut through the city, and when completed, the appearance of the city, and the communication within it, will have been improved very considerably.”

[General Staff, India, Military Report on Persia] Due to the fact that not only the street pattern but also its layout and design were centrally planned, urban renewal under Reza Shah was connected with far reaching architectural uniformity of the remodelled parts of the cities. One of the main characteristics of this architecture is the construction of two storey buildings, at the central maydan (Square) often occupied by public offices (city administration, banks, police, etc.).As a policy it should have applied to every building disregarding its history and identity. These policies applied in many ways, including interfering of the shah himself . In the early 1970s there were still specific location in Tehran , where one could see that the new roads had been driven through housing Fig17 Haussman Blv.Paris which either was still partially standing and inhabited or in ruins.

. [Source: http://www. panoramio.com/photos/original/24539169.jpg

1 Boulevard Haussmann, running 2.53 kilometres (1.57 mi) from the 8th to the 9th arrondissement, is one of the wide tree-lined boulevards created in Paris during the Second French Empire by Baron Haussmann, with enthusiastic support from Napoleon III.

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2Not long after the regulations announced ,Reza Shah was walking through the streets of Tehran, accompanied by the current mayor, with peoples currying out of the way. He asked, ‘Why do these ugly, one-story shops still remain? I have told the military to force the owners to add another story or have their shops destroyed. I wonder if you, a civilian, could succeed where the army has failed?’ The official plunged into the task and within a few weeks sections of the avenues looked as if they had been bombed from the air.”

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Superimposition of order

Fig19Tehran plan 1950 after the Modernization [Source: http:// www.Tehran.Ir]

Shops, on the other hand, predominated in the new avenues (khiybans). Painted uniformly (very often in yellowish or blue colours)[ Ehlers and Floor,1993:265], the street fronts of these new buildings were decorated by protruding neoclassical columns. House entrances and windows were often framed by stucco decorations. Small turrets, blind stories and arches-these all contributed to ‘Pahlavi style.’ Its characteristics contribute to the dualistic appearance of the cities under Reza Shah: neoclassical facades around the central ‘Maydan’(square) and the modem avenues complemented by traditional architecture of the residential and commercial sections of the old city.[Fig19]

Fig20 Saadi St. Market square [Source: http://www.Tehran.Ir]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig18 Mokhberol dole Sq 1330 [Source: http://www.fouman.com

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Fig21 Isfahan Master plan E.E. Beaudouin,[Source:Shirazr 1998.6]

In Isfahan after the first programme of road building, a comprehensive plan was produced by E.E. Beaudouin, a French architect and planner who had studied Isfahan as a Roman Scholar and published a special issue of Urbanism (no. 10) on Isfahan, in collaboration with Organic Consultants, an Iranian architectural and planning firm [Fig](Cantacuzino, 1976). Disregarding the great history of he landscape and the marvellous architectural monuments of the 16th century ,This plan followed the same structure of Tehran’s plans and The dramatic impact on the structure were also the same. The old structure of the monumental gardens and the old bazaar partly vanished. The superimposition of the new grid on the organic pattern effectively threatened the organic structure of the city and a big perturbation for ecological rhythms. The imposed road network disconnected passed trough and cut of most of the ‘Madis’ water channel network, the old bazaar and Naghshe Jahan sq. The carbon monoxide produced by the new traffic overload was a big threat for the monumental gardens and the old green axis. [Fig] The outer ring of the city completely disconnected the agricultural and residential pattern.

Fig 22 Water channels devastation with the French master plan

Fig 22 The new typical Iranian plan with the super imposed grid

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One of the most immediate consequences of intra-urban modernization was the emergence of a socioeconomic dualism between the traditional bazaar and modem “Westernized” shopping areas along the new avenues. Interestingly enough it happened both in Tehran and Isfahan.As mentioned Priviously ,The bazaar as one of the three comprising element of the traditional city plays an important role in preserving the configuration of the Islamic –Persian identity of the new city. The new market mostly inspired by the London Piccadilly and west minister street totally degraded the old bazaar The imported goods of higher value and prestige tended to be concentrated in new, modern, Western-style shops, totally disabled the function of the old bazaar..

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig21 Isfahan plan 1920 first superimposition [Source:Shirazr 1998.6]

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Fig23 Isfahan old Bazaar [Source:Fouman.com]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Fig23 Isfahan new Bazaar 1930[Source:Fouman.com]

The symptoms of the British contribution in manipulating the social and spatial structure of the cities are not summarized in the industry and infrastructure, while in this essay, mostly the tangible effects on the physical elements of the city observed, many other immense transformations remained transparent. For instance considering a wide series of amenities such as water and sewage, electricity, and other public services are emblems of this argument. These were double sided strategies which were beneficial both in the implementation phase and afterwards. In fact they were following the same story of Bombay with the immense Water pipe lines, Railway and drainage facilities. This double sided benefits in wider scope can be translated in both fulfilling the Orientalism incentives of the Europeans and accomplishing their mission in order maximize their benefits from the economical resources of the country. Needless to say modernism was the most appropriate and shiny tool which allowed them to deceive the innocent eye and to superimpose the order on the virgin land.

“In postcolonial theories the interconnections between the Enlightment project of modernity and the imperialist practice of colonialism have been carefully disentangled. Following the lead of Edward Said’s Orientalism, it is argued that colonial discourse was intrinsic to European self-understanding: it is through their conquest and their knowledge of foreign peoples and territories (two experiences which usually were intimately linked), that Europeans could position themselves as modern, as civilized, as superior, as developed and progressive vis-à-vis local populations that were none of that (…) The other, the nonEuropean, was thus represented as the negation of everything that Europe imagined or desired to be.” “ Hilde Heynen The Intertwinement of modernism and colonialism: a theoretical perspective”

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Tehran 1302 ,Laleh zar street , Before destruction.Source[www.Tehran.ir]

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WALCHER,Heidi -A,1998, Between Paradise and Political Capital: The Semiotics of Safavid Isfahan,Yale University Press .

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Isfahan 1940 new Bazaar [Source:Fouman. com]

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Isfahan Areal Image 2010 [Source: Googlemaps]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

Isfahan Figure ground Map 1960[Source: Shirazi:1998]

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

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Tehran 1930

From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

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From Ray to Metropolis . Colonial and Post-colonial Urbanism Course . Professors Bruno De Meuder Vivianda D’Auria .spring 2010 .Payam Tabrizian

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