Puerto Rico Resilience Plan

Puerto Rico Resilience Plan CPLN 700 Studio, Fall 2018, University of Pennsylvania - School of Design

Team Members: Julia Cohen Ayaka Habu Yichao Jia Dhruvi Kothari Katie Levesque Christopher Marshall Katerina Sicat Nicholas Wilk Tong Wu

Executive Summary The Puerto Rico Resilience Plan is the result of a semester-long interdisciplinary studio at the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Design. A team composed of nine planning students and eight landscape architects worked collaboratively to engage with three sites in Puerto Rico: the area surrounding the San Jose Lagoon and Caño Martín Peña in San Juan; the mountainous region of Utuado, in the western central part of the island; and a region spanning from El Yunque National Forest to the coastline in the southeastern portion of the island.

These plans take a systemic approach to build on each focus area’s unique identity while addressing environmental vulnerabilities, economic challenges, and networks of community stakeholders. While each area was selected for its particular conditions, the approaches outlined in this document are meant to be adaptable to other contexts on the island.

Following the devastating effects of Hurricanes Irma and Maria, Puerto Rico has received increased attention in mainland United States media, alongside targeted federal funding for recovery. While the shock of these natural disasters has been felt sharply throughout the island, these events also revealed deeper challenges, including issues related to Puerto Rico’s relationship with the U.S. government and long-term disinvestment, a shrinking population, and continued vulnerability to environmental threats.

Instructors

David Gouverneur

Allison Lassiter

Associate Professor of Practice Landscape Architecture Department

Assistant Professor City and Regional Planning Department

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Table of Content 2 Existing Conditions 2.1 Regional Context and U.S Government 2.2 Socio-Economics 2.3 Infrastructure 2.4 Natural System: Risk & Vulnerability 2.5 Disaster Response

7 8 12 14 16 18

3 Site Interventions 3.1 San Juan 3.1.1 Historical Development 3.1.2 Site Context 3.1.3 Goals and Design Framework 3.1.4 Designing for Tomorrow 3.1.5 Habitat for Future 3.1.6 Reconnecting with the CaĂąo 3.2 Naguabo 3.2.1 Site Context 3.2.2 Goals and Design Framework 3.2.3 Rainforest Trail 3.3 Utuado 3.3.1 Context and Framework 3.3.2 Diversifying Energy Resources 3.3.3 Spatially Locating Emergency Shelters 3.3.4 Amplifying Identity 3.3.5 Treasuring Rio Vivi

21 22 24 26 30 32 34 37 38 40 42 45 46 48 50 52 54

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2 Existing Conditions Puerto Rico Resilience Plan is the result of a semester-long interdisciplinary studio at the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Design. A team composed of nine planning students and eight landscape architects worked collaboratively to engage with three sites in Puerto Rico: the area surrounding the San José Lagoon and Caño Martín Peña in San Juan; the mountainous region of Utuado, in the western central part of the island; and a region spanning from El Yunque National Forest to the coastline in the southeastern portion of the island.

These plans take a systemic approach to build on each focus area’s unique identity while addressing environmental vulnerabilities, economic challenges, and networks of community stakeholders. While each area was selected for its particular conditions, the approaches outlined in this document are meant to be adaptable to other contexts on the island.

Following the devastating effects of Hurricanes Irma and Maria, Puerto Rico has received increased attention in mainland United States media, alongside targeted federal funding for recovery. While the shock of these natural disasters has been felt sharply throughout the island, these events also revealed deeper challenges, including issues related to Puerto Rico’s relationship with the U.S. government and long-term disinvestment, a shrinking population, and continued vulnerability to environmental threats.

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2.1 Regional Context and History

Indigenous Communities At the time of Spanish contact, the Antilles were primarily occupied by the Taíno people, with the Classic (as opposed to the Eastern) Taínos occupying Puerto Rico, along with parts of Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. The Taínos, who arrived on Puerto Rico around 1000 CE, were not the first indigenous population to inhabit the archipelago; archaeologist have mapped multiple waves of migration to the Caribbean stemming from Central and South America as early as 4000 BCE. Taíno villages developed along coast and river banks, eventually moving upriver and into the foothills as they grew in size. Some communities were migratory, leading sites to be occupied seasonally. Agriculture and fishing provided the primary sources of food.

Although the physical forms of Taíno villages on Puerto Rico have been largely lost, this heritage remains through existing place names as well as a continued Taíno identity.

The Laws of the Indies A series of laws issued in the 16th century onward governed Spanish colonies in the Americas and the Philippines. Although these laws covered many aspects of life and governance, they had a particular impact on the built form of colonial cities, as can be seen throughout Puerto Rico. The Laws of the Indies utilized a grid system and dictated both the placement and orientation of Cathedrals, plazas, and municipal buildings along this grid.

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History and Development of San Juan San Juan was founded as a European settlement in the early sixteenth century. Located on La Isleta (a small island immediately adjacent to the mainland of Puerto Rico), and bordered by the Atlantic Ocean to the north and the Bay of San Juan to the south, the walled city Old San Juan served as an important port and military site for the Spanish government.

From the late 1500s onward, additional European settlements were established elsewhere in Puerto Rico as well.

When the United States gained possession of Puerto Rico in 1898, San Juan’s population was 32,000, comprising about three percent of the island’s total population. By 1950, the combined population of San Juan and neighboring Rio Piedras would grow to 360,000 people.

20th Century Expansion A trolley line established in 1901 connected San Juan and Rio Piedras, a separate municipality of 14,000 residents that had been founded in 1714.

The trolley ran alongside Ponce De Leon Avenue and parallel to a preexisting railroad line. Although there had already been clusters of development along the roads between San Juan and Rio Piedras, these areas were transformed from places that people lived if they could not afford to reside within the city proper to desirable neighborhoods unto themselves. Whereas Old San Juan has previously been the urban center—and really the entirety of the city until 1898—commerce now shifted to a business district that ran along the middle section of the new trolley line and Ponce De Leon Avenue.

The construction of the city’s first skyscraper in 1922 indicated progress and economic strength to some, while serving as a symbol of U.S. dominance and a lack of sensitivity to local context to others.

Planned streetcar suburbs began to develop throughout Santurce, where European and North American planners and architects experimented with ideas of garden cities and other typologies for suburbs and planned communities. These took a range of physical forms, from traditional American-

style suburban developments with curvilinear streets and low density, freestanding homes, to more densely gridded shotgun style houses. While some were marketed to wealthy residents of San Juan, others served a middle-class consumer base.

Residential styles were eclectic, with Spanishinspired buildings alongside North American style suburban forms.

Barrio Obrero was planned and built by the Homestead Commission in the 1920s (Figure 2). One of three “workers’ neighborhoods”

(each with the same name) in Puerto Rico, these neighborhoods reflected an ethos of homeownership in the form of single family houses that has continued to the present day.

Informal Settlements Informal settlements have a long history in San Juan, with the earliest ones located just outside of the walls of the Old City. As urban development moved outward, so did informal settlements. At their peak

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in the 1930s and 40s, informal settlements housed about half of the city’s population (75,000-100,000 people), in communities distributed across several areas, including El Fanguito (in Santurce, Figure X), La Perla (outside of the old city walls), and areas along the edge of the San José Lagoon and Caño Martín Peña.

During this period, informal settlements continued to develop in and around the marshlands surrounding San Juan Bay, Caño Martín Peña, and the San José Lagoon. Typically, homes in these areas began as semipermanent or impermanent structures built of readily available materials. Over time, and as communities became more established, the structures were made more permanent. By the 1960s, 86,000 residents were living in informal settlements along Caño Martín Peña, with additional communities elsewhere in San Juan.

Public Housing and Urban Renewal

Rexford Tugwell, a former adviser to President Roosevelt and Director of New York City Planning Commission under Mayor LaGuardia, became Governor of Puerto Rico in 1941. Under his tenure, the Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanization, and Zoning Board was created. The first federal public housing complex in Puerto Rico was built in 1938. It was not until the 1949 Housing Act, however, that ideas of slum clearance and urban renewal became central to U.S. housing policy, including in San Juan. These loaded terms meant that residents of informal settlements, many of which had developed into established neighborhoods, were forced to leave their communities for large apartment complexes.

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The 1953 opening of Residencial Luis Lloréns Torres— which remains the largest public housing project on the island—was meant to offer greater opportunity for low income residents of San Juan through its proximity to wealthier communities. According to Tugwell, public housing would help “extinguish poor living conditions on the island by removing families from marshy slums and placing them in newly constructed homes.” Instead, these gated complexes remained isolated from neighboring communities; their rows of multi-unit buildings fit the model of mid-twentieth century U.S. planning approaches, a style that stood in stark contrast to a strong culture of single-family

homes that is predominant in San Juan and Puerto Rico.

While large-scale public housing was meant to be a temporary step on the path to homeownership, the reality has been that families often remain in the same complex for extended periods, and family networks develop strong ties to their homes and communities.

At the same time, disinvestment and concentrated poverty have contributed to increased levels of gang activity and violence in these settings.

US Government 1947: Operacion Manos a la Obra (Operation Bootstrap) is enacted. The objective of this program is to transform Puerto Rico’s agrarian-based economy into an industrial economy. Under this initiative, Ley de Incentivos Industriales (Industrial Incentives Act) is also passed to promote mainland investment throughout the island. The Act & subsequent implementation measures seek to leverage Puerto Rico’s low labor costs, federal tax exemptions, public investment in infrastructure, private & public credit expansion and customs-free access to the US as a means to spark growth.

1951: Public Act 600 is signed into law; giving Puerto Rico the right to draft and ratify its own constitution. However, under Article VI, Section 2 of the US Constitution, Puerto Rico’s ratified constitution would remain subordinate to the supreme laws and institutions established under the US Constitution; and per Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of the US Constitution, Puerto Rico would continue to be recognized as Property or Territory owned by the United States, fully and solely subject to rule and disposal by the United States.

1952: July 25, the constitution is approved by voters through a referendum and officially recognized as a commonwealth of & by the United States. Under this statute, Puerto Rico established a republic comprised of three branches in a mirror to US Federal system. Led by a Governor as the head of the executive branch, Puerto Rico also has a bicameral legislature and an independent judiciary. Under this system, Puerto Rico would remain exempt from Federal Taxes; however, the territory would not be granted any voting rights in

the US House of Representatives or Senate.

1976: The United States Internal Revenue Service implements Section 936 of the Code which allows US corporations operating through Puerto Rico exemption from Federal Taxes. This provision instigates an artificial distortion in local investment and attracts a wave of US corporations to develop subsidiaries across the island. Large campuses are developed in a fragmented sprawl across the island which in turn gave rise to the development of a power grid that responded to foreign investment rather than population density or geological conditions.

1992: The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is signed into law. This trade pact extends many of the customs, tariff, and trade advantages previously held exclusively by Puerto Rico as a territory of the United States, to the countries of Mexico and Canada.

1996: Under President Bill Clinton, section 936 of the IRS Code is eliminated with a 10-year grace period offered to firms that continued their operations in Puerto Rico that expired in 2005.

2014: S&P downgrades Puerto Rico’s government bonds to “junk bond” or below investment grade status. The local government continues to issue new debt as a means to repay the existing obligations.

2015: The Puerto Rican government begins to default on the payments due to bond holders and creditors triggering a local fiscal crisis.

2016: The US congress acts to address the faltering financial condition of Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act (PROMESA) is passed by the US Congress, establishing the Fiscal Control Board to oversee the restructuring of the territory’s public debt. As part of this plan, material cuts are taken across all public services, particularly health care, public pensions, and the education system in an effort to repay creditors.

2017: The Island public debt surpasses $70 Billion or $12,000 per capita. At the same time, the Island’s poverty rate approaches 45% with an unemployment rate in excess of 14%.

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2.2 Socio-Economics

Twentieth Century Industrialization Through the 19th century, Puerto Rico’s economy was primarily agrarian. The continual expansion of export agriculture was prioritized over subsistence farming.

In 1830, nearly 30 percent of all cultivated land was devoted to export crops (Bergad, 1978). By 1862, this had increased to over 50 percent and the year after US invasion in 1899, 68.4 percent of the island’s total cultivated acreage was dedicated to commercial farming for cash crops. Cash crop agriculture transformed Puerto Rico’s local subsistence farming practices into a broader activity of marketplace participation. Cash crops like sugar and coffee productions were directly tied to external market conditions that were set by the decisions of the United States.

Operation Bootstrap was initiated by governor Luis Muñoz Marín to strategically modernize the Puerto Rican economy, encompassing a number of economictax incentive initiatives in mid-1940s. It emphasized quick job creation and improved economic conditions for Puerto Rican citizens through industrialization.

Because Operation Bootstrap was fundamentally about modernizing the island’s economy, the government understood the need for foreign direct investment and therefore industrial tax incentivization.

In 1948, the government passed Revenue Law Act giving full tax exemption on income and property for the industries from mainland, which attracted textile, electrical machinery, and especially food industries.

These new corporations were then able to capitalize on the lower costs of labor on the island, which further improved their bottom line and made doing business in Puerto Rico even more attractive.

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The new industrial reform advocated a shift to exportbased industry, where 97 percent of production was

aimed at (dependent on) the broader U.S. market rather than the local market. By 1949, Puerto Rico was home to 1,998 manufacturing establishments, and by 1967, to 2,367. This shift in economy reflects a growth rate of 8.7 percent between 1940 and 1960. During this period, the gross national product of Puerto Rico sharply increased from 287 million dollars to 11,104 million dollars and the employment increased by 2 percent territory wide. The net income from manufacturing grew from 27 million dollar to 486 million dollars from 1940 to 1964 (Toro).

However, the growth ignited by industrialization also spread across different sectors of the economy.

Economic growth influenced other social and cultural changes in Puerto Rico. Urban areas started growing at the rate of 41 percent, and the Muñoz administration actively stimulated local economic performance through tax incentivization, but did not effectively prepare for emigration and housing demand. Due to rural to urban migration and a lack of housing to meet the demand of the new emigrants, urban peripheries and squatter settlements began to emerge, showing tremendous inequality and poverty. The Gini coefficient (a measure of inequality) for major urban areas increased from 44 percent in 1950 to 57 percent in 1960.

These attempts at spurring growth in manufacturing transformed the island’s socio-economic structure and began the new modern era.

Growth, Income Inequality, and Poverty In 1976, Congress passed Section 936 tax credit, named Industrial Incentive Act, to replace Section 931.

Section 936 allowed repatriation, subject to regions, of profits as soon as they were realized. This created incentives for U.S. corporations to keep their earnings

within United States rather than in foreign countries to evade federal taxes. The new Section 936 still allowed for favorable tax treatment and, in fact, contributed to the vast growth of wholly-owned subsidiaries in Puerto Rico, but instead shifted the incentive from labor intensive industries to manufacturers in capital intensive industries. The pharmaceuticals industry would develop and produce drugs in its R&D, capital heavy facilities on the mainland, and transfer the drug patent to its wholly owned subsidiary operating in Puerto Rico. This way, the subsidiary would produce the patented drug and claim the income obtained from the drug sales as tax-free income.

Though the intention of the tax credit was to revitalize Puerto Rico’s industrial economy, it resulted in major tax benefits for corporations, as well as increased income and property for people living on the island.

The nature of industry impacted the state exports, as only labelling was done in Puerto Rico to benefit from tax exemptions, while products finished in the region were not incentivized, and they decreased by 44 percent. However, the gross national product for Puerto Rico increased by 170 percent. With this shift in the type of manufacturing economy came a significant lack of jobs, and the unemployment rate on the island increased to 15 percent by 1975. wTo facilitate a growing Research and Development industry, the local government invested public monies to facilitate infrastructural development. Puerto Rico issued massive amounts of bonds, reaching a debt of 5 billion dollars by 1975, from commonwealth and corporate bonds to build highway networks, stadiums, and other public buildings. Another pattern was the concentration of economy and development: under Section 936, a 90 percent tax exemption was given for five years, and 75 percent for next five years in the San Juan metropolitan region, while a 55 percent tax

Commonwealth Debt ($)

$40,000

Municipal Debt ($)

$35,000

Corporation Debt ($)

$30,000 $25,000 $20,000 $15,000 $10,000 $5,000

Economic Crisis: 2006-2015

Economic Crisis: 2006-2015

Poverty Rate

Unemployment Rate

2005

2000

1995

1990

$0

1985

In response to the increasing debt, more than 20,000 public employees were laid off, taxes were increased, and flat-rate corporate taxes were introduced again to attract FDIs. Infrastructures were privatized to retain its maintenance. To counter the debt, income tax on returns in real estate and passive income were severely reduced. Due to overturned tax provisions, there was a sharp rise in unemployment, poverty, and income inequality (as measured by the Gini coefficient). Unemployment reached to a new high of 14 percent, and 40 percent of GDP came from informal economy. This prompted disproportionate brain drain and emigration, as professional and highincome earners have moved in large numbers to the mainland U.S. In the midst of an economic crisis, Hurricane Maria has only made the situation more challenging in Puerto Rico.

$45,000

1980

Current Reforms and Exodus

Issuance of Commonwealth and Corporate bonds Commonwealth: has no upper limit on value Corporate bonds: has higher interest rates

2 200

1 150

Number o off People ple

IIn 1994, Governor Pedro RossellĂł proposed and implemented privatization of the public health system under the name of “health reform.â€? This encouraged selling government-owned hospitals to private investors. The Senate Project 400, which later became Law 7 of 1993, established a public corporation called Puerto Rico Health Insurance Administration (PRHIA). It had an objective of “transforming the role of the government from one of a healthcare services provider to one of a health insurance provider, especially for the poor and underserved and regular of the health services on the islandâ€? (Santos-Lozada, 2012). The privatization and the elimination of the dual system between public and private healthcare system decreased the availability of beds and substituted

Debt Situation: 1960-2006

1975

By the 2000s, Puerto Rico has an outstanding debt of 45 billion dollars, more than half of which is comprised of corporation debt (which has a higher interest rate). Issuance of commonwealth, municipal, and corporation debt have no upper limit of value.

While high investments in infrastructure projects increased public sector jobs by 12 percent [check to make sure I understood this correctly], the full repeal of Section 936 in 2006, combined with the U.S. economic recession in 2008, brought continued and unprecedented growth in the public debt and deficit.

Public employee salaries were frozen, resulting in an economic impact of more than two billion dollars. In order to balance the debt situation, the government introduced taxes on banking and sales, as well as a user tax. This subsequently led to public outrage and multiple riots.

1970

The early 1980s recession severely impacted the United States economy and the island alike.

Consequent welfare reforms in the mainland United States contributed negatively and drastically to the state of economic industry on the island as well. As the ten-year phase out legislation began in 1996 for Section 936, manufacturing industries began to move out of Puerto Rico. Poverty and inequality on the island continued to grow. To counter the decline of manufacturing industries, Puerto Rico’s economic sector shifted to the tourism industry, including the service sector.

1965

doctors for nurses, who can provide care at a lower cost.

1960

exemption was given for fifteen years in eastern and southern regions of the island.

1 100

50

Employment by occupation: -

S W G H O

-

$

$

$

!$ $

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Unemp Unem Media Median Inflati Inflatio Change Chang Govt. S Work fo

2.3 Infrastructure

Transportation & Connectivity Puerto Rico’s road network is overburdened, with 57 vehicles per lane mile of highway, compared to 38 in the United States overall. U.S. fiscal policy toward Puerto Rico means that infrastructure repairs are regularly delayed, and the road network is in poor condition. The island’s highway system is composed of four types: primary, primary urban, secondary, and tertiary, all of which are maintained by the Departamento de Transportación y Obras Públicas (DTOP), while municipalities are responsible for the maintenance of local roads.

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urban development of the area, which extended in a linear manner along the line. In the 1970s to 1990s, transportation assessments looked for a solution to San Juan’s congestion problems, and the Tren Urbano was developed as an alternative to road-based transit that would help relieve some of this congestion. This underutilized public rail system was initially intended to serve 114,000 trips per day; the reality is about one tenth of that, with average weekday ridership at 18,600.

The trolley line that connected Rio Piedras to Old San Juan in the early 20th century shaped the

There are in total 25 former US military bases in PR, including Roosevelt Roads in the easternmost part of this studio’s focus areas. Today, ports and airports

Heavy traffic during rush hours in San Juan

Tren-Urbano in San Juan

circle the island, serving as entry points for goods and travelers. San Juan’s airport is the primary one on the island, with 4 billion boardings a year, making it the most active passenger airport in the Caribbean. In 2012, it entered into a 40-year public-private partnership in which a private firm manages operations and is required to invest $1.4 billion in capital improvements.

This partnership was developed to address funding issues, but many residents of Puerto Rico expressed concerns about increased travel fees, decreased wages, and profit-seeking activity on the part of the private firm.

Solar Panel installed at Puerto Rico’s Hospital del Niño

An aerial view of the Palo Seco oil-fired power plant in Puerto Rico

Power System More than half of the existing major power plants in Puerto Rico are located in the southern portion of the island, while most energy consumption occurs in the north. This disconnect adds to the vulnerability of the island’s power system as several south-to-north transmission corridors are critical to the entirety of the whole system and their failure could result in system collapse.

Another factor of the system’s vulnerability is its dependence on fossil fuel and other non-renewable energy sources. Only 4.5 percent of total power generation in Puerto Rico is supplied by renewable energy (including solar, hydrogen, and wind). In the wake of Hurricane Maria, 100 percent of customers lost power and over 25 percent of transmission infrastructure was heavily damaged. It took 11 months for the system to be fully restored. In addition to the damage sustained from the storm, many transmission lines are decades old and face significant aging problems.

Water As the island looks to restore and modernize its power grid a major shift from liquid fuel to gas and renewable energy is recommended, as is the deployment of micro grid. The two main stakeholders in this debate are Autoridad de Energía Eléctrica (PREPA), who is currently the sole distributor of electricity in Puerto Rico, and Comisión de Energía de Puerto Rico (The Puerto Rico Energy Commission, PREC), who was created with the primary intention of regulating the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority.

The prospect of microgrids could undermine PREPA’s monopoly on electric service, especially if the commission’s new rules open the system to new owners and outside investment. The current challenge also involves the lack of incentives to motivate public sectors to make investment and build capital assets like this, as well as the lack of regulations to point out a way to contract for investment and construction.

Hence, for microgrids to take hold on the island, the support of the federal government is essential.

Many places around the island are subject to hgh flood risk. The flood zone map by FEMA reveals how nearly the entire coastal region, including the capital of San Juan, is susceptible to flooding. Flooding from Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico washed out bridges and carried debris, which blocked roads, hindering rescue and relief efforts.

Another issue which manifests itself in the capital of San Juan is that urban growth and water channels are in conflict, especially in historic district, as can be seen from the map to the right. In addition, 70 percent Puerto Ricans are living with polluted water, whose quality violates standards set by the U.S law.

99 percent water supply of San Juan is delivered by the major North Coast Aqueduct. (24.08 mgl/d, 24.32 mgl/d in total), 95 percent were estimated to be served by a public-supply water system belonging to the PRASA. After Hurricane Maria, Puerto Rico suffered from 100 percent lack of drinking water, severe damage to water storage tank, and untreated wastewater spill.

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2.4 Natural System: Risk & Vulnerability

Human settlement.

The archipelago that comprises Puerto Rico is of nowextinct volcanic origin and lies near the meeting point of the Caribbean and North American plates. The Puerto Rico trench, which is the longest and deepest trench in the Atlantic, is located 70 miles north of the main island at the boundary of these two plates.

Puerto Rico’s climate is that of a tropical rainforest with a rainy season that lasts from April through November. The island’s varied topography causes rates of rainfall to vary greatly across the island. For instance, El Yunque National Forest—the United States’ only tropical rain forest—receives an annual rainfall of 240 inches per year, due to its location in the northeastern part of Puerto Rico; while eastern portions of the island can see less than 30 inches per year.

Urban

Suburban

Geologic context.

Climate change has serious implications for island and its ecological systems. Not only is rapid sea level rise threatening the majority of urban settlements, weather fluctuations are damaging coral reefs, triggering droughts, and threating mangroves—which stabilize coastlines, protect communities from storms, and maintain water quality by filtering pollutants.

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Moist Alluvial

Dry Limestone

Dry and Moist Volcanic

Dry Alluvial

Moist Limestone

Dry and Moist Serpentine

Human encroachment and mass suburbanization are intensifying these threats. Only 16 percent of Puerto Rico’s land and 27 percent of its marine area has been designated for protection.

The movements of surface plates in the northeastern Caribbean are rapid and complicated, resulting in a high frequency of earthquakes and tsunamis. Areas that express an increased vulnerability from earthquakes are concentrated around the coast; this is largely due to the alluvial soil and wet limestone located in the coastal plains, which amplify the intensity of a quake and are more susceptible to liquefaction. When an earthquake occurs in these areas, the groundwater level rises, causing the surface to become soft and pliable. This destabilizes buildings and infrastructure and can lead to significant damage.

The Cordillera Central, which reaches elevations over 1,300 meters, is the main mountain range of Puerto Rico. The range runs east-west across the island, dividing it into northern and southern coastal plains, which are irrigated by rivers and streams from the mountains. The Cordillera exhibit especially steep slope to the south and east. Therefore, during tropical storms and hurricanes, rivers on the southern coast

of Puerto Rico tend to experience more extensive flooding than those elsewhere.

By virtue of being an archipelago, Puerto Rico is highly vulnerable to tropical storms and hurricanes, resulting in flooding, water pollution, landslides, and high wind damage, among other hazards. In El Yunque, Hurricane Maria resulted in the loss of between 30 and 40 percent of the rainforest’s trees, reducing its average height by one third.

High winds from storms can also have severe impacts on marine ecosystems. The resultant tides and waves from hurricane force winds are so strong that both plants and animals are ripped from the seafloor.

The suspended matter left floating in the water limits the amount of sunlight that reaches marine habitats, reducing growth and recovery once the storm has passed. This, in turn, reduces available sea resources and weakens coastal protections.

While Puerto Rico’s natural environments are resilient (intense storms are a natural process and part of the life cycle of tropical climates), systems are not given the time they need to adapt and recover as these events are occurring with increased frequency.

Flood risk.

1% + annual chance of flooding (coastal area: storm wave)

1% + annual chance of flooding (River or Pond)

0.2%-1% annual chance of flood hazard

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2.5 Disaster Response Hurricane Maria

Limitations of Existing Infrastructure

Hurricane Maria made landfall on September 20th, 2017, sustaining winds up to 175 miles per hour (280 km/hr). It exposed and exacerbated many of Puerto Rico’s existing systemic issues, devastating the island.

In a report released in August 2018, the Government of Puerto Rico estimated an official death toll of 2,975 people and cited massive damage—including a flattened energy grid, a disinvested water system, and the destruction of roads, bridges, and 160,000+ homes, schools, and roofs—that would cost the island a total of $139 billion to fully recover.

Puerto Rico endured the longest power outage in US history: 181 days. Hospitals used generators to sustain their operations while emergency responders were unable to communicate and orchestrate the appropriate disaster response schemes. Moreover, the island’s damaged infrastructural network left emergency supplies stranded at ports, undistributed to communities in need.

To understand the particular challenges that Puerto Rico faces in responding to natural disasters, it is important to first understand how some of the systemic issues at play. For example, the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority (PREPA), as an underfunded agency, is not fully equipped to prepare the island’s residents for disasters. PREPA plants are much older and experience more forced outages compared to American plants overall. It has also become increasingly difficult to power the island, as autodependent suburbs and informal settlements have spread beyond the power grid’s capabilities.

Federal disaster response in Puerto Rico, as in all American states and territories, follows the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief & Emergency Act (Stafford Act). This process allows the president of the United States to declare a state of emergency, thus making resources available to support the response and recovery efforts. The Department of Homeland Security then implements the National Response Plan, which deploys Community Emergency Response Teams throughout the state or territory. In the case of Puerto Rico, officials issue an evacuation for residents to 500+ shelters and public schools.

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Response operations in Puerto Rico are delegated through the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA)’s Region II office. The Caribbean Area Division coordinates all emergency management programs in Puerto Rico by offering FEMA programs of Recovery (public and individual assistance), Mitigation, Response and Grants for disaster relief.

Power Grid Down: Emergency Responders Cannot Communicate

FEMA’s Post-Disaster Response

Looking Forward

The federal government has been heavily criticized for its poor and insufficient post-disaster response.

In an internal report, FEMA attributed the failures of its response partly to a depletion in resources and supplies, as Hurricane Maria was preceded by Hurricane Harvey (August 23-30) and Hurricane Irma (August 30-September 11). About half of all FEMA staff sent to Puerto Rico was untrained or unqualified, and the organization was unable to coordinate an organized and systematic strategy of disaster response and relief. Without a way to properly communicate across the island, FEMA could not properly keep track of and orchestrate the receival and distribution of incoming aid. The agency left Walmart’s requests for emergency generator fuel unanswered, forcing the disposal of thousands of dollars’ worth of perishable food.

As Puerto Rico looks to build a character of resilience.

Therefore, an interdisciplinary, holistic approach—one that invokes both the public and private sector—is needed. The Economic and Disaster Recovery Plan for Puerto Rico looks to build the island’s resilience and strengthen its disaster relief efforts. Short term priority has been placed on advancing reliable lifeline systems, emergency response, and responsibility of infrastructure, assets and services. Long term priorities involve economic recovery efforts, improved health, social service, and education sectors, and a reinforced and reliable infrastructural framework. It is hoped that the work and progress made in the wake of Hurricane Maria can prevent another disaster from producing the same disastrous impacts.

Contracts were awarded to companies that had no capacity to deliver. A 156-million-dollar contract to provide 30 million meals to Puerto Rico sent only 50,000 meals to the island. A 30-million-dollar contract with Bronze Star LLC to provide 500,000 tarps and 60,000 rolls of plastic sheeting never got delivered.

Overall, a third of the FEMA contracts issued—totaling 73 million dollars—were cancelled. In an effort to repair the power grid, PREPA entered a 300-million-dollar contract with WhiteFish Energy, a privately-owned, two-person company based in Montana. WhiteFish Energy subcontracted public utility crews, charged more than double the regular wages and meal rates, and privately chartered flights to transport equipment, racking up governmental bills.

The private and NGO sector have been instrumental in the development Puerto Rico’s post-recovery state.

On the ground knowledge and expertise from local community development corporations, in conjunction with big in-kind donations, and other major initiatives put forward by Tesla, Duracell, Alphabet, Marvel Architects, and other corporations, have looked to improve the island’s disaster response and resilience.

Right: Photos by Ricardo Arduengo illustrate disastrous effects of Hurricane Maria.

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3.1 San Jose Lagoon, San Juan The San Jose Lagoon is part of the larger hydrological system of the San Juan metropolitan region. Dredging and filling throughout the system over the past century has led to substantial problems of water quality and movement, as well as flooding in the surrounding areas. Historical development patterns have forced the area’s most vulnerable communities to settle in these less desirable areas, including around San Jose Lagoon and Caño Martín Peña.

Today, Caño Martín Peña, a formerly tidal channel which once served as a connection between San Juan Bay the San Jose Lagoon, is entirely blocked.

Substantial health risks from living alongside this polluted waterway have disproportionately impacted the communities along the Caño and those along the northern and western edges of the San Jose Lagoon. Despite these challenges, these communities have strong ties to the land, and largely want to remain in place. Along the Caño, a community land trust serves as a protection for residents and ensures a seat at the table in larger scale planning processes. Elsewhere, uncertainty over land and property ownership leads to real fears about displacement and continued disinvestment.

The stark contrast in wealth, power, and access to services and amenities between the communities along the Lagoon’s western edge and those along the Atlantic Coast and elsewhere in Santurce points to long term systemic issues that continue to this day.

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3.1.1 Historical Development The San Jose Lagoon is part of a larger hydrological system in the San Juan metro region. Dredging and filling throughout the system over the past century has led to substantial problems of water quality and movement, as well as flooding in the surrounding areas. Historical development patterns have forced the area’s most vulnerable communities to settle in these less desirable areas, including around San Jose Lagoon and Caño Martín Peña.

Today, Caño Martín Peña, a formerly tidal channel which once served as a connection between San Juan Bay the San Jose Lagoon, is entirely blocked. Substantial health risks from living alongside this polluted waterway have disproportionately impacted the communities along the Caño and those along the northern and western edges of the San Jose Lagoon. Despite these challenges, these communities have strong ties to the land, and largely want to remain in place. Along the Caño, a community land trust serves as a protection for residents and ensures a seat at the table in larger scale planning processes. Elsewhere, uncertainty over land and property ownership leads to real fears about displacement and continued disinvestment.

History and Development of San Juan

20th Century Expansion

San Juan was founded as a European settlement in the early sixteenth century. Located on La Isleta (a small island immediately adjacent to the mainland of Puerto Rico), and bordered by the Atlantic Ocean to the north and the Bay of San Juan to the south, the walled city Old San Juan served as a important port and military site for the Spanish government. From the late 1500s onward, additional European settlements were established elsewhere in Puerto Rico. When the United States gained possession of Puerto Rico in 1898, San Juan’s population was 32,000, comprising about three percent of the island’s total population.

By 1950, the combined population of San Juan and neighborhoring Rio Piedras would grow to 360,000 people.

A trolley line established in 1901 connected San Juan and Rio Piedras, a separate municipality of 14,000 residents that had been founded in 1714. The trolley ran alongside Ponce De Leon Avenue and parallel to a preexisting railroad line. Although there had been pre-existing clusters of development along the roads between San Juan and Rio Piedras, these areas were transformed from places that people lived if they could not afford to reside within the city proper to desirable neighborhoods unto themselves. Whereas Old San Juan has previously been the urban center – and really the entirety of the city until 1898 – commerce now shifted to a business district that ran along the middle section of the trolley line and Ponce De Leon Avenue.

The construction of the city’s first skyscraper in 1922 indicated progress and economic strength to some, while serving as a symbol of US dominance and a lack of sensitivity to local context to others.

Planned streetcar suburbs began to develop throughout Santurce, where European and North American planners and architects experimented with ideas of garden cities and other typologies for suburbs and planned communities. These took a range of physical forms, from traditional Americanstyle suburban developments with curvilinear streets and low density, freestanding homes, to more densely gridded shotgun style houses. While some were marketed to wealthy residents of San Juan, others served a middle-class consumer base. Residential styles were eclectic, with Spanish-inspired buildings alongside North American style suburban forms.

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Barrio Obrero was planned and built by the Homestead Commission in the 1920s (Figure 2). One of three “workers’ neighborhoods” (each with the same name) in Puerto Rico, these neighborhoods reflected an ethos of homeownership in the form of single family houses that has continued to the present day.

Informal Settlements Informal settlements have a long history in San Juan, with the earliest ones located just outside of the walls of the Old City. As urban development moved outward, so did informal settlements. At their peak in the 1930s and 40s, informal settlements housed about half of the city’s population (75,000-100,000 people), distributed in communities across several areas, including El Fanguito (in Santurce, Figure 3), La Perla (outside of the old city walls), and areas along the edge of the San Jose Lagoon.

During this period, informal settlements continued to develop in and around the marshlands surrounding San Juan Bay, Cano Martin Pena, and the San Jose Lagoon. Typically, homes in these areas began as semi-permanent or impermanent structures composed of readily available materials. Over time, and as communities became more established, the structures were made more permanent. By the 1960s, 86,000 residents were living in informal settlements along Cano Martin Pena, with additional communities elsewhere in San Juan.

Public Housing and Urban Renewal

Hurricane Maria and Its Aftermath

Rexford Tugwell, a former advisor to President Roosevelt and Director of New York City Planning Commission under Mayor LaGuardia, became Governor of Puerto Rico in 1941. Under his tenure, the Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanization, and Zoning Board was created. The first federal public housing complex in Puerto Rico was built in 1938. It was not until the 1949 Housing Act, however, that ideas of slum clearance and urban renewal became central to U.S. housing policy, including in San Juan. These loaded terms meant that residents of informal settlements, many of which had developed into established neighborhoods, were forced to leave their communities for large apartment complexes.

The impacts of Hurricane Maria have been deeply felt in San Juan, as throughout Puerto Rico. Communities located along the San Jose Lagoon and Cano Martin Pena have been particularly hard-hit by weather events that have become increasingly frequent in recent years. Heavy rainfall causes flooding in these lowlying areas that were once unoccupied marshland.

Residents who do not have titles for their homes are ineligible for FEMA recovery funding, or for private loans. Governor Rossello has acknowledged the need to grant formal titles, but this will be a longer process, and it is unlikely to benefit those living in flood-prone areas.

The 1953 opening of Luis Llorens Torres housing project, which remains the largest public housing project on the island, was meant to offer greater opportunity for low income residents of San Juan through its proximity to wealthier communities.

According to Tugwell, public housing would help “extinguish poor living conditions on the island by removing families from marshy slums and placing them in newly constructed homes.” Instead, these gated complexes remained isolated from neighboring communities; their rows of multi-unit buildings fit the model of mid-twentieth century U.S. planning approaches, a style that stood in stark contrast to a strong culture of single family homes that is predominant in San Juan and Puerto Rico.

While large-scale public housing was meant to be a temporary step on the path to homeownership, the reality has been that families often remain in the same complex for extended periods, and family networks develop strong ties to their homes and communities.

At the same time, disinvestment and concentrated poverty have contributed to increased levels of gang activity and violence in these settings.

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3.1.2 Site Context Limited Connectivity

Activism and Security of Tenure

Despite being centrally located in the San Juan metropolitan region, many communities in the area are isolated from the wider region. Expreso 26, which cuts between Residencial Llorens Torres and Playita, connects the airport to Santurce but makes travel difficult for pedestrians.

Around Caño Martín Peña, a community land trust, together with other organizations like Proyecto ENLACE and G8, offer some security that isn’t typically found in informally developed areas (in which residents to not have titles to the land). In December 2018, the community land trust (Fideicomiso de la Tierra del Caño Martín Peña) was awarded one million dollars from the Rockefeller Foundation and the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative as part of the “Communities Thrive Challenge”. Nevertheless, some degree of displacement will be necessary as part of the system’s dredging process.

Public Health Issues Flooding Throughout the System A large portion of this area, including the majority of the communities of Playita, Residencial Llorens Torres, and those in the area of Caño Martín Peña are located within FEMA’s 100 year floodplain. In addition to being deeply impacted by Hurricane Maria, these areas experiencie flooding on a regular basis.

Because most houses in informal settlements are constructed by community members themselves and using limited resources, they are especially vulnerable to damage during major rain events. Blue tarps over roofs are a ubiquitous sight in this area, where they offer temporary protection until more permanent repairs are possible.

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Illegal dumping of refuse, including by companies based elsewhere in San Juan, contributes to substantial issues of water flow and sanitation in Caño Martín Peña and around San Jose Lagoon. In some areas, homes are not connected to the city’s sanitary sewage system.

Housing Typologies

v

With the government encouraging encroachment and infill into the 1960s, this area developed rapidly as a series of informal settlements. Today, these communities remain dense and vibrant, but they suffer from issues of environmental justice and a lack of security of tenure.

Many families have been in the area for generations, building additions onto houses to accommodate multigenerational households and changing family structures.

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3.1.3 Goals and Design Framework

Goals

Water System Framework

This plan addresses four key aspects of life in and around the San Jose Lagoon: water systems, connectivity, the economy, and culture. By building on existing strengths in these areas and mitigating some of the deep challenges, the San Jose Lagoon region will be a place where residents will have access to the services and amenities that they need to feel secure in their daily lives.

The laguna ecosystems serve as protective water infrastructure cushioning the dense urban edges that interface with the San Jose Lagoon. Yet these systems are under threat of frequent flooding, sea-level rise, and environmental degradation. Mudflats and marshes require sediment and appropriate quality of water to flourish– without sediment these ecosystems will not survive, causing increased vulnerability of the urban edges. To adapt to this challenge, this framework undertakes measures upstream to protect lagoon ecosystem and urban edges. The planning framework seeks to address systemic issues of obstructed water flow and protection from flooding, and to mitigate water treatment and quality issues.

Invest in Large-scale Flood Control Water retention pockets provide the waterbody room to expand and contract to better respond to flooding conditions. The spaces that they create by reshaping the land allows for the creation of new public spaces and closer engagement between people and the water’s edge. Additionally, these pockets can provide artificial ecosystems to support species of wildlife.

A green buffer assists in mitigating urban runoff, much of which originates from communities outside of San Jose Lagoon’s immediate edge. Dredging and flood control gates restores the system flow between San Jose Lagoon and other bodies of water in the system.

A levee ensures protection against the immediate water level rise in San jose lagoon.

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Connectivity Framework

In order to reconnect the fragmented assets and communities around the lagoon and create a more friendly urban environment for pedestrians and cyclists, there are four major strategies to enhance connectivity, including water transit, railway or trolley line, bus rapid transit, and urban boulevards.

This set of strategies looks both to connect the lagoon outward with other major assets in the San Juan metropolitan region, and to increase connectivity within the lagoon region itself, promoting walkability and access to basic amenities. Together, these goals function on multiple scales to improve connectivity for people who live or work in the area, as well as for visitors.

Create Urban Boulevards A series of urban boulevards, converted from existing highways that currently cut the communities of the San Jose Lagoon off from surrounding areas, will instead serve as lines of connection. Bike lanes,

pedestrian paths, vegetation, and street furniture will create a welcoming atmosphere and transform these congested highways into active corridors, which can also support economic and cultural activity.

Install a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) Line A BRT line connecting the airport with Old San Juan and the Tren Urbano will also have stops near the communities of Playita, Residencial Llorens Torres, and others. This will serve a dual purpose of connecting residents of these communities to job opportunities and of supporting potential increased tourism around the lagoon.

Extend the Water Transit System There is an existing ferry line that starts from CataĂąo, stops at Viejo, and ends at Hato Rey, which is at the southwestern edge of the lagoon system. After the dredging of Cano Martin Pena, this ferry line could be extended through the channel and into the lagoon to link together different anchors around San Jose Lagoon.

Offer Runoff Control While the above ones are large scale interventions, additional small scale interventions can also have a significant effect in this region, at a lower cost and on a quicker timeline. A strategy to increase the usage of groundwater or rainwater will reduce the surface water runoff and thus reduce flooding of San Jose Lagoon. Active efforts to increase green cover (through surface plantings or green roofs) would increase evaporation rates and slow the flow of water into the lagoon system.

Address Water Quality Management It is imperative that the city invest in improving wastewater disposal methods and implement bioremediation strategies to restore the ecosystem and improve water quality. At the community level, increased awareness about the effects of dumping refuse into the water system could also improve conditions, although it is important to acknowledge that local residents are disproportionately impacted by the actions of outside communities and corporations.

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3.1.3 Goals and Design Framework

Economic Framework

Cultural Framework

Unlike the San Juan Bay and the Atlantic Ocean, which are major attractions, San Jose Lagoon system is seen as the backyard of the communities.

Despite realization of the system’s ecological importance, its economic importance is yet to be tapped by local communities. To grow and diversify the economic opportunities, we plan to build upon existing infrastructure and create new ventures for ecotourism.

The communities around San Jose Lagoon and Cano Martin Pena possess important cultural assets and heritage, including connections to nationally and globally recognized traditions like the music of bomba and plena. To build on this strength, it is important to consider how people within this area access culture and recreation in their daily lives.

Basic mapping of places like schools, churches, and recreation centers can identify community gathering spaces can help reveal areas of strength as well as gaps. Deep histories of tensions between some of these communities are central to ensuring access to amenities and services, however. If these tensions can be mitigated through design interventions, policies, and community-based projects, existing assets can be better leveraged for all residents.

Encourage Ecologically-Oriented Economic Activity With a restored ecosystem, the lagoon will be a good source for fish, crabs, and oysters rebuilding the surrounding communities economic ties to lagoon.

Small marketplaces and access to microfinancing will encourage small scale business and informal economies to participate in the formal economy, offering additional stability.

These patches of economic development along the lagoon will be linked via network infrastructure, such as waterfront development and transit-oriented development to stimulate economic development.

Grow Existing Tourism Infrastructure Increased connectivity and improved public space conditions will allow tourism to play an greater role in the San Jose Lagoon area. Already, community organizations around Cano Martin Pena are seeking to invest in strategies to attract tourism related to both the ecological system as well as to environmental justice and community activism. This offers an opportunity for additional capital to reach the lower wealth communities of the San Jose Lagoon region.

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Above: Community organizations in the area hold regular meetings.

Following page: Plaza de los Salseros, located along Expreso 26 and adjacent to the Playita community.

Strengthen Existing Community Organizations There are several active community organizations in the area, including ones with high capacity and political capital as well as others that are still central to their communities but that have fewer resources. This strategy looks to philanthropic funding and grants as a way to support existing organizations that have a deep understanding of their communities’ particular needs.

Support Local Entrepreneurship Many communities in this area have a culture of small-scale entrepreneurship. By coupling microloans and other business development strategies with targeted physical investment, the area will benefit from small businesses that already exist, and that could have a greater presence in public spaces. This strategy looks to invest in active spaces of small-scale commerce (like that near the Head Start center in Playita), and potentially to create additional hubs where people can gather and also earn a living.

Map Community Assets An oral history or community mapping project, developed by an existing local organization or through a trusted partner, could play a role in changing outside perceptions of these communities, in building connections between communities, and in strengthening pride of place. Such a project might highlight at existing spaces as well as community heritage, spanning across neighborhoods in the San Jose Lagoon area.

If done thoughtfully and with care, this could help mitigate tensions among communities and strengthen residents’ voices in larger scale planning processes.

The Fideicomiso de la Tierra del Caño Martín Peña (Community Land Trust of Caño Martín Peña) manages 200 acres of land around the Caño, offering some security to area residents and serving as an advocate in formal planning processes.

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3.1.4 Designing for Tomorrow

Design Principle For centuries people and designers have adopted strategies of resisting and defending sea level rise and flooding issue.

People have used dams, levees, and sea walls to protect what they considered more valuable, and have started a war against water system. But such systems often have been seen to backfire, because natural systems alway finds a way back to establish itself.

Accepting Water The point is how to transform the flooding edge from being resisting water to accepting water. Waterways/ water retention pockets are dug out to connect the inland watershed to the lagoon, creading a new marsh habitat in order to accept water both from the upstream inland and the lagoon side. This water body will not only create opportunity for expansion of natural habitat but will also create a continuous green spaces which will penetrate deep into the city.

Moreover it will give opportunities for more public engagement through lagoon and new green space programming.

Interaction with lagoon

Seciton B

Resi-Com Interaction with Boulevard

+

+ MAKING ROOM TO EXPAND

Seciton A

RECONNECTED ECOSYSTEMS

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INTERACTIVE PUBLIC SPACES

Seciton C

Resi-Green Space Interaction

Proposed Plan

Design Concept

Floodline and Urban gr een

Wa ter r e-dir ection and oodable Inf ra

Proposed Habitat growth & Reconnection

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3.1.5 Habitat for Future

Project Description The project is mainly about two things: to adaptively reuse the 105 modules abandoned at the Habitat site, and to build an innovative community for school attenders, young artists, tech entrepreneurs and professional single mothers.

Located on the south edge of San Jose lagoon, the aims to take advantage of its mountainous natural setting with beautiful open view, as well as its adjacency to residential communities and other important assets including the technical school and the outdoor sports complex.

This proposal is built upon the greater framework and site approach strategies at a larger scale, including (1) pulling water inside to create more room for the lagoon and better waterfront environment for people; (2) enhance connections around the area and create friendlier evironment for pedestrians and cyclists.

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Sections Master Plan

High-tech educational and training facilities as well as income-generating and recreational acitivities are proposed on this site. The reuse of modules ranges from residential redevelopment to temporary placemaking. A variety of assets will be connected by two corridors, one along the river and the other going from the lagoon side into the community.

Site Plan

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3.1.6 Reconnecting with the Caño A

Community Gathering Spaces Once a 200- to 400-foot wide navigable channel, Caño Martín Peña is now greatly reduced in size and a site of major environmental hazards and challenges. Water is unable to move through the system, causing both increased risks of flooding as well as major health risks to both residents of the area and to the wildlife that remains despite these unfavorable conditions. The communities around the Caño are deeply rooted, with many families that have been in the area for generations. Several local organizations, including a community land trust, work to amplify residents’ voices.

Vulnerability to Flooding

Building Conditions and Vacancy

Today, the channel ranges in depth from 0 to less than 4 feet, and about 10% of its sediments are composed of manmade material, extending ten feet below the channel’s base in areas. Water is unable to move through the system, causing both increased risks of flooding as well as major health risks to both residents of the area and to the wildlife that remains despite these unfavorable conditions.

A plan that was initiated in the early 2000s by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers includes a proposal to dredge the Caño to a width of 100 feet and a depth of 10 feet, with vertical concrete walls. This plan misses an opportunity to look at the region as a whole, extending beyond the immediate communities on either side of the Caño.

The proposal presented here takes a holistic view of the dredging project, addressing not only natural systems, but also connectivity, economic strength, and community empowerment.

E

C

Lighting and Signage

Skate Park

Floodable Park

B

D

Elevated Linear Park

F

Water Plaza

Covered Marketplace

B A D

C

F

X’

E Map sources: 1. Google Maps; 2. FEMA flood zones; 3. Proyecto ENLACE del Caño Martín Peña or Fideicomiso de

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Redensify the spine of Calle Pachin Marin/Calle Lippit, which is connects to Barrio Obrero to the north and Hato Rey to the south. By strengthening existing clusters of community spaces, these streets will be activated, and physical investment in housing in this area will help incentivize households to relocate from the most at-risk areas.

Continue community-led education about the effects of illegal dumping into the channel. Install lighting and encourage activity in the area to discourage businesses located elsewhere from coming to the channel to deposit refuse.

X’

B Establish a community gathering space with environmental justice-related programming, as well as flexible gathering spaces and case workers to support voluntary and incentivized relocation.

D

C

Establish a water taxi system with stations here, near the Tren Urbano, and throughout the San Jose Lagoon to support sustainable tourism through a partnership with the community land trust.

Dredge the channel to a variable width (ranging from 80 to 140 feet) and depth (ranging from 9 to 14 feet at the deepest point), with floodable parks and mangroves serving as buffers to allow the system to expand and contract.

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3.2 Naguabo

The Rainforest Trail framework for the Naguabo region of Puerto Rico is designed to promote tourism as a system from the ridge to reef and through the area's settlements, while simultaneously providing an emergency evacuation route and floodplain buffer from sea level rise and river flooding

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3.2.1 Site Context The municipality of Naguabo is located on the east coast of mainland Puerto Rico and measures about 52 square miles (135 square kilometers). Founded in 1794 and refounded in 1821 (migration to flatter land), the area began as mining and sugar cane farming settlement as the town was on low-lying coastal land that is appropriate for sugar farming. Naguabo is bordered by Ceiba to the north and Humacao to the south and is accessible to San Juan by PR-53, known as the Expreso Jose Celso Barbosa.

Naguabo is segmented by 11 barrios (wards) throughout the municipal proper that stretch from the Caribbean Sea up towards the Luquillo Mountain Range and the El Yunque National Rainforest; the

only designated rainforest in the United States. The municipality is within the eastern coastal valley region and is irrigated by the Daguao, Santiago, and Blanco rivers (rios).

The Rio Blanco is the largest of its water bodies and runs from the Blanco barrio near El Yunque down towards the Caribbean Sea. As a coastal town, Naguabo features a port barrio (Malecon) and Algodones Bay. Notable mangroves are located along the coast at the mouth of the Daguao River and in Algodones Bay.

Assets of Naguabo Naguabo has a plethora of assets in the region to make it a notable tourist destination in Puerto Rico.

With direct access to El Yunque, America’s only national rainforest, visitors and Naguabo residents have the ability to explore the trails and ecology of one of Puerto Rico’s natural treasures. Along the coast, coastal mangrove wetlands at the Dugao River mouth and Algodones Bay offer residents and tourists the fascinating ecology that meets at the confluence of the land and sea for recreational activities. Other coastal treasures in Naguabo include the port of Malecon, which includes a variety of Puerto Rican restaurants and a new boardwalk, and Tropical Beach with access for swimming. Through Naguabo’s port, the town has the ability to have access to the beautiful nearby islands of Cayo Santiago (Island of Monkeys) and Vieques.

As Naguabo was founded in 1821, the historic town center, the Pueblo barrio, includes a variety of historic Caribbean architectural character and urban design.

The municipal complex, the original town theater and the historic Our Lady of the Rosary Catholic Church all surround the Naguabo Town Plaza, which features flamboyant ficus trees that are renown in Puerto Rico. The adjacent town of Ceiba hosts the former Roosevelt Roads Naval Base, which hosted many jobs for Naguabites, the base has the ability to be redeveloped for economic value through commercial use of its airport and available land. Current plans have been published by the Roosevelt Roads Redevelopment Authority to attract businesses to the area.

El Yunque National Rainforest

Malecon

Algodones

Recreation Plaza, Pueblo

Roosevelt Roads ^ Naguabo Regional Map [Includes: Humacao, Naguabo and Ceiba municipalities]

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Challenges of Naguabo Unfortunately, Naguabo also faces issues that are tied back to Puerto Rico’s systemic issues. After Hurricane Maria devastated the eastern coast of the island in 2017, the island’s fragile road infrastructure was blocked and damaged, making it extremely difficult for communications and evacuation from the barrios. As the most used form of transportation in the municipality is the private car, Naguabites rely on roads to accomplish their daily errands. It is extemely vulnerable and posing accessibility issues. Even Naguabo is just south of El Yunque, the only road connection to the National Rainforest, PR191 has been disjointed for 25 years due to a Landslide.

Also being along the coast, Naguabo is susceptible to coastal flooding from storm surge and river overflow from rainfall as all of the rivers flow down from the Luquillo Range. Unlike the rest of Puerto Rico, Naguabo has a growing population because it is cheaper than nearby towns of Humacao and Fajardo.

As new auto-oriented subdivisions are being built in the floodplain, this will become a severe problem of flooding in the coming decades with sea level rise.

Naguabo also experiences a stagnant economy.

Although Roosevelt Roads is now available for investment, 6,000 jobs and $300 million in annual revenue were lost for the Naguabo area. As Operation Bootstrap brought pharmaceuticals and manufacturing jobs for Naguabites from the 1940s to the 1980s, the loss of these major industries in the 1990s led to a shift to tourism. Based on these circumstances, the average weekly income in Naguabo is $339. This low amount of industry has caused approximately 60% of Naguabo residents to work in other towns for higher paying jobs. The major industries in the town today are the nonbasic industries of Retail (17.9%), Wholesale Trade (15.9%) and Entertainment, Food and Tourism (14.3%).

Although Naguabo features an abundance of agricultural land, the municipality only produces less than 1% of agricultural exports (plantains and cattle). ^ Naguabo Regional Map: Population & Poverty

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3.2.2 Goals and Design Framework

A Resilient Tourism Framework As a response to the challenges and a catalyst for the opportune assets, the regional framework has been designed with Tourism + Community in mind.

Tourism reflects the town’s economic and ecological opportunities to be exploited while Community focuses on establishing emergency resilience and enhancing daily life for the residents of Naguabo. In essence, the framework envisions a resilient tourism destination that strengthens social infrastructures and economic activity.

The framework includes 3 strategies: (1) Regional Armatures that connect the towns better through accessible public transit; (2) Resilient Trail Network that protects towns from flooding and provides and emergency evacuation path while creating a recreational link from the ridge to the reef; and (3) Resurgent Anchors that stimulates social infrastructure throughout each barrio and could potentially become a catalyst for economic activity.

Framework 1: Regional Armatures The Regional Armatures is created by provision of public transit connection. The regional connection is firstly established by ferry service between the Malecon Deck, East Island Excursion and Roosevelt Ferry Port to nearby Island attraction like Vieque.

This strategy aims to provide easy access and connection for tourists to the tourism assets in Naguabo Region, while improve local public transit service between towns for local users. Based on the Ferry Connection, Shuttle connection will be provided between the ferry ports to more inland attraction like El Yunque and Naguabo Pueblo, improving the ridge to reef connectivity for both visitors and residents.

Last, the Gondola system between Naguabo Pueblo and El Yunque will reconnect the regional to one of its biggest natural assets, the rainforest and revitalize the regional tourism system.

^ Naguabo Regional Map: Proposed Transportation Routes [Ferry, Trail, Shuttle Bus, Gondola]

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^ Ferry Connections

^ Shuttle Bus Connections

^ Interconnected Transportation System Connections

Framework 2: Resilient Trail Network

Framework 3: Resurgent Anchors

The series of trails in this network act as the Resilient Trail Network that links the coastal destinations of Malecon and Tropical Beach and extends towards the border of Pueblo, where it acts as a protection from the floodplain. The trails then extends to towards the barrio of Florida before making its way to the ridge like Sabana River Recreation Area in El Yunque. The resilient trails have a dual function of both recreation and emergency and named according to natural features along the trails: Mangrove trail, Sunflower trail and Rainforest trail.

Finally, the town centers along the trail network will be reactivated as Resurgent Anchors, multifunctional hubs: a community hub but also tourist service center; a emergency gathering shelter but also daily social infrastructures. The revitalization would be in collaboration with local coalition like Naguabo Somos Todos, Yo Soy Florida, which empowers and benefits local people.

^ Resurgent Anchor Typologies

^ Notable Assets along the Trail Systems

^ Naguabo Regional Map: Resilient Trail Network

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3.2.3 Rainforest Trail

^ Rainforest Trail Birds-Eye Map

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^ Rainforest Trail Framework

^ Rainforest Trail Section Vignette: Connecting Assets & Barrios

^ El Yunque Gondola Station Vignette

^ Urban Trail Connection Section

^ Coastal Trail Vignette

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3.3 Utuado the island, the electric grid was designed from its onset to support a distorted composition and spatial orientation of Puerto Rico’s business and laborforce.

With much of the manufacturing production concentrated in the coastal port cities, towns such as Utuado received secondary priority from PREPA in its development of local grid network.

Utuado’s history and culture predates the city itself. Originally inhabited by Puerto Rico’s indigenous Taino people, the region is home to Caguana Indigenous Ceremonial Park, one of the significant acheaeological sites for Taino culture throughout the Antilles through the present day.

The municipality of Utuado was founded in 1739; and the very name Utudao comes from the Taino word Otoao which means between mountains. Not surprisingly, Utuado’s location within a valley at the center of Puerto Rico’s mountainous interior stand at the center of the forces that have shaped the microcosm that is its of history within that of Puerto Rico.

Following the occupation of Puerto Rico by the United States after the Spanish American war, the primary focus of Puerto Rico’s agricultural industry was shifted from coffee to sugar. As a result, the local mountain sides that once attracted coffee

farmers in need of the high altitudes and steep slopes could no longer offer the productive value to sugar cane farmers. Moreover, the Land Law of 1941 enforced the existing statute of limiting land ownership to a maximum of 500 acres and doing so fragmented Puerto Rico’s agroindustry. Because agrobusiness represented an outsized proportion of Utuado’s economy when compared to that of the island, this action had a profound impact on its strategic value as a population and business center.

The 1940’s also marked the beginning of the error of industrialization and infrastructure expansion across Puerto Rico. WW2 instigated a shift of the economy throughout the continental US, thus creating a void in industrial supply chains that were ultimately filled by manufacturers throughout Puerto Rico. After the war ended and US manufactures returned to their initial business models, the island fell into a state of recession. To combat the softening business climate, the local government launched Operation Bootstrap in 1947 with federal support to bolster the manufacturing sector.

The Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority (PREPA) was formed in 1941 to build the island’s electric grid. Given the temporary shocks driving the economic activity and physical development across

this economic expansion, the construction of US Highway 10 began in 1974 as a means to enhance the connectivity of these manufactures and their localities to the coastal cities of Ponce and Arecibo.

Unfortunately, as the tax exemption faded for most

Puerto Rico’s economy softend once again in the 1960s, instagating the passage of two key laws. In 1973, the local government secured triple-exempt status for its municipal bonds and in 1976, Section 936 of the IRS Code was enacted. The combination gave rise to a sharp increase in financial resources for the Puerto Rican government and a temporary tax-shelter for mainland corporations to locate manufacturing and capital-intensive operations to the mountainous interior of the island. To support

corporates in the late 1980s, many corporates discontinued local operations and Highway 10, was never completed. The constant boom and bust cycle of the Island, and particularly its interior region, reinforced the pattern of neglect from PREPA as the scale of investment needed to support peak demand wouldn’t be sustained by a continuity of tax receipts or sales revenues.

Today, Utuado’s population of nearly 29,000 is roughly 11.7x smaller than San Juan, Puerto Rico’s most populous municipality. Negative migration trends remain a critical concern as many of its residents continue to relocate to coastal cities or the mainland US. As such, the municipality faces a material limitation on its ability to fund the initial development as well as the ongoing maintenance of the infrastructure enhancements needed to support sustained growth throughout the region.

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3.3.1 Context and Framework

Strengths Located along US Highway - 10 in the center of Puerto Rico’s Bosque Modelo

In the wake of Hurricane Maria, the municipality of Utuado faces an incredibly layered and nuanced cross-section of issues that threaten the physical safety and socio-economic opportunity afforded to its approximately 30,000 residents. These problems originate from the legacy of environmental, political, and economic factors that have driven the cyclical growth and decline of the municipality since its creation in 1739. Still, Utuado is home to a diverse array of assets and culture that constitute the intrinsic value of the region and offer a means to unlock the latent value afforded to its many stakeholders throughout the region.

The city of Utudao sits along US Highway-10, approximately 25 miles south of Arecibo and 29 miles north of Ponce. The town resides at an elevation of roughly 450 - 650 feet above sea level and is approximately 19 miles northwest of the Cerro de Punta, Puerto Rico’s highest point stretching 4,390 ft. above sea level. The topographic and geographic location of Utuado places it at the meeting point of two tributary networks that form the Rio Vivi. The system originates from the Cordillera Central and sits at the basin of steep slopes that are prone to mud slides.

Home to the University of Puerto Rico - Utuado with a leading program in agriculture and life sciences

Proximate to the Largo Caonillas hydro-electric damn and reservoir system

Located within Puerto Rico’s Karst region.`

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Weaknesses Grid network lacks redundancy, is physically detached from the population and faces material floodplain exposure

Negative migration trends have resulted in a loss of human capital and high vacancy throughout the downtown core

Key bridges, roads, and residential nodes are in conflict with either flood plan and/or unstable land area

The local economy doesn’t embrace the local ecological assets, leaving the local economy in a state of decline

The Comprehensive Framework

Opportunities Thematically, we have resolved to leverage Utuado’s remarkable natural resources to strengthen its economic activity, sustainability, and connectivity.

Tactically, we identified a series of design solutions to achieve the following five objectives: Define Resilient Residential Nodes; Designate Safety Shelter & Trail Network; Institute Waterfront Management; Reinforce the Electric Infrastructure; Establish Place & Cultural Connectivity; and, Reemphasize Agricultural Production

Each of our interventions operate as part of a 5-Factor Framework that work to leverage and/or enhance: Stewardship, Placemaking, Energy, Housing, and Connectivity. The diagram to the right as well as the callouts below offer a comprehensive perspective to how our tactical moves reinforce each other.

Stewardship

Placemaking

Diversifying Energy Resources

Energy

Housing

Spatially Locating Emergency Shelters

Connectivity

Amplifying Identity

Treasuring Rio Vivi

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3.3.2 Diversifying Energy Resources

Defining the Problem The city of Utuado is situated less than 10 miles from the Dos Bocas Hydroelectric Power Plant that holds the potential to provide power across a region that spans from Utuado to San Juan, Puerto Rico. However, Utuado remains highly susceptible to reduced or complete loss of power. The images above offer a snapshot of the devistation casued to the electric grid as well as the impact of this damage on the town. The four primary factors instigating this vulnerability include: • • • •

The macro electric grid developed and managed by PREPA has systematically under-invested in the development of Puerto Rico’s mountainous interior where Utuado is located.

The local tax bases that would support infrastructure investment and maintenance continues to dwindle. The population has declined from roughly 34,000 as of 1980 to an estimated 28,000 as of 2017.

Many of Utuado’s transformers are located within the fl oodplain that lines the Rio Vivi and/or along steep landscapes susceptible to landslides. presents a material threat to the local grid during extreme weather events.

The primary electrical substations connecting Utuado to the PREPA’s grid are situated within the northeast side of town and the Rio Vivi, while the primary transmission line follows the Highway-10

Offering a Solution 80 Watts 13,600 lumens $1,460 / Unit 50,000 hr life span Solar street lights to illuminate escape routes, minimize municipal energy costs, & create a visual aesthetic.

20 kW System Size $3.17 / Watt Output $2,200 / 20 kW Installation Equiping a targeted network of buildings will enable the citizens of Utuado to minimuze the interuption of critical services and offer temporary sheltuer during acute

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Generators must be sourced on a case by case basis. The overall system design and copacity is dependent upon the energy needs of the building.

This scale of intervention is reserved for the most critical of circumstances

A Layered Plan for Execution 1

4

2

5

Step 1: a Step 2: Step 3: a Step 4: a Step 5:

Highlight all of the physical assets throughout the downtown core and surrounding area Rule out all assets that fall within the floodplain Restrict the options to buildings with a footprint of 2,400 sq. ft. or greater Reduce the network to facilities that fall along the trail network Select facilities with political, social, or economic stewards; overlay solar street lamp network; and identify assets in need of a generator

3

Current Trail

Proposed Trail

Solar Street Light

Solar Roof

Back-up Generator

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3.3.3 Spatially Locating Emergency Shelters ASSETS 1. University of Puerto Rico 2. Municipal Office 3. Big Box Retail Stores 4. Hospital Metropolitano de La Montana 5. Arecibo Oservatory

SAFETY

37% OF BUILDINGS ARE FURTHER THAN A 20 MINUTE WALK FROM UTUADO’S CIVIC ASSETS

Emergency shelters should be located where there is minimal environmental risk: outside the floodplain and where the topography is flat. In effect, residents can seek shelter and safety in areas that are void of riverine flooding and landslide risk.

Within 1 km Network Distance

4 2

Within 2 km Network Distance Outside 2 km Network Distance

P1 1

PROJECT OVERVIEW Utuado calls for a more robust emergency response in its pursuit of long-term disaster risk reduction strategies. Utuado’s environmental threats contribute to the challenges related to the provision of services and supplies in its post disaster state. This project explores the process of spatially locating emergency centers in Utuado, a strategy that can be scaled up and implemented in towns which hold similar environmental characterstics.

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A network analysis performed on the existing roadmap identified 1,536 households located within a 10 minute walking distance to any given asset, and 1,832 more households located within a 20 minute walking distance. In other words, 2,501 households - or 37% of buildings - mainly those concentrated in the highland areas - have minimal access to any civic asset. Moreover, the hospital and municipal office are located in the flood zone, an situation less than ideal.

Pedestrian roads are trails through areas too steep for a vehicle to drive on. However, they provide foot access to and from important nodes throughout the town. Their average slopes do not exceed 40 degrees.

(P1) Pedestrian Path

Determining Household Proximity to Civic Assets Civic assets are important because they have the capacity to, in the event of a natural disaster, provide residents with shelter, water, food, and other emergency supplies. The majority of Utuado’s assets - many of which were turned into emergency nodes where services and supplies were distributed - are concentrated in its urban center.

The clusters of rural households extend vertically like fingers from the urban center. Horizontal connections from rural clusters do not exist. The designation of a safety trail - consisting of service and pedestrian roads - aims to connect the residential nodes to each other, and specifically to the newly identified emergency centers.

Service roads consist of existing and proposed roads. They have been designed to be 12 feet in width; enough for an ambulance or small truck to move through. Their average slopes amount to no more than 25 degrees.

Identified Assets 3 5

Designating a Safety Path

S1

Highlighted areas denote where the path slope exceeds the average slope, and where road fortification must be prioritized and implemented.

(S1) Service Road

Shelters and the Safety Route

MULTIPLE USES B

Designated emergency shelters can be programmed for productive and recreational uses.

Helicopter landing spots and camping grounds can be used as football fields and a community steward on a daily basis. Doing so will ensure ongoing maintenance and use of the site for the community’s benefit.

Same Components, Different Sites As displayed below, the main elements that comprise an emergency center can be designed for multiple sites, and span a variety uses throughout the year.

SITE A

A

SITE B

OPTIMAL ACCESSIBILITY Centers should be located in areas that grant the highest degree of accessibility to the greatest amount of underserved households in Utuado.

These areas should take advantage of existing roads as much as possible, and be able accessible by walking, driving, and flying (via helicopters).

Increased Access Based on the network analysis, the placement of shelters A and B will increase emergency access to 1,506 households. While this does not solve accessibility for all 2,501 households, it is a new approach that works toward reducing disaster risk, and bolstering Utudo’s resilience.

Within 1 km Network Distance Within 2 km Network Distance

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3.3.4 Amplifying Identity C 2 F

This project aims to address issues of connectivity, activation, preservation, placekeeping, and revitalization. The catalyst for its conception was the desire to leverage Utuado’s existing resources (natural, historic, and civic) to amplify the identity of the city and—through a strengthened regional connectivity—allow Utuado to serve as a gateway for the rest of Puerto Rico’s Karst region.

The following design interventions sought to contribute to sustainability and resilience for Utuado: the creation of a well-marked and maintained safety rout (a), the conservation of natural resources (b), the preservation of historic attributes (c), investments in agriculture and research (d), the adaptive reuse of select properties (e), and low-cost placekeeping endeavors (f).

Central to this design is the environmentally responsible reinterpretation of Utuado’s most disaster prone landscapes. It at once hopes to mitigate flood and landslide risk while providing critical connections for residents (particularly on the east-west axis), a need highlighted by 2017’s destructive hurricane season.

Growth boundaries limiting residential uses demand civic and cultural stewards who will take on the responsibility of maintenance and compliance with these new regulations. The University of Puerto Rico Utuado campus, which specializes in agriculture and food production programs, was identified as an existing community stakeholder that could contribute to the sustainable revitalization of Utuado through the role of land steward. Activating vacant buildings and land through an extension of UPR’s

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D 1

E

B

A

campus helps to maintain the growth boundary while tying the highland trail system to the city center.

At the edge of the Rio Vivi, the ruins to the town’s historic ice factory have been preserved and opened for public interaction—now serving as in important anchor point for the newly designed river walk (section 1 and 2). Visual cues direct visitors along designated paths which will bring them to important cultural locations around the town and region. One such path features the revitalized market, now envisioned with public seating, it acts as the towns distributor for regional goods (expanding on the regions coffee market, and SECTION 1

diversifying agriculture in the area with cacao and vanilla—a particularly high margin product), while also supporting the UPR’s campus and other bespoke, community driven agricultural endeavors through the sale of local produce. By supporting local agriculture, the revitalized market is looking to strengthen food independence and resiliency within Utuado. Presently 85 – 90 percent of consumed food is imported, leaving Puerto Rico dangerously susceptible to a food shortage in times of emergency (as seen in the aftermath of hurricane Maria). Locally grown produce also encourages healthy eating habits for Puerto Rican residents who disproportionately experience: high blood pressure, cancer, heart disease, diabetes, and obesity.

When the newly designed safety routs are not being used to aid in evacuations or emergency responses they can be enjoyed as recreational walking, hiking, or biking trails. One such recreation amenity is shown in section 2. A footpath following the town’s Spanish canal activates this historic asset and connects it to both the town center and a highland trail network. Landscaping interventions aid in the canals preservation while contributing to flood and landslide risk mitigation for the immediate area.

SECTION 2

This designed node serves as an example of how to activate and monitor areas on the edge of the proposed growth boundary. By utilizing this philosophy at varying scales, Utuado (both city and region) will be able to develop and maintain new connections and environmental protections that will aid in resilient, sustainable revitalization.

Connecting ecosystems and community through green infrastructure and local stewards.

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3.3.5 Rediscover Rio Vivi

RIO VIVI is one of the greatest assets that Utuado has. With water comes natural vibrancy, and open space that the local communities can use for social engagement, as well as leveraging commercial power for attracting more business and tourists into the town.

Currently, there is no intentional interaction with RIO VIVI in any way because the buildings adjacent to the river prevents any public access to the water.

With the back of the building facing towards the river, it is neglected and underutilized.

But with thoughtful place-making and flood management, RIO VIVI is like a diamond in the rough to be discovered.

Consider this...

Public Open Space

Hurricane Maria exposed how dangerous river flooding can be. Rio Vivi cuts across the most dense and urban core of Utuado. Many residential properties are directly adjacent to the riverbank, without sound structure support or levee-like protection from flooding.

Properties in high risk 100-year flood zone 1

Population is shrinking, business is leaving, vacancy rate is increasing, University of Puerto Rico, Utuado is thinking of leaving.

Commercial retail activity in downtown core is weakening.

Residents wish there were more place for entertainment. “I dont know where to take my children on the weekend”. Surrounded

by Puerto Rico’s best environmental assets, the residents still lack easy access to local public place that is walkable and convenient.

2

1

Existing Section

2

Single Stack Building

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Residential properties identified in this zone

Inaccessible Backyards behind buildings

7,114 sq.m known propertyvacancy

Rio Vivi

Natural Vegetation

Proposed Vivi Park

Known Vacant Property

Vivi Promonade

For high-risk residents, there are designated residential nodes that can accommodate relocation.

The residential nodes will hold design charrette and community engagement to reflect what the residents want for their own living environment. In anticipation of flooding and future natural disasters, RIO VIVI’s riverbank is equipped various ecosystem based interventions such as terraced land form, green infrastructure such as water detention basins and drainage easements through conscious plant selections.

Vacant Parcel InďŹ ll

Hospital Metropolitano de la MontaĂąa

The Park

2

The Vivi Commercial Promenade will reinvigorate commercial activity and a sense of vibrancy into the town of Utuado. With the existing local market reactivated with a place to dine, dance, and shop, local residents and tourists will have a place to experience fun. By creating a sense of vibrancy, the shrinking population will feel valued and not neglected. By retaining population, and potentially attracting more tourists and student numbers, Utuado will continue to be a loving place.

1

Plaza Publica

Parroquia San Miguel Arcangel

Escuela Intermedia Francisco Ramos City Hall

1

High vacancy properties can be redeveloped into residential units to accommodate those who are willing to evacuate the high risk areas.

Flood Management Place-Making

2

A new Vivi Park with a Palm Tree Square and an active access between the local market hall, commercial promenade and the waterfront.

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City & Regional Planning