Philippine Collegian Tomo 95 Issue 24-25

OPISYAL NA LINGGUHANG PAHAYAGAN NG MGA MAG-AARAL NG UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS DILIMAN LUNES HULYO 23, 2018 TOMO 95 ISYU 24-25

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

DUTERTE'S INFERNO

Traversing the Nine Circles of Hell under Duterte

8-9

FEATS

TAN REJECTS CALLS FOR NEW EIC EXAM 2 NEWS

PaRody: Duterte at ang Teleserye ng Totoong Buhay 10-11

KULTURA

Tan rejects calls for new EIC exam BEATRICE P. PUENTE

DESPITE THE RESOUNDING CALLS from student councils and organizations to conduct a second, fair editorial examination to select the next Editor-inChief (EIC) of Philippine Collegian, UP Diliman (UPD) Chancellor Michael Tan reaffirms his earlier decision appointing Jayson Edward San Juan as the next EIC of the campus’ official student publication.

San Juan topped the examination held last May 5, besting four other examinees.

However, the validity of the said examination has been put into question, as two Collegian writers Marvin Ang and Richard Cornelio were barred from taking the exam, prompting a series of protests from various student groups.

Ang and Cornelio were disqualified by the Board of Judges (BOJ), headed

by College of Mass Communication Dean Elena Pernia, on the basis of their graduating statuses when they expressed their intent to take the exam.

But the two cited Section 8 Article III of the Collegian rules, which, according to them, support their qualification: “[t] o be able to participate in the competitive examination, the applicant: (a) must be a regular student of the University with at least one year residence therein and (b) must be enrolled in an undergraduate course carrying not less than the normal load prescribed for a regular student.”

“If there are rules perceived to be unfair, then they should be revised but until the revisions are promulgated and put into effect, current rules must remain

in force,” Tan cited in the memorandum dated July 13. “Unless this is done, we will have chaotic situations, where protests are filed after each exam by losing parties,” he added.

Tan previously met with outgoing Collegian EIC Sanny Boy Afable and Student Regent Shari Oliquino last July 10 to discuss the issue, among other pressing matters faced by the students.

“Despite my efforts to explain the merits of the case during our meeting, Chancellor Tan failed to sufficiently address in his final decision the points we raised in our petition, specifically the residency qualifications of the two Collegian writers,” Afable said.

“The Editorial Board (EB) remains firm in its stand that the results of the whole exam, which was marred by irregularities, should be nullified,” Afable added.

Moreover, the University Student Council (USC) and the Local College Councils also showed support for the Collegian’s call. “When it comes to institutions like the Philippine Collegian na nagiging boses natin sa issues ng lipunan, kailangan natin s’yang protektahan talaga kasi the process should be democratic,” said USC Vice Chairperson-elect Kisha Beringuela.

“It’s important for us to protect student institutions kasi ngayon na sobrang lala ng nangyayari sa lipunan natin, hahayaan pa ba natin na sa mismong pamantasan ay nakikita natin ‘to?” Beringuela added.

PUTOL NA LINYA

SHANE DELA CRUZ

Kababalik lang ni Lymar Espero, 23, sa bagong tayong piket nila sa Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT) España mula Iloilo nitong Hulyo 14. Sa limang taon na pagtatrabaho ni Espero bilang kontraktuwal na lineman sa PLDT Batangas, napagkasya niya ang higit P10,000 buwanang kita sa mga pangunahing pangangailangan ng kaniyang pamilya sa Iloilo. Isa si Espero sa mahigit 10,000 manggagawa ng PLDT sa buong bansa na nawalan ng trabaho, ayon sa tala ng Kilos na Manggagawa - PLDT. Nabuo ang unyon dahil sa hindi pagtupad ng PLDT sa pagregularisa ng 7,300 manggagawa sa 38 nitong ahensya. Sa ngayon, hinihintay pa rin ang resulta sa apela ng PLDT sa Hukuman ng Apelasyon ukol dito.

Federalism predicted to worsen national crises JUAN GREGORIO A. LINA

PUNDITS SLAMMED THE FINAL draft of a new charter set to transform the nation into a federal state, arguing that the planned overhaul in government will do more harm than good to the country in the long run.

“We are headed to disaster as they ram the [charter change] express train through our throats,” writes David Michael San Juan in his analysis of the draft constitution.

San Juan is a Philippine studies professor with the De La Salle University.

Since his days on the campaign trail for the presidency, Duterte has touted federalism as the panacea to uneven national economic development. “The unitary form of government has centralized power in Metro Manila; has centralized corruption and prevented the growth of the regions, left with very little share of the national wealth,” he said in earlier reports.

The president is also banking on federalism as the solution to address intercultural tensions in the ethnicallydiverse Mindanao region, believing the current unitary government to be inadequate.

Progress and regress In contrast, critics have pointed out flaws and loopholes in a number of provisions in the federal charter’s final draft. In San Juan’s analysis, he highlighted the constitution’s removal of the partylist

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system for marginalized sectors, deletion of limitations for military bases, the vague ban on “weapons of mass destruction,” and greater license for foreigners to own local businesses.

The professor also denounced a provision setting the possession of a college diploma as a prerequisite for future candidates of major elected positions, calling it “undemocratic” and inconsiderate of the nation’s already subpar education system.

On the other hand, San Juan also stressed the Constitutional Commission’s (Con-Com) failure to consult the public at all regarding the creation of the charter and the exclusivist nature of the use of English as its language. He also cautioned of the federal constitution’s liability to strengthen political dynasties as well as further fragment the nation through the inadvertent emphasis of regional differences. “[President Rodrigo] Duterte’s version of charter change won’t help resolve our people’s myriad of problems which include poverty and huge wealth and income inequality,” San Juan concluded his analysis.

Meanwhile, former Supreme Court (SC) Chief Justice Hilario Davide hit on the final draft for failing to mention the West Philippine Sea despite the ongoing maritime dispute between China and

the Philippines. Davide, who sat among the framers of the 1987 Constitution, is another vocal critic of federalism. In a 2017 Makati speech addressing a number of business associations, he described it as “a fatal experiment, a fatal leap, a plunge to hell, a leap to death."

A ‘tired’ president Jose Maria Sison, founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, stated in a post on the National Democratic Front’s website last July 14 that charter change is ultimately Duterte’s ploy to consolidate his dictatorship.

“Duterte is obsessed with establishing a fascist dictatorship á la [Ferdinand Marcos Sr.], his political idol, whose extrajudicial killings of around 3,500 over 14 years of autocratic rule he has already surpassed several times in only two years,” Sison wrote.

The extension of the terms for incumbent officials has been one of the longstanding concerns regarding the proposed shift to federalism, with pundits also fearing that charter change will mean the cancellation of the 2019 senatorial elections while the selection of other officials will be done on a per appointment basis.

However, the president has ostensibly made it clear that he has no desire to oversee the transition of the nation to a federal state should charter change come

to pass, even going as far as to request from former SC Chief Justice Renato Puno who chairs the Con-Com, an amendment in the federal charter’s transitory provisions to bar him from seeking reelection.

On other hand, the 2019 elections will push through, while the 1987 Constitution will continue to be enforced, said presidential spokesperson Harry Roque.

Assemble or convene?

The final draft of the federal charter was recently completed by the Con-Com and submitted to the president last July 9. The document will be up for review in both houses of Congress after, although it is not the legislative branch’s priority as of this time, according to Senate President Vicente Sotto III. “As of now everything stands as a proposal. Congress is here to study it. We will study every provision. We can end up changing everything or just one or two parts of it,” Sotto said in previous reports.

In addition, Congress has also yet to decide whether amendments will be made through a Constitutional Convention (Con-Con) or a Constituent Assembly.

The former is comprised of duly elected delegates of the people, while the latter is a convention comprising of members of Congress.

Some lawmakers, however, have expressed support for a Constitutional

Convention which is seen as an additional safeguard to avoid conflict of interests that would occur if only incumbent lawmakers were tasked to review the Constitution.

Meanwhile, two out of three Filipinos are said to be in opposition to charter change, according to a recent survey conducted by Pulse Asia. Roque, however, attributes this to a lack of understanding rather than informed opposition.

“There is clearly much work to be done in terms of spreading awareness and knowledge on the aforementioned issue. We will therefore exert even more effort to inform and educate our citizens about federalism since the approval of the proposed changes in our current Charter ultimately lies in the hands of Filipino people,” said Roque in earlier reports.

The issue of whether to federalize, however, exists in the backdrop of a nation that has long been suffering from a myriad of social ills, said San Juan.

“At a time when millions of our people starve, suffer from poverty, endure homelessness and/or landlessness etc., prioritizing the aforementioned bad version of charter change over a full-blast restructuring of the system to resolve our people’s pressing problems is a crime,” wrote San Juan in his analysis’ conclusion.

DAHIL SA LUMALALANG MILITARISASYON

Katutubong Manobo, muling nagbakwit MARVIN ANG

HUMIGIT-KUMULANG 1,600 MANOBO mula sa 15 komunidad ng Brgy. Diatagon at Brgy. Buhisan sa Lianga at San Agustin, Surigao del Sur ang sapilitang pinaalis sa kanilang komunidad noong Hunyo 16 matapos okupahin ng 75th Infantry Battalion ng Philippine Army (IBPA) ang kanilang lupain.

Higit isang buwan nang binabakuran ng IBPA ang komunidad ng Andap Valley complex mula Hunyo 14, kaya hindi makapagsaka nang maayos ang mga Manobo. Pinagbantaan din ang mga lider ng komunidad na sasampahan sila ng kaso kung hindi nila lilisanin ang kanilang komunidad, ayon kay Chad Booc, volunteer-teacher sa Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV.).

Ito na ang ikatlong beses ng kanilang VIOLATION OF CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS

pagbabakwit simula nang panunungkulan ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte.

“The Lumads are very concerned [about this incident] kasi the last time that such massive presence of uniformed personnel ay napunta sa kanilang lugar, it resulted to a massacre of their leaders,” ayon kay Cristina Palabay, pangkalahatang-kalihim ng Karapatan. Matatandaang pinaslang ang lider ng mga Manobo na si Dionel Campos at Bello Sinzo ng paramilitar na grupong MagahatBagani ng IBPA noong 2015.

Kabilang sa mga lumikas ang 568 na mag-aaral mula sa Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS) at ALCADEV, kasama ang 48 volunteer teachers.

“Residents can no longer return to their farms for fear of being violently attacked by the military as has happened to community

members in previous military operations,” ayon sa inilabas na pahayag ng Malahutayong Pakigbisog alang sa Sumusunod, isang organisasyon ng mga Lumad.

Halos 16 kilometro ang nilakad ng mga nagbakwit mula sa kanilang komunidad sa Andap Valley Complex patungo sa kanilang pansamantalang tinutuluyan na gymnasium sa Brgy. Diatogon. Ilang beses ding nakipagsagutan sa kanila ang militar sa mga military checkpoints.

Samu’t saring kaso ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng mga Lumad ang naitala ng Karapatan-CARAGA. Kabilang dito ang pandarahas sa mga kabataan at kababaihang Manobo, sapilitang pagrekrut ng mga lalaking Manobo sa Citizen Armed Forces Geographical Unit, at pagbabanta sa mga guro sa TRIFPSS sa Sitio Simowao.

Hinaharangan din ng mga militar ang iba’t ibang organisasyong nais maghatid ng tulong na pagkain at iba pang gamit sa mga nagbakwit.

“Nakakabahala ang kalagayan nila ngayon doon. Napakaliit ng evacuation center para sa isang libo, may water shortage, at ang tulong galing sa labas ay hinaharang ng militar. Nung magbibigay ng food packs ang Municipal Social Welfare Development, may kasamang militar kaya magulo ngayon doon. Patuloy na hinaharas ang mga bakwit,” ayon kay Rius Valle, tagapangulo ng Save Our Schools Network (SOS) – Northern Mindanao Region.

Kinundena naman ng National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) ang pagbabawal sa mga mamamahayag na bumibisita sa bakwit. Labag diumano ito

sa saligang batas at karapatan ng publiko na malaman ang kasalukuyang nangyayari sa mga Lumad, lalo’t nagpapatuloy ang batas militar sa Mindanao.

“Martial law does not justify the arbitrary restriction on coverage of the Lumad evacuation, unless, of course, we have ceased to be a democracy,” ani NUJP sa kanilang pahayag.

Sa ngayon, patuloy pa ring nagbabakwit ang mga Lumad sa Brgy. Diatogon. Iba’t ibang organisasyon ang nakikipagtulungan para mapansin ng mga ahensya ng pamahalaan ang kanilang sitwasyon. “Naghahanap din kami sa SOS ng paraan para matulungan ang mga estudyante na maglunsad ng bakwit school,” ani Valle.

NO VACANCY Robe Zamora Dagcuta is a 3rd year Film student from Surigao City living like any other dormer in UP: he attends general assemblies, stays up late studying, and sometimes relies on the canteen’s generosity for extra servings.

Yet, even with perfect attendance and a distant hometown, earning a dorm slot still seems impossible for him and the hundreds more that made appeals. Due to the scheduled renovation of residence halls Molave and Yakal this upcoming semester, demand spiked while the overall capacity shrunk. Moreover, the influx of freshmen in the upcoming academic year makes the problem worse. While boarding houses remain an option, students like Dagcuta still hope to be admitted in the campus’ more lowcost and accessible alternatives.

163

Extrajudicial killings*

351

Frustrated extrajudicial killings*

351

Illegal arrest and detention

1,599

Illegal arrest without detention

6,782

Indiscriminate firing

42,127

Use of public places for military purpose

356,964 Bombing 432,380 Forced evacuation SOURCE KARAPATAN.ORG

‘Peace Talks must continue on national level’ - rights groups JOSE MARTIN V. SINGH

HUMAN RIGHTS AND PROGRESSIVE groups expressed the need to resume the talks between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) in order to attain “just and lasting peace.” The fifth round of talks was terminated in June, the third time it has been halted under President Rodrigo Duterte’s administration. “[The success of negotiations] depends on the sincerity of the parties, especially the government, because in the numerous years that peace talks were held it has always been the government, whoever is in power that has been sabotaging the gains of the peace talks,” said Karapatan Secretary General Cristina Palabay.

The government on June 29 announced that they will not push through with the talks with the NDFP, specifically the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing New People’s Army. This came a day after Duterte retorted CPP founder Jose Maria Sison’s statement expressing that they cannot negotiate with the government anymore, given that the latter failed to accept their demands.

Localized talks The GRP panel outlined the guidelines for localized peace talks, believing that this would

work more effectively compared to the current setup where national leaders and authorities are involved in the talks. Once the peace talks become localized, the respective local government units will be responsible for the peace negotiations within their jurisdictions.

However, the guidelines for this new setup have yet to be formalized and released by Duterte in an executive order.

The localized talks’ framework, which was first proposed by Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, seeks to be “centrally directed while nationally orchestrated” in order to resolve armed conflict and to pursue reforms consistent with the development plans of the government.

However, the proposition to localize peace talks does little to nothing in addressing issues, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Secretary-General Renato Reyes Jr. said in a statement. “If anything, it’s just a grand psywar scheme. The roots of the armed conflict are not local…[but] national issues,” said Reyes. “[The proposed localized talks] throws away the hard work of both peace panels who have successfully hammered agreements beneficial to the people,” he added.

“The [government’s] intention for the suspension and shift of negotiations is propaganda and not real peace,” said Manila Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo

in an online interview with the Collegian, emphasizing that pushing for this would manifest the lack of the government’s sincerity in engaging with the talks. The government is culpable because it keeps on breaking the talks and does an excess of fault-finding against the opposite party, he added.

Intermittent progress The peace talks have stalled for several times due to disagreements on policies and circumstances that call for them. Duterte, who revived the initiative to continue the talks early this year, later decided to terminate the negotiations supposedly scheduled on June 28 due to bitter sentiments between his party and Communist rebels.

“First and foremost, [the localized talks would] violate all the previous agreements in the peace process. It negates the basis and principle agreed upon by both parties in the Hague Declaration, which is a joint agreement that outlines the need for a peace process that looks at two belligerent parties talking to each other,” said Palabay.

The framework for the peace process known as the Hague Declaration was signed in 1992 by both NDFP and GRP panels under the Ramos administration.

The said two-page document remains the primary basis for conducting talks today.

It seeks to guide the sequence of the peace negotiations: (1) the security of human rights and international humanitarian law, (2) socioeconomic reforms, and (3) the end of all armed conflict. “[A localized peace talk] would not respect [this] agreement and would be a means for the government to undermine the authority or status of the other party,” said Palabay. At this point in the peace negotiations, the main goal is to address socio-economic issues that gave birth to armed conflict, so it would not make sense to localize it, said Atty. Ephraim Cortez, secretary-general of the National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL).

“The suspension of the fifth round [of the peace talks] for the third time [during Duterte’s term] is frustrating considering what the [the GRP and NDFP] have achieved so far,” Cortez said, citing the main agreements and propositions in the peace process, namely the Hague Declaration, Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG), Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), and Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER).

The CASER is the most crucial in the negotiations today since it intends to address

the roots of the long-running armed conflict in the Philippines. The said proposition was accomplished by the NDFP in September 2017 and it proposes to amend socioeconomic and government policies through a socialist approach.

Rights situation in PH Numerous human rights violations continue to plague the Philippines, especially in militarized indigenous and rural communities in Mindanao, where Martial Law is implemented. From January to March 2018 there have been 14 extrajudicial killings, five enforced disappearances, four cases of torture, and 24 illegal arrests with detentions, according to data collated by Karapatan (see related infographic).

The peace talks could serve as one aspect which we could consider when it comes to finding solutions to attacks on human rights, said Palabay, adding that we should gauge the issue by looking at what is happening on the ground and how they impact negotiations.

“History has shown us that a militarist approach will inevitably fail. It is infinitely better to address the root causes of armed conflict than to [continually] drop bombs on communities,” BAYAN said in a statement on the GRP’s suspension of talks with the NDFP.

Human Security Act to be amended

GULONG NG PALAD

LUCKY DELA ROSA

Dissenters fear de-facto Martial Law PAMELA ADRIANO

VARIOUS GROUPS AND SECTORS criticize the proposed amendments on the Human Security Act (HSA), as these would further worsen the state of human rights and security in the country, resulting to an “undeclared but legislated” Martial Law. Signed on 2007, HSA is a counter-terrorism law which seeks to protect the welfare of the people and to defend national security.

However, certain provisions in the law are deemed vague and open to interpretation, which could pose threats to dissenters.

For instance, a terrorist is broadly defined in this law as “any person who commits an act punishable under any of the following provisions of the Revised Penal Code,” which include rebellion or insurrection, and murder. With this definition, according to Human Rights Watch, the government can easily categorize different acts of protest as forms of crime that could subject one to a 40year imprisonment, as stated in the Section 3 of the law.

The “overly broad definition” of terrorism in the Act conflicts with Article 15 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, said Martin Scheinin, the first United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter-terrorism, in a statement on March 2007.

“No one shall be held guilty of any criminal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a criminal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time when the criminal offence was committed,” the article reads.

On the other hand, proponents of the amendments led by Rep. Amado Espino, Jr. from the fifth district of Pangasinan and a former Philippine Constabulary company commander, saw the need to turn the country’s anti-terror law into a real anti-terrorism law in order to criminalize anything that will be detrimental to the safety of the country, especially terrorism.

Meanwhile, House committees on public order and safety and national defense and security conducted its second Technical Working Group (TWG) meeting on June 25 to consolidate House Bills (HB) 5507 and 7141 which seek to amend Republic Act 9372 or the HSA. The current HSA will be retitled as the “Prevention of Terrorism Act” in case the proposed revisions will be adopted by the government.

‘Threatening and questionable’ amendments Various rights groups questioned the proposed amendments on the law, where possible abusive practices could be normalized.

“The proposed bills make the HSA Law harsher. The bills removed whatever safeguards the current HSA Law imposed,” Atty. Ephraim Cortez of National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL) said. The standard three-day detention of an accused could be extended to 30 days, if there is an actual or terrorist attack, he added.

“Maaari itong magresulta sa maling palagay na napakalala ng terorismo sa

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bansa na siyang gagamiting batayan upang magpatupad ng higit pang mga represibong polisiya at programa, at pagpapahintulot sa mas matinding panghihimasok ng dayuhang militar sa bansa lalo na ang US na may aktibong kampanya kontraterorismo,” Amihan Women Chairperson Zenaida Soriano said.

Various provisions in HSA will likewise be removed including the requirement for an official custodial logbook, the absence of torture or coercion during investigation or interrogation, and the penalty for violating a detainee’s rights. The bill also seeks to nullify other existing provisions such as continuous and speedy trial as well as the creation of a grievance committee.

Meanwhile, Commission on Human Rights (CHR), an independent institution tasked to probe into human rights violations committed by the state, will be abolished.

CHR has been a vocal critic of the Duterte administration’s war against drugs, which earned them the ire of the president.

“Nagpapakita ang mga ito na walang intensyon ang gobyernong Duterte na kilalanin ang karapatan ng sinumang pinaghihinalaan nitong ‘terorista.’ Pagbibigay din ito ng labis na kapangyarihan sa mga ahensiya ng gobyerno habang niyuyurakan naman ang karapatan ng mamamayan,” Soriano said.

Under the bill, the accused could also be imprisoned even without an evidence on any predicate crimes which are part of the bigger crime. Furthermore, law enforcers or soldiers can arrest and detain suspects even without a written warrant from the AntiTerrorism Council. Any acts of terrorism are punishable by life imprisonment.

Illusory protection HSA has been deemed as a repressive law which curtails basic human rights and constitutional rights. When it was signed into law under former President Gloria Arroyo, more than 1,000 extrajudicial killings (EJK) were recorded by progressive organizations. Cases of illegal arrests, detention and human rights violations likewise occurred.

Under the Duterte administration, cases of EJK are on the rise due to the government’s campaign against illegal drugs, which has already claimed thousands of lives.“...Drugs continue to proliferate in the country and this puts into question the effectiveness of the war on drugs, which initially was only supposed to be for six months,” CHR spokesperson Jacqueline de Guia said in previous reports.

But if the people could not expect any protection from the law or from the state, progressive groups emphasize that the people should bank on their united strength and continue to fight.

“Gayunman, kakambal ng pagsupil ang paglaban ng mamamayan. Kaya maaari din itong magresulta sa higit pang paglawak ng kilusan laban sa tiraniya at para sa katarungan at kapayapaan. Ang labis na pagpapahirap sa mamamayan ang magbibigay ng dagdag na batayan para lumaban,” Soriano said.

Nagtitinda ng mga sampaguita si Jenny Salvacion, 28, taga-Tondo, Maynila, habang nagkukuwento ng kanyang buhay sa labas ng Quiapo Church, Hulyo 15. Ayon kay Salvacion, 2nd year hayskul nang huminto siya sa pag-aaral dahil hindi na siya kayang suportahan ng kanyang mga magulang. Pinasok niya ang iba’t ibang trabaho at maaga din siyang nagkapamilya, ngunit mas nahirapan si Salvacion noong nagkaroon siya ng Spinal Arteriovenous Malformation. Bunga nito, unti-unti siyang hindi makalakad. Sa kabila ng kondisyon, nagpatuloy pa rin siya bilang isang sampaguita vendor tatlong beses kada linggo simula alas tres ng madaling araw hanggang alas dose ng gabi. Nasa P300-500 kada araw lamang ang kanyang kinikita. Ayon sa pag-aaral ng National Economic Development Authority at Philippine Statistics Authority noong 2015, P417.23 ang cost of living ng isang pamilya kada araw. Samantala, 12 porsyento ng mga pamilyang Pilipino ang naghihirap, ayon sa pananaliksik ng Social Weather Stations noong Disyembre 2017.

Labor group denounces illegal termination of workers in Navotas PAMELA ADRIANO

A TOTAL OF 44 CONTRACTUAL laborers working at a manufacturing company of canned goods in Navotas had been illegally terminated last May 11 without any solid foundation to justify the layoff.

Slord Development Corporation, manufacturer of Uni-Pak sardines, dismissed 42 female workers and two male workers who had served the company for about five to 30 years, prompting the workers to hold a monthlong protest camp at the C3 Gate of Navotas Fish Port, which began on June 19.

Aside from the call to reinstate the terminated workers, labor group Samahang Manggagawa sa Slord Development Corporation—Unipak Sardines (SMSDCUnipak) also calls on the company to regularize all its workers and to implement better working conditions. The group also sought the help of the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) but the agency has yet to decide on the regularization of these workers.

“Sa tingin ko biased ang DOLE. Hanggang ngayon hindi pa inilalabas ang desisyon nilang gawin kaming regular at maging minimum ang sahod.

Nagpasa na kami ng position paper at humingi ng palugit ang management ng 15 days. Sa Hulyo 17 ang ika-15 na araw na palugit,” said Nori Nacinopa, SMSDC-Unipak president.

“DOLE is mandated to protect the workers and is given the task to enforce the law to uphold their rights. Thus, there should be no debate that DOLE personnel should be with the side of the workers,” Federation of Free Workers President Atty. Sonny Matula said.

Oppressive working conditions Even if Unipak workers are directly hired by the management, about 150 out of 500 laborers remain as contractual workers. However, the wages they receive fall far below the P512 minimum wage set in Metro Manila.

Extra contractual laborers earn a measly P350 while extra regular workers receive a basic pay of P370. Unlike extra regular workers who surely get to work everyday, extra contractual workers are only able to work when there is a vacancy on a particular day.

Moreover, even the supervisors in the factory only get a salary of P400 per day.

Aside from being unable to receive the basic pay provided by the law, Slord workers do not receive benefits from Social Security System (SSS), Philippine Health Insurance Corporation, and Home Development Mutual Fund or more commonly known as Pag-IBIG. They are also not entitled to a 13th month pay, holiday pay, and separation pay.

To protest their lack of benefit and to file charges against the company, the workers staged a protest in front of the SSS Main Office along East Avenue, Quezon City last June 28. But as of press time, Slord has not yet responded on their complaint.

DOLE conducted a series of inspections in the factory where the workers were forced to keep mum about the inhumane working conditions they experience and the below minimum wage they receive. Since the series of inspections started, the workers have experienced intensified harassment from the company management.

“Pinagbibintangan kaming naglalagay daw ng turnilyo at kung anu-ano sa lata

dahil kami ang naglalagay ng isda sa lata.

Napagbintangan din ang 14 na tagawarehoouse na sumama raw sa aming sa pagpunta sa DOLE. Binawasan nila ng pasok ang mga taga-warehouse; tatlong araw na lang na dati’y araw-araw pumapasok,” Nacinopa said.

“Sana ay magkaroon ng malalim na imbestigasyon at inspeksyon ang DOLE regarding sa Labor Standards dahil malinaw na sangkot ang Slord sa labor only contracting na ipinagbabawal ng batas,” Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa – Sentro Organizer Ceasar Juaban said.

Ceaseless fight At a mandatory conference held on June 25 at DOLE-Camanava, the management offered a financial assistance to the terminated contractual workers as an attempt to settle the dispute. However, the workers continued to stand firm and opted to reject the offer, as it would hamper their fight for humane and better working conditions.

“Sa management, sana kaming mga manggagawa ay ibalik at gawing minimum ang sahod dahil kami naman ay dekada nang nagtatrabaho sa pagawaan. Nararapat lamang na ibalik kami sa trabaho at bigyan ng karapatan sa pagkakaroon ng mga benepisyo.

At sa DOLE, kaming mga manggagawa ang dapat nilang kampihan, hindi ang mga kapitalista,” said Nacinopa.

“A united action is necessary to uphold security of tenure of workers and promote their welfare. Workers need to organize themselves into unions to uphold their rights and promote their interests,” Matula stated.

TIMELINE 2017-2018 News Round-up JOSE MARTIN V. SINGH AND BEATRICE P. PUENTE

THE ACADEMIC YEAR MIGHT HAVE ALREADY COME TO A CLOSE BUT THE ISSUES

confronting students within the university continue to live on. In the same vein, the plight of the marginalized sectors provide no hint of ceasing, which maligns them even further.

While the people have championed the call for the implementation of the free tuition policy in all state universities and colleges, a lot more needs to be done. Given that the government still does not provide workers with unjust working conditions, and as long as farmers do not own the land they till, the country would continue lagging behind when it comes to economic development.

STATE SUBSIDY AND THE ROAD TO FREE TUITION AUGUST 2017 The University of the Philippines suffered from the biggest budget cut in recent history, as the Department of Budget and Management approved only P14.4 billion of the total P44.5 billion it requested from the government.

On the other hand, after years of tireless clamor for free tuition, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act (RA 10931) on August 3, granting full government subsidy to tuition in state universities and colleges, as well as in local universities and colleges and accredited technical-vocational institutions. A total of P51.4 billion is allotted for the project’s full implementation in 2018.

OCTOBER 2017 While thousands of students are able to benefit from having free tuition and other fees, student institutions such as the University Student Council and the Philippine Collegian struggle to find sustainable funding, as these institutions only rely on the student fund in order to continue with their operation. In line with this, dialogues with the administration were requested several times to discuss the matter.

MARCH 2018 The implementing rules and regulations of RA 10931 were officially released on March 26. However, it was met with criticisms, as several loopholes were pointed out. Some students could choose to pay instead of availing free tuition. Their payment would then be considered as a donation to their school. Moreover, graduate students and second degree takers are not covered by the law.

WOES IN THE ACADEME SEPTEMBER 2017 Student organizations based in the College of Mass Communication (CMC) were not recognized this academic year, after the college administration implemented stricter organization recognition process through the FacultyStudent Relations Committee Manual. Anakbayan Media Collective, for example, was not recognized because the said organization’s principles were not aligned with the college’s mission and vision statement.

After a long series of discussions by the University Council, the UP Board of Regents approved on September 7, 2017 the new General Education (GE) curriculum, reducing the minimum required GE units from the original 45 to 21. The new curriculum will be implemented starting with freshmen of AY 2018-2019.

OCTOBER 2017 Exorbitant rental fees are imposed on different venues in the university such as the CMC Auditorium and the UP College of Architecture (UPCA) Amphitheater, among others. UP Repertory Company’s production was even postponed, as they are unable to shoulder the expensive cost of renting the UPCA Amphitheater worth P70,000 for the performing group’s eight-day production.

JANUARY 2018 UP CMC issued a ruling that any student who has accumulated a grade of 4.0 or incomplete at least once will not be granted with any latin honors, even if the student’s general weighted average could reach the cut-off set.

MARCH 2018 The UP Shopping Center, one among the famous landmarks within UPD, was burned down to ashes on March 8.

This is the fourth establishment in the Diliman campus that was caught on fire in recent memory, following the Faculty Center fire that happened on April 1, 2016.

APRIL 2018 The Board of Judges of the Philippine Collegian Editorial Examinations, headed by Mass Com Dean Elena Pernia, released the list of qualified takers but excluded two Collegian writers, Marvin Ang and Richard Cornelio, on the grounds of their graduating statuses. The exam pushed through despite appeals and protests that cited the unjust decision to exclude the two writers from taking the exam. Law student Jayson Edward San Juan topped the four part test and the decision was upheld despite appeals from the Collegian and student councils in UP to hold another examination.

WAR ON PEOPLE AND ON DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AUGUST 2017 Under the auspices of President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs, 17-year-old Kian Lloyd delos Santos was shot to death by cops on the night of August 16. Days after Kian’s death, another individual falls victim into the bloody war.

Carl Angelo Arnaiz, former Interior Design student in UPD, and Reynaldo “Kulot” De Guzman were the next victims and were found dead in separate locations.

SEPTEMBER 2017 While he was traversing his way home, a Lumad student named Obello Bay-ao, 19, was shot dead on September 5 by a member of the Citizen’s Armed Forces Geographical Unit in their community. Bay-ao is a grade six pupil at Salugpongan Ta’ Tanu Igkanogon Community Learning Center, a Lumad school located in Southern Mindanao.

NOVEMBER 2017 Through Proclamation 360, the peace talks between the National Democratic Front and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines was officially terminated on Novermber 23.

DECEMBER 2017 The Congress granted Duterte’s request to extend the declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao until the end of 2018, even if the Marawi siege officially ended on October 23.

Before 2017 ended, Duterte signed RA 10963 into law, otherwise known as the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion Act. Although it seeks to increase the take-home pay that workers receive, the added tax on sweetened beverages only burdened the consumers even further.

FEBRUARY 2018 The UP community stood as a united front against the jeepney phaseout and proved that it will stand with the marginalized when the Inter-Agency Council on Traffic launched the “Tanggal Bulok, Tanggal Usok” program, which is necessarily a scheme to phaseout jeepneys. Each violation found on jeepneys costs a fine worth P5,000, which is a heavy burden falling on the shoulders of the drivers who only earn a measly income per day.

Meanwhile, on the national level, the New Public Assembly Act or House Bill 6824 was passed by Congress, repealing the Public Assembly Act of 1985 or Batas Pambansa 880. The new bill seeks to strengthen the constitutionally provided right to free expression by enacting rules on holding political demonstrations and meetings, and the violation thereof, among others. However, progressive proponents said that some provisions are inconsistent with the promulgation of the right to free speech.

MAY 2018 Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno’s position was formally nullified after a quo warranto petition was granted by the vote of eight Supreme court justices. Impeachment case pushed through the complaint filed by a lawyer named Lorenzo “Larry” Gadon pointing out Sereno’s failure with her Statement of Assets, Liability and Net Worth, as well as tax misdeclarations.

PROTEST CAMPS SEPTEMBER 2017 UP Diliman served as the home of around 3,000 indigenous peoples who joined the Lakbayan 2018 from September 1 to 21, where they denounced the continued militarization in their area and they called to defend their ancestral lands.

OCTOBER 2017 Peasants from different parts of the country camped out in front of the Department of Agrarian Reform’s Office along Elliptical Road for the “Lakbayan ng Magsasaka para sa Lupa at Laban sa Pasismo.”

FEBRUARY TO MARCH 2018 Eastern Visayas farmers went all the way to Metro Manila in order to demand for financial and other forms of aid from the government. More than four years since Typhoon Yolanda struck their province, the farmers have not yet fully recovered from the devastation brought about by this calamity. Moreover, the farmers also called for the end of militarization in their area.

JUNE 2018 Workers of condiments giant NutriAsia company, shipyard builder Hanjin corporation, and canned goods manufacturer Samahang Manggagawa sa Slord Development Corporation, among others, held strikes to protest the unjust working conditions they are being subject to. Ending contractualization, providing their due benefits, and receiving the minimum wage set in their region are just some of the calls that these groups carry in their month-long protests.

ATTEMPTS TO CURTAIL PRESS FREEDOM SEPTEMBER 2017 The administration of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) shut down the operations of The Catalyst, the official school publication. Repressive acts against other organizations were also recorded during this time, prompting resistance from the students.

OCTOBER 2017 After what happened in PUP, the administration of Lyceum of the Philippines University-Manila, on the other hand, planned to take over the operation of its 32-year-old official student publication, The Independent Sentinel, believing that this could largely benefit the school’s future students. However, this is a clear move of the administration to silence the critical tradition of the paper, according to the school paper’s staff.”

JANUARY 2018 The Securities and Exchange Commission issued a ruling on January 11, 2018 revoking certificates of incorporation and registration of online news outlet Rappler due to allegations of its violation of a constitutional mandate stating that all mass media entities should be one-hundred percent Filipino owned.

CHED imposes ‘return service’ provision under free tuition law PAMELA ADRIANO

STUDENTS BENEFITING FROM THE free tuition law are required to render school services during their stay in the university through a return service system, which will take effect this coming academic year, according to the Commission on Higher Education (CHED).

In order to give back to the people whose taxes enable them to enjoy free tuition, student-beneficiaries are required to give service to their respective schools, as provided in the Implementing Rules and Regulations of RA 10931 otherwise known as the “Universal Access to Quality

Tertiary Education Act” signed on 2017.

Progressive groups, however, slammed the provision as it would make the youth slaves and laborers. “CHED insults the youth further by treating them as slaveswithout-pay in their own universities, instead of just giving them their right to quality education,” Raoul Manuel, National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) Deputy SecretaryGeneral, said in a statement.

CHED, on the other hand, clarified that the types of services to be rendered will be defined by the schools. which may

include working as a library assistant, and planting in the campus or landscaping, which are among the common tasks given to most student assistants in schools, CHED Officer-In-Charge Prospero de Vera III said in a press briefing on March 14. Doing these services, he added, would not be a great burden for the students.

Moreover, once the system is implemented in each university or college, this could then be part of the admission and retention policy, which the students need to comply with so that they could avail the free tuition policy.

For school year 2018-2019, the government allotted P51.4 billion in funding 112 state universities and colleges nationwide, around 80 CHEDaccredited local universities and colleges, and Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA)accredited institutions.

Kabataan Partylist, on the other hand, criticized the implementation of such system, saying that students should not be obliged to work just to benefit from the free tuition law. “Free higher education is a right of the students and a state obligation

so there should nothing to be given in return,” Kabataan Representative Sarah Elago said in previous reports.

“The student body must unite through alliances like Rise for Education so as to guard the progress of our fight and struggle against recent government maneuvers on free education. More discussions and assemblies must be launched to intensify the campaign to ultimately change the system of education we have now,” Manuel said.

A Response to Chancellor Michael Tan’s Final Decision to Reject Calls for a Second, Fair Editorial Examination THE EDITORIAL STAFF

THE LAST TIME THE EDITORIAL staff devoted a full-page write-up to question the Collegian’s editor selection process was in 1978, after the Board of Regents approved the “Philippine Collegian Rules,” which applies up to this day. Exactly four decades hence, the then staff’s arguments ring true and prophetic: "[The] rules should not be interpreted strictly or liberally at the whim of the University administration; [the] letter of the law should never prevail over its clear spirit” (Philippine Collegian, 27 November 1978) Almost ten weeks have passed since several anomalies raised serious doubts on this year’s process of selecting the next Collegian editor-in-chief (EIC). Headed

by College of Mass Communication Dean Elena Pernia, the five-member Board of Judges (BOJ) barred two Collegian writers Marvin Ang (S Malikhaing Pagsulat) and Richard Cornelio (BS Materials Engineering) from taking the editorial examination, a three-part, four-hour long test which determines who the next editor will be.

The BOJ cited the two writers’ graduating statuses as basis for their disqualification, citing the one-year residency required of the editor as stipulated in the Collegian Rules.

Clearly, the BOJ, in its formulation of the decision, already showed prejudice by presuming that the two would not be able to take another undergraduate degree while serving as an editor.

Ang, Cornelio, the incumbent Collegian staff, and various student formations including the University Student Council (USC) stood firm that the decision and other irregularities during the conduct of the said exam must render its results null and void, and that another examination should be immediately held to uphold the integrity of the editor selection process.

Campaigns and protests have been successfully mounted, and an overwhelming support was shown by students, alumni, several professors, and other concerned groups and individuals who have seen this as an issue of students’ democratic rights and press freedom.

On May 9, the Editorial Board (EB) forwarded a petition to UP Diliman Chancellor Michael Tan calling for the nullification of the exam results, and the immediate conduct of a second, fair editorial examination under a reconstituted BOJ. Similar petitions and statements have been raised by student publications, the USC, the League of College Councils, and separately by the Engineering Student Council.

Despite this clamor from the students, however, Chancellor Tan recently decided with finality to reject the petitions, and accept the BOJ’s recommendation to

appoint the topnotcher of the May 5 exam as the next editor.

At least two separate letters in response to the petitions were issued by the Chancellor.

One was an e-mail letter he addressed to the USC and to Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Jerwin Agpaoa on July 18, and another was a memo on his final decision dated July 13 which was received by the outgoing editor on July 19.

In his e-mail letter, a large part of the Chancellor’s discussion of his decision delved into what he deemed an “attack” against Mr. Edward Jayson San Juan, the appointed EIC, who has never been the subject of our petition and campaign. The staff can only express its disappointment and frustration not just with the final decision, but also with how critical points raised in the EB’s petition were not adequately addressed in both of the two letters by Tan. In response to Chancellor Tan, we present the following points: 1. Arguments against Ang and Cornelio’s disqualification constitute the bulk of our petitions and protests.

Tan in his memo only mentioned that “the current rules provide for such disqualification,” but failed to expound on this.

In what seems to be an attempt to digress from our main argument, Tan rather nitpicked an inconsistency on the precedents we cited during the pre- and post-exam protests to dispute the BOJ’s decision. However, in its petition, the EB only cited the case of Melane Manalo, a former Collegian business manager. Under Pernia’s final jurisdiction, the BOJ allowed Manalo to take the editorial exam in 2007 despite her graduating status, provided she could furnish an affidavit of undertaking stating that in case she won, she would take up another undergraduate degree to satisfy the one-year residency requirement.

Such measure has also been suggested by the USC. In its “Manifesto of Unity on Campus Press, and Fair, Inclusive Procedures,” the USC maintained that the issue could have been easily mitigated by the inclusion of the affidavit of undertaking, which is the practice for graduating USC election candidates.

This option was not given to Ang and Cornelio, which clearly exhibits BOJ’s prejudice against their case. As a matter of fact, Ang has successfully “moved up” to BA Malikhaing Pagsulat upon having completed his certificate course last semester, granting him at least a year in the university. However, the BOJ, acting without or in excess of its jurisdiction, failed or chose not to see this possibility.

The discriminatory and undemocratic nature of their decision, at the very least, has effectively stripped all graduating S Malikhaing Pagsulat students of the chance to lead the century-old publication.

None of these arguments were discussed or challenged by Tan in his memo and letter.

2. Tan missed the point of the protests when he argued in his memo that “if there are rules perceived to be unfair, then they should be revised but until the revisions are promulgated and put into effect, current rules must remain in force.”

The Chancellor added that unless this is done, “we will have chaotic situations, where protests are filed after each exam by losing parties.”

In relation to the first point, the EB petition did not claim that the rules are unfair, and whether these have to be revised or not is out of the discussion. Again, it is the BOJ’s interpretation of the rules that has been put into question since day one.

We hold that the rules are clear about Ang and Cornelio’s qualification, but there was “chaos” the moment the law was used and liberally interpreted by the powerful BOJ against the interest of the students.

3. Tan claimed in the early part of his letter to Agpaoa and the USC that “the campaign is clearly not for press freedom, but is against Edward San Juan, the recommended editor-inchief.” This accusation is ludicrous, surprising, and unfounded.

A review of the statements, petitions, and content of campaign materials released by the Collegian, the USC, and other formations clearly shows that not even a single sentence was directed to or maligned Mr. San Juan, except perhaps for one LCC statement which encouraged him to “stand with us in our call for a just and inclusive editorial examination.” Only with malice could this be interpreted as an “attack” against Mr. San Juan.

In fact, during an all leaders’ meeting on May 9, it was emphasized that the campaign should not in any way drag or discredit Mr. San Juan, for it was never about him. Will he be allowed to take the new and fair exam should it be granted? The answer is a resounding yes, for why not? The campaign, after all, calls for the exam’s inclusivity and the wider participation of students.

Moreover, in a meeting with Tan, outgoing Student Regent Shari Oliquino emphasized the need for a broader interpretation of the Collegian rules, while outgoing editor Sanny Boy Afable stressed the merits of the case and how the campaign was never about the appointed editor.

In his letter, the Chancellor further claimed that he found out upon “asking other people” that Mr. San Juan “is seen as the enemy,” the latter being “old,” a fratman, and one of the founding members of political party KAISA UP. We find it unacademic and absurd that some individual perceptions have been used by Tan to judge the whole campaign, which in the first place has been widely supported by students from all political colors. That his remarks and sentiments were made known to the USC, through the letter, could only steer the discourse on fairness of the editor selection process away from the relevant points.

4. In his e-mail letter, Tan said he finds it “ironic that fabricated ‘facts’ are used to ‘defend’ fairness and press freedom.” But unless he has sufficiently and academically answered the valid points we raised, this is yet another baseless accusation.

Furthermore, none about the “misinformation” that the Chancellor speaks of was specifically raised during his meeting with Oliquino and Afable.

The Chancellor had all the opportunity to discuss with Afable whatever points the former finds contentious regarding the petition. The Chancellor could have clarified those points had he had any genuine intention to debate these so-called fabricated facts.

He could have asked outright why this matter is an issue of press freedom had he had any desire to answer why this is so, or why the spirit of democracy is “bandied about,” like he questioned in his May 5 response to our protest. Instead, the Chancellor made a serious accusation and dismissed the entire campaign as means to feed the public misinformation.

In his memo, the Chancellor went on to say that the the case has deteriorated into “forum shopping,” what with the series of protests registered after the examination. This is not only insulting to the Collegian’s editorial staff but also to other parties, organizations, and formations that forwarded their concern.

To call the campaign “forum shopping” is to brush aside the strong clamor of students for an adequate, reasonable response to the appeals made.

At best, this description repudiates the students’ and other supporters’ capacity to assess the whole issue based on its merits and consequently demonstrate concern. At worst, this ignores the popular support that the campaign has garnered, as though the various supportive groups simply, unthinkingly echoed the arguments of the EB. We have been very clear and transparent during the campaign, just as we strive to explain the merits of the case and demand the same from the administration with regard to its decision.

Given these, we, the incumbent staff, ultimately stand by our call for an editor selection process that is fair and democratic. To submit to a process or decision that has been essentially flawed is to legitimize not just blind authority, but also the injustice it breeds.

Fairness and democracy--no matter the editor or the staff, these are the principles that the Collegian must uphold, the very values the university is founded on. Let not a single, unjust decision bankrupt the Collegian’s prostudent and pro-people thrust once and for all.

LORDEI HINA KNOWS SHE LOVES UP BUT struggles to remember why. Her voice perks up at the mere mention of the university. She swings her feet back and forth and seems to jump up from her seat in excitement. Yet, some of her stories about UP flit in and out her memory like sand through sieve, so that, all of a sudden, she would draw a blank face when asked for specifics. “’Di ko po alam,” she would say, tapping me on the hand as if in apology.

Her face is otherwise alight with a wide, beatific smile. I had come to visit Lordei expecting a woman whom years of dismay and injustice had taken a toll on.

Yet, if anything, Lordei welcomed me as she would a friend, beaming from ear to ear.

“UP rin ako!” she exclaimed after I had introduced myself, hoping for a story that would come in glimmers of lucidity, a peek into a life laid waste by an act so heinous that it would not be so easily forgotten. Hers are fragments of memories of the better early days, long before the terror of grief and the pursuit of justice.

Patient Profile Lordei Camille Anjuli Hina pours her heart out for other people. In fact, though her own memory may be spotty, she has endeared herself to so many friends and family that their moments with her seem to piece together an image of someone given to laughter, empathy, and care.

"Kapag umuwi ‘yan dati sa bahay, mangunguha 'yan ng mga pinamili ko,” said Carlo, her younger brother. “Dadalhin daw niya sa boarding house nila kasi 'yung mga kasamahan niya minsan ay wala nang makain."

She was a Political Science freshman, then, in UP Diliman. Carlo thought she would fall in with the sorority crowd but soon found Lordei hosting a bunch of sandal-shod young activists in their living room. Often, she even walked home from protests in Mendiola with her feet caked in dirt. A single mother, Nanay Concepcion or “Connie” worried only for her daughter’s studies but nonetheless supported the latter’s decision.

In 2012, to nobody’s surprise, Lordei became the secretary general of the militant youth organization Center for Nationalist Studies. Though most days found her on the streets, shouting calls from behind banners, she spent her weekends in their house in Fairview, bumming around just like any teenager.

“Kasi maarte 'yan, e, may pagkatamad,” said Carlo, laughing. “Maglalaba lang, ipapasa pa sa'kin."

He said they amused themselves by squabbling,

like that one time, back when they were still kids, Lordei told their classmates that he had just gotten circumcised. He became the butt of the joke for some time but could not retaliate as she helped him nurse his wound in their father’s absence. “Maarte, oo,” Carlo told me, “pero mapagmahal din ‘yan.”

History of Present Illness Lordei liked to help out. It was the height of tragedy, then, that she would one day meet violence while on volunteer duty.

On February 1, 2012, at noon, while Lordei manned the UPD University Student Council (USC) office as part of the committee for the upcoming UP Fair, Dan Mar Vicencio, together with an accomplice later identified as Dante Santos, entered Vinzons Hall with a 12-inch icepick in a backpack. They would flee the grounds at 3:15 PM, carrying two laptops and leaving behind Lordei sprawled on the floor, drenched in blood.

“Siyempre, mas pinangunahan kami ng shock kaysa galit,” said Carlo, recounting how the doctors told him and Nanay Connie about the skull punctures, the stab wounds in the left side of Lordei’s neck and head, and the one-centimeter skull fragment lodged in her brain. The icepick injured Lordei’s hypothalamus, a portion of the brain responsible for emotions and limbic movements, resulting in brain hemorrhages and abscess.

Lordei stayed for nine days in the intensive care unit, and for a couple of months, could neither move nor speak. Meanwhile, Vicencio, who had been intercepted on campus, faced trial for robbery and carrying of concealed weapon. Helping the Hina family, the Diliman Legal Office pushed to elevate the charges to holdup, serious physical injury, and frustrated murder, to no avail. Santos also remains at large to this day.

In May 2012, Vicencio posted bail and has since been a no-show at arraignments. He became a free man just a few days after Lordei was released from the hospital where she had spent over four months and undergone a three-hour operation.

Throughout the ordeal, Tita Connie took time off work to watch over Lordei. "Kaya nga noong unang nagsalita ulit si ate, ang first word niya ay ‘Mama’ n’ung nakita niya si Mama,” Carlo said.

version of the wiry student joining sit-down protests in front of the US Embassy six years ago. Yet, her daily schedule is no longer structured by mobilizations and mass actions, but by medicine, meals, and muscle exercises.

Lordei also has difficulties retaining short-term memory and is prone to excessive happiness, slapping the table and hollering her words. Carlo compares her behavior to that of a child. “Kahit ganito siya, sana hindi makita ng tao kung ano si ate ngayon,” he said.

“Sana makita nila kung ano ‘yung mga nagawa ni ate noon."

He recalled the earlier promises made by the then UPD administration to enhance security in the aftermath of the incident. Back then, in 2012, the campus security guards were reduced from 302 to 236, which saved the university about P13 million. The same year saw the government slashing P27 million from UP’s budget for personnel services (PS), which fund employees like the UP police, and P181.7 million from maintenance and other operating expenditures (MOOE) for agency-hired security guards.

In 2017, though the Department of Budget and Management approved only a third of the proposed UP budget, the biggest allocations went to both PS and MOOE. Still, the government must confront the clamor for higher subsidy lest more lives are put on the line to bear the brunt of state neglect through budget cuts.

In an earlier interview, Tita Connie said, "Hindi lang buhay ng anak ko ang pinag-uusapan sa kasong ito kundi pati buhay at seguridad ng kasalukuyan at mga susunod pang henerasyon ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan."

In her mother’s words, I learn where Lordei must have drawn her will to soldier through in the face of horror. It is in her family’s refusal to be vanquished by grief, to insist with a quiet knowing that justice will soon prevail, that I finally understood Lordei’s certainty of her love of the university and all that it stands for, even as she struggles to remember why fighting is not at all a lost cause.

Treatment Plan Her voice never lost its zip, and her eyes never lost their shine. Lordei is 26 years old now, a sturdier

Case History:

Lordei Hina, six years after RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

ILLUSTRATION BY JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA PAGE DESIGN BY KARLA SANTAMARIA

LUNES 23 HULYO 2018

7

LAT HA LAIN

Duterte’s Inferno: Traversing the Nine Circles of Hell under Duterte MARK VERNDICK CABADING, RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO, IYA GOZUM HELL IS A PLACE ON EARTH, located where President Rodrigo Duterte scourges the Filipino people like the dark overlord that he is.

The nation indeed stands upon an unholy landscape. In the city’s fringes, the Philippine drug war is being waged, leaving behind a trail of bodies in its wake. In the countryside, many farmers have yet to own the lands they till, while indigenous peoples continue to be

1st Circle: Misogyny A nation unable to recognize and respect its women is a nation swamped in a dark recess of the inferno, its patriarchal sinners and abusers stuck in limbo.

Here, President Duterte is the full manifestation of a misogynistic and sexist administration and society.

Faced with a rape case, he remarked, “Napakaganda.

Dapat ang mayor ang mauna.” When he makes such pronouncements, followers and allied officials scramble to defend him, such as Sarah Duterte and Harry Roque ‘clarifying’ the president’s intentions.

This prejudice against women had marred ties between men and women, displaced the latter to an inferior position, and damaged any progress on inclusivity in development agendas and reforms.

Because of the various attacks on women, from female government off icials to the female OFW coerced to kiss on national television, groups and individuals have started the #BabaeAko campaign on social media. The movement aims to raise awareness and to empower women to claim their identity and strength as active civic participants in this sexist society.

The Duterte administration’s blatant disregard for women's rights and gender sensitivity means we still have a long way to freedom. Because, truly, full liberation will only happen when women are emancipated from the hell on earth that sexist culture and institutions reinforce every day.

displaced from their homes. In the midst of it all are the crises bred by a dubious tax reform law, suppression of the freedom of the press vis-à-vis the growth of webs of disinformation, and an ongoing crackdown on groups and individuals critical of Duterte’s reign.

From such brazen disrespect to people’s civil liberties to ever-widening social inequalities, Duterte and his ilk are to blame. On his third State of the Nation Address (SONA), the president, then, deserves to be toppled from the highest post in the land by the very people he has doomed to various circles of hell under his rule.

2nd Circle: Fake News Hell, under Duterte, burns hotter with the proliferation of fake news. Since the beginning of his term, misleading news and false information have become rampant online. This can be attributed to Duterte’s supporters like Presidential Communications Operations Office Assistant Secretary Margaux “Mocha” Uson, who has long been proven to be spreading fake news.

Uson is exactly at home in the second circle of hell along with others who are lusting over influence.

In October 2017, after Marawi was declared liberated from the Maute group, Uson posted an image of clean Marawi streets. On the same post, she commended Duterte’s administration for acting fast. However, the photo turned out to have been taken before Marawi was devastated.

The proliferation of fake news played a significant role in Duterte’s pursuit of power.

Alongside his nationwide campaigns like the Oplan Tokhang, fake news served to dampen discussions regarding human rights violations committed by his administration.

On the other hand, veteran journalist Ellen Tordesillas of Vera Files identifies Duterte as the number one source of fake news. Duterte claimed that there are four million drug addicts in the country, which is more than twice the reported number by the Dangerous Drugs Board.

The combined misinformation and spreading of disinformation mislead the public and cause confusion. Actions like these only fuel the fire further and serve to legitimize Duterte’s atrocities.

3rd Circle: Peace talks Keeping campaign promises seems to be a weakness of this administration.

There is still no progress with the peace talks with the Left.

And in the fashion of the third circle of hell, where warlords, tyrants, and brutal men commit violence against their neighbor, the administration is hell-bent on waging war on the poor and those who choose to f ight the status quo.

The government’s delay in proceeding with the peace talks sheds light on two things: the backward politics of the country and the frailty of our so-called democracy. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) were denounced by the President as “terrorists,” adding to the prevailing maligned reputation the groups had garnered.

President Duterte’s move to ally with the National Democratic Front (NDF), initiate dialogues and appoint representatives from the bloc initially sparked hope at

winning meaningful democratic reforms.

It welcomes the possibility of progressive politics infiltrating the mainstream arena which has, for the longest time, consisted of traditional politicians and dirty politicking.

But in the third year of Duterte, the peace talks and the Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER) have no signs of moving forward. The president’s delaying tactics prove to only be a strategy to garner support from the Left and to cloak itself as a progressive administration.

Meanwhile, the killings of militants and youth are unrelenting, one of them a UP Manila student-activist, Jo Lapira.

Peaceful negotiation is less than a promise and more a political strategy to keep the people in depths of hellish poverty and diabolical cruelty.

4th Circle: Incompetent Government Officials Demons and sinners are clumped in a narrow, endless space—in this case, the government. The government is the fourth circle of hell f illed with greedy off icials acting as catalysts to Duterte’s plans.

The current state of the government is not what people expected. In the beginning, this administration was received positively due to prospects of peace talks and the appointment of leftist off icials like Department of Social Welfare and Development Former Secretary Judy Taguiwalo and Department of Agrarian Reform Former Secretary Rafael Mariano.

However, after a year, said off icials were replaced by notable allies of Duterte.

Indeed, hell would not be hell without demons—Duterte’s appointees who have questionable credentials or were retired military off icers.

Those who remain in position are under f ire like Solicitor General Jose Calida due

to government contracts worth P261.39 million secured by his family's security agency, and Senate President Vicente Sotto who was proven to have plagiarized one of his speeches and been allegedly involved in the Pepsi Paloma rape case.

In many occasions, these government off icials back Duterte’s actions and statements. Earlier this year, Duterte ordered the withdrawal of the Philippines from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Despite being in the forefront of the ICC membership in 2011, Presidential spokesperson Harry Roque supported Duterte’s decision which proves his loyalty to the president.

Alongside Duterte, these government off icials forward his other questionable policies. They act like minions who make it possible for the president to enact his plans against the people’s interest.

5th Circle: Protesting Workers There is in the stinking marsh of the f ifth circle a place reserved for Duterte’s wrath, unloaded upon the masses in inciteful speeches and interviews. While the president’s anger is misplaced, the rage and dismay of the labor sector remain seething given Duterte’s failure to address labor issues in his two years of off ice.

In 2018 alone, labor center Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) monitored at least 25 workers’ protests launched in companies and factories across the country, such as NutriAsia, Jollibee, and PLDT. The workers decry low wages, lack of job benef its, and contractualization, which Duterte vowed to end in 2016.

“May ligalig sa hanay ng mga manggagawa ngayon,” said KMU chairperson Elmer Labog in a previous interview. “Nagpapakita lamang ito na ang kanilang sahod at kalagayan sa paggawa lalo na sa usapin ng kaligtasan at kalusugan ay ‘di binibigyan ng seryosong pagtatangi ng mga kapitalista.”

Data from labor rights group Center for Trade Union and Human Rights reveal that 3,317 workers suffered from harassment, assault, and arrests during Duterte’s term so far. Meanwhile, recorded complaints have amounted to 9,919 over attacks on union members, most of them long-standing contractual workers.

Renewing calls for regularization and an end to unjust working practices, KMU and other labor groups aff irm that the

labor crisis is exacerbated by a neoliberal economy that relies on cheap labor as the main driver. The employment rate has unmatched the expanding labor force.

While the service sector and business process outsourcing (BPO) labor have bloated, millions of Filipinos are forced to work overseas instead of contributing in local production chains and building a strong industrial base.

6th Circle: National Sovereignty “Kung gusto niyo gawin niyo na lang kaming province, Philippine province of China? Edi wala nang problema.”

This is Duterte in the sixth circle of hell—succumbing to the incontinence of countries like China and United States (US) despite his initial claims of protecting national territory.

Many Filipinos slam Duterte for his statement as it betrays the country’s unceasing pursuit of independence after centuries of colonization. Later, Malacañang defended Duterte’s statement and said that it was only a joke, like most of his statements after he gets criticized by the people.

Since the beginning of his term, Duterte has kept on swinging back and forth especially on the topic of national sovereignty. He consistently lashed out at the US and told its government to keep the Philippines out of its wars and expeditions. However, he swings towards China with prospects of joint expeditions in areas like the West Philippine Sea, which has long been a cause of dispute between said countries.

Despite his earlier promises of protection, Duterte defended China’s military bases in the West Philippine Sea and insisted that it was not intended for the Philippines but for the US. It is also under Duterte’s administration where the reformation of the current government into a federalist government is proposed. This opposes Duterte’s promise to strengthen national sovereignty.

For federalism to be enacted, popular sovereignty is practiced where senators

are appointed to represent their statemen.

In most cases like in the US, popular sovereignty results in representation of corporate donors in the congress instead of the statemen.

Inside and outside, there are threats to the country’s sovereignty.

Notwithstanding Duterte’s promises, the country’s sovereignty is put on the line— and the country is placed in grave danger.

7th Circle: Dictatorial Tendencies Coercion, violence, and brutality— these are some of the weapons this administration has unf linchingly utilized for its gain of power.

The ouster of Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno through the unconstitutional use of quo warranto adds to the many cases where the Duterte administration dismisses the rule of law to gain political leverage. Solicitor General Jose Calida now exercises awesome powers in the highest court of the land, supposedly a branch not inf luenced by the two other branches of government.

The Supreme Court also dismissed the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) civil suit, effectively clearing the Marcoses and their cronies from their cases of ill-gotten wealth.

Like Cerberus, the three-headed monster guarding a circle of hell, the government has conveniently unif ied the three branches of government under its sole inf luence.

While the Duterte administration violates the rule of law on a regular basis, it was busy drafting a new constitution.

Supporters of the shift to federalism cite the archipelagic situation of the country.

Critics denounce the proposed federalism as enabling of the gluttonous: the local elites, political dynasties, and local warlords.

Changing the system and inf iltrating the justice system is only half the equation.

“And if I declare martial law in Mindanao, I will solve all that ails the island.” The country already had a bad encounter with seeing martial weapons as one-way ticket to freedom. The president might be committing the same mistake again.

Martial law in Mindanao is justified by the need for security and protection. Yet, in a report from the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, the contractors for the rehabilitation efforts for Marawi are allies and associates of the President, and contracts are given to Chinese companies.

The technical expertise—on f inance

and infrastructure— and the purpose of these people are called into question.

Task Force Bangon Marawi chairperson Eduardo del Rosario conceded the gap in expertise and assured that the committee has sought the help of consultants from the Asian Development Bank.

Evidently, the highway to dictatorship is paved with the perfect combination of potential accumulation of prof it, obedient minions in the government, and the alibi for a martial rule.

8th Circle: Dutertenomics Found in the eighth circle of hell are perjurers, thieves, false prophets, and Duterte’s cohorts who peddle the illusion of the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TR AIN) program as benef icial to Filipinos.

IBON foundation maintains that TR AIN is regressive as it relieves the rich and taxes the poor. The thinktank and other various progressive groups debunk the notion that inf lation due to TR AIN is temporary. Prices of commodities such as fuel products have soared as inf lation rate peaked at a f ive-year high in May 2018.

The Philippine peso’s purchasing power has consequently dropped.

The Duterte administration further maintains that 70 percent of the TR AIN collections allotted for the “Build, Build, Build” (BBB), the centerpiece program of the government’s socioeconomic agenda, will benef it the poor. Yet, TR AIN’s revenues will only supplement the bulk of funding that will come from off icial development assistance and onerous loans from countries like China, according to IBON foundation.

Big-ticket infrastructure projects to be rolled out through BBB run the risk of miring the country in debt. On the ground, low-income Filipinos bear the brunt of the declining economy. Still, the government insists, per National Economic Development Authority, that a family of f ive can no longer be deemed poor if they have P10,000 per month or P322.50 per day.

Other economic markers are just as appalling. Philippine gross international reserves hit their historical-low in more than three years in March 2018. Philippine stocks dive into its weakest level in more

9th Circle: Impunity On his third SONA, Duterte will f ind himself trapped in the deepest circle of hell, sentenced to damnation for his treachery to the people. This betrayal of public trust is no less apparent than in the brutal war he has waged against the very people he once vowed to serve.

Sweeping electoral victory on a platform of crime eradication, Duterte has sustained a brutal crackdown on illegal drugs. The alleged drug offenders often come from low-income neighborhoods, where not only the police but also vigilantes target suspects irrespective of due process. Suspected bit players in the drug trade are killed off while bigtime drug lords break loose, scot-free.

Statistics from the year-end report by the Presidential Communications Operations Off ice indicate that out of the 79,193 anti-drug operations conducted by the Philippine National Police (PNP) between July 2016 and November 2017, 3,967 killings were recorded while 16,355 homicide cases remain under investigation.

This translates to an average death toll of 39 per day under Duterte.

Such assaults on human rights happen as well in the countryside where, as of October 2017, 81 farmers and peasant leaders were victims of extrajudicial killings, according to peasant group Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas. Martial law in Mindanao has also intensif ied abuse by the Armed Forces of the Philippines and PNP, aerial bombings, and other attacks on peasant and indigenous groups.

As if the climate of impunity is not troubling as it is, political dissent has also been suppressed, criminalized, and branded as terrorism with the amendments to the Human Security Act, among other draconian laws. In a statement, human rights watchdog Karapatan believes that activists, peace advocates, civil society members, and even journalists, are expected to become more vulnerable to state-backed violence, which the people are called upon to resist.

than 19 months.

Duterte’s fraudulent claims of improving Filipinos’ standards of living belie the people’s clamor for change – one that takes root in more sustainable sources of growth, like robust national industries and agriculture, and translates into equitable development.

LAYOUT BY ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY ILLUSTRATION BY JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

LUNES 23 HULYO 2018

9

LAT HA LAIN

May Bukas Pa

Pangako Sa’yo

MARVIN JOSEPH E. ANG “ M AY N A K A K AWA L A N G serpyente,” balita ni aling Vivian sa kaniyang mga mamimili. Tawa ang madalas na sagot sa kaniya, o di kaya’y hindi na lamang pinapansin. Ngunit nang mapabalita ang dalawang lalaking natambangan malapit sa simbahan, mabilis na kumalat ang balita sa buong lalawigan ng Bagong Pagasa. “Kakaiba na nga talaga ang panahon ngayon,” bulung-bulungan sa palengke.

Kaya’t nang magawi sa tindahan ni aling Vivian si Santino para bumili ng bigas, agad niyang pinaalalahanan ang bata. “Mag-ingat ka, at huwag na huwag kang lalabas mag-isa sa gabi. Mahirap na’t baka pati ikaw e maabutan,” banta nito.

Makapangyarihan diumano ang serpyenteng ito, na nagawang makahulagpos sa paanan ni Arkanghel Miguel. Napaisip si Santino – sino kaya itong tinutukoy ni aling Vivian?

Hanggang sa kaniyang pag-uwi, dala-dala niya ang bagabag ng balitang ito. Kaya’t imbis na dumiretso pauwi ng bahay, dumaan siya sa monasteryo para kausapin si Fr. Anthony. Mabuti na lamang at patapos na ang misa nang dumating siya sa simbahan, kaya’t hindi

The Cure WARREN RAGASA

HALOS MAGKATULAKAN ANG mga taong nais iligtas ang kanilang mga sarili. Sa kanilang likuran, ang nasusunog na gusali ng Breakthrough Pharmaceuticals, ang nagwawalang gorilla at test animal na si Haroque, at ang mga zombies na nagkulang sa harina. Tuluyan nang lumaganap ang virus sa lunsod; isang outbreak ang magbabalot ng dilim sa masisikip na eskinita ng Maynila, sa mga barungbarong ng komunidad, at sa tahimik na mga lansangan.

Dalawang taon na ang nakalilipas mula nang simulan ang eksperimento.

Ipinangako ng korporasyon ang pagbabago—ang lunas sa kanser ng lipunan, ang gamot na magpapagaling sa ina ni Gregory.

“We have discovered the cure. In three to six months, patay na ang lahat ng cancer cells,” buong pagmamalaki ni Dr. Rod Rigo, ang punong siyentista.

Nagpalakpakan ang mga dambuhalang negosyante at ekonomista.

Napuno ng pananabik si Gregory nang itinurok niya ang gamot sa kaniyang inang nadiskubreng may kanser at tinaningan na ang buhay. Tagumpay— namatay ang mga cancer cells tulad ng inaasahan, kasabay ang unti-unting kamatayan ng sangkatauhan.

-Nagmistulang isang malaking laboratoryo ang bansa. Habang pinipilit ni Dr. Rigo ang tagumpay ng kaniyang eksperimento, walang anumang kapayapaan sa mga “test rats” nito. Patuloy ang suplay ng pekeng gamot, bagaman hindi napuksa ang kanser nang bastabasta lamang pinatay ang mga selula.

Nawawala ang anak nina Charity at Gregory sa loob ng nasusunog na gusali, at hindi nila alam ang gagawin. Doon sa loob ng laboratoryo, tumamblingtambling at nakipagbuno sa mga zombies

ang mag-asawa.

“Hindi, hindi, hindi.

Kasalanan natin ‘to.

Naniwala tayong epektibo ang lunas. Kung sana, hindi natin ‘to tinurok sa nanay…” pagsisisi ni Charity.

“Ssshh. Wag mong sabihin ‘yan, Charity” agad na sagot ni Bryan sabay yakap sa asawa nito. “Pinaniwala tayo. Kung may totoo mang kanser at dapat na puksain dito, si Dr. Rigo ‘yun.”

Animo’y nasa baduy na pelikulang Hollywood, isang halik ang ibinigay nila sa isa’t isa bago muling nag-aktong action star si Gregory sa pagdating ng isa pang pulutong ng mga Pinoy zombies. Walang sinayang na oras ang dalawa (maliban sa romantikong bahagi kanina) upang hanapin ang kanilang anak na si Hope.

-Walang malay nilang natagpuan sa tagong bahagi ng laboratoryo si Hope, nakahandusay tulad ng iba pang mga walangmuwang na nadamay sa eksperimento.

Binasag ang katahimikan ng lungsod ng malakas na palahaw mula kay Charity.

Nakakuyom naman ang mga palad ni Gregory, na walang pagsidlan ang pagkasindak at galit dahil sa pagkamatay ng kanilang anak.

Napatulala si Charity at Gregory sa paparating na bagong pulutong ng mga zombies. Ikinasa nila ang hawak nilang mga baril, subalit alam nilang hindi magwawakas ang lahat ng kaguluhan, ang tuluyang pagkalat ng virus, kung itututok nila ito sa mga zombie na biktima rin lamang ng isang malupit na eksperimento.

“Magbabayad ka, Dr. Rigo.

Magbabayad ka,” bulong ni Charity.

Kung paano magagapi ang baliw na si Dr. Rigo, at kung paano makakamit ang tunay na lunas, abangan.

niya na kailangang maghintay nang matagal. Agad siyang nagmano sa pari at tinulungang itupi ang Chasuble nito.

Napalunok si Fr. Anthony matapos magkuwento si Santino. Batid niya ang takot ng bawat isa, lalo’t laman ng kuwento ng mga nangumpisal noong araw na ‘yon ang tungkol sa serpyente.

Sa katotohanan, dalawang kura-paroko sa katabing lalawigan ang napaslang habang nagmimisa. “Hindi kaya kagagawan na naman ito ni Mayor?” tanong ni Santino.

Umiling si Fr. Anthony. Matagal na ring patay si Mayor Enrique Rodrigo, kaya’t imposibleng siya ang may kagagawan ng lahat ng ito. “Mas masahol na Rodrigo ang serpyenteng ito, hijo,” sambit ni Fr. Anthony, “makamandag ang kaniyang bibig. Kaya niyang lasunin ang utak ng mga tao sa pamamagitan ng salita. Ayon sa kaniya, kaya niya raw busalan ang bibig ng sinumang hindi tumalima sa kaniya. Kahit ang Diyos-” “Si Bro? Eh di po ba, walang mas makapangyarihan kay Bro?” Sinagot siya ng matamlay na ngiti ni Fr. Anthony.

“Katulad ng sigbin, nabubuhay ang

SHEILA ABARRA serpyenteng ‘to sa paghihirap ng mga tao. Kinakatay na tila panindang karne sa palengke ang mga hinihinalang adik, pinaghuhuli ang mga tambay na diumano’y kalat lamang sa kalsada. Pinagbantaan niya ring babarilin sa ari ang mga babae,” ani Fr. Anthony.

Pauwi sa kanilang bahay, naulinigan ni Santino ang malakas na ingay ng radyo sa tindahan malapit sa kanilang tahanan.

Tawa nang tawa ang mga nakaistambay sa ilang beses na pagmumura ng mamang nagsasalita sa radyo, habang ginagaya naman ng mga bata ang mga sinasabi nito. “Who is this stupid God? Estupido talaga itong putang ina kung ganun.”

Nanginginig na kumaripas pauwi ng bahay si Santino.

Pagkarating sa bahay, nadatnan niya ang kaniyang tatay Jose at kapatid na si Rico, pinapanood sa TV ang talumpati ng pangulo. Kaboses nito ang mamang mura nang mura sa radyo kanina. Napaupo siya sa tabi ng kaniyang tatay. “Totoo nga ‘yung sinasabi nilang may serpyenteng nakakawala,” bulong ni Santino.

“Ipanalangin nawa tayo ni San Miguel,” iiling-iling na sagot ni tatay Jose.

PaRody: Duterte at ang Teleserye ng Totoong Buhay

NARITO NA NAMAN TAYO SA PANAHON KUNG SAAN ipapalabas sa lahat ng telebisyon sa buong bansa ang pinakamalaki, pinaka-engrade, at pinakanakakalokong pagtatanghal ng pangulo. Satiriko ang atake sa paksang pagbibida ng kaniyang mga napagtagumpayan at komedya ang tema ng buong palabas. At dahil ang Collegian ay hindi lamang nagsasaliksik at nagsisiwalat ng kabulastugan ng pangulo, inihahandog namin sa inyo ang mga teleseryeng hango sa mga inilunsad ng administrasyong Duterte.

IPAGLALABAN ANG PAG-IBIG hanggang kamatayan—ganiyan ang dating ng linyahan ni Angelo kay Yna. Sa lupain ng mga Buenavista umusbong ang pag-iibigan ng dalawa na milya ang layo sa isa’t isa—langit at lupa. Ngunit aling pag-ibig ang hihigit sa lawak ng kapangyarihan ng mga Buenavista, pag-ibig sa kasintahan o sa tinubuang lupa?

Para sa ina ni Yna na si Amor, pag-ibig kay Eduardo ang tanging mahalaga. Kahit pangunahing problema ng kaniyang pamilya na de Jesus at mga kagaya niyang magsasaka ang pag-angkin ng mga Buenavista sa lupang noon pa nama’y walang nagmamay-ari—para sa lahat ng residente at magsasaka.

Buenavista si Eduardo, gaya ni Angelo.

Mistulang pag-uulit ito ng kasaysayan ngunit ang pag-angkin ng lupa ay hindi pag-uulit, bagkus pagpapatuloy lamang. Dahil ito ang itinuturing na pinakamalaking problema ng mag-inang Yna at Amor, lihis ang mga hakbangin nila sa pagharap sa pangunahing suliranin ng mga magsasaka.

Sa halip na magpokus sa pagbawi ng lupa, at sumali sa Katipunan ng mga Lehitimong Magsasaka at Mamamayan sa Lupang Ramos o KASAMA–LR na nagsusulong ng distribusyon ng lupa para sa kanilang mga

magsasaka, muhi ang pinagdiskitahan ni Amor—nag-asawa ng mayamang Kano, kaya mula sa de Jesus, siya ay naging Amor Powers.

Maling nosyon ng kapangyarihan ang pinahalagahan ni Amor, bagay na tunay lamang sa mga teleserye; lingid sa katotohanang hindi nila matatakasan kailanman ang kanilang nakaraan kung hindi ikakawing sa paggiit ng karapatan. Ganito rin ang palabas na ilang taon na niyang pinapagulong sa kamara at pinapaikot sa mga mamamayan.

Ang mga maling pagtugon sa suliranin ng lipunan gaya ng Oplan Tokhang na sa halip na druglord, bilang mga tagapagmando ng droga sa bansa, ang puksain, mahihirap na nalululong dito ang parang damong kaniyang ginaganot. Ang lahat ng ito, dahilan sa hindi pagtingin sa problema bilang problema ng uri, o iyong katayuan sa buhay.

Ang kahirapan ng mga nasa laylayan ang nagtutulak sa kanilang magtulak ng droga, at sa lalo pang ganansiya ng naglalakihang distribyutor ng droga, sila ang pinapatakas sa mga kaso at mismong mga kulungan. Ang pagtakas ni Amor sa kaniyang uring magsasaka ay hindi nagwakas ng kaniyang problema— mahirap pa rin ang mga magsasaka, at higit, dinarahas pa sa kasalukuyan.

Labas sa mala-teleseryeng pagturing ni Amor sa kaniyang buhay ang reyalidad ng mga magsasaka. Ang lumalalang pagkuha ng lupa sa mga residente nito at pagyurak sa pag-unlad ng agrikultura ang dapat maging hudyat ng pagngitngit ng emosyon hindi lamang ng mga magsasaka kundi ng lahat ng mga mamamayan at ipatikim sa mga nagsasamantala ang batas ng mga api.

Hindi na lamang ito linya sa isang teleserye—hindi pa tapos ang kwento ni Amor pagkat nariyan si Yna at ang komplikasyon ng kaniyang pagkatao dahil anak siya ni Eduardo, ay hindi dapat maging hadlang sa kanilang dapat ipaglaban.

Sadlak pa rin si Yna sa kahirapan, sampu ng mga naging tagapag-alaga niyang magsasaka rin. Kung kaya marapat na sumampal sa kaniya ang reyalidad na wala sila sa teleserye at hindi ito tungkol sa pag-iibigan nila ni Angelo.

Hindi ito tungkol sa pag-ibig, kundi pagmamahal. Pagkat ang pag-ibig na may iniibig o inaasam—hindi posesyon ang lupa para sa mga magsasaka, bagkus pagmamahal o pagbibigay-halaga sa kanilang kasaysayan at kaunlaran. Ito ang hihigit sa ano mang pagibig, wala nang iba, wala na nga, wala.

Asintado MARVIN JOSEPH E. ANG

ISANG BALA LAMANG ANG kinailangan upang patumbahin si Sen. Arturo Galvez. Bawat isa’y nakatutok sa kani-kanilang telebisyon, umaantabay sa detalye ng burol ng senador na kilala sa kaniyang walang kinikilingang serbisyopubliko. Marami sa kaniyang tagasuporta ang masugid na nag-antay sa tapat ng bahay nito upang makisimpatya sa naulilang pamilya, habang pilit na pinagtatagpi-tagpi ang mga pangyayari.

Noong isang linggo lamang, laman din ng balita ang pananambang sa isa pang senador na si Sen. Reynoso. Katulad ni Galvez, tinik sa lalamunang maituturing si Reynoso lalo’t wala itong patumangga sa pag-imbestiga sa mga katiwalian sa pamahalaan. “Sayang naman, mabubuti pa namang mga tao,” ani isa sa mga tagasuporta ng dalawang senador.

Nagpupuyos naman sa galit ang mga kaalyado ni Sen. Galvez, lalo’t kilala nila ang tunay na nasa likod ng mga pagpatay na ito. Kaya’t ipinatawag ni Celeste, dating kasamahan ni Sen, Galvez, ang mga batang miyembro ng partido. “Pero huli na ang lahat; nasa kapangyarihan na siya at may sapat siyang makinarya upang linlangin at kunin ang simpatya ng mga tao,” sabi ni Ana. Taliwas sa tunay na kahulugan ng kaniyang pangalan, hindi siya ang tunay “Salvador del Mundo.”

Ngunit hindi siya ganoon lamang kadaling buwagin—bukod sa suporta ng maraming pulitiko, talentado ang kaniyang mga “political strategists.”

Nagagawa nilang pabanguhin ang

kaniyang mga salita, kahit karamihan dito’y walang katotohanan. Anuman ang gusot na gawin niya, agad din nila itong napa-plantsa.

Kaya’t nang isang araw, sinabi niya sa isang talumpati na dapat kulamin at patayin ng mga bise-alkalde ang kanilang alkalde, tinawanan lamang ito ng mga nasa palasyo. “Kidnap them, to avoid any leak, just do it yourself. And tell, ‘mayor, I will kill you and nobody paid me... so that you finish yourself earlier.” Sabay mura ng pulitiko.

At tila mahikang nagkatotoo ang lahat ng kaniyang sinabi. Wala pang isang araw matapos ang talumpati niyang iyon, agad na umingay ang balita tungkol sa binaril na mayor habang flag ceremony. At sa mga susunod na linggo, walang ibang lalamanin ang balita kundi ang sunud-sunod na pagpatay sa mga opisyales ng gobyerno – mayor, vice mayor, hanggang sa konsehal.

Sa r iwa pa r in sa a laa la n i A na a ng na ng ya r i sa k a n i la noong bata pa siya – a ng pagk asunog ng k a n i la ng ba hay, a ng pagk a matay ng k a n iya ng mga mag u la ng matapos t u lunga n sa isa ng operas yon si Sen. Ga lve z , at pagk a k a h iwa lay n i la ng magk apat id.

Baga ma n ma la k i na , da la-da la pa r in n iya a ng poot ha ng ga ng sa ngayon.

At sa gabay ni Celeste, handa na silang kumilos at tuldukan ang paghahariharian ng kasalukuyang pamahalaan.

“Handa na ba tayo?” tanong ni Xander.

Napatango silang lahat. Nagsisimula pa lamang ang laban.

DISENYO NG PAHINA NI ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY LUNES DIBUHO NI CHESTER HIGUIT 23 HULYO 2018

11

KUL TU RA

SITIO KALAMANSIG RENE BOY ABIVA

MULI NA NAMANG GINAGAMBALA ANG MGA LUMAD; WALANGhumpay ang ligalig na likha ng estado.

Sa ikatlong pagkakataon, at sa ikatlong taon ng administrasyon ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte, muli na namang lumikas ang mga katutubong Manobo sa kanilang komunidad sa Brgy. Diatogon sa Lianga at Brgy. Buhisan sa San Agustin, Surigao del Sur. Binabakuran ng mga militar, sa pangunguna ng 75th Infantry Battalion ng Philippine Army (IBPA), ang lupain ng mga Manobo sa Andap Valley Complex na kilala dahil sa angking yamang-likas nito.

Sa katunayan, maraming malalaking kumpanya ang may interes sa mga lupaing ito. Noong unang araw ng Pebrero, ang pangulo na mismo ang nagsabing siya ang namili ng mga kumpanyang mamumuhuna para magtayo ng mga palm plantation at coal mining, at dapat nang lumikas ang mga Lumad sa kanilang lupain. Sa kasalukuyan, may apat na batalyon ng sandatahang-lakas ang nananahan sa lupain ng mga katutubong Lumad, ayon sa CaragaWatch.

Bukod sa pagpapalayas, pinipigilan din ng mga militar ang iba’t ibang organisasyon na nais mag-abot ng tulong sa mga nagbakwit. Kinakailangan diumanong magpaalam muna sa kanila ang mga bakwit kung may tatanggapin man silang tulong mula sa labas.

Nakikiisa ang Collegian sa laban ng mga Lumad para sa sariling pagpapasya at karapatan sa kanilang lupang ninuno. Kaisa din ang publikasyon sa panawagang itigil ang malawakang militarisasyon sa kanayunan at pagtigil ng martial law sa Mindanao.

Dumating ang ‘sang trak ng mga sundalo na armado ng matataas na kalibre ng baril.

Sa bawat paglagapak ng kanilang bote-de-gerang suot ay waring ‘sang malakas na suntok ang dumadapo sa aking payat na dibdib.

‘Alang pag-aalinlanga’y gumapang ang hilakbot sa buo kong katawan At ako’y dagling nagtago kasama ang aking limang buwan na anak sa kwarto ng aming bahay na yari sa hinabing kawayan at masikap na itinitindig ng mga posteng yari sa tinistis na puno ng niyog.

Kahol nang kahol ang aming asong si Igor.

Malamang, galit ‘to sa kanyang mga nasasaksihan at mas lalong galit sa mga halimaw sa kanyang harapan.

Hanggang sa pumiyok ‘to na waring pinalo ng ‘sang matigas na bagay sa ulo at ‘di na nga s’ya muling kumahol.

Pinatay nila si Igor.

Sa tabi ng aming bahay ay narinig ko ang malakas na sigaw ng asawa ni Kilab.

Nagmamakaawa ‘to na h’wag sanang sirain ang imbakan nila ng tubig Ngunit ‘di naawa ang sundalo.

Pinagbabaril nito ang buong bahay ni Eneng.

Nagbagsakan ang mga platito, kumalansing ang mga sarting dinaplisan ng tingga, nagkandabasag-basag ang mga garapong lagayan ng asin, mantika at bagoong at nagkandabutas-butas ang dingding ng kanilang bahay na yari sa tabla ng Puting Lawaan.

Pagkatapos ng alingaw-ngaw ay tumahimik ang paligid at nangamoy pulbura ang hangin.

Pinatay nila si Eneng.

Tanging mga kaluskos ng combat shoes ang aking naririnig.

Mabigat.

Dumidiin ang ngipin ng swelas nito sa putikang lupa.

Papalapit.

Papalapit sa amin.

Papalapit nang papalapit.

Hanggang sa narinig kong sinalpakan ang armalayt ng bagong magasin tsaka ikinasa.

Katsak! at pinaulanan ng bala ang aming bahay.

Ulan na matalim at mainit.

Ulan na ang bulong sa pandinig at kamatayan at pait.

Niyakap ko nang mahigpit ang aking anak habang kami’y nakadapa sa hubad na lupa.

Hanggang sa aking namalayang ‘ala nang bulong ni pitik ang aking hawak-hawak na laman, hanggang sa may mainit na likidong umagos sa aking kamay.

May tama ng bala ang aking anak, sa leeg, sa putang-inang leeg!

Sumasagitsit ang dugo, bumubulwak nais kong pigilan ngunit ‘di ko kaya.

Dinampot ko maruming damit ng kanyang Ama at itinapal sa waring tinuhog n’yang leeg kaso, patuloy ang dugo sa pag-alimbukay!

Hanggang sa unti-unti s’yang nangisay na parang manok hanggang sa umunat ang dulo ng mga daliri ng kanyang kamay at paa, hanggang sa pumutok ang huling hibla ng hangin sa kanyang puso, hanggang sa maglaho ang liwanag sa mala-perlas na butil ng kanyang luhaang mata.

‘Ala ng buhay ang aking anak ‘ala na s’yang buhay Lupaypay na’ t unti-unting nilalamon ng malamig na kamatayan ang kanyang katawang aking inalagaan ng siyam na buwan sa aking sinapupunan.

Sumabog ang sakit sa aking dibdib.

Hanggang sa may dumapong mainit na bakal sa ibabaw ng aking ulo na sa init ay nakakalapnos ng anit.

Paglingon ko’y nakita ko ang batik-batik na halimaw at nakasabit sa kanyang balikat ang ‘di mabilang na granada, magasin, bomba at kutsilyo.

Ilang saglit pa’y ‘alang awang pinisil ng kanyang hintuturo ang bakal na gatilyo at isang apoy ang huli kong nadama at nakita.

Isang apoy.

Isang apoy.

KUL TU RA

12

LUNES 23 HULYO 2018

LARAWAN AT DISENYO NG PAHINA NI ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY

SA GITNA NG MGA MABINING tawanan, kalansing ng mga bote ng beer, ilalatag ng makata ang kaniyang bawat taludtod. Sa pag-agos ng mga butil ng pawis, nalalabi sa batang manunulat ang galak sa pagkakalathala ng unang kalipunan ng akda. Papalakpak ang mga paganong nagpipyesta sa bawat tugmang bumabaril sa isipan, tungkol sa pinaslang ng Oplan Tokhang, at syempre, tungkol sa pagibig. Pagkatapos ay magsisiuwiang may ngiti sa labi, o luhaan at humihikbi. Hindi pa rin ikaw ang minamahal, at higit, patay pa rin ang napagkamalan.

Higit pa sa mabulaklak na salita at hugot ang papel ng panitikan, partikular na ang pagtula.

Sa proseso ng pagsusulat, isa sa mga esensyal na kahingian ay ang dahilan kumbakit ito ginagawa.

Kung hindi sing lalim ng ginamit na metapora ang sanhi ng pagmamakata—pagkat sa ngalan lang ata ng estetika—panahon na para pagmunihan ang pagtula.

Bago ang tula Ang tula, tulad ng ano mang likhang-sining, ay mayroong porma at nilalaman bilang dalawang pangunahing bahagi. At bilang sining, nilikha ito nang tulad sa panganganak na tinawag na “reproduction” ni Walter Benjamin, isang kritikong Aleman. Mekanikal ang tinutukoy ni Benjamin—nagpapalaya sa sining mula sa kulturang ritwal.

Ang kasaysayan ng panulaang Pilipino ay hindi iba sa umusbong na pandaigdigang taal na porma at nilalaman ng sining—nasa progresibong porma dahil may nilalaman na naglalayong umigpaw sa tradisyon. Ang tula ni Alejandro Abadilla na “Ako ang Daigdig” ay itinuring na makabago batay sa porma at nilalaman. Tila ang pagkakahirang kay Abadilla na Ama ng Moderong Panulaan ay dulot ng mga linyang “ako ang daigdig/ sa tula/ ako/ ang daigdig/ ng tula/ ako/ ang daigdig/ ako/ ang tula/ daigdig/ tula/ ako” Bagaman makabago, marapat siyasatin. Ang modernong tulang ito ang mainam na halimbawa ng pagturing ng modernong makata sa sarili

bilang Diyos, tagapaglikha, at hindi ina ng kaniyang akda alinsunod sa teorya ni Benjamin.

Kung gayon, hindi pagpapalaya ang modernong panulaan ng mga Pilipino, bagkus narsisista o itinuturing ang sarili na dakila. Ito ang landas na nagtatawid sa porma ng panulaan sa kontemporaryong panahon na may pagkaindibidwalistiko—paggiit sa pagkatangi ng sarili.

Maririnig ang ganitong porma ng pagtula sa mga bar, sa mga kaganapan bilang pang-aliw; laganap ang spoken word poetry. Mula sa mga tradisyong oral ng mga epikong Pilipino, ginawa itong moderno sa pamamagitan ng estetika na inilinya sa kulturang mainstream.

Bilang nakaugnay sa kulturang mainstream, tinanggap ang spoken word poetry—nilahukan ng hugot bilang estetika; lahat para sa pansariling isyu gaya ng pag-ibig na niromantisa, o iyong pang-boypren-gelpren.

Ang yugto ng modernong panulaan na indibidwalistiko ay buhay pa rin sa kasalukuyan.

Gayunman, walang hanggan ang panganganak— may mga tula ring bumabaka sa ganitong kaisipan sa porma ng tulang protesta.

Pagdanak at panganganak Ang tula, tulad ng tao ay hindi hiwalay sa kaniyang lipunan. Kung gayon, ang mga nais ng pagbabago ay may pangangailangang sumuong sa lahat ng kondisyon—nakaayon man ito o hindi. Ang panulaang Pilipino ay naging mainam na kultural na armas ng mga makata laban sa katiwalian ng bawat administrasyon.

Sa panahon ng diktadurang Marcos umalab ang kultural na pagkilos sa porma ng mga tulang protesta. Nariyan ang iba’t ibang martir na makata gaya ni Eman Lacaba na tinaguriang makatang mandirigma. Siya ang makatang pag walang papel, sa palara ng sigarilyo nagsusulat ng kaniyang mga tula. Siya rin ang makatang naging bahagi ng mga NPA sa loob ng dalawang taon bago patayin noong 1976.

Hanggang ngayon, bilang laganap pa rin ang karahasang dulot ng gobyerno, buhay pa rin ang

mga tulang nakikibaka na isa sa produkto ng mga organisasyong kultural.

Samantala, iba ito sa porma ng panulaan sa akademya. Bagaman kasama sa kurikulum ang kasaysayan ng rebolusyunaryong panitikan, partikular na ang pagtula, hindi pa rin magagagap ng isang estudyante ng pamantasan ang pagtula ng mga nasa kanayunan, ng mga nasa gitna mismo ng digma.

Dahil ito pa rin ay usapin ng uri at pribilehiyo.

Ang kapital na pangkultural ay pamumuhunan pa rin, ayon sa propesor na si Roland Tolentino.

Ang kinalakhang milieu, panahon, eskwelahan ay isang pribilehiyo na nagtatakda ng antas ng kapital na pangkultural. Ang kaalaman sa pagtula ay nakabatay sa iyong uri kung gayon; at ang hitsura ng talutod na iyong maiisip ay sumasalamin dito.

Kung tiyak na at bukas ang tula sa anumang uri at milieu, ang kontrol ay nakasentro sa mga mas makapangyarihan. Ang akademya bilang institusyon ang nagmamando ng pamantayan at titingalain sa pagtula. Ang ganitong pormalistikong pagtingin, na mababasa sa bawat palihan, ay nananatili.

Kung gayon, ang taal na kahalagahan ng tula bilang sining—na makabago dahil mapagpalaya—ay nababansot sa tradisyunal na pamantayan. Pinaliwanag ito sa isang sanaysay ng propesor na si Conchitina Cruz: sa pamamagitan ng mga manunulat na itinuturing na “canon” gaya ng mag-asawang Tiempo, ang pagsusulat ay “institutionalized” na.

At higit, ang pormalistikong pagtingin sa pagtula ay muli, nakasalalay sa estetika.

Kung hindi nakaayon ang tula sa estetika ng mga akademikong institusyon, hindi na ito makikilalang maganda sa larangan ng pag-aaral ng panitikan sa mga pamantasan.

Dahil dito, ang mga rebolusyunaryong tula ay naitutumbas sa retorika. Ang hindi pagkasining ng mga rebolusyunaryong tula ay isa sa mga dahilan kumbakit isinasantabiito sa larangan. Kung kaya, ang mga rebolusyunaryong makata ay kung hindi humihinto, nakukwestiyon ang pagkilos.

Sa ritmo ng digma Kinukwestiyon ko na ang aking pagkilos, bilang isang mag-aaral ng pagsusulat. Sa serye ng paskil kung saan-saan ng mga tinitingnan kong rebolusyunaryong makata, natulak akong muling magtika sa estado ng aking pagkamakata.

Ang kaganapan ng mga kultural na pagtatanghal tuwing mobilisasyon ay sumasalamin sa kahalagahan ng kultural na hukbo sa pagsusulong ng rebolusyon. Gayunman, ang pagiging artista, mananayaw at makata ay kung hindi man may hangganan, may limitasyon.

Ang epekto ng sining ay nakatuon sa emosyon.

Kung hindi nagpapakilig, nagpapaiyak at higit, nagpapagalit ang mga tula. Ang mga tulang rebolusyunaryo ay dapat makapagpangitngit ng damdamin upang makialam, at lalo na, makapagpakilos.

Ang emosyong pinatatampok ng anumang tula ay nagbibigay-linaw sa kung anong antas ng pagkamulat mayroon ang manunulat. Kung pampakilig lamang ito at walang suri sa lipunan, kumakatawan ito sa burgis na pagkamakata. Kung nakakagalit ito sanhi ng matalas na suri sa lipunan, kumakatawan ito sa umaastang proletaryong makata, o iyong mga peti-burgis na umiigpaw sa kanilang uri.

Esensyal ang emosyon sa rebolusyon—ang marubdob na pagmamahal sa tunay na kalayaan ng bayan ang isa sa mahalagang kahingian para sa pagpapasikhay ng isang rebolusyunaryo sa diwa at gawa. Kung gayon, mahalaga ang tamang porma ng pagtula at pagkamakata sa panahon ng digma.

Sa kabila ng mga diskurso at pagteteorya ukol sa pagtula, ako bilang makata na ninanais maging rebolusyunaryo ay mananatili sa proseso ng pag-igpaw sa laksa-laksang kontradiksyon ng aking uri. Gayundin, ang oras sa pagteteorya ay gagamitin ko upang mag-isip ng malikhaing paraan upang makapagpamulat.

Ang lahat ng ito, bitbit ang paalalang hindi ako ang daigdig, ang tula, o kahit ang rebolusyon; bagaman hindi pa tapos ang pagtula*, wala pa ring tatapat sa kasapatan ng pagtangan ng armas-pandigma. *Pasintabi kay Ed Maranan

Pag di na sapat ang panulat* SHEILA ABARRA

DIBUHO NI CHESTER HIGUIT DISENYO NG PAHINA NI KARLA SANTAMARIA

LUNES 23 HULYO 2018

13

KUL TU RA

N AG B A B A L I K: EKSENANG P E Y U P S, N O- C H I L L E D I S H U N! CHA CANIETO

Hindi ito tungkol sa pagiging EIC, o sa pagiging parte ko pa ng publikasyon sa susunod na termino, tungkol ito sa Kule bilang institusyon na magdadaantaon nang bitbit ang karakter ng kritikal na pamamahayag. Ganern!

MGA TEH! HINDI KINAYA ng pubes at split-ends ko ang desisyon ni Chancy! Charot! Kasi naman mga teh, kahit ilang beses pa naming butbutin at sagutin nang maayos, punto por punto ang mangilan-ngilang tugon ng admin sa komprehensibo naming mga petisyon, kahit ilang rali pa ang ilunsad namin, for them, waley na, finish na! #Chancelledt Kaya bilang dating chismosang maganda ng Eksenang Peyups, heto ako’t bumangon mula sa hukay para muling mangalerkey, no-chill edishuuuuuun! At dahil I am no chill, sorry to disappoint you like Chancy, mga bes, I’m nah gonna tell you chismax, just my pure rage and rant. (Enters Chancy: “I am sooo angry, yan ang i-headline niyo sa Collegian!”)

For then again, kahit anong paliwanag pa ang gawin ko tungkol sa kung paano ba rito sa Kule, dito sa mismong opisina, di naman nila maiintindihan; di naman kasi sila parte ng Kule ngayon, di naman ata sila naging parte evah! Kaya nga di ko magets mga mumsh kumbakit gusto nilang kunin ang kapangyarihan ng pagiging EIC. “Democratic” daw kasi ang moda, naiintindihan ko naman ang punto, pero hindi naman kasi demokratiko yon. Paulit-ulit na ang pangalan nitong mga tropa kong sina Ang at Cornelio sa

mga balita namin, e. Di naman demokratiko yung rules, lalo na yung mga judges, naging Kule man lang ba ang mga 'yon?

Charaaaan, wiz. Kaya paano igagaod—and by gaod I mean all the ztrezz, drama, and militansya—ng kung sinumang nanalong yun sa mali-maling eksam ang Kule? Of course, wafaz na tayo sa 401. But Eksenang Peyups No. 1: sinetch itey na mga pangalang magbabalik (like I now do?)? Hint: mga dating binitawan ang chakaru na drafts, ayaw magpa-edit, at pabigat sa pagoda!

Ang noble intention lang naman daw ay maglingkod sa pamantasan bilang Kule, pero bakit hindi muna mag-apply bilang writer, photographer, at iba pa? For all we know, the struggle iz real kasi iilan lang ang mga tao rito. Ganern!

Gusto lang naman daw ayusin ang Kule, di na raw kasi relevant.

S I S ? Hindi pa ba relevant ang lahat ng mga kabulastugan ni Duterte? Di ba alarming ‘yung panggigipit ng CMC admin sa mga estudyante? Para saming mga Kule, wala nang ibang mas mahalaga sa karapatan ng mga iskolar ng bayan, ng iba’t ibang sektor at lahat ng mga biktima ng kalapastanganan ng sistemang panlipunan.

Pahk, pahk, pahk, pahk, pahk, BIG WORD!

The point being, baka kasi hindi nakaayon sa interes nila ang interes ng madlang pipol. Kaya gagawin ang lahat, isangkalan na ang integridad, kumapit na sa huwad na eksam, makuha lang ang posisyon.

Nakakaloka! I can be the devil’s advocate and tell them “oh inyo na, inyong-inyo na talaga with f lying colors,” but then again, I am not the devil, and ultimately, hindi naman kasi ito biro; hindi ito tungkol sa pagiging EIC, o sa pagiging parte ko pa ng publikasyon sa susunod na termino, tungkol ito sa Kule bilang institusyon na magdadaantaon nang bitbit ang karakter ng kritikal na pamamahayag. Ganern!

Di kami matatameme, lalong hindi ako mag-eempake, dahil kahit todo na ang panggigipit, kahit wagas na wagas na ang kasamaan, hindi kami mabubuwag, hindi ako maduduwag. Dahil obvious ba?

Kasama namin yung masang pinagsisilbihan namin, kaya wag munang mag-rock and roll to the world, dahil di pa tapos ang laban mga teh. Aneq?

Defend, defend, defend the Collegian! Ganern! *goes back to the land of the dead*

95

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

SANNY BOY AFABLE

PUNONG PATNUGOT

ALDRIN VILLEGAS

KAPATNUGOT

SHEILA ANN ABARRA

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT

JOHN DANIEL BOONE

PATNUGOT SA BALITA

ROSETTE ABOGADO ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY

PATNUGOT SA GRAPIX

JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

KAWANI

AMELYN DAGA

PINANSIYA

GARY GABALES

TAGAPAMAHALA SA SIRKULASYON

YOU TOLD ME YOU WERE only expecting a night out with a friend, but ended up coming home donning an oversized shirt that wasn’t yours, dried blood at your thighs, and wounds all over your body. I remember you telling me how he forced himself on you in a playground somewhere on campus. You told me how he gave you a shirt too big for you to hide away the cuts and bruises.

You kept that shirt tucked away somewhere in your closet.

You told me that he didn’t just rape you once, but twice. A month after the first, you saw him by chance on the street and he insisted you come with him. I remember how you told me you didn’t want to go, but he was too strong for you, too intimidating to resist. He was, after all, an athlete, you told me. You recounted how he fondled you on the taxi ride to where you were going, and how he raped you again when you got there.

You told me you were never the same after. You started cutting class. You stopped coming home early. You drank more alcohol than you should’ve, and you started sleeping with different men. You rarely cried, but when you told me about your rape, I’m sure I saw your eyes welling up before you wiped them dry.

For reasons you couldn’t explain, you didn’t think of reporting him

O PIN YON

10

HUWEBES 5 HULYO 2018

at the time, never thought of filing suit. You told me maybe it’s because you couldn’t bear the drawn out legal battle. Maybe it’s because you didn’t want to break your mother’s heart by letting her know her only little girl was a rape victim. Or maybe you knew deep down, he’d still get away with it with nothing more than a slap on the wrist, maybe some time off for community service.

You didn’t have any proof anyway, no shred of evidence.

You told me how your rapist will probably never see a day in court, moreso time behind bars, even after the trauma that had irrevocably altered your life.

I can’t remember the last time I heard something that made me so angry. Stories of rape are all around, but it doesn’t resound nearly as much as when it happens to someone you care about. I tried to imagine the horror of what it would be like to be violated the way you were, to live with a haunting memory that will never really see respite in justice or consolation in a culture that belittles and sometimes even celebrates such exploitation.

You told me how your guy friends offered to have your rapist beaten up, but you said no. I didn’t know how you could refuse, knowing justice in the law had already been denied by things you couldn’t control. Men

have fought tooth and nail for much less--over petty squabbles in bars or because someone didn’t like the way someone was looking at them. But looking back, I can understand you chose to be the better person. A man’s sense of justice sometimes doesn’t make sense at all; smashing your rapist’s face in would’ve probably just made things worse.

It’s been two years since it happened. Since you first told me, you said you’ve healed somewhat, but the memory never really goes away. You were happy to tell me, though, that you’ve been mulling over reporting him now, despite knowing that it wouldn’t do much good, but also knowing full well that holding your silence would do no good at all.

It’s not going to be easy, but you’ll take whatever justice you can. For the world to know that you were raped and that he was your rapist, for a start, that can be some justice for you.

AMELITO JAENA OMAR OMAMALIN

SIRKULASYON

H E R S TO R Y JUAN GREGORIO LINA

TRINIDAD GABALES GINA VILLAS

KATUWANG NA KAWANI

KASAPI UP SYSTEMWIDE ALLIANCE OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS AND WRITERS’ ORGANIZATIONS (SOLIDARIDAD)

COLLEGE EDITORS GUILD OF THE PHILIPPINES (CEGP) PAMUHATAN SILID 401 BULWAGANG VINZONS, UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS, DILIMAN, LUNGSOD QUEZON TELEFAX 981-8500 LOKAL 4522

You were happy to tell me, though, that you’ve been mulling over reporting him now, despite knowing that it wouldn’t do much good, but also knowing full well that holding your silence would do no good at all.

ONLINE phkule@gmail.com www.philippinecollegian.org fb.com/phkule twitter.com/phkule instagram.com/phkule issuu.com/philippinecollegian pinterest.com/phkule

      

UKOL SA PABALAT

DIBUHO NI CHESTER HIGUIT

FINANCIAL STATEMENT

MELTING POINT

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

WARREN RAGASA

PAGWAWAKAS AT PAGPAPATULOY AGAD AKONG UMAKYAT SA OPISINA NANG malaman ko ang desisyon. Halos tatlong buwan din ang hinintay namin, at napakaraming nangyari sa loob ng tatlong buwan: ‘di makatwirang sinipa ng Korte si Sereno, muling tinigil ang usaping pangkapayapaan, tumaas ang inflation, nagwelga sa NutriAsia at ibang pabrika, at marami pang iba.

Lahat ng ito ay tinutukan ng mga kasama, ibinalita, iginuhit, inilathala. Pero sa lahat ng mga balita, iisa ang higit nilang inabangan—ang kinabukasan ng pahayagan, kung saan kami hahantong matapos ang lahat.

Pero hindi lugmok ang sumalubong sa akin. Tulad ng dating gawi: sa bungad, naroroon si Bea, kausap sa chat si Pamela at si Boone, at nag-i-edit ng napakaraming balita. Di mapirmi si Greg. Palihim na nagpu-push up si Martin. Sa sira-sirang sofa, naroroon si Richard, nakikinig sa Little Mix habang nagbabasa.

Sa madilim na bahagi ng opisina, naroroon si Sheila, Sanny, at Marvin, naghahalaklakan. Kumakain ng red rice si Aldrin. Nagdo-drawing si Chester at Kenneth. Sa loob ng sleeping quarters, may caucus ang mga cool naming photographers na sina Lucky, Pobs, Shane, at Adrian. Sa katabing kama, mahimbing na natutulog si Vern.

Marami pang plano. Nakatakdang isara ang dyaryo bago magLinggo. Ipapamahagi ito sa SONA. Ikokober pa ang GASC. Itutuloy ang laban dahil hindi makatarungan ang desisyon.

Sa kabila ng napakaraming nangyari, nananatili at nagpapatuloy ang lahat hanggang sa huli, kung mayroon ba talagang huli. Maaalala ko ang mga gabing gigisingin ako ng galit na editor para ipasa ang draft, o ang mga espesyal na pagkakataon tulad ng inuman, ang rali sa Maskom, ang mga gabing nagkukumahog ang lahat, at ang mga gabing inabot na ng umaga.

May iba’t ibang paraan para wakasan ang isang-taong kolum kong ito. Maaari akong magpasalamat sa iilang tumangkilik sa espasyo ko. Pwede rin akong humingi ng tawad sa mga pinalagpas kong isyu. O di kaya, mala-goon sa action movie, nagbabanta ako sa muli kong pagbabalik matapos ang lahat.

Pero ganito ko ito wawakasan—kasama nila, nananatili at nagpapatuloy kasama ang maraming masang nananabik makabasa ng Kule.

Alam kong malungkot ang lahat tulad ko. Pero pinipigilan nila ang mga luha. O baka palihim nila itong ibinubuhos, at saka muling magpapatuloy. Marami pa kaming gagawin sa mga susunod na araw; ang sabi nga ng gwapings kong editor, hindi ito pamamaalam.

STATUS QUOTES  bare minimum #FreeMabinay6 #OustDuterte @_amoxycillin

Lumad children should be running in their fields because they're playing, and not because they're being chased by the military and trying to outrun bullets. #AFPOutOfLumadLands #LayasMilitar 10:05 PM - 15 JULY 2018

ACADEMIC YEAR 2017-2018

COLLECTIONS Estimated collectionsa Actual collections Balance as of June 2017 (Previous Term) 4,003,228.13

First Semester, AY 17-18 595,072.00 655,488.00 Second Semester, AY 17-18 442,892.80 476,496.00 Midyear 2017 202,636.52 543,096.00 Interest income 19,550.71 48,419.45 Accounts receivable from scholarships 69,120.00 0 Late Payments 0 238,828.25 TOTAL 1,328,272.03 5,965,555.83

EXPENSES Approved budget Actual expenses Printing 1,700,000 1,007,250.00 (563,160.00)* Honorarium/Services 150,000 802,000.00 Seminar/Workshop 700,000 273,289.41 Miscellaneousb 300,000 41,314.19 Food Expenses 150,000 147,428.93 Student Refund 22,863.00 Utilities 10,000 5,500.00 Tuition Subject to Refund (603,059.00)* Labor and Materials-Repairs (57,097.00)* Website 20,000 Editorial examinations 5,000

NOTES: a - based on the estimated collections of the Accounting Office for AY 17-18 b - office equipment and operating expenses * - item earmarked amount Based on the status of fund by the Accounting Office for AY 17-18

TOTAL 3,835,000 3,522,961

BALANCE 2,442,594.20

RIPPLES

ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY

FEBRUARY 2017

 Ogie Rosa @ogie_rosa

After Matthysse, Pacquiao wants to fight again this 2018. Can you instead fight for the rights of women, the poor, and other marginalized sectors?

Can you instead fight the evils of this administration?

LAGUNA

 TSUTA CLEE #wakaSONA #DutertePatalsikin @VladiLODIN

#wakaSONA ang useless na K-12 which just makes private school owners richer, families poorer, and students as unemployable as before!

10:06 PM - 19 JULY 2018

Just a reminder: As a senator, these should be your battles.

11:18 AM - 16 JULY 2018

 Mon #wakaSONA @YearoftheMonSy

To those who (will) villify the protesters on Monday's People's SONA as Bayaran: ang kakapal ng mga mukha niyo.

They're the poverty-stricken, starved, and killed under Duterte's watch. How dare you hinder their grief and rage! #WakaSONA 10:45 AM - 21 JULY 2018

LUNES 23 HULYO 2018

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COM MUN ITY

PERILOUS JUNCTURE

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The Collegian, however, will not back down but persist in the fight with the people towards realizing our democratic rights.

THIS IS A YEAR OF MANY dangerous precedents.

As the promoter and enabler of these grave threats delivers his third State of the Nation Address (SONA), President Rodrigo Duterte cannot hide anymore the public’s discontent behind his strongman rhetoric. His administration is bound for its downfall—from his satisfaction rating falling to new low, to the increasing number of protesters exposing and opposing his attacks against the people.

This president has plunged the Philippines into its worst human rights crisis since the Marcos dictatorship. Around 40 killings per day occur under Duterte based on Human Rights Watch estimates of extrajudicial killings and “war on drugs” victims. Duterte’s blatant disregard for human life further extends to the economic conditions of the country—from the series of skyrocketing inflation, to the rise of unemployment, and the persistence of contractualization.

Instead of addressing these problems, the administration implements policies that only put its victims in double jeopardy.

The government’s failure to solve poverty has led to the rise in the number of “tambays,” but it only targeted them by holding a “tambay” crackdown by the abusive police force.

This state crackdown also works against the critics of the

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN 95

EDITORIAL administration — from illegal detention of activists and union leaders, to disposal of officials in the opposition. No one is safe, even the Chief Justice, ousted by the very Court that should have been upholding justice at a time when civil rights are under attack.

The Supreme Court’s decision effectively sets a dangerous precedent — one that collapses the balance of powers and rolls out the red carpet for a looming dictatorship by a strongman.

This will be solidified with his railroading of charter change which centralizes repressive powers to the president.

We are thus in a perilous juncture in our nation’s history.

In this troubled national environment, it is crucial for the press to expose the truth and side with the oppressed. The Collegian recognizes this mandate as promised in this term’s opening editorial, remaining to be critical of the many policies that infringe on the rights of the students and the people.

The publication, however, is not exempt from dangerous precedents that manifest even within the university. The archaic editor selection process was interpreted against its two current staffers, disqualifying them because of their graduating status. The Collegian has since campaigned for a more inclusive

and democratic process, but the grounds of which have been called “fabricated” and “misinforming” by the UP administration.

It is troubling that the national university, said to be a bastion of freedom and activism, sets its own dangerous precedents. The Collegian, however, will not back down but persist in the fight with the people towards realizing our democratic rights.

The need for our broad united front has never been greater in navigating our way through this perilous juncture. As we march in the streets to drown Duterte’s SONA with the people’s narrative, we defy not just the administration but the system that enables fascism and systematic persecution.

In a year of dangerous precedents, the people’s resistance continues to thrive.