Philippine Collegian Tomo 100 May Issue by Philippine Collegian

THE OFFICIAL STUDENT PUBLICATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN

MAY 2022 VOLUME 100 ISSUE 01 40 PAGES

@phkule

www.phkule.org

EDITORS' NOTE

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

editor-in-chief polynne dira associate editor sam del castillo news editor daniel sebastianne daiz features editor isaac ramos graphics editors kim yutuc john reczon calay guest editor richard calayeg cornelio staff keian florino contributing members christian chua gretle mago probationary members news yessa tagum ysabel vidor features juan paolo ignacio yuji santos adam torres kultura levei bigcas jericho igdanes earl roxas graphics kim axalan maria laya andie medina christene necesario gie rodenas kaxandra salonga venus samonte joey santos auxiliary staff ma. trinidad gabales gina bakukanag amy daga

address Sampaguita Residence Hall Quirino Avenue UP Diliman Quezon City Philippines website www.phkule.org e-mail phkule.upd@up.edu.ph

Sa ika-sandaang taon ng kritikal na pamamahayag, makikipagtuos ang Kulê sa mga isinuka na ng taumbayan ngunit muling nanunumbalik, sa mga pinunong dahas ang tugon sa ating mga hinaing, at sa mga maykapangyarihang nandudusta sa taumbayan para sa sariling ganansya. Ang taong ito ay magmamarka ng pagbabago sa midyum ng pahayagan, upang masigurong lapat ang bawat isyu sa pangangailangan ng mambabasang malaman at maunawaan ang mga pangyayari, at ang pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon sa mas malawak na iskema ng mga bagay.

Illustration by Kim Yutuc

@phkule

Sino at ano ang Kulê

Ang Bagong Kulê

Election Roundup

Election Watchdogs Renew Calls to Amend Party-list Law

Urban Poor Groups Call on 2022 Presidentiables to Push for ‘Housing-For-All’ Policy

Paano Kung si Isko ang Maging Pangulo?

Kung Manalo si BBM sa Pagkapangulo

Kampanya ng Masa

What if Leni Robredo Wins the 2022 Elections?

In Fairness

Para sa Maginhawang Byahe

Supply Chain Crisis Endgame

Sensing the F2F Policy

Gauging the Accessibility and Efficiency of Our Cities Using Tessellation Areas

Pag-unlad sa Metro ng Semento

Pagpapasya para sa Pagpapanagot

EDITORYAL

NATION

Christian Chua, Keian Florino, Yessa Tagum & Ysabel Vidor

NATION

Ysabel Vidor

SUMATOTAL

Christian Chua

OPINYON

Keian Florino

OPINYON

Polynne Dira

EDITORYAL

OPINION

Daniel Sebastianne Daiz

KULTURA

Jericho Igdanes

KULTURA

Gretle C. Mago

FEATURES

Yuji Santos

FEATURES

Juan Paolo Ignacio

ABSTRACT

Elmo Domino R. Jose

EDITORYAL

GRAPIX

Kim Yutuc

MGA NILALAMAN

‘Pagkat ibinaon tayo sa lusak ng administrasyong Duterte sa anim na taon niyang pamumuno, oportunidad ang halalan upang magkaroon ng pamunuang makikinig sa ating hinaing. Itinatambol ng isyung ito ang mga paksa at kagyat na panawagan ng taumbayan na marapat harapin ng sinumang mauupo sa Malacañang.

KULÊ@100

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

EDITORYAL Ang Bagong Kulê Upang tugunan ang kahingian ng di-pangkaraniwang panahon, lalabas ang Kulê sa nakasanayan.

Mapangahas na pagpapasya at pambihirang pagkilos ang tanging wastong tugon sa dipangkaraniwang krisis. Hinahamon ng panahon ang kasalukuyang dispensasyon, ipinapakita ang mga kontradiksyon nito sa ating pangangailangan. Ang mga ngayo’y nabubunyag na lamat sa ating mga binabansagang demokratikong institusyon ang mismong magiging batayan ng itutulak nating pagbabago. Nasa posisyon tayo ng pagsulong: Ibinubungkos ang mga basura ng kasaysayan upang magsilbing paalala at babala. Sisimulan ng Kulê ang bago nitong siglo ng peryodismo habang papalapit na ang pagtatapos ng mga termino nina Danilo Concepcion, presidente ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at Rodrigo Duterte, ang pasakit ng bansa. Sa paghatol sa kanilang panunungkulan, sasalubungin ng pahayagan ang susunod na yugto ng kasaysayan. Bagaman dalawang taon na mula nang huling nakapagimprenta ang Kulê ng pisikal na isyu, patuloy itong nag-uulat at nakikisangkot sa mga isyu sa loob ng pamantasan. Hindi tumitigil

ang publikasyon sa pagmamatyag at pagpapanagot sa paglimot, kung di man pagtalikod, ni Concepcion sa pangako niyang “dangal at husay nang may pang-unawa” noong simula ng kanyang termino. Nakatala sa publikasyon ang serye ng atake ng mismong pamantasan sa mga sektor nito. Sa kanyang termino, tila ibinabandera pa ni Concepcion ang kapangyarihan niyang magpalayas ng mga residente sa lupain ng UP upang pagtayuan ito ng mga establisimyentong di sigurado kung mapakikinabanagan ng mga estudyante. Maisasalba pa sana ni Concepcion ang pinanghawakan niya noong plataporma ng pang-unawa. Ngunit nagpakulong ang kanyang administrasyon sa burukrasya, at tumangging pakinggan ang mungkahing mga solusyon ng mga sektor sa kampus. Ikinukubli ng mga press release hinggil sa world ranking, journal publication, at mga tropeyo ng UP ang pagwawalangbahala ng kanyang opisina

Para sa inyong katanungan, mag-email sa phkule.upd@up.edu.ph.

Ang ambag ng institusyong ito sa pagpapanagot kay Duterte at sa kanyang mga kaalyado ay pagmulat sa mga mambabasa, pagtatakda ng tono at klimang mapaningil sa mga nagkasala sa atin.

sa kalusugan at kapakanan ng mga mag-aaral, kawani, at kaguruan. Anupa’t wala ring kabuluhan ang anumang ranggo o prestihiyong pinagmamayabang ng pamantasan kung, sa gitna ng krisis, walang ambag ang pamunuan nito sa pakikibaka ng nakararami. Tanging mga estudyante, kasama ang publikasyong ito, ang nananatiling tapat sa mandato ng pamantasan at panawagan ng taumbayan.

@phkule

Sa pagiging kimi ng Quezon Hall, lalong itatambol ng pahayagan ang kahingian ng malawak na hanay ng mamamayan: ang hindi natin pagpirmi sa baryabaryang kaginhawaan, at ang pagtanggi nating magpatuloy pa ang kasulukuyang kalagayan ng lipunan.

paligoy-ligoy, papangalanan ng publikasyong ito ang mga kasapakat ni Duterte: silang mga mamamatay-tao, magnanakaw, pasakit sa mga Pilipino. Hindi itatago ng patnugutang ito ang panghahawakan nitong linya—ang walang patumanggang pagkiling sa interes ng masa.

Ngayong sukdulan ang pambubusabos sa atin mula sa loob ng pamantasan hanggang sa labas nito, hindi sapat ang pagiging kritiko lang. Isinadlak tayo ng pamahalaan sa kahirapan dahil sa pambihira nitong kapalpakan at kapabayaan, kaya bukod sa paniningil kay Duterte, makikipagtuos tayo sa mga iiwan niyang latak sa bansa.

Tangan ang linyang masa, gagaod ang Kulê sa bagong direksyon: sa paghahatid ng mas mabagal, ngunit mas malalim at matalas na pamamahayag. Ang pagpihit sa ganitong kumpas ay tulak din ng internal na kondisyon ng publikasyon. Dahil sa pandemya at limitasyong itinatakda ng aming disposisyon, nahirapang konsolidahin ang numipis na bilang ng aming mga kasapi.

Walang paumanhing pag-uulat ang tugon ng Kulê sa ganitong mga taktika ng estado. Makikipagtuos ang pahayagan sa marahas at mapanghating pulitikang pinairal at iiwan ni Duterte. Ang ambag ng institusyong ito sa pagpapanagot kay Duterte at sa kanyang mga kaalyado ay pagmulat sa mga mambabasa, pagtatakda ng tono at klimang mapaningil sa mga nagkasala sa atin. Sasariwain ng aming mga artikulo ang danas ng mga naging biktima ng rehimen. Walang

Gayunman, hindi nagpapatianod ang Kulê sa kahinaang ito—mas matimbang ang pangangailangang magpatuloy sa paglalathala. Kasabay ng pagpapaunlad sa platapormang digital ay pagsuong sa bagong tereno ng buwanang news magazine—naglalaman ng mas maraming pahinang hitik sa ulat at komentaryo kaysa sa nakasanayang tabloid. Ang limitasyon naming sumabay sa bilis ng balita ay isa ring oportunidad upang makapagalok ng bagong karanasan. Ang pagbabasa ng bawat artikulo ng Kulê ay pagkakataong maglimi, mag-usisa, partikular na matukoy sino o ano’ng dapat bakahin. Sapagkat madalas ang mga atake, hindi pa man humuhupa ang ating galit ay mayroon na namang institusyong puspusang tinitibag, komunidad na winawasak, buhay na kinikitil. Ngunit matagal at mahaba ang pakikipagbuno para sa pagbabagong gusto natin.

Kailangan ang pagsusuring naglalapat ng bawat isyu sa pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon, sa relasyon nito sa mas malaking iskema ng mga bagay. Ito ang ipamamalas ng bagong Kulê. Walang takot naming uusigin ang mga isinuka na ng taumbayan na muling nagbabantang manungkulan. Paninindigan ng pahayagan ang malaon na nitong inihahaing dyagnosis: Bulok ang pulitika sa bansa, at ang tanging rekurso ay pagpapalit ng bagong bubuo nito. Kinikilala ng Kulê ang pansamantalang ginhawang maaaring ihandog ng mga susunod nating ihahalal. Kaya ikakampanya ng pahayagan ang kahingian ng masa—lupa para sa magsasaka, nakabubuhay na trabaho para sa manggagawa, tulong sa maralita, at sariling pagpapasya para sa mga minorya.

EDITORY AL

Sa pagharap sa tinatawag na “Duterte legacy,” susi ang midya, lalo ang mga alternatibo’t nakapagsasarili, sa pagsisiwalat at pagpapasinungaling sa ipinagmamalaki niyang mga tagumpay. Hinahamon nila at tinatangkang buwagin ang ilusyon tungkol sa rehimen, kaya naman madaling target ng administrasyon ang mga pahayagan gaya ng Kulê, at mabilis na inaakusahang prente ng mga komunista.

KULÊ@100

Walang hatid na katiyakan ang mga susunod na buwan. Wala ring katiyakang magagampanan ng Kulê ang bawat takdang gawain nito. Ngunit tanging sa paglabas sa nakasanayan masisiguro ng patnugutang ito na di mapag-iiwanan ng panahon ang pahayagan. Mahirap mang takdaan ang tatahaking landas ng Kulê sa susunod na siglo, makakaasa ang anumang pamunuan, sa loob at labas ng pamantasan, na uboslakas kaming magmamatyag, magsusuri, magpapanagot, kikilos. Pagkat anumang wangis o porma ng Kulê ang datnan ng mambabasa sa mga entrada ng gusali, lansangan, o sa kanilang pintuan, makakaasa silang mananatili ang pahayagang mula at para sa kanila.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Venus Samonte

NATION

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

For most of Rodrigo Duterte’s term, he sidelined the poor and compromised the welfare of other sectors while pursuing his anti-people agenda.

Election Roundup

How Duterte Has Fared Nearly 6 Years on and What Strains Await the Next President

When he secured the highest seat in the land in 2016, Duterte vowed to usher the country into economic and social security, but he is now putting the onus of doing much of the work on the ensuing administration.

Christian Chua, Keian Florino, Yessa Tagum & Ysabel Vidor

File photo (2016)

@phkule

President Rodrigo Duterte first emerged as a staunch advocate against criminality, illegal drugs, corruption, and oligarchy. For most of his presidency, the nation stands testament to how he has devoted much of the country’s resources to such pursuits—all while sidelining the poor and compromising the welfare of other sectors. As the Filipinos head to the polls to choose another president, the Collegian looks back on how Duterte sought to realize his promises in 2016 and what kind of legacy he was able to etch out while reveling in power for six years. The catalog of his frustrated pledges to the Filipinos is now for the next administration to dwell on. Workers

Labor leader Leody De Guzman said workers must be given 30-percent overtime pay for the four days of work to compensate for the other days they will not work. Similarly, Vice President Leni Robredo said that reducing work hours must not lead to pay cuts. Meanwhile, Manila Mayor Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso and Sen. Manny Pacquiao oppose the scheme as other industries need physical presence to be more productive and efficient. But the presidentiables’ talk about work hours will remain shortsighted if workers are not given a decent living wage in the first place. The last time wage increased in Metro Manila was in 2018, which brought it

to the current P537. A family of five, according to the National Economic and Development Authority, needs P1,500 per day. Of the presidential frontrunners, only De Guzman, Pacquiao, and Robredo have expressed willingness to increase the minimum wage. Since 2018, the Makabayan bloc has been lobbying for a bill in Congress that will raise the national minimum wage to P750. Agriculture In February 2019, the Duterte administration passed the Rice Tariffication Law (RTL). The measure sought to lower the price of rice by allowing for an unlimited import of cheaper rice. The law, however, has only hurt local farmers as palay farmgate prices plummeted to P11 to 17 per kilo—forcing many farmers to contend with little to no profit amid rising production prices and lack of subsidies given by the state. Domestic agriculture has dwindled even more when the Department of Agriculture’s fund allocation fell to 3 percent of the national budget from an already horrid average of 3.6 percent from 2017 to 2021. The administration’s blatant negligence and profitoriented policies, like the RTL, have made for the 31.6-percent poverty incidence among farmers. This sector, based on the latest report of the Philippine Statistics Authority, is still the poorest since 2006, along with the fisherfolk. Over three years after the RTL’s ratification, peasant group Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) remains keen on its campaign to junk the law. And while nearly all presidential candidates have promised increasing state support to farmers—and the agriculture

sector, in general—no one has shown concrete solutions on how they will implement their plans into real policies once elected. Environment In 2016, then-candidate Duterte pledged that he will ensure all mining companies comply with the strictest environmental standards. When he won, Duterte appointed staunch anti-mining advocate Gina Lopez as his Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) secretary. However, retired military general Roy Cimatu replaced Lopez in 2017 after mining firms allegedly lobbied members of the Commission on Appointments to reject her appointment. Duterte also reversed his anti-mining stance in 2020 when he lifted the nineyear moratorium on signing new mining contracts in the country, and overturned Lopez’s open-pit mining ban last year. The Duterte administration also approved the environmental compliance certificate of the Kaliwa Dam despite advocates’ concern about its effects on nearby indigenous people’s community and ecosystem. In 2019, Cimatu also greenlighted the construction of Bulacan Aerotropolis, a reclamation project that would destroy 2,500 hectares of mangrove areas and threaten the livelihood of hundreds of small fisherfolk. For the Youth Advocates for Climate Action, the next administration must undo Duterte’s massive reclamation projects which risk communities and their environment. The group also urged the next president to put the interests of indigenous

Page design by Venus Samonte

NATION

To mitigate the effects of the oil price surge, Duterte is currently deciding on the approval of the fourday workweek. Presidentiables, however, have their own stances and plans.

KULÊ@100

NATION

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

peoples, affected communities, and the environment first before any development project.

The rights group also reiterated their longstanding call to abolish the NTF-ELCAC.

Human Rights

Peace Talks

Duterte built his administration on the premise of eradicating illegal drugs within the first three to six months of his term. However, Duterte’s war on drugs has only enabled state agents and vigilante groups to kill up to 30,000 suspected drug users, most of whom were living in poor communities, according to the 2021-2022 report of Amnesty International.

Then-candidate Duterte promised that, under his term, the government will be committing again to peace talks with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Duterte abided by his words, at first, as he declared a unilateral ceasefire. This, until the 39th Infantry Battalion violated the agreement by attacking the New People’s Army deployed in Makilala, North Cotabato in 2017.

The administration has also weaponized the law to launch an all-out war against dissent. In 2018, Duterte created the National Task Force Against the Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTFELCAC), which has red-tagged virtually anyone who disagrees with his administration. 424 activists and community organizers have been killed due to red-tagging since July 2016, according to rights group Karapatan.

Duterte immediately withdrew from the ceasefire, which was followed by the unilateral termination of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG). Ending JASIG only intensified state-

backed attacks against peace consultants and progressives. Crackdown against NDFP peace consultants soon followed. In January 2019, Randy Malayao became the first consultant to be murdered. Five more were killed, either by vigilantes or state forces, the most recent of which was Rustico Tan last May 28, 2021, in Cebu. The crackdown against peace negotiators shows no sign of stopping. Still, most presidential candidates do not promise to abolish the NTF-ELCAC. Even opposition bet Robredo said she would only regulate the NTFELCAC should she win, and support localized peace talks which, according to NDFP, would not address the root causes of the conflicts.

Attacks against critics further escalated after Duterte signed the Anti-Terrorism Law in July 2020, which granted unchecked power to the government to designate and jail suspected terrorists. Since the law was signed, numerous activists have been jailed and killed, most notably the nine victims of the “Bloody Sunday” massacre in Southern Tagalog in March 2021. Karapatan urged 2022 presidentiables to hold Duterte and other perpetrators accountable for the “murderous” war on drugs by cooperating with the investigation of the International Criminal Court and other international bodies.

Student leaders and members of student publications from different UP units integrated with farmers in Lupang Kapdula in Dasmariñas, Cavite, January 5 to 6, 2020. Kapdula farmers are facing threats of land conversion and land grabbing.

File photo (2020)

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Ysabel Vidor

As Rich and Dubious Groups Dominate the Party-list System

Election Watchdogs Renew Calls to Amend Party-list Law »

Around 67 percent of the groups in the party-list race are linked to political clans and corporations. Election watchdogs seek reform from the legislative branch, and accountability from the COMELEC.

This, after a study by watchdog Kontra Daya found that most of the party-lists running in the 2022 national elections have ties with political dynasties, the Duterte administration, or big businesses– contrary to the role of party-lists which is to represent marginalized and underrepresented sectors. At least 120 of the 177 party-list groups on the ballot have been flagged by Kontra Daya. Of such a number, 44 groups are controlled by political clans, 21 are connected with large corporations, and at least 32 groups have links to the Duterte administration.

Among those that were flagged by Kontra Daya were ACT-CIS, Ako Bicol, 4Ps, Senior Citizens’ Partylist and Malasakit@Bayanihan. These party-lists are frontrunners in the polls and are expected to win three seats each, according to the latest preelection survey by Pulse Asia released last April 6.

of Representatives. One-fifths, or 61 out of 304 House seats, is allocated for party-lists. A winning party-list can have up to three seats, depending on its share of the votes. In the 2019 elections, Kabataan, the last party-list to win a seat, managed to get a seat in Congress after only receiving 195,837 votes.

“The party-list system is for the workers, farmers, indigenous peoples, and such other sectors. How can rich professionals, those who are not deprived of basic services, be on the level of the farmer, workers, and the toiling masses?” Kontra Daya convenor and UP Diliman journalism professor Danilo Arao said in an interview with the Collegian.

The party-list system, however, encountered significant change through the Atong Paglaum case of 2013. In the case, the Supreme Court ruled that party-lists are not exclusive to marginalized and underrepresented groups–in effect allowing rich politicians and big businesses to dominate the party-list race.

In the 1987 Constitution, the Partylist System Act of 1995 allows Filipinos from the marginalized sectors, organizations, and parties to become members of the House

To reform the party-list system, an amendment must be made to the current Party-list System Act that would require nominees and partylists to hail from marginalized and underrepresented groups,

Page design by Venus Samonte

NATION

It may only be through amending the Party-list System Act that the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) can finally put an end to the abuse in the partylist system perpetrated by big businesses and political clans, an election watchdog said.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

which, in effect, would overturn the Atong Paglaum case, the election watchdog said.

want to wage a decent campaign because you will be needing millions of pesos,” Arao said.

“The very essence of establishing the Party-list System Act is to genuinely represent the marginalized sectors in the country but as we can see, a lot of dubious groups are running for the elections lalo na for 2022 elections,” Bantay Boto 2022 convenor Louis Ceñidoza said, adding that the rich and powerful have trampled the essence of the party-list system. Bantay Boto 2022 is an alliance of youth organizations promoting voters’ education.

Some legislators have, nonetheless, taken notice of the problem. In 2019, Sens. Franklin Drilon and Leila De Lima filed bills to reform the partylist system to level the playing field among parties and prohibit party switching to strengthen the party system. The bills have not been acted upon until now.

Reforming the Party-list Law

NATION

MAY 2022

Three elections since the case, an analysis by think-tank IBON Foundation showed that 95 percent of the sitting members of the House of Representatives belong to the country’s richest 2 percent–a far cry from the supposed intent of electing the poor and marginalized in Congress. Because of the lower threshold for winning a seat, Arao argued the party-list system is the cheaper way to get a seat in the House of Representatives without relying on a geographical voter base. Running for the lower house is also cheaper compared with a Senate run. An IBON estimate showed that a candidate vying for a seat in the lower house is assumed to spend around P15 million. In total, the entire House could spend up to P14.2 billion in a single election cycle. “It’s still a big amount of money, but for the rich, it’s just a drop in the bucket. That’s why they can afford not just one but several seats in Congress. It’s still hard for the poor to get a seat in Congress if you

However, even Arao noted that it is unlikely that the Congress will act upon measures that would reform itself. “You cannot expect the majority of the members of the House to shoot themselves on the foot. It is dominated by the rich and powerful so they would want the party-list system to still be controlled by the rich and powerful,” Arao pointed out. Urging the COMELEC to Act While calling on Congress to reform the law is a probable solution, election watchdogs believe that urging the COMELEC to implement a better screening process for partylists can likewise prevent abuses. For one, Arao said, the COMELEC can check the Income Tax Returns (ITR) of a party-list’s nominees. “If you want to represent the workers, you cannot have an ITR that’s equivalent to a millionaire. So, if you have an ITR that points to a low salary then most likely you can be a partylist nominee. This kind of screening process would be necessary so that the rich and powerful would be discouraged [to] maintain party-list groups,” Arao said. Currently, the Party-list Act only requires groups to submit their

constitution, by-laws, platform or programs, and list of officers as a requisite for registration. Requiring the submission of an ITR may be used by a party to prove they are from an underrepresented or marginalized sector. Otherwise, the COMELEC is justified to disallow them from running. Another resolution, Arao said, is to challenge and reverse the Atong Paglaum case. Such a course of action, however, would necessitate a petition to be submitted to the Supreme Court. But amid calls to overhaul the partylist system, Arao emphasized that the act, nonetheless, still allows some legitimate party-list groups that indeed serve the underrepresented. They are, however, the exception rather than the rule. Some of the party-list groups that were not flagged by Kontra Daya are the Makabayan Bloc, which consists of Bayan Muna, Kabataan, Gabriela, Anakpawis, and the ACT Teachers party-lists; as well as Akbayan, 1-ANG EDUKASYON, and Cancer party-lists. Although demanding actions from the COMELEC is crucial, Bantay Boto 2022 asserts that while discussion about reforms is underway, groups like them can continue their voters’ education drive to inform the electorate about the party-list system. “Pero kahit maiksi na ang oras, kaya pa rin nating mag-mobilize para magbahagi ng information kung sino ang genuine na representation ng sektor at at kung sino ang magsusulong ng policy sa legislature na sasalamin sa pangangailangan ng mamamayang Pilipino,” Ceñidoza said.

@phkule

KULÊ@100

NATION

A Supreme Court decision drastically changed the original intention of the party-list system which is to represent marginalized sectors. Now, dubious groups are using the system as an easier route for a seat in the legislature.

Photo from the College Editors Guild of the Philippines

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Christian Chua

Solving the Shelter Shortage

SUMATOTAL

Urban Poor Groups Call on 2022 Presidentiables to Push for ‘Housing-For-All’ Policy »

The housing deficit in the country would triple in the next 20 years should the government fail to gear their policy toward those who cannot afford socialized housing.

The next administration will inherit a housing shortage of 6.7 million units, which an urban poor group said can only be curbed if the presidential candidate who has a comprehensive plan to provide low-cost shelters to all poor families will win in the national elections. The immediate challenge for the incoming administration, then, is to slow the growth of housing backlogs. If the government fails to ramp up its housing production, such a deficit may further swell to 22 million houses by 2040, according to the Department of Human Settlements and Urban Development (DHSUD) in 2020. However, the Duterte administration has only set its own housing completion target to 250,000 units per year and has

Stand with the homeless!

even failed to meet its own annual housing targets, except in 2018 (see sidebar 1). But instead of allotting public funds to build low-cost houses, the government has given to the private sector the task of building socialized housing—a strategy that does not address the problem at all, according to Mimi Doringo, secretary-general of urban poor alliance Kadamay. And while the government’s housing supply remains scarce, Doringo said around 55,000 housing units built under past administrations remain unoccupied. Some of those housing units left uninhabited were in Pandi, Bulacan—until thousands of homeless families asserted their right to housing during the 2017 Occupy Bulacan movement.

Sana yung mauupo sa puwesto, yung talagang nakikinig o walang diskriminasyon sa aming mahihirap kasi napapansin ko naman na halos lahat ay magaganda yung sinasabi tungkol sa pabahay, pero ‘pag nakaupo na sila, di na nila kami pinakikinggan.

@phkule

Barely Surviving Among those who took over the empty homes in Pandi was Eliza Nazareno, 52. Before moving to Pandi, her family had to contend living in a shanty along the Bocaue River. When high tide coincides with heavy rains, waist to chestlevel floods would enter their home, forcing them to evacuate to a higher place. “Hirap kaming kumilos at matulog sa bahay namin kasi parang pagpasok mo pa lang, nandoon na yung sala, higaan, pati yung lutuan,” she said. “Tapos di naman maganda yung daloy ng hangin doon kasi maliit lang espasyo kaya kawawa [yung] apo ko.”

KULÊ@100

The DHSUD, established in 2019 as a merger of the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC) and the Housing and Land Use Regulatory Board, was supposed to fast-track the development of affordable housing units. However, Kadamay pointed out that DHSUD may have only expedited the process for land developers to increase the price of the supposedly affordable homes. From P450,000 in 2014, the government raised the maximum allowable amount of socialized

housing units to P480,000 in 2018 (see sidebar 3). It may further spike to P533,000 per unit if the DHSUD will approve the private developers’ appeal to raise the price cap due to increasing production costs. Socialized housing is now getting more expensive as the government continues to cater to the interests of private developers instead of the poor, think-tank IBON Foundation said in a 2014 report. In fact, the government even incentivizes private firms who will participate in housing programs.

SIDEBAR 1: Housing units built under the Duterte administration, 2016-2020 2016

2017

Nazareno immediately joined Kadamay’s Occupy Bulacan after hearing the plan. Had she not participated in the Occupy Bulacan movement, Nazareno said, it may have taken years, if not decades, before they could move to a decent home.

2019

SUMATOTAL

Nazareno applied for the state’s relocation program for families living in danger zones. However, she was left out of the relocation process as the National Housing Authority (NHA) used a raffle system to determine who would get the limited number of houses.

2020

Government target

100,000

SOURCE: Philippine Statistics Authority

2018

Nazareno’s is one of the 4.7 million families across the country who cannot afford socialized housing or are disqualified from the government’s housing loan programs, based on the Philippine Statistics Authority 2015 estimates (see sidebar 2). These families, who are earning below P9,452, can only set aside 7 percent of their income for home-related expenditures.

50,000

Habitat PH’s target

« 10,000 Page design and infographics by Keian Florino

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

“Dapat yung nilalabas ng gobyerno na budget para sa aming mga mahihirap, talagang napupunta para sa benepisyo namin,” Nazareno said. “Yung pakiramdam kasi namin ay binabalewala nalang kami ng gobyerno, parang nakapiring yung mata nila sa amin kapag manghihingi na kami ng tulong.” Collective Demands Providing decent shelter for all Filipinos should be the target of the next administration, Doringo said. Instead of building expensive expressways, the government must boost its housing production to ensure that everyone will be given proper and humane housing, she added. While groups like Kadamay recognize the need to pay for socialized housing, the NHA must, at least, ensure that it remains affordable for people who are only earning a meager wage. They also urge that the government prioritize the welfare of displaced families, pointing out that most housing projects are in far-flung areas, which lack access to job opportunities and utilities. “Sana yung mauupo sa puwesto, yung talagang nakikinig o walang diskriminasyon sa aming mahihirap

Stand with the homeless!

SIDEBAR 2: Households belonging to the unserved segment

Ilocos Region (4.61%) Cagayan Valley (3.24%)

CAR (1.44%) Central Luzon (6.24%)

CALABARZON (7.66%)

NCR (1.91%)

Bicol Region (7.98%)

MIMAROPA (4.33%)

Eastern Visayas (7.60%) Western Visayas (9.11%)

CARAGA (3.90%)

Central Visayas (9.76%)

Northern Mindanao (7.34%)

Zamboanga Peninsula 6.03% BARMM (4.85%)

SOCCSKSARGEN (8.82%)

kasi napapansin ko naman na halos lahat ay magaganda yung sinasabi nila tungkol sa pabahay, pero ‘pag nakaupo na sila, di na nila kami pinakikinggan,” Nazareno said.

Davao Region (5.19%)

SOURCE: PSA

SUMATOTAL

The Urban Development and Housing Act (UDHA) of 1992, for instance, encouraged private real estate developers to invest in socialized housing programs in exchange for exemptions in paying value-added and capital gains taxes for the project. The Ramos administration also ensured that the private sector would enjoy a 30-percent tax relief from their profit on the projects.

MAY 2022

platforms must still be assessed if it is truly reflecting their track record.

In 2017, IBON said the government must allocate P467 billion for housing every year to cut the gap in less than six years. Duterte, however, only allocated, on average, P9.5 billion or 0.18 percent of the national budget to the housing sector—the lowest among the post-Martial Law presidents (see sidebar 4).

Francisco “Isko Moreno’’ Domagoso, who claims that he is pro-poor, pledged that the housing budget under his term would be equivalent to 1.3 percent of the country’s total gross domestic product to reduce homelessness. But Doringo pointed out that Moreno displaced families living in Tondo, without assuring that they would be given a space in his Tondominium project.

While Doringo observed that most of the 2022 presidentiables presented programs to tackle the housing crisis, she said their

Presidential candidates Leody De Guzman, Sen. Manny Pacquiao, and Vice President Leni Robredo have also promised to boost

@phkule

the housing budget, while Sen. Panfilo Lacson and Bongbong Marcos have yet to disclose their platforms. But no matter who wins in May, Doringo said Kadamay would continue to hold the next president accountable for their campaign pledges.

“Kung sino man ang manalo, ang gusto naming ipaabot sa kanya na hindi kami titigil sa pangangalampag,” Doringo said. “Kung may dapat pasalamatan, magpapasalamat kami, ngunit hindi hindi kami magdadalawang-isip na magsalita lalo na kung naisasantabi

SIDEBAR 3: Historical Price Ceiling of Socialized Housing in Off-City Relocation Sites P600,000

P400,000

P200,000

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022

na yung mga pangako nila na isulong ang interes ng mga maralita.” Five years have passed since Nazareno first marched to Pandi and asserted her right to have a decent, safe, and affordable home. With the campaign in full swing, Nazareno said that this is her chance again to challenge the presidential aspirants to craft a platform that will truly pursue the interests of the poor. “Ang panawagan ko lang naman sa gobyerno ay sana nararamdaman talaga naming mga mahihirap yung mga ipinapanukala nila.” Nazareno said. “Sana yung susunod na presidente, siya na yung maghahatid sa amin ng mga pangangailan namin sa trabaho at yung kasiguraduhan sa aming paninirahan.”

SIDEBAR 4: Budget allocation for the housing sector during the post-EDSA administrations 40,000

30,000

20,000

10,000

Cory Aquino

Fidel Ramos

Joseph Estrada

2010 Gloria Arroyo

2020

Noynoy Aquino

Rodrigo Duterte

SOURCE: DBM

0 2000

« SUMATOTAL

SOURCE: HUDCC

1990

KULÊ@100

Page design and infographics by Keian Florino

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Keian Florino

OPINY ON

Paano Kung si Isko ang Maging Pangulo? Hindi pa man nasasaad ang boto ng lahat ng mga kandidato noong Mayo, nagsimula na ang piyesta sa kalsada: dumagundong sa mga dyip ng rutang Cubao ang sikat na “Isko Moreno vs. Alfredy,” at naglundagan sa mistulang moshpit ang madla habang nakatikwas ang daliri ala-two joints. Sa balwarte ni Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso sa Maynila, nakahanda na ang isang libreng concert bilang selebrasyon ng pagwawagi. Bukas umano ito sa lahat lalo na sa maralita, basurero at iskwater na ginamit ni Domagoso sa kanyang mga spiel noong higit anim na buwan na ang nakakalipas. Gusto ni Domagoso na tulad niya, pagsawaan na rin ng mga tao ang buhay basura kung kaya naging mandato niya nang maging pangulo ang malinis na pamumuno. Ito ang marka ng simula ni Domagoso sa bansang tigib ng kahirapan dulot ng COVID-19, malalang estado ng karapatang pantao, at kagutuman. Gaya noong alkalde pa ng Maynila, ang kanyang unang executive order bilang pangulo ay ang open governance policy. Isinapubliko niya ang pamamahala sa pamamagitan ng pagpapatuloy ng lingguhang ulat ng presidente–na sinimulan ni Duterte nang magkapandemya–upang ibalita ang usad ng kanyang mga proyekto.

Dibuho ni Kim Yutuc

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Kasama sa pagiging bukas sa madla ay ang pag-amin ng mga kamalian at kakulangan. Inilahad ni Domagoso sa kanyang ulat na hindi natupad ang deadline niyang pagbabakuna ng booster shot sa kalakhan ng mamamayan. Isinisi niya ito sa mga matitigas ang ulo na tumatanggi sa bakuna. Sunod na pinagtuunan ni Domagoso ng pansin sa kanyang unang anim na buwan ang pagpapatayo ng libreng pabahay. Halaw sa kanyang vertical housing na proyekto sa Maynila, dinala niya ang ideyang ito patungo sa mga probinsya. Isinunod niya ang mga imprastruktura ng Build, Build, Build (BBB) upang diumano’y magbenepisyo sa ekonomiya at lumikha ng mga trabaho.

Malayo sa pagiging chill at pa-two jointstwo joints na kandidato noon, ipinakita ni Domagoso na wala pa ring ligtas ang mga “dorobo” sa kanyang termino. Ipinagpapatuloy niya ang Oplan Tokhang ni Duterte, ngunit iginiit niyang nakasalig ang kanyang bersyon sa wastong proseso ng paglilitis, na marapat na may arrest warrant bago ang panghuhuli. At upang lalong ipakita ang sinseridad sa pagprotekta sa karapatang pantao, ipinangako ni Domagoso na gagamutin

Bagaman bukas sa usapang pangkapayapaan, nagmamatigas pa rin si Domagoso na huwag buwagin o bawasan ang pondo ng NTF-ELCAC. Nananatili tuloy na mapagmatyag ang mga progresibong grupo’t kongresista, lalo’t patuloy ding pinoprotektahan ni Domagoso ang numero unong kalabaan noon ng mga kritikal–si Duterte. Idinidiin ni Domagoso na hindi dapat nangingialam ang mga institusyong internasyunal sa bansa. “Hand him over? No. My job as a president … is to protect you from any abuse, harm, and your rights are given to you whether you are in the Philippines or in another country,” pag-uulit ni Domagoso sa kanyang paninindigan.

O PI NYO N

Isa rin sa mga sinusulong na solusyon ni Domagoso upang mabawasan ang utang ng bansa ang pagbebenta ng mga pampublikong lupain upang pagtayuan ng mas kumikitang mga gusali at negosyo. Tulad ng nangyari sa Divisoria na ipinagbili ni Domagoso upang humanap ng pambayad sa inutang na pera para sa vertical housing program ng lungsod. Inalmahan ito ng mga manininda sa lugar dahil sa kawalan ng konsultasyon at ang tila pagiging sekundarya ng kanilang mga hinaing.

niya ang ginawang sugat ng rebelyon sa bayan sa pamamagitan ng peace talks, at pagtugon sa kahirapan ng mamamayan. Gugunitain daw niya ang mga napulot na aral mula sa pagiging peace consultant ng National Democratic Front noong 2016.

Ganito rin ang pakikitungo ngayon ni Domagoso kay Bongbong Marcos na malimit niyang makabatuhan ng pasaring noong kandidato pa lamang. Bagaman kampo niya ang nagpasimula ng usapin sa di pa nababayarang estate tax ng pamilya, hindi naman niya hinabol ang mga ito. Aniya’y sawa na ang taumbayan sa isyu, kaya mag-move on na lang. Sa nakalipas na anim na buwan ni Domagoso, nadama ng taumbayan na halos walang naiba sa pamunuan–palibhasa’y kuhang kuha ni Domagoso ang hulma ni Duterte. Hanggang walang mas malinaw na pagpapasya si Domagoso na igiya ang kanyang mga tindig at palisiya para sa bansa, mananatili ang dumi at sakit ng bansa, at tuluyan siyang tataliwas sa bansag niya sa sarili bilang “healing president.”

DISCLAIMER: Lahat ng kaganapan sa artikulong ito ay piksyon, ngunit nakabase sa kasalukuyang tindig ng mga kandidato.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Andrea Medina

OPINY ON

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Polynne Dira

Kung Manalo si BBM sa Pagkapangulo Tapos na ang unang sandaang araw ng pamumuno ni Pangulong Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos (BBM). Tinatawag na honeymoon phase, nagbibigay ng pahiwatig ang panahong ito sa magiging tipo ng pamumuno at direksyon ng pangulo sa bansa. Sa unang 100 araw niya sa pwesto, tila ibinalik ni Marcos ang bansa sa madilim na panahon ng kanyang ama—naging proyekto ni BBM ang masigurong walang makakahadlang sa pagbabalik ng kanyang pamilya sa Malacañang. Malay si Marcos na dadaluyong ang protesta sa kanyang pagwawagi, kaya agad siyang gumawa ng paraan para mapigilan ito. Ngunit natuto mula sa napatalsik na ama, at sinundang pangulo, hindi niya tahasang ipinanukala ang batas militar. Bagkus, minabuti niyang pahabain at baguhin ang ibinabang lockdown matapos ang eleksyon noong Mayo.

Hinayaan niyang magbukas ang mga negosyo, dahil aniya, hindi maaaring tuluyang isakripisyo ang ekonomiya sa gitna ng muling tumitinding pandemya, lalo’t nasa daan patungong economic recovery ang Pilipinas. Sa halip, ipinagbawal niya ang malakihang pagtitipon. At upang masigurong masusunod ito, minobilisa niya ang mga pulis upang rumonda sa mga kalsada at sawatain lahat ng nagoorganisa ng malakihang mga kaganapan. Matapos masigurong walang magtitipon sa lansangan upang paingayin ang panawagan sa pagpapatalsik sa kanya, sinunod niya ang midya. Ngunit taliwas sa nakagawiang paninira ni Duterte sa midya, mas tahasan ang pagpapakita ni Marcos sa kawalan niya ng tiwala sa mga mamamahayag. Hindi niya hinayaang makapasok ang mga mamamahayag sa kanyang inagurasyon, gayundin sa mga press briefing. Ipinatupad

Dibuho ni Kim Yutuc

@phkule

KULÊ@100

niya na ang tanging midyang bibigyan niya ng oportunidad na makapasok sa Palasyo, at bibigyan ng panayam ay ang People’s Television Network at Philippine News Agency, mga brodkaster at pahayagang pagmamay-ari ng estado. Hindi niya sinundan ang yapak ng nakatatandang Marcos, na kinuha ang kontrol sa mga korporasyon ng midya at ibinigay ito sa kanyang mga crony. Ani BBM, malaya pa rin naman ang midya gayong maaari pa rin silang maglimbag ng anumang gusto nila. Ngunit upang maiwasan ang pagkalito at maling impormasyon tungkol sa Malacañang, mainam na manggaling sa iisang source ang mga balita.

Kaya upang malinis ang pangalan ng kanyang pamilya, tahasan niyang iniwasan ang mga batas na may kinalaman sa kalupitan ng kanyang amang si Marcos; halimbawa, ang kautusang nag-uutos sa kanilang isauli ang nakaw na yaman. Hindi binasura ni Marcos ang mga panukala, ngunit hindi rin niya ito ipinatupad. Nagpapanggap na wala ang mga batas na ito, hindi pinansin, ni hindi umiimik si Marcos ukol dito. Ito marahil ang magiging pagtrato niya sa mga ito, hanggang sa panahong malapit nang matapos ang kanyang termino—saka roon ibabasura upang masigurong walang hahabol sa kanila.

Kita ang desperasyon ni Marcos sa mabilis na pagpawi sa kilusan. Ang mga bagong armas na nakuha ni Duterte mula sa Estados Unidos ang ginamit laban sa mga rebelde. Ipinagpatuloy niya ang aerial bombing sa mga kinikilalang kuta ng NPA. Dahil dito’y muling napilitang magbakwit ang mga nakatira sa mga binombang komunidad, ngunit ang iba sa kanila’y inaresto at hinuli sa paratang na kasabwat ng NPA. Tuluyang pinagana ni Marcos ang Anti-Terror Law, at pinatunayan ang kahinaan ng naging rebisyon dito ng Korte Suprema noong nakaraang taon. Wala ring ligtas ang mga organisador at aktibista sa mga probinsya, lalo’t sunodsunod ang pangre-raid sa mga opisina at tahanan nila. Kung noong panahon ni Duterte ay naging target ng pamamaslang ang mga tinuturong adik, naging primaryang target naman ni Marcos ang mga pinaghihinalaan niyang komunista. Sa kanyang rehimen, sila ang dahilan ng kahirapan ng bansa, sila ang sakit ng lipunan. Ganito rin sinisi at itinuring ni Ferdinand Marcos ang mga kritikal noong kanyang panahon. Sa unang sandaang araw ni BBM, inuna niyang kontrolin, higit sa lahat, ang publiko. Pagkat sa pagsisiguro niyang walang susubok na paalisin siya sa pwesto, malaya na siyang gawin ang anumang gustuhin sa bansa. Sa nagbabadyang mas matinding kalupitan sa ilalim ni Marcos, nasa kamay ng masa ang potensyal na patalsikin siya— itama ang pagkakamali noong Mayo, bumuo ng mas malawak na pagkakaisa.

DISCLAIMER: Lahat ng kaganapan sa artikulong ito ay piksyon, ngunit nakabase sa kasalukuyang tindig ng mga kandidato.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Andrea Medina

O PI NYO N

Ikinagalit ito ng unyon ng mga mamamahayag, gayong sa pagtupad sa mandatong maging tagapagmatyag ang mga peryodista, may kakayahan dapat silang makausap mismo ang pangulo o kahit ang tagapagsalita nito. Ngunit matigas ang tindig ni BBM: Hindi siya kakausap ng mamamahayag na hindi niya kilala at aprubado ang “integridad.” Masyado na raw maraming paninira ang ginawa ng mga ito sa kanilang angkan, dahil nagpatuta sila sa naratibong pinapakalat ng mga dilaw at ng Kaliwa.

Tiniyak din ni Marcos na walang magoorganisa ng pagpapatalsik sa kanya— sa pamamagitan man ng Kongreso, o, higit, rebelyon mula sa mga probinsya. Naging prayoridad din ni Marcos ang tuluyang paggapi sa New People’s Army (NPA). Gaya ng pangako ni Duterte bago bumitaw sa pwesto, pupuksain din ni Marcos ang insurhensiya bago magtapos ang kanyang termino.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

EDITORYAL Kampanya ng Masa Babawiin natin ang lahat ng ninakaw ng administrasyong ito sa pagkakaroon ng bagong pamunuan. Ngunit ang pagasang mangyari ito ay nakasalalay sa taumbayan.

Muling masusubok sa susunod na buwan ang kapangyarihan ng taumbayang magluklok ng pinunong diringgin sila. Gayundin, makikita natin ang kakayahan at hangganan ng halalan na baguhin ang mga kondisyong nagsasadlak sa atin sa hirap, at tugunan ang pinakakagyat nating mga pangangailangan. Malaon nang pinatunayan ng ilang nagdaang halalan na di madaling makuha ang mga istruktural na pagbabagong tagibang sa ating interes sa pamamagitan ng pagboto isang beses kada anim na taon. Iba-ibang mukha ngunit pare-parehong retorika ng pagbabago ang dumaan, ngunit nananatili ang mga sakit ng lipunan. Lantad ito sa administrasyon ni Rodrigo Duterte sa tahasan niyang pagtalikod sa lahat ng naging plataporma niya—lumala ang sitwasyon ng mga manggagawa sa pananatili ng kontraktwalisasyon, lalong nagpaka-alipin ang kanyang rehimen sa Estados Unidos at

Tsina sa kabila ng pangako niyang ibabasura ang Visiting Forces Agreement at pagpapalayas sa Tsina sa ating mga karagatan. Sa pagtatapos ng termino ni Duterte, nakita natin paanong ang kandidatong nangakong susugpuin ang kahirapan, krimen, pag-abuso sa ilegal na droga, at iba pang sakit ng lipunan, ay mismong naging kanser sa bansa. Sa ilang beses na pagbabago ng nakaupo ngunit pananatili ng kalakhang Pilipino sa lusak, nakikita natin ang hangganan ng mga eleksyon. Tototong hindi halalan ang puno’t dulo ng pagkamit natin ng pananagutan at katarungan, ngunit sinasamantala natin ang lahat ng tsansang magbago ang pagpapatakbo sa bansa. Hindi man perpekto, kinikilala natin na may oportunidad na binubuksan ang darating na halalan upang kahit papaano’y magkaroon tayo ng ginhawa, makahinga, mag-ipon ng lakas at saka patuloy na itulak ang pagbabagong gusto natin.

Ang pagkakaroon ng pamahalaang tunay na pinanghahawakan ang interes ng pinagsisilbihan nito ay unang hakbang sa pagkamit natin ng mas maalwang kinabukasan.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Andrea Medina

21 Kaya naman mahalaga na ang piliin natin sa darating na eleksyon ay iyong babasag sa tinataguriang Duterte legacy— siyang magbabasura sa mga pahirap na palisiya at proyekto ng kasalukuyang administrasyon. Bumubuo tayo ngayon ng malawak na pagkakaisa, at masugid na sinusuportahan silang may pinakamalaking tsansang tatalo sa pambato ng rehimen na sina Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. at Sara Duterte, na hindi malayong ipagpapatuloy lang ang di-makataong pamamalakad ni Duterte.

Masugid nating kinukumbinsi ang mga kaibigang piliin ang

Ang pagkakaroon ng pamahalaang tunay na pinanghahawakan ang interes ng pinagsisilbihan nito ay unang hakbang sa pagkamit natin ng mas maalwang kinabukasan. Mahalaga ang pagkakaisa ng sambayanang ipanalo ang tumatakbong oposisyon sa naghaharing rehimen upang maibalik sa atin ang kalayaang iprotesta ang ating mga hinaing, at panagutin ang mga nagkakasalang opisyal ng gobyerno—bagay na ipinagkait sa atin ni Duterte matapos niyang i-red-tag ang lahat ng dumadaing sa kanyang pamumuno. Matapos nito, saka natin maitutulak ang bagong administrasyong magpasa ng mga batas na mas naglalagay ng primarya sa atin.

Gayong sinuportahan sila ng mamamayan, marapat lamang na magserbisyo ang mga tumatakbong kandidato para sa mas nakararami. Malay ang maraming madaling baliin ng nananalong pulitiko ang kanyang mga pangako noong kampanya kaya mananatiling nakasubaybay ang taumbayan kung tunay na maglilingkod sa kanila ang bagong uupo. At sa pagkakataong tahasan nilang talikuran ang kanilang mga pangako hinggil sa pangunahin nating mga pangangailangan at panawagan, asahan nilang dadaluyong ang laksa-laksang mamamayan para sila naman ay panagutin. Babawiin natin ang lahat ng ninakaw ng administrasyong ito sa pagkakaroon ng bagong pamunuan. Ngunit ang pag-asang mangyari ito, ang pagkakaroon ng tsansa ng nagpapakilalang oposisyong itama at ayusin ang pamamalakad sa bansa, ay nakadepende sa taumbayan.

Nagsama-sama sa kahabaan ng España ang iba’t ibang sektor at mga progresibong grupo upang gunitain ang ika-158 kaarawan ni Andres Bonifacio, Nobyembre 30, 2021.

Litrato ni Gretle Mago

E D I T O RYA L

Dahil ang kagyat na pangangailangan ng mamamayan ay kaginhawaan mula sa malubhang ekonomiya at paglabag sa karapatang pantao, umiikot din dito ang batayan ng ating pagkakaisang ihalal ang kandidatong alam nating tatanganan.

mga tumatakbong matagal nang ipinaglalaban ang karapatan natin sa nakabubuhay na sahod at ayuda, nakasama natin sa paniningil para sa karampatang hustisya sa biktima ng karahasan ng estado, at silang nakasama ang masa kaya’t tunay na kilala ang kanilang mga pangangailangan.

O PI N I O N

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Daniel Sebastianne Daiz

What if Leni Robredo Wins the 2022 Elections? As noon struck, a sigh of relief for many Filipinos. President Leni Robredo is now the 17th president of the Philippines. Her inauguration marked the end of a tumultuous election that saw her eke out a win versus the late dictator’s son, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. The new administration promised to return competence to the presidency–a departure from the past administration’s ineptitude. “There is no time to lose because every day, there is real suffering on the ground. We have to ease that suffering, finally control this pandemic, and heal our nation,” said the chief executive, nearly echoing her inaugural address six years ago.

Set to unite a greatly polarized country, Robredo is guided by words from one of former President Benigno Aquino’s speeches. “There can be no reconciliation without justice,” Robredo asserted, alluding to former President Rodrigo Duterte who was visibly absent at her oath-taking. Eschewing elaborate ceremonies, the new president took oath at Malacañang’s Rizal Hall. Robredo takes on the gargantuan task of pulling the country out from the pandemic, high inflation rate, diminished international presence, and a dire human rights situation. Robredo began her work promptly, skipping the traditional inaugural luncheon. She

Illustration by Joey Santos

@phkule

KULÊ@100

started with a slew of executive issuances directed to reverse her predecessor’s policies. Her first executive order requires all executive branch instrumentalities to publicize all documents and reports under her “full disclosure policy.” She also reconstituted the COVID-19 InterAgency Task Force (IATF), appointing former Health Secretaries Alfredo Bengzon, Manuel Dayrit and Esperanza Cabral, and Nicanor Austriaco, a molecular biologist and fellow at think-tank OCTA Research. Meanwhile, Robredo’s cabinet consists of individuals—both technocrats and career politicians—known in their field: defeated reelectionist Risa Hontiveros is secretary of social welfare and development, IATF adviser Dr. Tony Leachon is health secretary, and former socioeconomic planning secretary and UP professor Ernesto Pernia is finance secretary.

Gutierrez echoed the president’s position: “She will cooperate with and rejoin the ICC.” His response was due in part to the yet unknown parliamentary calculus in Congress. For one, the senate presidency is vacant, and Congress has yet to convene. “We give our assurance that the Robredo administration will work with the 19th Congress in passing our urgent legislative agenda,” Gutierrez retorted, reading straight from his briefing book as he recited the administration’s pet bills: a Senate resolution to ratify the ICC treaty, supplemental funding for vaccines and

For the first time in six years, the person behind the podium was neither bluffing nor dodging questions from the media. Such demeanor will no doubt be the hallmark of the new administration. Even the Office of the President has been revamped immediately. Robredo dissolved the Inter-Agency Committee on Anti-Illegal Drugs, and the task forces on federalism, media security, and the Manila Bay. Robredo, however, retained the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), with its funding “held in abeyance” during the review of the cases filed against its former officials. Robredo sees the need for counterinsurgency but this might not be the right time to prioritize the NTF-ELCAC, especially amid the pandemic, Gutierrez said. Likewise, the palace said that they will be crafting a new anti-narcotics program centered on rehabilitation.

O PI N I O N

In the briefing room, Spokesperson Barry Gutierrez held his first press conference. For the first time since March 2020, the media is now allowed to enter the palace. First question was from Rappler’s Mara Cepeda: “Will President Robredo cooperate with the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) investigation of Duterte?”

health care workers, and a bill that seeks to suspend the excise tax in oil.

As the briefing ended, Gutierrez announced Robredo’s engagements tomorrow: calls with the ambassadors of the US and European Union and other “strategic allies.” Robredo will also meet the IATF. With six years to go, Robredo remains hopeful of pulling together Filipinos who are more divided and polarized than ever. After all, she has only garnered 40 percent of the electorate. And despite the mess she inherited from Duterte, her term comes after a man who has brought governing so low that any impression of good faith may already be seen as a huge improvement. This is politically advantageous, as, for the new administration, there is no way to go but up.

DISCLAIMER: All scenarios in this article are fiction, but based on current stances of candidates.

Page design by Andrea Medina

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Jericho Igdanes

In Fairness

KULTURA

Without sharp reminders of the atrocities during Martial Law, mainstream Philippine media fails to help the country protect its democracy from the Marcoses.

It is now the peak of campaign season, and the media is hard at work following presidential candidates. Looking through articles and live tweets will give you no shortage of amusement: Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.’s apparent love for Machiavelli, Vice President Leni Robredo’s high-energy sorties, Manila Mayor Isko Moreno’s viral dancing, or Leody De Guzman’s photos with laborers. It is almost as if all of them are simple politicians gunning for the presidency.

momentous time for the country’s democracy, now that Marcos, a liar and a convicted tax evader, leads most preelection polls.

Or at least, that is what you can get from the media coverage. On top of painting a carnivalesque picture, journalists have long framed this season as if it is a horse race— closely keeping track of who is winning and losing in surveys. But this reporting strategy, which puts excessive positive attention to the frontrunners, may just not be the best approach. This election is a

Mainstream media outlets have kept up their goal to be as fair as possible during this election season, even with figures like Marcos. In the name of fairness and objectivity, the media treats him much like another contender for the top job.

No to Marcos-Duterte 2022

The Marcos campaign, with all its political machinery, has not been subtle in their own disinformation campaign. In an information ecosystem saturated with fake news, how could journalists go about reporting the truth when other parties intentionally skew it? Not your Average Candidate

But even as a presidential candidate, Marcos cannot keep

up with his opponents. He refuses to engage with the usual electoral events and activities, turning down debates and interviews one after the other. When asked for the reason for his no-shows, Marcos has two ready justifications: If not scheduling conflicts or prior commitments, he immediately shifts the blame to journalists and institutions, recklessly accusing them of being biased. At this point in his campaign, everything Marcos does is an extension—if not the fruits of his family’s labor—of building an organized disinformation network. Each time Marcos discredits Robredo’s 2016 vice presidential win or refuses to acknowledge his family’s crimes, there is an opportunity for the media to counter him. Devoid of proper context, reports about Marcos function as an amplifier for his tactics, rather than a channel for accountability.

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@phkule

This comes as a result of Marcos exploiting the media’s goal to provide a platform for each candidate. With this, Marcos affords to repeat and make up lies about himself, his family, and his rivals–amplified by mainstream media. He is even bold enough to brand himself as a victim of fake news in front of the press. The Marcoses backed mainstream media into a corner. This could not be a better indictment for the media to challenge the very notion of objectivity—once a cornerstone of good reportage. The Price of Objectivity In 1998, journalist Martin Bell published “The Truth is our Currency,” questioning

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mainstream media’s continued pursuit of objectivity. Bell argued that instead of mere objectivism, journalism must be both balanced and principled. He argued for “journalism of attachment,” a kind of journalism that sides with no single individual, yet stands on the moral high ground. Objectivity was one of the pillars of classic journalism. But Bell was hardly the first journalist to criticize its unwavering pursuit in the newsroom. Renowned anchor Christiane Amanpour also questioned journalism that sought to be objective for the sake of being objective. She considered the classic definition of objectivity as neutrality, and remarked that neutrality could often favor evil deeds.

The coverage of the Marcos campaign seems to be a masterclass in proving Amanpour and Bell’s points. Because without a strong editorial thrust, mainstream media’s coverage of Marcos’s campaign only adds steam to his well-oiled electoral machinery. When the media runs stories like the Marcoses’ whitewashing of their atrocities, it contributes to the exposure of lies. Marcos’s lawyers continuously bespout justifications to defend Marcos’s tax convictions, even if public records say otherwise. Nuance should accompany any mention of these developments; merely reporting them allows Marcos an opportunity to rebrand himself as squeaky clean. Calling a proven tax evader a tax evader may not

SOCIETY

The fourth estate is not merely a messenger of news, it is also a powerful institution with the capacity to correct false information and shape public opinion.

Illustration by Christene Necesario

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

be objective in the way of classic journalism, but it is correct. And correctness has been largely missing from Marcos’s campaign. The fourth estate is not merely a messenger of news, it is also a powerful institution with the capacity to correct false information and shape public opinion. Calling out lies and becoming more critical of Marcos in reports about his campaign is a fitting use of the media’s power, one that favors the Filipino people in such a turning point for democracy.

SOCIETY

Fairness in the Campaign Coverage

Calling out lies and becoming more critical of Marcos in reports about his campaign is a fitting use of the media’s power, one that favors the Filipino people in such a turning point for democracy.

Marcos’s recent behavior shows this pattern of injustice will probably continue should he win in the elections. He merely laughs at any questions about his family’s unpaid estate taxes. His absence from debates or interviews robs the public a more open chance at dissecting his plans for the presidency or even his intentions to seek office. It is high time that the media demands more from a convict masquerading as a public servant. Accountability and fairness only come after the media fully recognizes the threat of a Marcos presidency. Outlets should not simply run all of his camp’s claims under the pretense of objectivity. Marcos is beholden to the public, and the media should be one of the first parties that remind the state of its role in holding him accountable. The media has the ability to reshape public opinion. It is in these reminders that more Filipinos will remember that there are thousands of unanswered crimes that the Marcoses have to

No to Marcos-Duterte 2022

answer for; that the lack of justice is “unfair” to the highest degree. A fair reportage is crucial to an election coverage. But fairness does not mean allowing candidates to use their airtime to bring their prejudices onto the picture. It means calling a person a thief and a liar when he was complicit to thousands of killings and billions of assets. It means calling his platform empty when it is nothing but an endless loop of calls for “unity.” But fairness has not been completely absent from the mainstream media. Outlets have previously run stories that call out the Marcoses. For instance, reports about the Bureau of Internal Revenue’s demands to settle the Marcoses’ estate taxes made it to the airwaves. The reports laid out the facts—the Marcoses had P204 billion unpaid taxes—but also contrasted them against his camp’s denials. These kinds of stories work well in showing their crimes against the public, although they do not occupy as big a space in the reportage. To force Marcos to face accountability, the media must have a sharper bite. Doubling down on their firmness against Marcos will serve as a reminder of the fourth estate’s place as the backbone of democracy. They must not just inform the public, but also hold public figures accountable whenever necessary. The Filipino people need media that provides the full picture of the Marcoses. The media must take steps to actively pursue this, rather than allow the Marcoses to dance away from facts to uphold objectivity.

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Gretle C. Mago

Para sa Maginhawang Byahe »

Sa isang peloton, grupo ng mga siklista sa kalsada, may isang trangko. Siya ang nasa unahan at nagtatakda ng bilis o bagal ng pagtakbo ng grupo. Sa byaheng ito, tayo ang magsisilbing trangko.

Sa pagtatrabaho upang maiahon ang buhay mula sa hirap, binagtas ni Mae Ann Reginaldo ang lansangan sakay ang kaniyang bisikleta. Paraan naman para maghilom sa nakaraan ang pagbibisikleta para kay Ann Angala, co-founder ng Bikers United Movement (BUM) at isang domestic violence survivor. Mula sa dating pakikipag-agawan ng upuan sa dyip at paggastos nang malaki para sa krudo ng sasakyan, tuluyan na nilang niyakap ang pagbibisikleta. Magkaiba man ng

dahilan, pareho lang ang kanilang naging tugon kung iniisip pa ba nilang bumalik sa dating paraan ng pagbiyahe: “Bakit pa kami babalik sa dati?” Di Marating nang Nakayapak Nang panandaliang huminto ang normal na buhay ng kalakhan dahil sa COVID-19, maging mga tsuper at bus driver ay tumigil muna sa pasada. At dahil sa kawalan ng maayos na palisiya para sa pampublikong transportasyon, nauwi sa paglalakad ang maraming esensyal na manggagawa at frontliner. Ang hindi kayang marating sa paglalakad ay kanilang nararating sa pagpepedal. Liban sa tanging paraan upang makapasok sa trabaho, naging esensyal ang pagbibisikleta nitong pandemya sa paghahatid ng esensyal na pangangailangan tulad ng pagkain at gamot.

Bago pa man ang pandemya, esensyal na ang pagbibisikleta para kay Mae Ann. Takot sa masisikip na lugar si Mae Ann kaya tanging pagbibisikleta ang inaasahan niya bilang moda ng transportasyon. Iwasan man niya ang takot sa punuang bus at masikip na jeep, hindi pa rin nawawala ang kanyang pangamba tuwing bumibyahe. Noong 2021, naitala ng Metro Manila Development Authority ang 2,397 aksidenteng sangkot ang mga siklista, kung saan 33 sa bilang ay nauwi sa pagkasawi, habang 726 ay sanhi ng side swipe; dahil minsa’y putol at may nakaharang sa mga bike lane, napipilitan ang ibang siklistang lumipat ng linya. Mas nakadisenyo ang kasalukuyang sistema ng transportasyon ng bansa sa pagbibigay-daan at espasyo para sa mga pribadong sasakyan

Disenyo ng pahina ni Kim Axalan

KULTURA

Natural ang pangangamba sa oras na sumubok tayong pumadyak sa lansangan. Bukod sa kakulangan ng mga bike lane at bike ramp, mapanganib din ang kalsada sa siyudad dahil sa mga baku-bakong daan, malalaking manhole at mga posteng nakatirik sa gitna ng mga bangketa. Ngunit minsan mas matimbang kung bakit pinipili nating pumadyak pasulong kahit mahirap.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

kaysa bisikleta o pampublikong sasakyan. Upang maibsan umano ang trapiko sa bansa, pinalalawak ang mga kalsada ngunit lalo lang itong nagpaparami ng pribadong kotse sa daan, at lalong nagpapabigat ng trapiko.

SOCIETY

Kumpara sa isang jeep na maaaring maglaman ng 20 katao o bus na may 50 upuan, kaunti lang ang kasyang pasahero sa isang sasakyan. Kaya kung mga pribadong sasakyan ang hinihikayat ng mga proyektong ito, malinaw na hindi prayoridad silang may alternatibong moda ng paglalakbay at mga commuter sa daan. “We have to create traffic situations na respetado ang pedestrians. Kung kailangan pang paakyatin at alisan ng pedestrians ang commuter, whereas cars are free flowing, you don’t make it safe for them,” ani Ann tungkol sa carcentric na siyudad sa bansa. Mararating ng Pagpadyak Sa ibang bansa, isa ang bisikleta sa mga primaryang moda ng transportasyon. Kabilang ito sa isinusulong ng Sustainable Urban Mobility Planning (SUMP): pagpaplano ng transportasyon sa isang siyudad na prayoridad ang maayos na mobilidad para sa mga commuter. Nananatili pa ring teorya ang SUMP sa bansa, ngunit hindi imposibleng makamit ito. Umarangkada noong dekada ‘70 ang pagdami ng kotse sa Netherlands. Naging mapanganib ang mga kalsada sa siyudad at nagresulta ito sa pagdami ng aksidente sangkot ang mga siklista, kung saan 400 sa nasawi ay mga kabataan. Nagkaroon ng pagkilos sa Netherlands at tinawag itong Stop de Kindermoord ng mga nagprotesta.

Hindi lamang sa mga lansangan naging matagumpay ang pagkilos na ito. Naitatag ang unyon na Real Dutch Cyclists, at ipinaglaban nito ang ligtas na kalsada at gusali para sa pagbibisikleta. Sa paglaon ng panahon, tuluyan nang niyakap ng gobyernong Dutch ang sustenableng alternatibong moda ng transportasyon. Ngayon, kilala ang Amsterdam, kabisera ng Netherlands, bilang cycling nation sa buong mundo. Mahalagang maiangkop sa konteksto ng sariling panahon at lugar ang SUMP para ito’y magtagumpay. Ito ang babala ni Luca Bertolini, isang mananaliksik ng urban transport sa Amsterdam, sa kanyang pag-aaral sa SUMP. Habang nagkakaroon

Para sa inklusibo at sustenableng transportasyon sa mga Pilipino.

ng pangmatagalang plano para sa sustenableng moda ng transportasyon, nagkakaroon din dapat ng unti-unting pagangkop upang mapadali ang transpormasyon. Isang hakbang ang pag-angkop sa mga gusali at kalsada para sa mga siklista—hindi pagpapatayo ng mga expressway, tulad ng proyektong PAREX, na magpapadami lamang ng pribadong sasakyan sa kalsada. Dapat ding nasisiguro ang maayos na pagpapatupad ng mga ordinansa bilang proteksyon sa mga siklista’t commuter. Tungo sa Malayong Tiyak Importanteng kasangkot ang ordinaryong Pilipino sa mga proyektong pantransportasyon sa

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KULÊ@100

SOCIETY

Mas nakadisenyo ang kasalukuyang sistema ng transportasyon ng bansa sa pagbibigay-daan at espasyo para sa mga pribadong sasakyan kaysa bisikleta o pampublikong sasakyan.

bansa, ngunit maging aktibong partisipasyon ay nagiging kahirapan dahil bumubulusok na lang ang pagraratipika sa mga ito nang walang pasintabi sa atin. Marami nang sinimulang proyekto si Ann. Kasama ang mga kaibigan at volunteers, nakapagpahiram sila ng mga bisikleta sa mga manggagawa at frontliners nitong pandemya. Nakapagtayo rin sila ng pop-up bike lanes sa Commonwealth Avenue. Sa kasalukuyan, ipinagpapatuloy nila ang pagsulong para sa mas ligtas na kalsada para sa mga siklista. Gamit ang teoryang diffusion of innovations, naipaliwanag sa pag-aaral nina Eileen Nehme,

propesor sa Estados Unidos, kung paano mae-enganyo ang isang komunidad sa pagbibisikleta. Bagaman nananatiling susi ang patuloy na pagpapakalat ng impormasyon, mahalaga rin na maipamalas sa positibong paraan ang mabuting dulot nito para sa sarili at komunidad. Ni minsan, hindi nakaramdan ng pangninino si Mae Ann sa nakakasalamuhang biking community. Bilang paraan ng pakikihalubilo, minsang isang grupo silang bumiyahe. Sa komunidad kung saan siya kabilang, malaya ang kapwa siklistang tulad niya na magtanong at magbahagi ng kaalaman at karanasan sa

pagbibisikleta na matutunan ng iba.

maaaring

“Tulad ko, isang ordinaryong Pilipino, madalas simple lang yung bike nila. Iniingatan at mamahalin nila yung mga yun, hindi dahil sa status symbol. Nagkakaroon ito ng attachment sa kanila dahil sa naibibigay na ginhawa nito sakanila,” ani Mae Ann. Malayo pa tayo sa realidad ng sustenable, ligtas, at makamasang transportasyon. Ngunit unti-unti nang nagkakaroon ng aktibong partisipasyon ang mga siklista sa pagsulong nito. Hamon na lamang ngayon ang patuloy nating pagpadyak sa ngalan ng maginhawang byahe.

Dibuho ni Kaxandra Salonga

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

Yuji Santos

Supply Chain Crisis Endgame FEATURES

The pandemic has become one of the biggest threats to the national economy. The growing overreliance on other countries for manufacturing, however, fueled the economy’s continuous downward spiral.

Accompanied by the USChina trade war, where tariffs flung between the two countries, each protecting its own economy, upheavals in the global supply chain persist and reverberate.

Illustration by Joey Santos

@phkule

Empty shelves and half-filled carts in groceries conjure memories of the earlier, panicked days of the pandemic. But these shortages reflect a larger problem: The containers transporting goods have been getting stuck in ports around the world, generating backlogs in a system touted to be fine-tuned to maximize efficiency.

Control of the Center While global trade has been historically structured to benefit rich countries, globalization today occurs on a scale unlike ever before. Innovations like the shipping container and computerized systems helped streamline trade, together with the reduction of tariffs and trade barriers. But the shock of the supply chain crisis, exacerbated by the US-China trade war, challenges the system. At the outset of the pandemic, countries across the world restricted movement of individuals and businesses. With most factories and establishments closed, millions of workers were laid off and people had less money to spend. However, demand for protective equipment such as surgical masks and gowns unexpectedly surged.

As the main manufacturers of these equipment even before COVID-19 hit, factories in China increased production and the number of cargo vessels delivering protective gear to satisfy the global demand. However, because borders began closing down, empty shipping containers amassed in numerous ports and were unable to return to China on time. Forced to work harder without ample pay, truck drivers and essential workers started quitting their jobs, reducing manpower to facilitate the supply chain. As people quarantined in their homes found convenience in online shopping, the lack of shipping containers in some ports and the influx of goods in others proved overwhelming to manage for a drained workforce. As orders swelled, the cost of shipping the containers soared and consumers felt the increases in the prices of products.

Worldwide overreliance on manufacturing in countries like China exposes the vulnerabilities of countries with smaller economies as the global economy worsens and economic recovery halts.

EXPLAINER

The extraordinary circumstances people found themselves in as COVID-19 stormed the world spawned demands that outpaced already-dwindling supplies. The global supply chain, supposed to ensure the efficient flow of goods and services across borders, suffered disruption, causing shortages. The pandemic shed light on the long-standing malady of this network: Overreliance on large economies renders those dependent on them vulnerable especially in times of crisis.

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Accompanied by the US-China trade war, where tariffs flung between the two countries, each protecting its own economy, upheavals in the global supply chain persist and reverberate. Worldwide overreliance on manufacturing in countries like China exposes the vulnerabilities of countries with smaller economies as the global economy worsens and economic recovery halts. Gambit of Wits The global supply chain is a game where key players deploy strategies to further advance their interests. Later on, alliances and support became a common tactic. However, skillful players introduce overreliance as a strategy to compromise other players’ resources to win the game.

Page design by Gie Rodenas

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

FEATURES

Overreliance occurs when lessdeveloped countries are pushed to center their economies on supplying raw materials for global powers to manufacture with. The more dependent a lessdeveloped country becomes on foreign capital, the more power and control stronger and richer countries accumulate. Consequently, overreliance on larger economies triggers susceptibility of the global supply chain to shortfalls. For example, as factories shut down and production outages ensued in China, dubbed “the world’s greatest factory,” global exports fell short and countries dependent on these exports suffered shortages. Since 2009, China has been the largest exporter of goods, with exports in 2019 amounting to USD2.641 trillion. Even the G7 or the countries with advanced economies such as the US and the United Kingdom, greatly depend on Chinese imports to increase their gross domestic product. The detrimental effects brought about by COVID-19 resulted in a 7.4-percent decline in the global merchandise trade in 2020. This spells even more disaster for countries like the Philippines whose economies pry open to serve as mere suppliers of raw materials. The Just-in-Time production model, which businesses have utilized since the 1970s, has allowed

MAY 2022

companies to produce the exact demanded amount of goods and services with minimum waste. This includes sourcing raw materials from locations where the costs of labor and materials are cheap. Possibilities of COVID-19 surges and factory shutdowns remain as new variants emerge. Singlesource distribution instead of domestic production produces a domino effect that afflicts the economies of import-dependent countries. There is no resiliency in overreliance as seen in the state of manufacturers, suppliers, and producers that end up with scant outputs unable to meet the demand of consumers. Checkmate It took a clogged supply chain for the world’s largest economies to be led to confront the network’s weak links. But in countries tangled in the lopsided relations comprising the chain, the problems have long been glaring yet the solutions are clear. In the Philippines, raw materials are exported to be processed abroad while imports flood markets, and the abundance of domestic resources stands in stark contrast to the absence of a robust industrial economy that could be vital for self-sufficiency. The economic models the national government pursues align with features of globalization that deplete rather than benefit the

country. In its economic and political briefing last February, think-tank IBON Foundation pointed out that while the Duterte government started in 2016 with its 10-point agenda promising development, it stuck to policies that stunted domestic growth. In fact, even before the pandemic and the disruption of the supply chain, manufacturing growth has already been contracting since 2017. The supply chain crisis brings to light the need to shorten the supply chain and get its moving parts within local borders. This entails advancing and promoting local manufacturing and incorporating technical innovation to boost production. Moreover, investing to improve and empower these capabilities would pave steps for the country to be self-sufficient and less reliant on imports, therefore generating stable jobs and economic surplus. The pandemic uncovered afflictions that have been present even before the virus struck. Economies are reeling from the impact of COVID-19 on the global supply chain crisis. The supply chain may have long been a game played well enough by bigger players, but it is lost once supplies are at a checkmate due to overreliance on one foreign power.

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KULÊ@100

UP Diliman University Student Council Chairperson Jonas Abadilla forwards the student demands and academic roadmap for safe return to classes to Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo, December 1, 2021.

FEATURES

Juan Paolo Ignacio

Sensing the F2F Policy »

Already dense with myriad rules and requisites, UP’s face-toface guidelines fail to consider the students’ capability to meet their requirements.

After learning in the virtual sphere for two years, the university finally opened its doors for the gradual return of face-to-face (F2F) classes. Last month, the UP administration released the updated guidelines to follow a safe and secure opening of classes for the first batch of students returning to campus. Lorenzo Mapalo, a fourth-year chemistry student working on his thesis, began participating in face-toface classes last March. Beforehand,

he was doubtful about returning to classes.“We were afraid, [but] at the same time, sobrang looking forward kami for face-to-face classes. As chemistry majors, kailangan talaga namin ng laboratory skills and practice,” he said. While Mapalo anticipated their return to campus, they were left uncertain and confused by the changes in the policy and the unclear timeline. “It took us months to prepare and have the assurance

Photo from the UP Diliman USC

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

LONGFORM

na matutuloy siya (F2F). During those months, pabago-bago ang timeline [and requirements] … kung ire-require ba ang PCR test o magka-quarantine na lang,” said Mapalo. The UP Diliman (UPD) F2F guidelines set out the health and logistical protocols for faculty and students who will participate in physical classes, either inside or outside the campus. But the policy has always been subject to changes since its release last November 2021. The unclear timeline and the repetitive changes in the policy ultimately did not show a solid framework for students to have a safe and secure learning environment. Already dense with rules and requisites, the policy fails to consider the students’ capability to meet the conditions for returning to campus. The vagueness of the guidelines stems from the administration’s ignorance of the students’ concerns, as they sideline us from the policy-making process. Concocting the Policy The guidelines have undergone many changes with the COVID-19 Inter-Agency Task Force and the local government, but their implementation will be deficient and imprecise if they go without consultation with the students. Mapalo blasted the university’s lack of proper dissemination of the guidelines to the participants, which, he said, has resulted in them being unsure of the requisites for F2F classes. “Dapat [we are] part of the [policy]making. Isa o dalawang beses lang

MAY 2022

kaming naimbitahan sa discussion regarding the guidelines, sapat ba yun? Sana lahat [ng participants] naiintindihan at kabahagi ng paggawa ng guidelines,” he said. An offer for the University Student Council (USC) to be part of the committee revising the guidelines was only made after Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo approved the policy last November 2021. The administration did not consult with the students in concocting the policy beforehand. In response, the USC, together with Rise for Education-UPD (R4EUPD), submitted a position paper outlining the demands of the student body. The primary call of the council is the inclusion of a student representative in policy-making. The position paper highlighted that guidelines for F2F should prioritize the overall health and education of students, and ensure that they are given economic assistance. The USC also pushed for a blended learning approach, recognizing that not all students are ready to go back to campus. USC Vice Chairperson Izabelle Dolores eventually became a member of the UPD Crisis Management Committee, which evaluates and approves the guidelines. The USC mainly comments and suggests revisions to the draft guidelines. The whole committee will then decide if the council’s proposals will be integrated, simply noted, or referred to another office, said Sunshine Reyes, USC councilor and co-convenor of R4E-UPD. The university now has 338 students participating in F2F classes. However, the USC continues to call for flexible

guidelines that are attuned to the welfare of the constituents of the university. Reyes emphasized that the “return to face-to-face classes should always be pro-student and consultative whether in terms of economic factors, health, logistics, and others.” Many Holes Lead to Woes While the administration has been open to suggestions from the USC, some concerns still remain unanswered. For one, the economic assistance to students participating in physical classes remains uncertain. Mapalo and his classmates still fear being exposed to COVID-19, only because getting sick would mean setbacks in his coursework. “Yung priority ay huwag kayo magkahawaan. Kung nagkahawaan, magsa-stop yung mga activities at sayang yung mga activities na ginagawa namin for weeks,” he said. As a precaution, the university placed health and safety protocols for the duration of F2F activities.This includes enforcing the minimum health protocols set by the Department of Health and placing students in dormitories. Unfortunately, this spells another burden for students like Mapalo who struggle to provide for themselves. “The available dorms were not on the affordable side, and that excludes drinking water … and you have to pay for your food,” he said. Mapalo pays P3,000 monthly for dorm rental which does not include drinking water and electricity bill. Should a student COVID-19 or other

contract illnesses

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The UP administration must involve the university’s constituents in making key policies and decisions, starting with the guidelines on safe return to school.

KULÊ@100

while participating in on-campus activities, their health insurance, which they should have secured before returning to the university, will be used. Currently, PhilHealth’s minimum contribution stands at P300 per month or 3 percent of the minimum income floor of P10,000. However, those who are not capable of paying can still register as long as they present a certificate of indigency. According to the USC’s survey last November 2021, 25 percent or 960 of 3,708 students said their monthly household income is insufficient to support them should F2F classes return.

Recalibrating the Policy With the administration planning the university’s academic roadmap, it must take into account the interests of the students and faculty. In doing so, they must involve the university’s constituents in making key policies and decisions, starting with the guidelines on safe return to school.

Returning students must also be assisted as they transition from remote to physical learning. “The fact na online ang setup, mahihirapan ang mga students mag-adjust. Sana magkaroon ng discussion ang students leaders sa mga constituents and alamin what are the things in place for the adjustment phase,” said Mapalo. The guidelines are also yet to provide specific provisions on psychosocial services, but the council has been clamoring for the institutionalization of UPD PsycServ and boosting other counseling services on the campus. Likewise, genuine reading breaks and fewer assignments are ideal for more time to rest and prepare for classes. A top-down approach from Quezon Hall does not ensure the welfare of the university’s constituents for face-to-face classes, as it has failed us since online classes began. Many students have been struggling in online classes for over 25 months. To step forward to a new era of education, and if the administration wants its academe to be “relevant and suitable,” the policy must be synchronous with our demands.

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EXPLAINER

While the policy stated that participation in physical classes is not required, still, students are eager to go back to campus because online classes heavily tax their health and motivation to study. UP President Danilo Concepcion shared, in a systemwide faculty summit last February, his vision of a blended mode of learning in the university, even opening discussion on going from semestral to quarterly, or implementing shorter periods of study and lesser loads.

Providing economic assistance to returning students makes sure that no one is left behind. The council, through its position paper, continues to call for the UP administration to provide financial aid, subsidies, and grants for students. The fees for the required medical requirements, like the PCR test, should also be shouldered by the university.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

ABSTRACT

Elmo Domino R. Jose

Gauging the Accessibility and Efficiency of Our Cities Using Tessellation Areas FIGURE 1: A two-dimensional histogram of the tessellation areas show that 68 percent of the areas have a coverage of 1.25 sq. km. or less.

A geospatially well-constructed community includes accessible facilities. For instance, a previous study found fast food chains to be situated closely to each other, yet at the same time, very far from each other in far-flung areas. The presence of universities and hotels increase the likelihood of finding such a facility. Other examples of these commonly accessed facilities are vaccination sites, gas stations, hospitals, and automated teller machines (ATM’s). Though the prevalence of digital banking and financial technology services, such as GCash, have made

For questions, the researcher may be reached at ejose@nip.upd.edu.ph.

money transactions convenient, some sectors remain reliant on physical banking like ATM’s and over-the-counter transactions. For instance, workers and students who receive their compensation or stipends through banks, like the Land Bank of the Philippines—the largest government-owned bank, must travel first to withdraw cash. Depending on their residence, banking customers are faced with the task of commuting to reach these ATM facilities. Hence, we must ensure that these facilities are accessible to them and perhaps even easily walkable. Given that,

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we are asked the question: How can we gauge accessibility? In our study, we aimed to gauge accessibility using two key factors: determining the coverage area and the nearest alternative of a Land Bank ATM facility. In this case, we analyzed the locations of Land Bank ATM’s in the National Capital Region. Knowing the coverage area gives us a glimpse of how many users are being serviced. Moreover, determining the nearest backup facility is crucial to determine the overall resilience of the Land Bank ATM network as these machines are prone to going offline, and servicing them takes a while to be accomplished.

Next, we determined the nearest backup of every facility to determine how walkable and robust the entire system is. We determined this using proximity analysis, which identifies the nearest alternative branch, in the event that the usual ATM site is offline for a user. Smaller tessellation area means that a Land Bank ATM is more accessible. Larger areas mean that

people must travel farther to access such facilities. Our analysis showed that 68 percent of the tessellations have a coverage area of around 1.25 sq. km. or less, which can be easily accessed by walking, and 90 percent of the Land Bank ATM’s are within a kilometer from their next nearest neighboring backup (see Figure 1).

facilities such as vaccination sites and gas stations to evaluate the accessibility of these commonly used facilities.

The heavy concentration of branches arises in social and work congregation areas, like near universities, government offices, and business districts (see Figure 2). One such area is Quezon City where there is a prevalence of universities, like UP Diliman and Ateneo, as well as main government offices like the Land Transportation Office, the Social Security System, and the Department of Agriculture. Meanwhile, our results show that there are certain places—like north of Quezon City and southern Metro Manila—where one would have to travel farther just to reach an ATM. Coincidentally, these areas are relatively farther from business districts. The technique demonstrated in the study can be expanded to the entire country, and even be demonstrated using other

ABSTRACT

To determine the coverage area of each ATM, we demarcated the areas using a mathematical approach called Dirichlet tessellations. Essentially, Dirichlet tessellations partition an entire area into smaller regions. This partitioning is done such that every region encloses a single ATM facility. For every point in the enclosed region, its distance is closest to its own corresponding ATM facility than any other branch. Given this presupposition, the coverage areas of ATM’s are demarcated.

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FIGURE 2: Smaller tessellation areas are found around business districts, like Manila City (left box), Quezon City (top right box), and areas near Makati Central Business District and Bonifacio Global City (lower right box).

Elmo Domino R. Jose is an undergraduate Applied Physics student at UP Diliman. This study, entitled “Evaluating geospatial efficiency of facilities through Dirichlet tessellation areas and centroid proximity analysis” appeared in the Proceedings of the 2021 Samahang Pisika ng Pilipinas held last October 20-22, 2021. It was coauthored by Damian N. Dailisan and May T. Lim. The authors of this paper are affiliated with the Complex Systems Team of the Instrumentation Physics Laboratory, National Institute of Physics.

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PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

MAY 2022

EDITORYAL Pag-unlad sa Metro ng Semento Nananatiling malabo ang detalye ng Master Development Plan. Ngunit ang malinaw: Tagibang ang mga interes na maaaring makinabang sa anumang “development” na pinagmamalaki ng UP. Malaon nang pumopostura ang pamantasan bilang progresibong pampublikong institusyon. Ngunit madali itong mapasubalian sa simpleng pag-ikot lang sa kampus—nakatirik ang mga bakas ng pagsunod ng pamantasan sa hulma ng neoliberal na plataporma ng mga nagdaang gobyerno. Gaya ng pagkahumaling ng kasalukuyang rehimen sa mga engrandeng imprastruktura sa ilalim ng programa nitong “Build, Build, Build,” handa ang mga opisyal ng UP gamitin ang mga lupain nito upang kumita ng tubo at iwagayway ang imahe ng umano’y pag-unlad habang patuloy na nasasagasaan ang mga komunidad na ipinanatang pagsisilbihan ng pamantasan. Sa pagparam ng tinig ng mga estudyante sa kampus, pinuno ng ugong ng makinarya, langitngit ng mga bakal, at kabilaang pukpok ng martilyo ang bawat sulok ng kampus. Sa gitna ng pandemya, sinulit ng administrasyon ang panahong walang estudyante upang simulan at ipagpatuloy ang pagtatayo ng mga gusali— parehong sa benepisyo at perwisyo ng komunidad.

Development for All

Mas madaling nairatsada ngayong pandemya ang mga plano para sa mga imprastruktura at proyektong matagal nang ipinoprotesta ng mga mag-aaral. Nang magsara ang mga klasrum at tindahan, sinimulang gibain at i-renovate ang Main Library at mga kiosk sa tabi nito. Itinutulak ang pagtatayo ng UP Philippine General Hospital (PGH) Diliman sa Arboretum sa kabila ng pagtutol ng mga residente. Sa Pook Aguinaldo, may pagtatangkang sukatin ang lupa at paalisin ang mga naninirahang magsasaka. Hindi kailanman naging taliwas sa pag-unlad ang mga magaaral at komunidad, subalit, sa pag-asam nito, nagiging kasangkapan ang mismong pamunuan ng UP sa patuloy na paglansag sa pampublikong karakter ng pamantasan. Totoong mahalagang paunlarin ang ating mga pasilidad, ngunit anong bisa nito kung tanging dito lang nakatuon ang administrasyon at kung mga korporasyon lang din ang primaryang nakikinabang dito? Sang-ayon ang tila infrastructure boom sa ilalim ng pamunuan ni Danilo Concepcion sa deka-

Sa katunayan, mismong mga komunidad sa UP ang maaari nitong maging kasangga sa pagbibigay ng edukasyon sa mga estudyante.

dekadang pagyakap ng UP sa pribadong interes, sa tunguhing gawing nakapag-iisa ang pamantasan sa pinansya. Dahil sa halos dalawang dekadang pambabarat ng gobyerno sa UP, nabibigyang-katwiran ang pagdulog ng mga nagdaang administrasyon sa iba’t ibang iskema para kumita, tulad ng pagpaparenta ng mga lupaing pagmamay-ari ng UP, upang punan ang ating kakarampot na badyet.

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Naging kongkreto ang pagsasakomersyo ng mga lupain ng UP sa termino ni Alfredo Pascual, dating pangulo ng pamantasan, sa ilalim ng kanyang Master Development Plan (MDP). Kasabay ng pag-usbong ng MDP ang liberal na adyenda ng rehimeng Aquino sa ekonomiya ng bansa na noo’y sukdulan nang nakatuon sa globalisasyon.

Ngunit tinatabingan ng mga pangakong ito ang mga tagibang na public-private partnership (PPP)— isa ring pamana ng rehimeng Aquino—sa pagitan ng UP at ng mga kumpanyang katambal nito sa pagpapa-iral ng MDP. Halimbawa, nang markahan ni Pascual ang malaking bahagi ng sakahan sa Pook Aguinaldo at palibot ng Arboretum bilang Science and Technology Park, una niya itong inilarawan bilang sentro ng mga teknolohikal na inobasyon para sa pagpapalago ng ekonomiya. Kinatuwang ng kanyang pamunuan ang Ayala Land, Inc. (ALI) noong 2013 sa pagpapatayo ng mga gusali sa harap ng Arboretum, ngunit taliwas sa isinaad nilang layunin, naging lunsaran lang ang Ayala Technohub para sa pagkamal ng tubo ng mga negosyong BPO. Sa mismo nating bakuran, habang nakikinabang

ang kanilang industriya sa murang paggawa para sa mga dayuhang kumpanya, hinayaan lamang ng administrasyon ni Pascual na pumalo sa higit P205 milyon ang di bayad na upa ng ALI, ayon sa tala ng Commission on Audit noong 2014. Muli, sa ilalim ng isa na namang PPP, nakaambang sirain ang natitirang gubat sa Arboretum at paalisin ang mga nakatira rito upang bigyang daan ang PGH Diliman. Bagaman iginigiit ni Concepcion na hindi komersyalisasyon ang layon ng iba pang nakapilang proyekto sa kanyang termino, nangangamba pa rin ang mga magsasaka sa Pook Aguinaldo na ma-convert ang kanilang lupa upang, ani Concepcion, “palakihin ang UP para mas marami pang matulungan.” “Ito bang lupang ito ay dapat pang sakahin, tamnan ng palay, dahil ang inyong paligid ay di na kabukiran?” dagdag ni Concepcion sa isang pulong kasama ang ilang miyembro ng Nagkakaisang Magsasaka ng Krus na Ligas noong Nobyembre. “Kung maibigay sa inyo ang lupa ng pamahalaan, tingin ko’y titigil na rin kayo sa pagtatanim dahil tumataas na ang value ng lupa, at maaari itong ibenta na lang.” Sinasalamin ng ganitong mapanghamak na pagtanaw ang unti-unting pagtiwalag ng UP sa relasyon nito sa mga sektor sa loob ng kampus ngunit labas ng akademya. Madalas kailangan pang magprotesta upang makadayalogo ng mga residente ang tsanselor o pangulo. Nitong mga nakaraang taon, mas nauuna pa nilang makadaupang palad ang mga blue guard at representante ng mga kumpanya na handang baklasin ang kanilang tirahan at maglunsad ng ocular inspection kaysa mga opisyal ng UP. Labag ang

ganitong mga gawain sa UP Charter na nagtatakdang, para sa anumang development, kailangang bukas at demokratiko ang mga proseso ng konsultasyon at pagpapasya. Sa katunayan, mismong mga komunidad sa UP ang maaari nitong maging kasangga sa pagbibigay ng edukasyon sa mga estudyante. Sa halip na tapalan ng semento ang matabang lupa sa Pook Aguinaldo, bakit hindi ito gamitin sa mga field work, lalong pagyamanin ang lupa sa pamamagitan ng pagtatanim? Mainam ding laboratoryo ang Arboretum upang siyasatin ang iba’t ibang halaman at hayop sa Diliman. Higit, tiyak na hitik sa aral ang mismong pang-araw-araw na produksyon at pakikibaka ng mga residente. Subalit sa harap ng mga mapaminsalang proyekto ng UP, nagiging biktima sa halip na kapanig ang mga residente samantalang kung ano-anong insentibo at konsesyon ang iginagawad sa mga korporasyon. Sa kabila ng anumang ganansyang maaaring makuha mula sa mga PPP, sa huli’y nagsisilbi lamang silang pansamantalang rekurso at rason upang iabswelto ang estado sa kanilang responsibilidad na ipagkaloob sa’tin nang buo ang karapatan natin sa edukasyon nang hindi umaasa sa komersyal at pribadong interes. Marapat na singilin ng UP ang gobyerno sa kakulangan ng pondong inilalaan nito sa edukasyon. Gayundin, hindi dapat makulong ang Quezon Hall sa pagsaalang-alang sa pag-unlad ayon sa dami at pagkagrandyoso ng mga proyekto nito. Sapagkat walang halaga ang mga gusali kung kapalit naman nila’y pagtataboy at pagsasantabi sa mga komunidad na pinag-aalayan natin ng ating edukasyon at serbisyo.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Gie Rodenas

E D I T O RYA L

Layon ng MDP na maging basehan sa pagpapalago ng UP, iangat ang kalidad ng mga pasilidad at gusali upang tugunan ang mga pangangailangan at kahingian ng panahon. Kabilang sa mga konsiderasyon ng MDP, halimbawa, ang pagiging environmentally sustainable ng mga imprastruktura, pag-iingat sa cultural heritage at biodiversity sa mga kampus, gayundin ang pagrespeto sa posisyon ng mga residente, magaaral, at faculty.

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PHIL IPPINE C OL L E GIAN

PAGPAPASYA PARA SA PAGPAPANAGOT Hakbang ang halalan upang singilin silang nagsadlak sa bansa at mamamayan sa kahirapan. Ang pagpili sa mga taong tunay na tinatanganan ang ating interes ay nagbubukas ng oportunidad na lumaya ang taumbayan sa ilang taong karahasan, pang-aabuso, at kapabayaan ng kasalukuyang administrasyon.

Dibuho sa pabalat ni Kim Yutuc

www.phkule.org

MAY 2022