Philippine Collegian Tomo 97 Issue 11-12

PHILIPPINE

COLLEGIAN

The Official Weekly Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Diliman

Volume 97 • Issue 11-12 • 16 pages Friday, 13 December 2019

FEATURES

NEWS UP Arboretum residents fear displacement as PGH Diliman project continues 3 KULTURA Sa Mga Kuko ng Dilim Habang sinasadlak sa kahirapan ang mga bansa, nasa kamay ng mamamayan ng mundo ang liwanag hindi lamang upang tapusin ang dilim kundi maging magpanatili ng mitsa ng tagumpay na pinapatay ng pandaigdigang lagim.

12

Refuge in Resistance

Occupy Bulacan and the expanding sites of urban poor struggle Pages 8-9 www,philippinecollegian.org

@phkule

phkule@gmail.com

EDITORYAL

DIBUHO • RANIELLA GRAZELL MARTINEZ

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN The Official Weekly Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Diliman

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Beatrice P. Puente ASSOCIATE EDITOR Marvin Joseph E. Ang MANAGING EDITORS John Irving D. Gandia Kimberly Anne P. Yutuc BUSINESS MANAGER Cathryne Rona L. Enriquez

HANGAL NA PAGHALAL Pamamahalang walang pagpapahalaga.

Ito ang kasalukuyang mukha ng lupon ng mga rehente o Board of Regents (BOR) ng UP. Tila wala itong pagkilala sa demokratikong proseso ng pagpili ng dekano dahil taliwas ang kanilang pasya sa rekomendasyon ng kolehiyo.

Ayon sa UP Charter, sa ulat ng search committee ibabatay ng tsanselor at pangulo ng pamantasan ang kanilang nominadong dekano sa BOR. Kalakip ng prosesong ito ang pakikibahagi ng mga miyembro ng kolehiyo sa pagtatalaga ng dekanong magiging kaagapay nila sa susunod na mga taon.

Gayunman, taliwas dito ang nangyari sa College of Business Administration (CBA), kung saan itinalaga ng lupon ang dating commissioner ng Bureau of Internal Revenue na si Joel Tan-Torres bilang dekano sa botong 6-5.

Mariin itong tinutulan ng mga mag-aaral at guro ng kolehiyo dahil ang paghalal sa kandidatong hindi nila inirekomenda ay pagyurak sa kanilang karapatan sa malayang pagpili. Patunay ang pagpirma ng 36 sa 43 guro ng CBA sa isang

02

Ang pampublikong karakter ng pamantasan ay pilit inaalis ng mismong lupong dapat nagpoprotekta nito.

pahayag kung gaano katindi ang pagtuligsa ng kalakhan ng kolehiyo sa seleksyon. Nagdulot din ito ng pagbibitiw ng ilang mga propesor sa executive board ng CBA. Bagaman pasok si Tan-Torres sa minimum na kwalipikasyon, ang pasya ng kolehiyo ay maghalal ng indibidwal na may higit na kasanayan. Buwan ang ginugol ng komite sa pagkilatis sa bawat kandidato, ngunit nabalewala ang lahat ng ito.

Gaya ng CBA, tatlong iba pang kolehiyo ang hindi pinakinggan ng lupon. Maging ang College of Engineering, National College of Public Administration and Governance, at ang UP Pampanga ay hindi

FEATURES EDITOR Richard C. Cornelio

nakaligtas sa anomalya.

Ang pagtalima ng BOR sa pasya ng komite ay hindi pagsisilbi bilang “rubber stamp” ng ibang opisyal, pagkat ang rekomendasyon ng tsanselor ay batay sa demokratikong pasya ng mga kasapi ng kolehiyo.

Paraan ito upang panatilihin ang integridad ng pamantasang dapat handang makinig sa kanyang nasasakupan.

Kaduda-duda ang pagtalaga kay Tan-Torres dahil ang negosyante at dating senador na si Manuel Villar ang nagnomina sa kanya sa pagkadekano.

Limitado man sa nominasyon ang ginawa ni Villar na tagapangulo ng samahan ng alumni ng kolehiyo, nakababahala pa rin ang pagkakasangkot sa proseso ng isang maimpluwensyang negosyante at pulitiko.

Sa halip na tumulong sa pagpapanatili ng ganitong kalakaran, ang BOR dapat ang nangunguna sa pagsupil nito.

Ngunit ano nga bang maaasahan natin sa lupong dinodomina ng mga rehenteng itinalaga ng Malacañang?

Patunay ang kasaysayang hindi lang sa pagpili ng dekano natatapos ang pagkukulang ng BOR. Noong 2006, ipinatupad ng lupon ang 300 porsyentong tuition hike.

Paglipas ng higit isang dekada, inaprubahan naman nila ang GE reform na nagtanggal sa holistikong karakter ng edukasyon ng UP. Ang pampublikong karakter

ng pamantasan ay pilit inaalis ng mismong lupong dapat nagpoprotekta nito.

Kaya malaki ang gampanin ng mga sektoral na rehente sa BOR—silang nagsusulong sa interes ng bawat isa, handang sumama sa pagkilos sa loob at labas ng pamantasan. Ganitong klase ng pamunuan ang kailangan ng unibersidad—gagap ang mga isyung panlipunan at handang makiisa sa laban.

Kung totoo ang sinabi ni Pangulong Danilo Concepcion na dinidinig niya ang hinaing ng mga mag-aaral at guro, dapat niyang siguruhing handang managot at magpaliwanag ang BOR hinggil sa kanilang pasya.

Bagaman naitalaga na ang mga bagong dekano, hindi dapat tumigil ang lahat sa paglalantad ng kamaliang ito.

Higit sa patuloy na pag-usig sa lupon, dapat ding gumawa ng paraan ang pamantasan upang baguhin ang mga palisiyang nagpapahintulot sa umiiral na sistema.

Kinikilala man ang BOR bilang pinakamataas na lupon ng pamantasan, hindi ito nangangahulugang nasa kanila ang huling pasya— hawak ito ng mga sektor, silang malay sa pangangailangan ng pamantasan, silang tunay na mapagpasya.

Hangal ang pamunuang walang pagkilala sa nais ng kanyang nasasakupan. Hinirang ang lupon upang magsilbi, hindi magkubli at magsarili. •

PABALAT • LUCKY DELA ROSA

KULTURA EDITOR Sheila Ann T. Abarra GRAPHICS EDITOR Rosette Guia G. Abogado GUEST EDITORS Sanny Boy D. Afable Adrian Kenneth Z. Gutlay Jiru Nikko M. Rada STAFF Samantha M. Del Castillo Lucky E. Dela Rosa Polynne E. Dira Karla Faith C. Santamaria Jose Martin V. Singh AUXILIARY STAFF Amelyn J. Daga Ma. Trinidad B. Gabales Gina B. Villas CIRCULATION STAFF Gary J. Gabales Pablito Jaena Glenario Omamalin ••• UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (Solidaridad) College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) www.philippinecollegian.org ••• Sampaguita Residence Hall University of the Philippines Quirino Avenue, Diliman Quezon City

NEWS

UP Arboretum residents fear displacement as PGH Diliman project continues JOSE MARTIN SINGH Jun Basconcillo, 71, laments grave difficulties brought by threats of displacement, the worst experience in his 50-year stay in the UP Arboretum. Despite his old age, he continues to work as a block leader to help fellow residents defend their community, especially now that a huge infrastructure project is set to displace them.

Residents are forced to relocate soon as the Philippine General Hospital (PGH) Diliman’s construction at Block 2 of the Arboretum has started. In the past two months, residents have been transferring within the vicinity to make way for the PGH Diliman’s fencing and hospital entrance.

The on-site relocation happened after seven Block 2 residents voluntarily demolished their homes and signed a contract with the Office of Community Relations (OCR) guaranteeing their stay in the new location. Other residents living along the Central Avenue side of the forest who refuse to relocate within the Arboretum must eventually do so.

“Talagang harassment na itong nangyayari,” Basconcillo said, fearing the alleged displacement that might happen soon. OCR director Karen Jago-on, however, denied any demolition plans in the Arboretum.

“We were just informing them na magkakaroon ng social service facility para sa lahat …

It is expected [they will react that way] kasi di mo masasabing magugustuhan ng lahat [yung proyekto]. Magkakaroon talaga ng fear,” Jago-on said.

Fenced-in Various inconveniences, in relation to the PGH Diliman’s

construction, have stumped the residents this year. One would be a cyclone fence that cuts across the forest, separating the Arboretum into two portions.

Vice President for Public Affairs Elena Pernia confirmed that the fencing project is intended for the PGH Diliman project. “This is to put a demarcation line … identifying the area [where the] UP Diliman PGH will be put,” Pernia said, adding that the area is scantily populated.

The project effectively cut down a number of trees, breaching the 2003 UP Diliman Land Use Plan which states that the Arboretum, a priority protection zone, “shall not be subject to any invasive development or other activities that will undermine its environmental integrity.”

Residents are trapped within the fence’s radius and have to crawl under or even climb over the barrier to observe daily functions, with only four gates found on different ends of the fencing.

“Hindi kami papayag dun sa ginagawa sa amin na talagang panggigipit sa lahat ng mamamayan sa Arboretum,” said Asosasyon ng mga tagaPook Arboretum president Rolando Bantegui.

“Tapos biglang may panunuya sa amin, pinaglibingan pa ng baboy ang Arboretum,” he added.

Dumpsite Barangay security officers and city police personnel buried pig carcasses affected by African Swine Fever (ASF) near the PGH Diliman’s construction site last November 21, according to residents and community organizers. Over 70 pigs were dumped, according to authorities.

“Natakot po ako kasi sobrang baho po,” said Railyn Seno, 12, one of the kids playing around the site while the pigs were brought there by officials. “[Arboretum] ang napiling site

13 Disyembre 2019 • www.philippinecollegian.org

na binigay ng UP administration, na dun na ibaon kasi magandang tapunan, magandang baunan talaga yun dahil walang tubig sa ilalim,” said Quezon City Health Department sanitation officer Roberto Daulat.

While the ASF cannot affect humans, residents raised concerns over health and sanitation because of the routine garbage and carcass piling up at Block 2.

Disinfecting the pigs, while used as a mitigating measure by authorities, is inadequate in addressing the community’s health and sanitation woes, said Alyansa ng mga Samahan sa Diliman (ALSA-DIL) president Carmelita Collado.

There is more to the pig dumping incident than meets the eye as it might signal the community officials’ sentiment to push for the residents’ displacement, said ALSA-DIL education volunteer Wilfredo Apinado. “Pantaboy din yung pagtambak ng mga baboy sa mga nandirito, para umalis na yung mga residente,” said Apinado.

Lawful action UP Arboretum residents are preparing for a dialogue with the Quezon City government to raise their relocation needs this month. They have been looking for nearby plots where they can relocate, per the request of the local government.

The Urban Development and Housing Act of 1992 mandates authorities to provide for the Arboretum residents’ housing needs. Around 20 percent of land must be allotted for the socialized housing project of a city, according to article IV section 18 of the law.

“Pero syempre kahit papaano ayaw ng UP ibigay kasi for commercial purposes ‘yan,” Basconcillo said, citing the longterm systemwide infrastructure project known as the UP Master Development Plan. “Ngayon

LUCKY DELA ROSA

lang kami nakakarinig sa administrasyon ng UP na parang sa kanila lang ang lupa.”

Jago-on, meanwhile, said the university must prioritize the needs of its constituents before the residents’. To resolve the issue, Jago-on said the government must provide attention and state subsidy for

the housing sector to address the country’s housing backlog.

UP residents, nevertheless, will be ready to resist.

“Lumalaban daw kaming mga taga-Arboretum,” said Bantegui.

“Pero ang totoo niyan, ang nagturo saming lumaban ay ang UP din—na ipaglaban ang aming karapatan.” •

03

SUMATOTAL

LUCKY DELA ROSA

Driven round the bend

Treading the public transport crisis

Glitched system Following the stalled operations of the Light Rail Transit (LRT) 2 due to a fire incident last month, Sen. Sherwin Gatchalian suggested to privatize the train line “in order to avoid disruptions in [its] operations.” But in the case of the privately owned Metro Rail Transit (MRT) 3, frequent train glitches still occur—proving that privatization will not solve the woes of the metro’s train system, transport groups said.

Over the years, the MRT 3 management had to deal with mechanical and technical failures resulting in 379 offloading incidents in 2016 and 449 in 2017. In an effort to resolve this issue, the government entrusted Japanese consortium S u m i to m o - M i t s u b i s h i -T E S P with a 43-month contract to rehabilitate the 20-year-old trains starting May this year.

PNR Year Opened 1970 Track Length 56.14 km Daily Ridership 68,500 Operate by Gov’t (PNR) Owned by Gov’t (PNR)

Gridlocked Beyond the rail tracks, things are no better. Due to the unregulated production and purchase of private vehicles, cars make up more than half of the total vehicles navigating the metro’s circumferential and radial roads, according to the Metro Manila Development Authority’s (MMDA) 2018 tally.

Costly standstill The country’s economy weakens given such poor traffic management, costing us P3.5 billion each day, per the Japan International Cooperation Agency’s (JICA) 2017 survey.

Along EDSA alone, the MMDA projects that the

volume of vehicles traversing the 23.8-kilometer road would come close to half a million daily by the end of the year.

If this trend continues, JICA warns that the cost of traffic could balloon up to P5.4 billion by 2035.

500,000 450,000

40.67%

R3 • South Super Highway R5 • Ortigas Ave R6 • Magsaysay & Aurora Blvd R7 • Quezon & Commonwealth Ave R9 • Rizal Ave R10 • Del Pan, Marcos & McArthur Hwy

2018

53.70%

R4 • Shaw Blvd

R8 • A. Bonifacio

2017

YEAR

R1 • Roxas Blvd R2 • Taft Ave

2019*

C5 • C.P. Garcia, Katipunan, & T. Sora

2016

C4 • EDSA

2015

300,000 2014

PRIVATE VEHICLES

2013

C3 • Araneta Ave

UV, taxi, truck, trailer, motorcycles and tricycles

2012

C2 • Mendoza & Pres. Quirino Ave

350,000

OTHERS

201I

C1 • Recto

400,000

2010

NOTE • The following roads were considered in the count:

VOLUME

Filipinos shuffle along the same routes and thoroughfares in hopes of surviving long queues, train glitches, and heavy traffic that welcome them every day.

Thousands are forced to wake up as early as 3 a.m., board cramped public vehicles, and endure the poor transport system for long hours just to make it in time for work or school. What we experience now, though, is not yet the height of the crisis.

With looming jeepney modernization and privatization of train lines, the country is bound to experience worse traffic conditions. As the government conveniently builds on stopgap solutions to resolve the transport crisis, commuters will inevitably suffer.

The government has long overlooked this reality, rendering moot all its efforts to curb traffic congestion in Metro Manila’s major roads, according to independent think tank IBON Foundation. The provincial bus ban along EDSA, for instance, only proved to be an anticommuter policy and later prompted solons to call for the policy’s revocation. It has been halted since August through a regional trial court order issued July 31.

*MMDA’s projection by the end of 2019

JOSE MARTIN SINGH and DANIEL SEBASTIANNE DAIZ

5.63% BUSES & JEEPNEYS

LRT 1 Year Opened 1984 Track Length 19.65 km Daily Ridership 427,050 Operate by Private (LMRC) Owned by Private (LMRC)

LRT 2 Year Opened 2003 Track Length 16.75 km Daily Ridership 179,967 Operate by Gov’t (LRTA) Owned by Gov’t (LRTA)

Corporate capture Amid all this, the public clamor for tangible solutions to the traffic crisis has fallen on deaf ears. Instead of crafting pro-people policies and raising government subsidy to improve the public transport, what the government does is implement programs that will further burden the people.

The public utility vehicle modernization program, for one, is set to be fully implemented next year. In forcibly phasing out vehicles that fail to qualify the government’s modernization criteria, the livelihood of operators and drivers would be put on the line, said transport group Piston

president Modeflor Floranda in a previous interview with the Collegian.

Meanwhile, allowing the monopolization of transport routes will effectively set out massive privatization of the country’s transport sector, he added. Under the program, the LTFRB will now only give franchise to PUV operators under corporations or cooperatives.

“Hindi natin tinututulan ang modernization, ang kino-condemn dito ay yung implementation nito.

Sa ilalim ng modernization … mawa-wipe out ang kabuhayan ng malaking bilang ng sektor,” Floranda said. •

PROJECTED COST OF THE PROGRAM ON JEEPNEY DRIVERS P800

DAILY AMORTIZATION

7 YEARS

AMORTIZATION PERIOD

P1.6-2.2 MILLION

UNIT COST

MRT3 Year Opened 1999 Track Length 16.90 km Daily Ridership 288,597 Operate by Gov’t (DOTr) Owned by Private (MTRC), Gov’t (DOTr)

6% ANNUALLY LOAN INTEREST

P80,000

LOAN AMOUNT

INFOGRAPHIC • KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA 04

SOURCES • LRMC, LRTA, Department of Transport, PNR, MMDA, IBON Foundation’s The High Cost of Jeepney Modernization

BALITANEWS

@phkule

Union blasts admin’s lack of transparency over contractuals conversion DANIEL SEBASTIANNE DAIZ Around 200 non-UP contractuals were converted to contractual status last year, but instead of benefiting the workers, some received much lower compensation than before. The overall impact of such conversion, however, is yet to be realized, as the UP administration is yet to release a detailed report on the matter.

From a monthly salary of P18,000, some of the converted employees only received P10,000 per month upon their conversion as UP contractuals, said Carl Marc Ramota, national president of All UP Academic Employees’ Union.

“Kaso nga, we cannot say for certain kung ito ay isolated o malawakang nangyayari dahil walang ibinibigay na report ang [UP] admin tungkol sa conversion [noong 2018],” said Ramota. “Dapat maging transparent ang UP admin dahil public documents itong dapat mabusisi.”

Given this situation, various workers’ groups continuously call for higher wages and benefits for all UP workers.

The UP admin refuses to grant benefits to contractuals, since no employer-employee relationship exists between the workers and the university, according to the staff regent’s report on the November 28 Board of Regents (BOR) meeting.

Similarly, the demands of nonUP contractuals’ for year-end

benefits also fell on deaf ears, as the board has not acted on their request. “Napakalaki ng ambag ng mga kontraktwal upang makamit ang mahahalagang gawain ng unibersidad …

Papaano naman kaya makakaambag ang unibersidad sa mga kontraktwal?” said Dionesio Villanueva, president of Alliance of Contractual Employees in UP (ACE UP) in a letter to President Danilo Concepcion.

Non-UP contractuals also slammed the admin’s “no work, no pay” scheme, which contradicts a BOR resolution in September directing offices to give workers their full monthly wage. Concepcion, however, has not yet released any memorandum regarding the resolution. If such scheme continues, non-UP contractuals

might only receive 10 days’ worth of pay this month.

“Tuloy-tuloy naman yung paglaban [namin para sa] mga insentibong ito,” Ramota said.

“Pero ang pinaka-hangarin pa rin ng [mga] unyon ay ang pagregularisa sa mga contractuals na ito.”

A total of 1,472 permanent positions in the whole system remained vacant in 2018, according to the Department of Budget and Management’s (DBM) 2018 staffing summary.

Given such high number of vacant positions, various alliances believe that the university can and should regularize its employees.

Besides, having this much vacancy is problematic, for this could lead to an inefficient delivery of services,

Ramota said.

As they continue their campaign for regularization, workers’ groups also conduct skills trainings and review classes to prepare their members for the civil service examination they would need to take in order to be regularized.

But as long as contractualization continues, Ramota said the workers will continue to protest and oppose this unjust labor practice.

“Ang problema ngayon, maraming contractuals ang naka-ilang dekada na [ang serbisyo sa UP,] pero kontraktwal pa rin,” Ramota said. “Malaking kamalian iyon dahil kung core at essential ang trabaho ng bawat kawani rito sa UP, bakit hindi sila gawing regular kung may bakante naman?” •

Sapilitang pagpapaalis, tinuligsa ng mga manininda sa Divisoria KENT IVAN FLORINO Aabot sa 100 maninindang kasapi ng Divisoria Vendors’ Association (DVA) ang tumungo sa lokal na pamahalaan ng Maynila noong Nobyembre 18 upang igiit ang kanilang karapatan sa kabuhayan, matapos silang sapilitang paalisin ng mga awtoridad sa kanilang mga pwesto sa Divisoria.

Bahagi ang proyekto ng plano ni Mayor Isko Moreno na linisin ang mga lansangan ng Maynila, dahilan upang lalong mawalan ng espasyo ang mga maliliit na manininda sa lungsod.

“Harapin mo kami, sabihin mo ang gusto mo para sa Maynila pero hayaan mo kami makapagtinda. Susunod kami sa disiplinang gusto mo sa Divisoria pero huwag mo naman kaming tanggalan ng hanapbuhay dahil dyan [na lang sa pagtitinda] namin inaasa ang araw-araw,” sinabi ng DVA sa kanilang ginawang pagkilos.

Isa si Grace Alajar, 32, sa mga nagprotesta dahil sa kawalan ng plano ng lokal na pamahalaan ng Maynila na magbigay ng espasyo kung saan sila maaaring makapagtinda.

“Kahit bawal [ang pagtitinda

sa bangketa], kailangan naming sumugal. Napakahirap ng walang hanapbuhay. Dapat siya [si Moreno] ang nakakaalam niyan dahil galing din siya rito [sa hirap],” ani Alajar na halos isang dekada nang nagtitinda sa Divisoria.

Dinadayo ng marami ang lugar dahil sa murang bilihin dito.

Mula nang tanggalan siya ng pwesto sa Divisoria, bumaba sa P300 ang kinikita ni Alajar mula sa dating P1,000. Ngayon, naglalako siya ng tinapay, kape, at sigarilyo upang magkaroon ng karagdagang kita para sa kanyang pamilya.

Sa halip na magtayo ng pwesto sa bangketa, pinili na lamang niyang isabit sa kanyang leeg ang paninda upang mas madali siyang makalayo sa mga rumorondang pulis kung sakaling tangkaing hulihin siyang muli.

Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, hindi pa rin natutuloy ang paguusap ni Moreno at ng mga manininda. Nakatakda ang unang pag-uusap ng magkabilang panig noong araw ng protesta upang talakayin ang hinaing ng mga manininda ngunit hindi ito natuloy dahil hindi dumalo si Moreno sa pagpupulong.

“Adik na adik itong si Isko sa paglilinis sa Maynila— ultimo yung bituka namin nilinis. Mapapatanong ka na lang talaga: Para kanino ba talaga itong ginagawa ni Isko?” ani Alajar.

Kabilang ang mga maninindang tulad ni Alajar sa 15.6 milyong manggagawang impormal sa Pilipinas ayon sa 2017 Labor Force Survey.

Kabilang sa sektor na ito ang mga nagsasarili at hindi naitatalang produksyon, at iligal na paggawa, ayon sa Philippine Statistics Authority.

Pinupunan ng sektor ang sangkatlo o limang trilyon sa P14.38 trilyong Gross Domestic Product ng bansa noong 2016.

Higit pa sa malaking ambag ng mga manininda sa ekonomiya

ng bansa, kinakailangang igalang ng pamahalaan ang karapatan nina Alajar na malayang makapagtinda, ani Secretary-General Jerome Adonis ng Kilusang Mayo Uno. “Ang panawagan natin kay Mayor Isko ay bigyan din ng timbang ang mga manggagawa.

Pagbigyan ng hanggang pasko na makapagbenta sila tapos ituloy yung mga negosasyon matapos ang bagong taon …

Ayaw nating sa darating na pasko, may mga pamilyang walang pagsasaluhan sa hapag,” ani Adonis.

Habang patuloy na hindi dinidinig ng lokal na pamahalaan ng Maynila ang panawagan ng mga manininda, patuloy na susuporta at dadalo si Alajar sa mga pagkilos.

“Humihingi kami ng suporta [sa mga mamamayan] para maipanawagan pa lalo ‘tong kinakaharap namin.

Kasi hanggang dumarami yung mga taong ayaw sa pagpapaalis sa’min, mas lumalakas yung boses namin kay Isko para tapusin na niya ‘yang paglilinis ng mga daanang kasama kaming inaalis,” ani Alajar. •

KENT IVAN FLORINO 13 Disyembre 2019 • www.philippinecollegian.org

NEWS

Kin question BJMP’s move to transfer political prisoners to provincial jails CATHRYNE ENRIQUEZ

VIKTOR ROSAL MODERNONG BONIFACIO • Dumudulog ang lider-aktibistang si Lengua De Guzman ng Kilusang Mayo Uno sa mga Pilipinong ipagpatuloy ang nasimulang laban ng mga Katipunero sa paggunita sa ika-156 na kaarawan ni Gat Andres Bonifacio, Nobyembre 30, sa Mendiola Plaza. Hamon niya sa mga mamamayan: makiisa sa pagtatanggol ng demokrasya at karapatang-pantao sa bansa.

Mula Oktubre 31 hanggang ngayong buwan, ni-raid ng mga pulis at militar ang opisina ng mga progresibong organisasyon sa Maynila at sa Bacolod, Negros Occidental, at inaresto ang higit 50 aktibista. Parte ito ng matagal nang crackdown ng administrasyong Duterte laban sa kanyang mga kritikong inaakusahan niyang mga miyembro ng New People’s Army.

Reoryentasyon ng planong pabahay, ilalatag ng mga residente ng San Roque KENT IVAN FLORINO Upang isulong ang karapatan ng mga maralitang panlungsod sa espasyo at murang pabahay, lumikha ang mga residente ng Sitio San Roque ng Community Development Plan (CDP) na nagdedetalye ng kanilang plano para sa murang pabahay sa lugar. Isinumite nila ito sa lokal na pamahalaan ng Quezon City noong Disyembre 9.

Naglalaman ang CDP ng sosyo-ekonomikong impormasyon tungkol sa mga residente ng San Roque, pati na rin ang mungkahi nilang arkitektural na porma ng pabahay. Dapat na maipatayo ang pabahay para sa mga residenteng naapektuhan ng proyektong Vertis North na bahagi ng Quezon City Central Business District (QCCBD).

“Nakikiisa ang [mga] organisasyon sa pagpapasa ng CDP at pagpapanawagang bigyang espasyo ang mga maralitang lungsod sa kanilang sariling lugar. Pinapakita natin na marami ang nakikiisa; malakas ang pwersa ng mamamayang tumutol sa eviction ng mga residente para makapagpatayo ng corporate establishments,” ani Rafael Dimalanta, convenor ng Save San Roque Alliance.

06

Inaprubahan ni dating Pangulong Gloria MacapagalArroyo noong 2007 ang pagpapatayo ng QCCBD na may laking 250 hektarya, sa bisa ng Executive Order No. 620-A. Ang 29 na hektaryang Vertis North ng Ayala Corporation na bahagi nito ang dahilan kung bakit halos 20 hektarya na lamang ang natira sa 37 hektaryang lupain ng Sitio San Roque. Tinatayang 7,000 residente ang naninirahan dito.

Bilang pagtutol sa patuloy na sapilitang pagpapaalis, nagsagawa ang mga residente at ang Save San Roque Alliance ng mga konsultasyon at workshop mula Nobyembre 16 hanggang 17 upang buuin ang komprehensibong CDP na naglalaman ng detalye hinggil sa komunidad na nais buuin ng mismong mga residente.

Iminungkahi nilang magtayo ng 20 gusali na may tig-aapat na palapag sa natitirang espasyo ng kanilang komunidad.

Magkakaroon ang bawat unang palapag ng mga pamilihan at tricycle terminal. Maglalaan din ng yunit para sa mga matatanda at may kapansanan. Pinaplano ring magtayo rito ng mga health at barangay centers, paaralan, at recreational area, batay sa CDP. “Noong una naming dayalogo sa kanya, ang sabi ni Mayor Joy Belmonte, ayaw niya ng off-site na pabahay kaya ngayon, ang hinihingi namin ay on-site. Dito

kami tumitindig sa abot-kaya at pangmasa kaya sana kapag ipinasa tong CDP ay hindi na niya kami tanggihan pa. [Dapat] ibigay sa mamamayan ng San Roque yung lupang pwede naming pagtirahan,” ani Inday Bagasbas, lider ng Kadamay San Roque.

Ngayong nagpapatuloy ang pagtatayo ng mga gusali para sa proyektong Vertis North sa Area D1 and D2 ng San Roque, napilitan ang ilang mga residenteng mamalagi sa mga pansamantalang tirahan dahil sa kawalan ng malilipatan.

Kasabay ng paghahain ng CDP, magkakasa rin ang mga residente ng protesta kasama ang iba’t ibang sektor sa labas ng Quezon City Hall upang ipaglaban ang kanilang karapatang magkaroon ng pabahay sa loob ng San Roque.

“Mahalagang kilalanin ang likas na kakayanan ng maralita sa paglikha ng kanilang komunidad na mas kaya pang palakasin at pagtagumpayan sa pamamagitan ng sama-samang pagkilos,” pahayag ng Save San Roque Alliance sa kanilang Facebook post.

“Sa kabila ng lahat ng hamong kinakaharap ng lipunan, patuloy tayong maninindigan at magtitiwala sa di mababayarang pagkakaisa ng sambayanan para sa disente, abot-kaya, at makamasang pabahay para sa lahat.” •

National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) peace consultant Adelberto Silva, 72, has been detained in Bicutan, Taguig City Jail for more than a year now.

Along with 46 other male political prisoners, Silva tries to make do with the scarce resources they have at the fourth floor of the Metro Manila District Jail 4 in Camp Bagong Diwa.

Silva was arrested in Sta. Cruz, Laguna on October 15 last year over trumped-up charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. He was initially detained in Camp Crame in Quezon City, but he was eventually transferred to Bicutan due to logistic and health concerns.

It was the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology’s (BJMP) decision to transfer political prisoners to Bicutan over the same reasons, but the agency recently requested the transfer of some 13 detainees back to jails near the provincial courts where they were first detained. The BJMP wanted to avoid delays in court proceedings and prevent the New People’s Army (NPA) from rescuing political prisoners, as stated in the motion released to the relatives.

Political prisoners, meanwhile, question the motive behind such a transfer, as those who received the motions are not members of the armed group.

“Unfounded yung sinasabi na [political prisoners] will be rescued. Most of them are elderly and sick. Anong magiging silbi nila sa NPA?” said Atty. Kristina Conti of the National Union of People’s Lawyers and who is also a member of Silva’s legal counsel.

Contentious intention In a December 4 dialogue in the House of Representatives, BJMP deputy chief for operations and jail chief Dennis Rocamora said the transfer aims to ensure that jail officers will have easier time to bring the prisoners to the courts.

“The unsettling responses of BJMP officials on the transfer of our detained relatives increase our woes and fears for their lives and safety,” said Kapatid, an organization of political prisoners’ families and friends, in an online statement.

Political prisoners and their families see that the National Task Force to End Local Communist

Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) is only attempting to prevent the political prisoners from organizing inside prison. The NTF-ELCAC comprises state agencies tasked to end insurgency in the country.

The BJMP requested the transfer following the request letter from the Department of National Defense and Department of Interior and Local Government.

“Whatever ‘organized activities’ we could conduct cannot be anything but legitimate and justified,” said the political prisoners in a statement released

by Kapatid.

Dispersing political prisoners into provincial jails is also an uncommon practice. In the past, political prisoners have been detained in a single facility for easier state monitoring, said former Bayan Muna representative Satur Ocampo in a meeting with Kapatid.

Such a practice continued when political prisoners benefited from being clustered together as their needs are more easily addressed. “Yung provincial jails can’t handle the political prisoners, while yung [political] prisoners have health concerns that can be addressed better in Camp Bagong Diwa,” Conti added. Silva, for one, regularly seeks treatment at the Philippine Heart Center in Quezon City.

Humanitarian consideration Lawyers had to appeal for humanitarian consideration to let the political prisoners stay in Camp Bagong Diwa, as most of them are either elderly or sick, said Conti.

But more than opposing the transfer, rights groups and the prisoners’ relatives demand the latter’s immediate release, who are detained over baseless charges like Silva whose case is non-bailable.

The same charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives were used against over 60 members of progressive groups in Negros and Manila from October 31 to November 5.

Most of those who were arrested have been released, but the five arrested in Manila remain in detention.

While the political prisoners’ relatives continue to call for their release, they also encourage the people to support their calls.

“We need to cry out when people are arrested on the basis of their political beliefs. Not only the rights of the political prisoners are in peril but also ours,” said Kapatid in a statement. •

phkule@gmail.com

NEWS

PAGE DESIGN • RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

DECEMBER

JANUARY

As the year closes, rights groups and media organizations look forward to the promulgation of the court’s decision on the Ampatuan massacre case set on December 19, hoping the resolution would serve justice to all victims. •

Twin explosions killed 22 in Jolo, Sulu a week after the public supported the newly crafted Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in a January 21 plebiscite. The new autonomous region was the result of peace talks between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front that culminated in 2012 with the signing of the law’s basic framework. The law accords more power to the region consistent with the Bangsamoros’ right to self-determination. •

NOVEMBER FEBRUARY

The country hosted the 30th Southeast Asian Games, which gained controversy over cases of event mismanagement and alleged corruption. Before the month ended, four Panday Sining members, including one minor, were illegally arrested after the Bonifacio Day mobilization for allegedly violating anti-vandalism ordinances in Manila. They were released more than a week later. •

The National Bureau of Investigation arrested Rappler CEO Maria Ressa, February 13. Ressa was arrested for allegedly violating the anti-cybercrime law for an article published online in May 2012, three months prior to the law’s passage in September. Since 2018, Ressa has faced what most media organizations claim to be trumped-up charges—from tax evasion, violation of anti-dummy law, to cyberlibel. •

OCTOBER Southern Tagalog farmers camped out in front of the Department of Agriculture to call for the junking of the Rice Tariffication Law in time for peasant month.

Farmgate prices of palay plunged to as low as P7, below the breakeven price of P12, as per Bantay Bigas. The month ended with police raids in Negros and Manila, which led to the arrest of some 60 activists facing charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. •

MARCH

&

RAGE RESISTANCE The 2019 News Roundup DANIEL SEBASTIANNE DAIZ

An incident of frat-related violence in UPD was exposed on Twitter. Screenshots of an alleged online conversation of Sigma Rho fraternity members were leaked, implicating three council members.

From worsening crackdown on dissenters to a spate of state-sponsored killings, Filipinos have witnessed how the violation of people’s civil liberties gravely imperiled the nation. Within UP, threats to academic freedom and campus militarization persist, but the students’ commitment to defend the university and the nation, nevertheless, remains.

Senator Dela Rosa, along with other senators, published Committee Report No. 10 recommending military intrusion in state universities to prevent the alleged recruitment of rebel groups. •

SEPTEMBER

Hundreds of students and faculty dealt with a lack of dormitory slots this academic year as three dorms with over 1,000 slots were under renovations.

Meanwhile, UP Diliman (UPD) welcomed the Lumad for their bakwit school after the Department of Education shut down 54 Lumad schools in July. •

A total of 14 farmers were killed in Negros Oriental due to police operations, March 30. Various sectors condemned the massacre, which they believed to have resulted from militarization on the island in light of the memorandum order 32 (MO 32). As per this order, more state forces were deployed in Negros, Samar, and Bicol to quell the supposed lawless violence in said areas. •

A frontpage matrix appeared on the Manila Times, alleging an ouster plot against Duterte. The said matrix implicated various groups critical of the administration such as the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, Vera Files, Rappler, and the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers. Such a claim has never been proven. •

APRIL

Imee Marcos, daughter of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, was elected senator on May 13, as administration bets dominated the 2019 midterm polls. Former Philippine National Police Director Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa, who headed Oplan Tokhang, also landed a spot, while landgrabber and businesswoman Cynthia Villar topped the senate race. Elected opposition bets in the House of Representatives, meanwhile, vowed to assert people’s rights in the legislative arena while continuing to join the Filipino masses in protest actions. •

MAY

AUGUST Chinese vessels sank the Filipino fishing boat F/B Gem-Ver in the Reed Bank. Groups said the incident is a tell-tale sign of the government’s neglect when it comes to defending territorial integrity and national sovereignty.

JULY

A spate of killings rocked Negros anew after 15 people died in one week. A total of 87 people were killed while 80 were arrested since the implementation of MO 32, according to data collated by human rights watchdog Defend Negros. Among those killed were peasants, lawyers, government employees, elected officials, and civilians. Human rights group Karapatan denounced this, saying that this is a manifestation of an undeclared Martial Law. •

In the university, the University Council Executive Committee reversed the Student Disciplinary Committee’s decision to dismiss baseless charges of fraud, theft, and disobedience against Rebel Kulê editors, four of whom were graduating. The complaint was filed in October 2018 by admin-installed Collegian’s editor-in-chief, but JUNE no final verdict has been reached until now. •

PHOTOS • AP NEWS, LEANNE JAZUL/RAPPLER, PHILSTAR.COM, ABS-CBN NEWS, MANILA BULLETIN

07

@phkule

REFUGE IN RESISTANCE

with such membership, or else spend the rest of the night— or even the following days— sleeping in a cell.

“Wala kayong karapatan!

Inosente ako kaya lumayas na kayo!” Nanay Gemma cried out.

The crowd grew hostile and threatened to arrest her son, an activist who was away in Manila.

The couple pushed back. Nanay Gemma’s husband howled at the crowd, who were pushing open the gates to force their way into their lot.

She blacked out before the scuffle got worse.

When she came to, it was already morning, and the mob had left her family untouched.

Instead, she found out the “pro-government” group, along with local police units and the 48th Infantry Battalion (IB), had ransacked the local office of the urban poor group Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap (Kadamay) and stole the master list of its members.

Still, fear of such encounters has kept Nanay Gemma and other Kadamay members awake and vigilant for weeks. For the residents, a couple of sleepless nights is a small price to pay as they defend what little they have successfully fought for in a country where a safe and decent shelter has become a privilege.

OCCUPY BULACAN AND THE EXPANDING SITES OF URBAN POOR STRUGGLE JOHN IRVING GANDIA

Where homelessness and militarization threaten to break their ranks, Pandi residents stand united in defending the community they have founded on struggle and solidarity.

It was like any other evening in the Atlantica resettlement site in Pandi, Bulacan in September.

After a tiring day of selling homecooked meals to her neighbors, Nanay Gemma*, 57, joined her husband in bed, hoping to catch up on sleep.

But before long, she awoke to a banging on their frail, wooden gate. At such an ungodly hour, over 50 people were hollering for her to come out. “Kadamay ‘yan!

PAGE DESIGN • KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

Dalhin sa pulis!” shouted the mob wearing black, their faces covered.

She stepped outside with her husband and saw familiar faces of men and women who had stormed her neighbors’ homes before. As the leader of their street, she knew she was the night’s target.

The crowd demanded that she denounce her organization, join their ranks, and accept the so-called benefits that came

PHOTOS • LUCKY DELA ROSA

Substandard system Before moving to Pandi last January, Nanay Gemma, her husband and their five children endured living in Lolomboy, Bocaue, a town some 15 kilometers away. “Doon sa Lolomboy, kapag bumaha, halos lagpas-tao,” Nanay Gemma said, recalling month-long floods so high that sewage would often spill over from toilets.

Nanay Gemma and her family were among millions of Filipinos making do with subpar housing in danger zones. The United Nations’ figures peg the number of informal settlers—people living in squalid, crowded or unsanitary conditions—at 38.3 percent or 18.4 million of the total urban population.

Informal settlements sprawled in Manila after World War II, with migrants pursuing job opportunities in the national capital as commerce and services began to develop.

Chronic underdevelopment in the countryside, characterized by failed agriculture and lack of national industries, prevails to this day, forcing countless citizens to eke out a life in

crowded cities.

The government’s hou system has failed to add such issues and relied on private sector to suppos address the housing crisis, he treating housing as a commo rather than a human right. manifests in the costly unit subdivisions, condominiu and other real estate owned big businesses.

The best the state offer to the underprivileged a socialized housing prog that obligates tenants to a maximum of P450,000 unit. Over nine million fam who consider themselves p cannot afford this, much less t other basic needs. Governm institutions mandated develop a comprehensive integrated housing prog have instead squeezed out f from tenants forced into h payment schemes.

Meanwhile, the Natio Housing Authority (N has always been mired inefficiency, red tape, and iss of corruption.

The Commission on Au report in 2016 indicated only of the 380,000 targeted proje under the NHA mass hou program had been comple A 6.7 million housing back looms in the backgrou needing a P460 billion bud annually for up to six ye according to the Natio Economic and Developm Authority. This deficit is far f what can be provided by total budget for housing, w was cut from a P4.7 billio 2014 to just P2.8 billion in 201 Ultimately, it is substandard system that paved the way for the Pa occupants’ most signific milestone so far.

Laying the groundwork Inspired by the Occ movement in Wall Street, N York in 2012, and spurred by mass housing crisis, memb of Kadamay resolved to s abandoned, uncomple government housing u through their Occupy Paba campaign.

Despite mainstream med efforts to frame the occupat as hostile takeovers, mobilization was borne ou the desperation of Kada members who exhausted, to avail, avenues for dialogue the authorities.

Pandi occupants respon to the government’s failure

using dress the edly ence odity This ts in ums, d by

can d is gram pay per milies poor their ment to and gram fees hefty

onal NHA) d in sues

dit’s half ects using eted. klog und, dget ears, onal ment from the which n in 19. this has andi cant

cupy New y the bers seize eted units ahay

dia’s tions the ut of amay o no with

nded e of

FEATURES distributing 15,000 idle houses, some of which were built for men in uniform who refused to settle in these structurally unreliable units. The Atlantica community where Nanay Gemma’s family lives forms part of the estimated 6,000 vacant housing units successfully occupied by 8,494 Kadamay members from Metro Manila and Bulacan in March 2017.

“Dahil sa pag-okupa namin ng Pandi, napatunayan ng mga mahihirap na kapag sama-sama kami, kaya rin naming gumawa ng opensibang aksyon,” Kadamay National Chairperson Gloria Arellano said.

The organized community in Atlantica reflects efforts to transform otherwise individual survival into collective autonomy.

Though most Pandi residents still await NHA entry passes to grant them access to water and electricity lines, they worked together to convert an abandoned site into a sustainable, habitable space.

What was once covered by mud and tall grass is now dotted with sari-sari stores, paved streets, and festive homes, all lit by electricity from shared generators across blocks. The locals also pay only P5 to P6

per container of water from an artesian well they had set up themselves.

This shared sense of community has convinced Nanay Gemma to never go back to her previous house. Though her Pandi unit once stood dilapidated and coarse, three months of dealing with mounds of cement and gravel eventually resulted in a structure she could proudly call home.

“Nakita namin kung gaano kaliwanag ang buhay ngayong nabawasan ‘yung inaalala naming gastusin,” said Nanay Gemma.

Yet despite having decided to settle for good in Atlantica, she knows that anytime they may get kicked out of their homes, especially now that the state is hellbent on smearing their campaign.

Demolition job While the Kadamay members have demonstrated their ability and persistence to create a model community, the Duterte administration and its supporters continue to vilify the movement.

Even the 200-strong mob that harasses the Kadamay community includes former Kadamay members who have

been deceived and assembled into a vigilante group, which elements of the 48th IB and the Pandi police would like to fashion as mass-based. This group, Pagkakaisa Mamamayan Tungo sa Kaayusan, identifies itself as “pro-Duterte” and “antiKadamay.” They have sold the false promise of instant NHA certification to those who would quit the urban poor group, in a bid to break the latter’s ranks, since September.

Not only were they responsible for raiding Kadamay’s Atlantica-based office, confiscating their documents, and burning down the group’s flag, they have also red-tagged the Pandi occupants, at the behest of onlooking soldiers.

This has led to death threats to Kadamay leaders. “Walang katapusan ang mga atake sa amin. Mahigpit na rin sila sa pagpapasok ng mga gamit at ng mga kamag-anak namin,” said 23-year-old Obet Lanzuga, one of the youngest leaders of the Occupy Bulacan movement.

These incidents, including what happened to Nanay Gemma, have become the norm in light of the Oplan Kapanatagan, the joint counterinsurgency program by the police and military that is being waged on the pretext of maintaining peace and order.

These words have been a shorthand for subjecting progressive organizations and individuals to the same kind of state-backed violence, intimidation, and harassment against Kadamay.

Considering that this year’s budget for the housing sector is nowhere near the allocation for the military in 2020, more armed authorities could keep besieging and patrolling the outskirts of Kadamay communities like Atlantica.

“Wala namang ibang gusto ‘yung estado kundi ipilit sa mga maralita, sa amin, na tanggapin na lang ‘yung mas madilim at mahirap na kalagayan ngayon ng paninirahan at karapatangpantao sa bansa,” said Lanzuga.

also engage local officials to lobby for access to social services and hold dialogues with the pro-government group to reach out to members who were only manipulated by the military and could still turn over a new leaf.

“Pagdating sa mga progovernment [forces], oo, nakikipag-diyalogo kami sa kanila pero hindi naming hahayaang maapakan kami,” Arellano emphasized.

But the residents also know that the ultimate, if not the only, recourse is taking no less than radical steps to clamor for a decent place of their own without fear of getting kicked to the curb.

“Patuloy na lalabanan ng Kadamay ang mga instrumento ng estado, mapa-pulis, o militar pa ‘yan sa pamamagitan ng aming militansya at pagkakaisa, at ng tulong ng iba pang progresibong grupo,” Arellano said.

As the occupants rehabilitate and protect their houses, their greatest achievement still stands—creating a community that converges people to a shared struggle. “Kahit ano gawin ng gobyerno, ‘di ko iiwanan ang Pandi. Kung mag-isa ka lang kasing hihingi ng serbisyo, hindi ka naman tutugunan,” said Nanay Gemma.

For until the government finally takes action to realize housing as a people’s right, the residents of Pandi, including Nanay Gemma, will be pushed not just to defend their homes but also to fortify their ranks and continue mobilizing in the streets of Bulacan up to the gates of the NHA. Whatever attacks come their way, then serve to reinforce the legitimacy of their struggle— the urban poor’s capability for undeterred solidarity in the face of state-sponsored adversity. •

*not her real name

Brick by brick The residents may be concerned about their safety, but they know they could only confront the forces straining to sweep away the home they have made for themselves.

As they continue to hold protests condemning the presence of state forces, they

09

FEATURES

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

T he People’s Warrior* CATHRYNE ENRIQUEZ

Vicente Ladlad was on the verge of sleeping when loud knocks on the door suddenly jolted him awake. What greeted him were a dozen high powered rifles carried by police personnel dressed in all-black. They took him in a police car tailed by 75 more vehicles to the Quezon City Police District where he spent the rest of the morning.

“Wow, para palang parada,” he said, recalling his most vivid memory of the arrest. A housekeeper who supposedly witnessed Vic cleaning an M16 rifle had filed the charges that led to his arrest when, in fact, he had neither a housekeeper nor a rifle.

It is difficult to imagine Vic, a man with a frail gait, possessing a high-powered firearm. A fingerprint test of the evidence would not even yield a match to that of Vic’s because it was clearly planted, said his wife Fides Lim. Underground Every day that Vic spends in prison does not get any easier, what with his chronic breathing problem and old age. Nights are made more uncomfortable by the bedbug-infested thin cot where he sleeps.

Yet it is as if he is used to this kind of life all along. At the age of 69, it is not Vic’s first time getting detained for his political activities.

His activism traces back to his time as an Agricultural Economics student at the University of the Philippines Los Banos (UPLB). The roots of his progressive leanings stem from listening to progressives like Kabataang Makabayan founder Jose Maria Sison.

Vic then joined progressive student organizations, such as the Student Cultural Society. He was a third-year student in 1969 when he led various student demonstrations against the violation of academic freedom, the rise of unemployment, and high inflation, among other issues of the day.

By 1970, the local demonstrations culminated into the First Quarter Storm. As the chairperson, then, of the UPLB Student Council, Vic mobilized the students in the protests against lopsided economic policies between the US and the Philippines.

10

The 22-year old student eventually had to go underground when the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law. Vic had to leave behind the life he was used to, such as his academics, to organize peasant communities in the Southern Tagalog region.

It was around this time that he was first detained. Vic was charged with rebellion and imprisoned in Quezon province for three years, due to the so-called communist purge in the 1980s, till the EDSA uprising led to the release of political prisoners.

In the Open A year after, Vic met his wife, Fides, at the introduction of fellow activists while on a trip in the Netherlands. Fides, a UP Diliman alumnus, motivated him to finish his studies and helped him complete his thesis in 1992.

Vic stayed out of the limelight in the succeeding years, but this did not stop him from continuing his political career. In 1993, he became a consultant for the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), the political arm of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), a year after peace talks with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) began.

Throughout the peace process, two landmark documents were inked between the NDFP and the GRP under the leadership of former President Fidel Ramos— the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) in 1998, and the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) in 1995.

CARHRIHL upholds international human rights principles, while JASIG protects members of the NDFP panel from surveillance and arrest, among others.

Past administrations, however, had no qualms about detaining NDFP consultants and negotiators, even though the effectivity of JASIG is independent of the peace talks, said lawyer and member of Vic’s legal counsel Atty.

Kristina Conti.

It came as no surprise, then, that under incumbent President Rodrigo Duterte, the GRP once

again called off the peace negotiations and the ceasefire with the CPP. The administration went so far as to intensify the crackdown on members of the NDFP as a spate of arrests later ensued.

Emancipation The termination of the peace talks was formalized in November 2017 under Proclamation No. 360. The following year, 10 NDFP panel members were arrested, and a year later, consultant Randy Malayao was killed by an unidentified gunman.

On November 8, 2018, Vic joined the roster of NDFP consultants arrested over trumped-up charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. National Union of People’s Lawyers Secretary General Ephraim Cortez says such charges are often used to indict people whom the government considers as its enemies.

Throughout the whole ordeal, Vic remained calm—too calm for the police’s liking. “I was prepared for the worst,” he said, pertaining to his arrest.

It has been more than a year since that fateful day, yet he remains hopeful about attaining justice for him and his fellow political prisoners. “Para siyang bula [na naglaho]. Hinanap namin siya at tinanong sa lugar kung may nakakakilala sa kanya [pero wala] ... ito yung sinasabi namin sa judge kung saan napunta yung case,” said Atty. Conti, referring to Vic’s supposed househelp who filed the charges.

Like Vic, political prisoners at Camp Bagong Diwa are detained over trumped-up charges, with false witnesses testifying against them in court.

They are reminders of how the state punishes people who do a better job at addressing people’s struggles than supposedly democratically elected officials.

There remains a lot of people like Vic who persist despite such an injustice.

In a time when people who fight for the rights of others are being persecuted, it becomes the responsibility of those whom they have been fighting for to struggle alongside them.

*Apologies to Pete Lacaba

PAGE DESIGN • KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

FEATURES

@phkule

Penny Lane LOUISE FORTALEZA

Daylight streamed through the cloudless sky as Angelita, 11, walked the streets of UP Diliman at a Monday noon with her younger brother, Angelito, in tow. The two were set on earning about a hundred pesos until six in the evening as they trudged to Area 2. Amid the bustle of people buying food, Angelita approached passersby and moved from stall to stall, asking for spare change.

“Wala po kasi kaming pambaon,” she said, explaining why they did not go to school that day.

Their usual first stop on campus is the Parish of Holy Sacrifice on Apacible Street.

Going there made her feel like she could take on the day after few minutes of praying. “Kasi sa harap po ito ng Diyos,” she said.

Here, she could get as much as P200 from churchgoers. She also sells rosary bracelets given by charity volunteers every Sunday for P50 each.

Through it all, Angelita remains true to her name—a person of faith in and hope for the future. But a child who would rather ditch school to earn little

is a glaring manifestation of wallet issues that continue to drive children like her out into the streets, wishing to scrape up loose change.

Unpaved Road Angelita lives with her mother and siblings in a neighborhood in Balara where houses are jumbled together cheek by jowl so haphazardly you might as well be living in the same house.

She is second to the youngest among six children, but she acts as the breadwinner, since her older siblings are living in Cavite with relatives who adopted them.

At such an age, her struggles outside are as harsh as at home.

Her father, for one, was stabbed 12 times during a drunken fight, the details of which Angelita vividly remembers. Until now, their family has not received justice as both suspects are still nowhere to be found. Her eldest brother had been shot by an unknown gunman the year before her father’s demise, but the motive, too, is yet unknown.

Angelita related these details with downcast eyes. Angelito, still young to understand, just listened in beside his sister while

PAGE DESIGN • RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

PHOTOS • JT TRINIDAD finishing his half-eaten isaw in a kiosk they were resting in.

Their mother currently has a live-in partner, and though he hits and cheats on her, she told her children to think of him as their second father as he helps them scrape along.

“Yung papa ko sinaktan yung mama ko kasi may kabit daw po siya (stepfather). Sinampal po siya rito,” Angelita said, pointing to her cheeks. Her eyes brimmed with tears as she recounted how she and Angelo would helplessly cry as their mother got beaten when she confronted her partner.

He never laid a hand on them, but he might as well have, because the large bruise under their mother’s eye crippled their income. She had worked as a washerwoman, with earnings only enough to provide food on the table. Now, Angelita strives to buy medicine for her mother as her stepfather would not.

“Ngayon, ‘di po muna siya pumapasok,” she said.

“Magdiskarte na lang daw kaming bumili ng pagkain pero naisip din po naming bumili ng gamot kahit di niya alam.”

She also allocates a part of her small earnings to buy rice.

“Kinakaya pa rin namin. Kung kaya kaming iire ng mama ko, kaya rin namin buhayin ang sarili namin,” she said.

On weekdays when she could go to school, she would help out in doing household chores like laundry before working on her assignments.

Duty may have kept her from the carefreeness of childhood, but she still strives to allot time for her brother,

playing tag with him around the Sunken Garden or belting out pop songs while walking around the campus.

Beaten Path Panhandling is no easy way to earn money, as with any informal work, where the pay is meager and hard to obtain and usually comes at the expense of one’s health and safety. Most beggars are street children— despite the Labor Code barring minors from participating in the workforce—conscripted as they are into scavenging, selling, begging, or construction work due to insufficient family income.

In Angelita’s case, even back when her mother could work, they used to supplement her earnings by scavenging for empty bottles in Kalayaan to sell to a junkshop. They would be compensated with only two pesos per sack.

Even in the rain, Angelita would still try her luck in UP. It is just a short ride away, but because she wants to save on fare, she would hop on the back of a tricycle, never mind the belch of smoke or the risk of losing her grip and falling off.

“Pag nagkasakit po kami, sa bahay lang po kami nagpapahinga,” she said, worried about the costly hospital expenses. She does not earn much in the first place, as some people ignore her or shoo her away. Once, in Area 2, a woman yelled at her and called her a nuisance.

“Bakit ikaw ang nagtatrabaho at hindi ang magulang mo?” said the lady. Angelita did not bother to talk back and just walked over to another stall.

Some are friendly enough to give her a few centavos, but others glare at her. Street children are usually seen as troublemakers or a bit of a bother, but their reasons for working

are often muffled behind the variations on the plea “pahingi pong barya.”

Pounding the Pavement Later that afternoon, Angelita waited again for the food stalls to be filled with people. For her, UP students are generally easier to approach, though a few others ignore her and hurry off. She thought students would sympathize more and understand why she would ask for alms rather than stay in school. Still, Angelita finds hope to finish her education and help children like her.

“Gusto ko pong maging math teacher. Gusto ko pong magturo sa ibang mga bata,” Angelita said with a smile, while showing her skills in solving addition problems with large numbers within seconds.

“Minsan po, nagkukunwari akong teacher sa mga kaibigan ko,” she added, recounting the times she would explain the topic in class. Her adviser, knowing her family’s woes, excuses her from some deadlines and updates her on lessons, which Angelita appreciates.

In the long term, being an educator is her vision. For now, though, as she has few options to get by, she holds onto the motto she has known all her life: to work hard for their family like her mother.

But perseverance could only go so far. Even a shot at free education would elude many children reared in an environment that is hostile to their development and multiplies the underlying expenses that urban poor families bear.

Unless this changes, the likes of Angelita might continue to find themselves in the streets, picking up the slack where the society falls short of providing the future they need and, at last, steering them clear of the penny lane. •

11

KULTURA

Sa Mga Kuko ng Dilim POLYNNE DIRA

Dinadaluyong ng sunud-sunod na pagkilos ang buong mundo: dumarami ang welga ng mga manggagawa sa Pilipinas, matagalan ang demonstrasyon ng mga estudyante sa Hong Kong, at ngayon, libu-libong katutubo ang nagmamartsa sa Bolivia laban sa pagbabalik ng gobyernong dati’y nagpahirap sa kanila.

Bumaba ang porsyento ng mahihirap sa Bolivia nang makapagbigay ng trabaho, at naitaas ng pangulong si Evo Morales ang sahod. Ngunit hindi nawala ang mga tumutunggali, dahil matapos muling manalo sa nagdaang eleksyon, napatalsik at napalitan nila si Morales.

Takipsilim Nag-umpisa ang mga protesta sa Bolivia nang maglabas ng pahayag ang Organization of American States, isang organisasyon ng mga kanluraning bansa na pinopondohan ng US, sa umano’y manipulasyon at iregularidad sa pagbilang ng mga boto.

Tinuntungan ito ng oposisyon, na binubuo ng mayayaman at konserbatibong politiko na dating may hawak ng pwesto, at pinaratangan ng pandaraya si Morales. Dahil dito, tumalikod din ang militar sa kanya, at hiningi ang kanyang pagbitiw.

Humantong ang pagtutol sa pandarahas; sinunog ang kabahayan ng mga tagasuporta at kaalyado sa politika, minasaker, pinaputukan ng baril habang nagdaraos ng protesta. Dahil dito, napilitan ang pangulo, bise presidente, at mga kaalyadong senador na magbitiw sa pwesto upang matigil ang patayan.

Sa kanilang pagkawala, naiwan ang senador na si Jeanine Áñez, na inuluklok ang sarili bilang pansamantalang lider.

Sinuportahan ito ng gobyerno ng US bagaman lumabag ito sa konstitusyon dahil hindi nakakuha

12

ng korum ang kongreso nang mamili ng papalit kay Morales.

Pagkaupo, binigyan niya ng imunidad ang militar at pulis sa pagsupil sa nagpoprotesta.

Dahil sa mababang pagtingin sa mga katutubo at paniniwala nito, idineklara rin niya ang pagbabalik ng Kristiyanong pananampalataya sa bansa.

Dumagdag si Áñez sa humahabang listahan ng mga lider na nagsasabing iba sila sa kumbensyunal na politiko dahil itataas nila ang nasa ibaba, kahit sila mismo ang nagpapahirap sa mga ito.

“Change is coming”, pangako ni Duterte sa mahihirap—iyong parehong mga pinapatay dahil sa kanyang giyera kontra-droga. Pinalala ni Donald Trump ang pakikidigma ng US sa Libya, sa mukha ng giyera kontra-terorismo, habang pinapangalandakan ang demokrasya. Sinabi ni Jair Bolsonaro na papababain niya ang krimen sa Brazil, ngunit ang pagsunog at pagpapalayas niya sa tirahan ng mga katutubo sa Amazon ang tunay na krimen laban sa karapatang pantao. At ngayon, nangako ng kapayapaan si Áñez kasabay ng pagpapalakas ng presensya ng militar sa bansa.

Hatinggabi Taliwas ang direksyon ng politika ni Morales sa naunang mga pangulo dahil bilang isang katutubo, magsasaka ng coca— halamang ginagawang harina, tsaa at/o cocaine—at lider ng unyon nito, pinahahalagahan niya ang karapatan ng kapwa maralita.

Inalis niya ang militarisasyon sa mga sakahan, at pinalaganap ang pagrespeto sa paniniwala ng mga katutubo. Kung kaya, malaking bulto ng kanyang tagasuporta ay nanggagaling sa uring ito.

Habang sumunod ang dating mga lider sa polisiya ng US, tumindig si Morales laban sa pangingialam nito sa kanilang bansa—sinabing ito ang hadlang sa kalayaan at demokrasya.

Tinanggal niya ang mga ahensya ng US sa Bolivia, at kinuha ng gobyerno mula sa dayuhang korporasyon ang pangangasiwa sa langis at lithium. Sa gayon, ang kalakhan ng kitang nakukuha mula sa pagluwas nito ay ginugugol sa pampublikong serbisyo.

Tinaguriang diktador ng US si Morales, at ang pagpapatalsik sa kanya bilang makasaysayang pangyayari sa demokrasya. Dahil ang demokrasyang sinasambit nila ay nakasandig sa kalayaan nilang panghimasukan ang isang bansa para sa sariling interes.

Simboliko ang pag-upo ni Áñez dahil nawala ang kritiko, at muli silang makakapasok sa Bolivia.

Binigyan ng magandang imahe ng midya ng US si Áñez, ginamit ang kanyang pagkababae upang umani ng suporta, na tila ang pag-angkin sa pwesto ay nagpapakita ng kalakasan ng kababaihan. Ngunit tulad ni Hillary Clinton, instrumento sila ng nakapangyayari, marahas sa taumbayan.

Bukang-liwayway Hindi bago ang pangyayari sa Bolivia; sa tuwing susubukan ng isang maliit na bansang kumawala sa hawak ng malalaking bansa, magkakaroon ng politikal o ekonomikong krisis dito, gaya ng paglunsad ng kudeta ng militar. Nauuwi ito sa pagbabago ng rehimeng hinubog ng nakapangyayaring bansa, at nagreresulta sa malawakang pagkilos ng mamamayan laban dito.

Hihigpit ang kapit nila sa bansa gamit ang joint exercises o pagtatag ng base militar, at kokontrolin ang ekonomiya sa ilalim ng mga pautang. Saka ipapasok ang mga dayuhang kompanya upang mangamkam ng kita, habang inuubos ang yaman at inaabuso ang lakaspaggawa. At sa huli, karahasan ang nagpapanatili sa ganitong istraktura.

Dahil hindi makakapayag ang makapangyayaring makapagsarili ang ekonomiya ng bansa, titindi ang panunupil dito. Kaya mahalagang ang lakas upang tunggaliin ito ay magmula sa pinakamarami’t pinakapuspos ng pagsasamantala: mga manggagawa, magsasaka’t katutubo, dahil nasa kanila ang lakas at wastong panawagan mula sa sariling danas. Higit, ang kanilang paglaya ay tumatagos mula sa sariling kahirapan hanggang sa iba pang klase ng diskriminasyon na nararanasan ng iba.

Gayunman, ang idinaraos na pagkilos sa isang bansa ay hindi makapag-iisa. Bagaman magkaiba ng kultura at paniniwala, ang laban ng Bolivia ay hindi nalalayo sa laban ng mga Pilipino; parehong biktima ng militarisasyon at karahasan ang mga katutubo ng dalawang bansa, at pareho ang panawagan para sa kanilang

karapatan.

Ang mga ipinaglalaban ng mamamayan sa bawat bansa ay konektado, dahil lahat ay biktima ng iisang malaking sistema ng pang-aabuso.

Ang pagpapabagsak dito ay makakamit sa pagkakaisa ng lahat ng api, walang pagtatangi sa lahi. •

DIBUHO AT DISENYO NG PAHINA • KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

KULTURA

@phkule

Back to black parade SAM DEL CASTILLO

Mahabang bangs, eyeliner, at itim na t-shirt— ito ang detalyeng papasok sa isip ng karamihan kapag inaalala ang emo na musika.

Minsan man pinagtawanan ng mga hindi nakaiintindi noon, muling niyayakap ang emo ngayon sa pagbabalik ng dayuhang bandang My Chemical Romance.

Taglay pa rin ng kasalukuyan ang alaala ng emo dahil hindi lamang ito musika; tumagos ito sa pananamit at kilos ng mga nakikinig dito—nakabuo ito ng komunidad.

Sa loob ng grupong ito nailabas ng mga kabataan ang lahat ng kinikimkim na galit at lungkot sa mundo—emosyong nagbibigkis sa emo.

Thnks fr th mmrs Walang hindi mapagsidlan ang lungkot sa mundo, laging nariyan kaya lagi ring inaawit.

Batid sa mga kanta ng hardcore punk ang poot at lungkot, damdaming binusisi at mas hinayag ng emo noong 1980s.

Naging agresibo ang lungkot, mas dininig ng maraming tao.

Habang wala pa masyadong pinagkaiba ang emo sa pinanggalingang tipo ng musika, nagngangalit at malakas pa rin, makikita na ang pagbabago sa liriko: napangibabawan na ng damdamin ang kontraestablisiyimentong mensahe ng mga kantang hardcore punk.

Hindi naglaon, kinupkop at binigyan ng bagong tunog ang emo ng mga bandang alternative at indie rock taong 1990s. Dumami ang mga nakikinig dito dahil tinugunan ng emo ang pagkabalisa ng mga kabataan sa hinaharap.

Nagmula sa henerasyong ito ang American Football at Weezer na impluwensyal sa tunog at estetika ng susunod na mga emo na banda.

Sa pagsapit ng bagong milenyo, pumasok ang emo sa mainstream na kultura. Sa tulong ng MTV at MySpace, nakarating sa iba’t ibang parte ng mundo ang mga kanta ng Dashboard Confessional at Taking Back Sunday. Nang umabot ang emo sa Pilipinas, kinanta ng bandang Typecast at Chicosci ang indibidwalistikong karanasan ng kabataang binigo ng iniibig, nagrerebelde, o nalulugmok.

DIBUHO • NIKKI TENG

DISENYO NG PAHINA • KENT IVAN FLORINO

Naaabot ng emo ang rurok ng kasikatan sa gitna ng 2000s.

Ang mga kanta ng My Chemical Romance at Fall Out Boy ang madalas maririnig sa telebisyon o pinatutugtog sa MP3 ng mga kabataan.

Naglaho ang emo kasabay ng paghiwalay ng mga banda at pagsikat ng ibang genre.

Ngunit hindi tuluyang namatay ang tugtog nito, nag-iba lang ito ng anyo, dahil maririnig pa rin sa modernong genre na emorap at emo-pop ang lumbay at hinanakit ng dating emo, at ang politika ng punk.

Face down Hindi lang sa pag-ibig umiinog ang tema ng emo. Sapagkat gaya ng pinag-ugatang kultura ng punk, sinasaliwan din ito ng himig ng subersyon.

Maaalalang nabuo ang My Chemical Romance sa kasagsagan ng trahedya ng 9/11, kung kailan inatake ang twin towers ng World Trade Center at ang Pentagon sa Amerika.

Naging inspirasyon ito ng unang kanta ng banda na Skyline and Turnstiles na tungkol sa pagbangon at paglikha ng mas mabuting mundo.

Bukod pa sa pag-asa, inaawit din sa iba pang mas sikat na kanta ang kontra-giyerang sentimento. Inilalahad ng My Chemical Romance sa Gun ang buhay na pinapaslang ng Amerika sa parehong panig ng biktima at sundalo. Hindi nalalayo rito ang 21 Guns ng Green Day na kinekwestiyon ang halaga ng pagsabak sa giyera sa ngalan ng pagmamahal sa bayan.

Tinatalakay naman sa Teenagers ng My Chemical Romance kung paano hinuhubog ng mga mas nakatatanda ang kabataan ayon sa ideyal na mamamayan ng lipunan, habang pinapatay ang kanya-kanyang identidad nila.

Hindi lang sa mga salita napapahiwatig ng emo ang kakayahan nitong magbigkis ng taumbayan. Dito nahanap ng mga kabataan noon ang kalayaang ipahayag ang sarili sa mundong pakiramadam nilang hindi sila nauunawaan.

Sa paghanap ng kabibilangan, nabubuo ang subculture ayon sa sosyolohistang si David Snow. Tulad ng indie, ang emo

na subculture ay may sariling identidad, tinatanggi ang mainstream na kultura. Hindi rin ito yugto na lumilipas dahil umuunlad ito kasabay ng panahon.

Dahil ang danas ng tao sa lipunang pinaiiral ng kita ang humuhubog sa kultura, nakalapat ang emo sa lipunang pinagmulan nito.

This is gospel Mapapansin ang pagbabaliktanaw ng mga tao sa nakalipas, gayon din ang pagbabalik ng nakalipas sa kasalukuyan. Ngunit bakit hindi—lalo na’t lumalala ang araw-araw na kinahaharap, mas magandang gunitain ang mapayapang kahapon.

Ang pagiging “nostalgic” ng mamamayan ay kawalang kakayahan ng lipunan makalikha ng bago, ayon sa teoristang si Mark Fisher. Dala ito ng walang kaunlaran sa ekonomiya, kabulukang lumalagos sa kultura. Kaya sa hinaharap na walang kasiguraduhan, mas hinahanap ng tao ang pamilyar kaysa kakaiba.

Bukod pa sa pagbabalik ng My Chemical Romance at iba pang banda ngayong taon, marami na rin ang mga pinalabas na remake, live-action, o sequel ng mga dating pelikula, tulad ng Lion King at Frozen 2.

Habang totoo na mas maganda ang buhay noon para sa iilan kaya binabalikan, mas nangangahulugan ito na sukdulan na ang kondisyon sa kasalukuyan dala ng lumulubhang lipunan— siyang tulak ng pagkilos ng hikahos nang mamamayan. Kaya binabalik ang emo para muling sumalungat sa namamayaning sistema; pagkat tangan nito ang galit na nagpapasilakbo ng pagkilos, ang lungkot na nais wakasan ang hinagpis ng nakararami, Dahil laging nagbibigay ang mundo ng rason para malungkot at magalit ang tao, narito ang himig ng emo na sumasabay sa mamamayang hindi kinukuyom ang galit at isinasantabi ang lungkot. Parating babalik ang emo, hindi mananahimik hanggang nanatili ang lipunang walang pagkakapantay-pantay. •

13

KONTRA-AGOS ATHENA SOBERANO

FAMILY DRAMA Bago ako pumasok ng UP, palaging pinapaalala ni Papa sa akin na huwag akong sasama sa mga rally, at lalong huwag akong magiging aktibista.

Naiintindihan ko naman ang pinanggagalingan niya noon—lahat naman yata ng magulang na ang anak ay papasok ng UP, ito ang agam-agam.

Halos hindi niya nga ako pansinin nang mabalitaan niyang natanggap akong kolumnista sa Kulê—publikasyong kilala sa matatalas nitong suri sa mga panlipunang isyu. Dito ko natutunan ang kahalagahan ng paggamit ng panulat upang isiwalat ang mga anti-mamamayang gawi ng pamahalaan; na ang mamamahayag ay hindi lang pasibong tagapagmasid, kundi aktibong nakikilahok din sa laban ng mga pinagsasamantalahang sektor.

Kung tutuusin, pwede ko naman piliing huwag makialam sa mga usaping pampulitika.

Maalwan ang buhay namin, at madali para sa mga katulad kong magkibit-balikat sa mga nangyayari sa lipunan. Ngunit naiintindihan kong hindi ko maaaring ihiwalay ang sarili ko sa lipunang ginagalawan ko; lahat tayo, direkta man o hindi, ay biktima ng kabalastugan ng administrasyon.

Kung gayon, higit pa sa personal na kagustuhan, ang mga umiiral na kondisyon sa lipunan ang siyang pangunahing nagtutulak na kumilos at ma-organisa ang isang indibidwal, hindi dahil na-brainwash o nabayaran.

HALL OF SHAME POLYNNE DIRA

... walang ibang pinatutunayan ang gobyerno kundi ang sarili nitong kakulangan.

14

Kung minsan, nagkakasagutan kami ni Papa lalo sa mga pagkakataong pabalang kong ikinakatwiran ang aking mga pinaniniwalaan.

Saka ko mapagtatantong hindi sa paraang ito maipapaintindi sa kanya ang kung anumang nais kong sabihin; kaya natutuhan kong pagtiyagaang sagutin isa-isa ang lahat ng mga katanungan niya—sa aktibismo, lipunan, at mga isyu ng bayan.

Sa sunud-sunod na pag-aresto sa mga kritiko ng administrasyon, pagpaslang sa mga aktibista, at pangri-raid sa opisina ng mga ligal na progresibong organisasyon sa tabing ng kontra-insurhensyang programa sa ilalim ng Executive Order 70, unti-unting namulat si Papa sa kawastuhan ng paglaban. Ngayon, naiintindihan niyang sa “whole-of-nation” approach ni Duterte, walang mamamayang ligtas, kahit kami.

Hindi ko maiwasang mapangiti sa mga pagkakataong napapamura siya sa mga hirit ni Cynthia Villar, o kung ang kaharap namin sa telebisyon ay ang pangulo mismo. Ngunit malay akong higit pa sa galit, mahalagang ma-organisa’t mapakilos ko rin siya; huwag mabansot ang anumang naging pag-unlad niya.

Dahil ang tanging susi sa pagsulong natin ngayon, hanggang sa mga susunod pang taon, ay kung ang mamamayan ay nagkakaisa, salimbayan sa panawagan ng panlipunang hustisya at kalayaan. •

Hindi maikakaila ang talento ng mga Pilipino sa gabing iyon. Pinuno ang entablado ng pinakasikat na mga artista’t pinakamagagaling na mga mananayaw, suot ang dinisenyong damit ng mga katutubo, upang itanghal ang kultura at sining ng Pilipinas sa harap ng mga dayuhang bisita.

Magarbo ang panimulang programa ng Southeast Asian (SEA) Games, tila pampalubagloob sa magulong preparasyon para rito.

May tangkang ipakalimot sa mga tao ang naging masahol na akomodasyon sa mga bisitang atleta, o pagtakpan ang mga di tapos na venue ng mga laro.

Kung tutuusin, tila pahiwatig na ang mukhang gomang logo ng palaro sa kahihinatnan ng paglulunsad nito sa bansa: kulang sa pagkamalikhain, at mukhang hindi pinag-isipan. Anumang puna at alternatibo ang ibigay ng mga tao, nagbingi-bingihan pa rin dito ang mga tagapangasiwa.

Una nang tinanggihan ng gobyerno noong 2017 ang planong pagdaraos ng palaro sa bansa upang ilaan na lang sa Marawi ang pondong dapat gagamitin dito. Ngunit binaliktad

ng pangulo ang desisyon nang umapela ang noo’y presidente ng Philippine Olympic Committee, punong organisador ng mga kompetisyon sa isport sa bansa, na si Peping Cojuangco.

Habang nakaranas ng kakulangan sa pondo ang sektor ng edukasyon at kalusugan, nakakuha naman ng anim na bilyong piso ang SEA Games.

Bukod dito, nangutang din ang bansa ng karagdagang 11 bilyong piso para sa pagpapatayo ng sports complex sa New Clark City na paglalaruan ng mga atleta; dadagdag ito sa higit pitong trilyong utang na bubunuin ng mamamayan sa mahabang panahon.

Ayon sa Philippine Southeast Asian Games Organizing Committee, pribadong organisasyong nangangasiwa sa SEA Games, posibleng mapagkakitaan ang mga pasilidad pagkatapos ng palaro, at ito raw ang susi sa pagiging “premium sports destination” ng bansa.

Ngunit sapat nang ebidensya ang mga abandonadong pasilidad ng Olympics sa Rio, at pagkakalubog sa utang ng Brazil upang pasinungalingan ito.

Habang marangyang

pinagkakagastusan ang mga preparasyon para sa palaro, patuloy namang pinababayaan ng gobyerno ang sariling mga atleta ng bansa. Kulang ang ibinibigay na pinansyal na suporta, at wala ring maayos na pasilidad kung saan sila makakapag-ensayo. Dahil dito, napipilitan silang gamitin ang sariling pera, mangutang, o maghanap ng sasalo sa kanilang mga gastusin makasali lang sa mga kompetisyon.

Sa pagkakataon namang ilabas nila ang kanilang hinaing sa kakulangan ng gobyerno, di sila papansinin ng huli. At upang patahimikin ang mga kritiko, tatanggalin sila sa listahan ng opisyal na manlalaro.

Sa mga kasalukuyang nangyayari, walang ibang pinatutunayan ang gobyerno kundi ang sarili nitong kakulangan—mula sa paghahanda para sa mga dayuhang bisita hanggang sa pagsagot sa pangangailangan ng sarili nitong manlalaro.

Humaling ang pamahalaang ipakita ang pagiging “world class” ng Pilipinas. Palagi itong may pagnanais na habulin ang mas nakaaangat na mga bansa tulad ng paglulunsad, halimbawa,

ng mga internasyunal na kaganapan gaya ng SEA Games.

Ngunit sa proseso nito, malimit nilang itinatakwil at sinasaktan ang sariling mamamayan. Ganito ang nangyari nang itinirik ang 55 milyong kaldero sa winasak na tirahan at sakahan ng mga Aeta; ang tanging kabuhayan ng mga katutubo kapalit ang isang beses na pagsindi sa kaldero upang pasimulan ang palaro.

Sa gayon, walang ibang ipinapakita ang paglulunsad ng SEA Games sa bansa kundi ang pagnanais ng administrasyong ipangalandakan sa iba ang sinasabi nitong kaunlaran, gamit ang sobra-sobrang paggastos dito. Ngunit sa likod naman ng magagarang istruktura’t pagtatanghal ay mga matagalang problemang hindi nasosolusyunan, at kahirapang ikinukubli sa mata ng mundo.

Marami pang mas kailangan pagtuunan ng pansin kaysa pagaayos ng imahe ng Pilipinas, dahil karamihan pa rin ng mga Pilipino ay lubog sa kahirapan. At kung pilit itong ibinabaon, marapat lamang sa mamamayan nito na ipagpatuloy ang pagsisiwalat sa mga kasalanan at kahihiyan ng mga lider ng bansa. •

phkule@gmail.com

OPED-GRPX ROSETTE GUIA ABOGADO

SA INYO NA ANG BATAS SHEILA ABARRA

Tahimik lang ang wagas na pag-ibig ngunit ang mga nalilikha nito tulad ng sining ay umaalingawngaw, bumabakas sa bawat daanan, kumakapit sa mga pader at isipan.

Nasa amin naman ang lahat ng kalayaan—kalayaang lumikha, kalayaang lumaya.

Ganyan ko na lang tingnan ang mga bagay nang kinaladkad, sinaktan, hinuli, at ikinulong ang mga mangaggawang pangkultura ng Panday Sining matapos ang pagkilos noong araw ni Bonifacio. Gayunman sa paglipas ng magsi-siyam na araw na hindi sila mailabas, nagkaroon ng matinding dagok—hindi ko na alam kung paano sila titingnan.

Hindi ko batid ang pinakamatinding sakit na naramdaman ko sa tanang buhay hanggang sa makita ko siya sa likod ng rehas. Parang noong isang linggo lang ay nagtatalo kami kung anong ang mga epektibong porma ng sining sa ngayon; sinasagkaan ng alkalde ng Maynila ang kalayaan nilang ipahayag sa ordinaryong mamamayan ang baho ng sistematikong sakit ng bansa.

Parang nito lang kaya ko pa siyang kausapin nang malaya, hawakan.

Hindi naman mauunawaan sa kabuuan ang intimidasyon hanggang mangyari ito sa aktwal. Nagbalik sa aking

13 Disyembre 2019 • www.philippinecollegian.org

harapan ang pakiramdam nang hayagang dinaya at tinapakan ang demokratikong karapatan ng Collegian isang taon ang nakararaan dahilan upang tumayo kaming rebelde. Ang sining ay pagpapahayag at sa panahong niyuyurakan ito, normal maramdaman ang lupit ng makakapangyarihan, at tumugon dito.

Laksa-laksang artista at kultural na pwersa ang tumindig sa pakikiisa sa Panday Sining dahil sino nga ba ang hindi— krimen ngayon ang paglahok sa mga protesta, pagkilos at iba pang selebrasyon na nagmomobilisa sa lansangan, tangan ang sining laan para sa mga pader na pag-aari ng ordinaryong mamamayan.

Kung gaano kasakit kasuhan batay sa iyong naturang pagsasalita, anupa’t ikulong ka sa opisinang kinukulapulan ng mga pwersa ng estadong may kahandaan at tungkuling supilin ka. Kadalasang puno ng biro ang paligid pag kasama ko ang mga kabataang artista sa normal na araw ngunit seryoso sila sa kanilang pagkakakulong, takot.

Doon ko napagtantong hindi lamang takot ang bumubuo sa pagkasindak ng isang rebolusyunaryo; nag-aanak ito ng galit at ahitasyon hindi man sa indibidwal kundi sa mga kasama sa patuloy na paglaban.

Sa likod ng pangungutya ng mga pulis sa mga nakakulong na miyembro ng Panday Sining at sa kalakhan ng pagiging aktibistang kabataan at estudyante ay ang katotohanang hanggang doon lamang sila. Ang serbisyo sa kapwa Pilipino at respeto sa karapatang-pantao ay mananatiling retorika kung walang pag-aksyon at higit, sila mismo ang nagsasagawa ng walang habas na pagpaslang.

Isa sa mga tungkulin ko bilang mga pangunahing tumugon sa mga dinakip ng pulisya ng Maynila ay ang pakitunguhan ang kanilang mga magulang.

Sa buong pakikipag-ugnayan ko sa kanila, hindi ko narinig sa kanilang pahayag ng pag-alala ang usapin ng ligalidad ng sining ng protestang isinagawa ng kanilang mga anak.

Gayunman, hindi rin ako nakarinig ng mga palasak na

kwento ng pagkamulat ng isang kabataang rebolusyunaryo— tanging abang pag-ibig ng magulang sa tapat na anak ng bayan—walang pagmamaramot, puspos ng pag-aasikaso at higit, pag-asa sa paglaya ng mga kabataang artista.

Tahimik lang ang wagas na pag-ibig ngunit ang mga nalilikha nito tulad ng sining ay umaalingawngaw, bumabakas sa bawat daanan, kumakapit sa mga pader at isipan. Sa tunay na sining ng mamamayan, hindi mahalaga ang batas, ligalidad at iba pang ipinupukol panapal; tangan nito ang dantaong pakikibaka ng indibidwal at kolektibong danas na hindi kailanman inihihiwalay sa panlipunang kalagayan.

Hindi hugot sa hangin ang mga kataga ng paglaban sa lansangan, hindi ito hungkag, gayundin ang tingin niya sa akin sa pagitan ng rehas at hanggang makalaya sila sa piitan—puno ng pag-ibig hindi lamang para sa akin kundi maging sa lahat ng kabataan, artista, pagpapahalaga sa sining at bayan. •

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PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

13 December 2019 Volume 97 • Issue 11-12 www.philippinecollegian.org

Crossing the threshold

ISAAC RAMOS

It is quick to notice how different UP Diliman is from its environs. This idyllic enclave of sloping pastures seems far removed from the rowdy city outside: the scenic landscapes and architecture tend to foster a sense of isolation iterative of the rhetoric of eminence it has been known for.

It is however isolated only insofar as it is unique, for unlike most universities enclosed by walls, UP’s borders are porous, its grounds open for public use.

Now that these grounds are being reconfigured under a master plan involving privatization, gentrification, gates, walls, and fences, UP’s public character stands imperiled. While changed to accommodate a certain language of progress, its space begets an exclusionary character as dispossession and dislocation affects those at its fringes, outside, and even those within.

Suburbia UP has always been directed toward attaining a “world-class” identity defined in a context where foreign, imperial ideals dominate due to extended periods of colonization. Such ideals emphasize the need for less-developed countries to rely on foreigners’ saving grace. Thus, the impetus to be “world-class”

KULTURA

is undergirded by a dependence on foreign templates.

Produced by the American colonial project, UP is no stranger to this dependence. Many times, it had been fashioned to be docile, conformist to social reproduction, such as in the transfer of the main campus from raucous Ermita to the placid rolling hills of Diliman.

Historian Michael Pante writes how late President Manuel Quezon viewed isolation from the radical politics of Manila and more stringent supervision as vital to incubating a “world-class” university. With a politicsfree UP in mind, Quezon had his latent authoritarianism translated into UP’s spatial reconfiguration; he saw the sixhundred-hectare Diliman lot capable of cradling his aims.

Its permeable boundaries however betrayed the original intention; interaction with environs have hence marked its place in history as a locus of critical thought and resistance.

The state-intended apolitical isolation had shifted to become autonomy from state interference and assertion of academic freedom, safeguarded by campus communities and UP’s own police force. But with the gaze of market and state cast over the university, such assertions are being challenged.

New Site Founded on a logic of open, free-flowing markets, and increased private ownership, neoliberalism necessarily assumes a global scale: whole institutions are restructured and spaces reshaped to attain these ends. With global trends following neoliberal prescriptions, UP’s intention to be world-class drives it to follow suit.

In Diliman, structures stand on ground meant for academic purposes but are nothing more than profit mills masquerading as

GRAPHICS • KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

learning hubs. That corporations can equate their use of university spaces with assistance to be “globally competitive” marks a harrowing consequence of the vortex state abandonment of social services creates. As it shifts responsibility to the private sector, the state attempts to mask its reluctance to provide, relying on a rhetoric of “global competitiveness” and eventually heeding global market demands.

The vicious privatization involved in the UP Master Development Plan is justified along these lines with guarantees of comfort and security, thus the fences and other transformations of campus space. Geographer Andre Ortega writes of land use maps and master plans as forms of neoliberalization through urbanization: cosmetic arrangements are deployed on the one hand for neoliberal persuasions and on the other for masking the crumbling integrity of neoliberal promises.

With state universities vocal in exposing its defects and pushing for alternative methods toward genuine development, they become prime targets of this campaign to lull them into quietude, illusion, and exclusion.

This gentrifying effort also works to cover with a blanket of grace and order its pernicious intrusion into the lives of marginalized groups. Beneath the antiseptic modernity is an underbelly rife with narratives of dispossession; people are displaced, their homes fenced off or demolished. It is terribly Imeldific, Omelasian even: the utopia rests on the misery of a scapegoat, and should one be aware of this, they must decide to either stay or walk away.

Battlefield The volatility of space in UP affords options other than the Omelasian dilemma, for this space has often served as a bastion for revolt, fomented by injustices occurring within and outside it. Far from isolation, UP is no stranger to struggle and marginalized groups are welcomed here, their struggles amplified.

Set amid state violence, such struggles serve as catalysts for conscientization and consequent radical action.

It is these contradictions that gave birth to protests such as the Diliman Commune. Today, as the campus accommodates the marginalized, its spaces are also subject to forces of exclusion; such contradiction provides fertile ground for militant resistance.

With state and corporate power keen to commercialize, depoliticize, and surveil the university, it remains prevalent with spatial contradictions.

Invisible hands and iron fists intend to creep in that they may silence the gadfly interrogating their legitimacy.

But perhaps they have forgotten that so long as society is rife with crises of their own doing, their messianic drama cannot save them from a people awakened and grown restive; for if years ago, we knew true harmony as we marched amid green grass, so do we now know of genuine peace without the need for fences. •