Rebel Kule Tomo 4 Isyu 1

Page 1

EDITORIAL

Up the revolution Your Collegian rebels. For defiance is the only way forward in the face of attacks on our rights and liberties, and rebellion is the only recourse when confronted by forces that seek to demolish our shared values of justice and democracy. Crises after all brood over every quarter. The Duterte regime has built its throne upon carnage and misery: the deaths of thousands in a brutal but unsuccessful drug war, the continued abuse of our peasants and workers, the terror of militarization in indigenous communities, the poverty of millions of Filipino families. From renewed tyranny to widening inequalities, this government is bent on wrecking the economy, dismantling democracy, revising our history into a perverse parody, and selling the country’s future to global capital. The same climate of aggression pervades the national university, whose administration has now betrayed itself as an enemy of student welfare, through repressive and interventionist measures that imperil not only our democratic rights but the independence and integrity of our institutions. The Collegian itself has not been spared from these assaults. Acting in excess of jurisdiction, the Board of Judges (BOJ) barred two Collegian writers from taking the editorial examination based on a discriminatory interpretation of the rules. UP Diliman Chancellor

Michael Tan upheld the ruling and installed a new editor-in-chief amid protests against the aberrant and undemocratic selection process. The Collegian’s free and critical voice has since been held hostage. Indeed, within and outside the university, the pieces are in place for abuse of power. It is in this juncture that it becomes imperative to break with administrative officiations and wage defiance. Here, into this most radical space, ventures Rebel Kulê. Yet, this paper will not be alone. Defying even campus partisan norms, student councils, organizations, and local college publications have united to defend the institution’s autonomy and integrity. Rebel Kulê is the embodiment of this resistance, of the students’ refusal to allow the administration to govern their own affairs, of their collective resolve to clamor against the suppression of critical media. As the rightful publishers of Rebel Kulê, the students should expect this publication to struggle with them against a host of antistudent policies. The collection of redundant miscellaneous and exorbitant rental fees continues despite the free tuition policy. The

draconian Code of Student Conduct, the freshmen recruitment ban, and stringent org recognition processes remain in place. Budget cuts still loom, and income-generating projects keep on compromising the university’s public character. This paper also vows to seek the margins of disquiet beyond the walls of the academe. Where workers brave pistols and truncheons in the filthiest and harshest factories, we shall be on their picket lines. Where farmers and national minorities face down bullets to stand their ground, we shall wield our pen and amplify their voices. Where lives are laid waste in the fringes, we shall reveal in images the savagery and untenability of the war the state wages against its own people. For Rebel Kulê is biased for the dispossessed, the vulnerable, the sectors so scorned and sidelined in the mainstream. We dispel any pretense to balance in our reportage. False equivalences after all empower only the

TOMO IV / BLG I / Biyernes, 21 Setyembre 2018 email: phkule@gmail.com

@phkule

NEWS /

DBM OKs only a third of UP-proposed budget

NEWS /

Palparan finally convicted for Karen-She kidnapping

FEATS /

Method to Madness: Probing the Duterte-Marcos Playbook

False equivalences after all empower only oppressor. To give equal weight to the oppressor. “all sides” of the issue is to mire the oppressed further into minority To give equal and subjugation. This allegiance to the oppressed and the students weight to “all fuels Rebel Kulê’s aspiration to carry on its brand of fearless and sides” of the critical journalism. Now, more than ever, is the issue is to mire time to rally behind truth, to resist the slightest trespass against the oppressed democracy, fairness, and equality. Only when we cease to think of further into injustices as business as usual can we begin to forge a more united minority and front and to channel diffuse displays of discontent into stronger defiance. subjugation. This will be possible if we confront those that threaten our right to be free and militant, to speak out, to act and fight for what we believe is right and just. This will be possible only if we rebel.

I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A !

REBELKULÊ

OPISYAL NA PAHAYAGAN NG MGA MAG-AARAL NG UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS DILIMAN


REBEL KULE

21 SETYEMBRE 2018 BIYERNES

NEWS

2

DBM OKs only a third of UP-proposed budget P697M budget cut looms

03 / TOP PRIORITY BUILDING AND STRUCTURES OUTLAY PROJECTS IN EACH CONSTITUENT UNIT AND THE PGH (source: UP Budget Proposal for FY 2019)

UP SYSTEM / P225,000,000 Completion of the reconstruction of the Faculty Center

BEATRICE PUENTE

The UP System may be unable to pursue some projects lined up for 2019, after the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) approved only a third of its proposed budget for the next fiscal year. Only P15.5 billion out of the UP System’s proposed P44.9 billion budget for the upcoming year has been allocated under the 2019 National Expenditures Program (NEP) (see sidebar 1). The NEP outlines DBM’s recommended budget for each government agency’s year-long operations.

LEGEND PROPOSED BUDGET APPROVED BUDGET

While UP requested a total of P23.4 billion for capital outlay (CO), or the fund for new infrastructure, only 1.56 percent or P365 million was approved. In contrast, personnel services (PS), or the budget for the compensation of faculty and other services, is set to receive P11.7 billion, around twice UP’s request of P5.8 billion. Maintenance and other operating expenses (MOOE) has been allotted with P3.4 billion, also higher than the university’s proposed P2.5 billion fund. The DBM-approved plan also represents a budget cut of P697 million for UP’s eight constituent units and the Philippine General Hospital (PGH), coming from its 2018 budget of P16.2 billion. UP has been receiving roughly half to a third of its proposed budget over the previous years (see sidebar 2). Fiscal year 2018 tallied the largest deficit, with the university getting only 36 percent of its P44.5 billion budget proposal. The allocation for UP forms part of the P3.757 trillion proposed national budget submitted to the Congress last July 23. Both the House of Representatives and the Senate will come up with their own versions of the bill, after which members of the

two chambers will convene as the bicameral conference committee to reconcile differences in their proposals. The final bill will then be brought up to the president who can choose to sign it into law. Limited construction / UP’s proposed budget for CO was intended to fund a total of 99 building projects, including the reconstruction of some structures that had been razed by fire in recent years. In UP Diliman (UPD) alone, the construction of 56 building and structure projects is expected to cost P7.1 billion—already 20 times higher than the approved CO. The UP administration identified the reconstruction of the burned Faculty Center (FC) in UPD as one of its top priorities, allocating P225 million for the project’s execution (see sidebar 3). The UPD administration also planned to build a disaster response hall worth P50 million to respond more abruptly to untoward incidents inside the campus like fire accidents. “Given sa budget cuts na kinakaharap natin, posible na mas mapabagal ang pagpapatayo ng infrastructures na ito,” UP Student Regent Ivy Taroma said.

01 / DBM-APPROVED BUDGET FOR THE UP SYSTEM (FY 2019)

(source: DBM National Expenditure Program for 2019; UP Budget Proposal for FY 2019) GRAND TOTAL

P44,953,935,000

Personnel Services

P5,748,221,000

Capital Outlays

P23,376,544,000

Aside from rebuilding halls and constructing more buildings, existing structures like dormitories also need to be repaired. Around September last year, floodings and wall cracks in Yakal residence hall brought out safety concerns, which prompted less than 30 students to transfer to other dormitories. A total of P150 million has also been proposed for the renovation of three UPD dormitories, namely Ilang-ilang, Ipil, and Sampaguita. Construction of student dormitories is also underway in other constituent units. “The need for construction and repair of new and existing dormitories is very urgent and important. … With the increasing student population, we have to meet the demand for dormitory slots,” said Marian Dacquel, Basic Student Services Committee Head of UPD University Student Council. PGH on the sidelines / The meager allocation for the university will also affect PGH’s operations, as it stands to receive only P2.92 billion from its proposed P4.3 billion budget. While the approved fund for PS and MOOE was more than the requested amount, only a total of P155 million is allocated for the hospital’s CO projects, or six

UP CEBU / P399,400,000 10-storey product design building

UP DILIMAN / P133,000,000 Construction of the Puerto Galera Biodiversity and Environmental Research and Outreach Center

UP MINDANAO / P537,000,000 Construction of the Mindanao Research International Convention Center including Site Development

UP LOS BAÑOS / P100,000,000 Construction of New School of Environmental Science and Management

UP OPEN UNIVERSITY / P75,000,000 Construction of the International Convention Center, Phase 2

UP MANILA / P368,000,000 Completion of the UP Manila University Library

UP BAGUIO / P144,487,000 UP Baguio Library Rehabilitation

UP VISAYAS / P95,000,000 Regional Research Ctr Phase 3

PHILIPPINE GENERAL HOSPITAL P2,000,000,000 1st phase of PGH Diliman

04 / FUNDING OF THE PHILIPPINE GENERAL HOSPITAL Personnel Services MOOE Capital Outlays

P1,992,283,000

P1,068,493,000 P725,805,000

P770,797,000

P2,505,000,000

P155,000,000

percent of the proposed P2.5 billion budget (see sidebar 4). “In case the budget cut pushes through, the quality, accessibility, and affordability of health service to the stakeholders could be compromised, especially to our indigent patients,” said Leandro Salazar, chairperson of UP Manila Medicine Student Council. This year, PGH also failed to proceed with the construction of its proposed P1.6 billion Cancer Care Center facility due to lack of funding from the government. “Patunay lamang ito na walang pagpapahalaga [ang gobyerno] doon sa public healthcare natin,” Taroma said, explaining that it is important to significantly increase the budget of health institutions in order to deliver better services. Implementing free tuition / Among all departments in the government, the education sector shares the largest portion of the P3.757 trillion national budget, receiving a total allocation of P659.3 billion.

On top of the DBM-approved budget, UP will also receive an additional amount from the Commission on Higher Education (CHEd) for the implementation of the free tuition policy. A total of P51 billion is allotted for the law’s full implementation nationwide, with CHEd getting almost P43.9 billion and the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority receiving the remaining P7.1 billion. Although the total allocation for the free tuition policy is P11 billion more than the provided fund in 2018, the budget still falls short of CHEd’s requested amount worth P83.02 billion. “Given nga na sa kasalukuyan ay meron nang free tuition at [libre na rin ang] other school fees, may expectation tayo na ang UP ay kayang mag-cater ng mas maraming mga estudyante,” Taroma stated, noting that this should be done as UP needs to live up to its mandate as the national university and at the same time accomodate the influx of students in the future.

02 / UP’s ACTUAL vs PROPOSED BUDGET FROM 2014 TO 2018

(source: General Appropriations Act 2014-2018, DBM, previous Collegian reports)

DEFICIT

P11,678,775,000 P365,000,000

Maintenance and P2,551,044,000 Other Operating Expenses P3,415,419,000

Baseline, FY 2018 P13,278,126,000 GAA current operating expenditures

2014 44.86%

2015 47.85%

2016 52.18%

2017 48.43%

2018 63.69%

P9,373,382,000 P17,000,000,000

P13,143,000,000 P25,200,000,000

P11,810,168,000 P24,700,000,000

P13,511,783,000 P26,200,000,000

P16,156,097,000 P44,500,000,000


#UPTHEREV

NEWS

@phkule

Rice tariffication may worsen price hikes, state of local farming—groups

3

REBEL KULE

COST OF LIVING / PATRICA LOUISE POBRE

BEATRICE PUENTE JOSE MARTIN SINGH

Imposing tariffs on agricultural trade could lead to higher prices of rice instead of helping consumers cope with inflation, advocacy groups warned, citing its detrimental effects to local production. Prices would be harder to monitor under the tariff system because traders would have the capacity to manipulate prices and distribution, according to Anakpawis partylist and watchdog group Bantay Bigas. The recently-passed Rice Tariffication Bill, which was certified as urgent by President Rodrigo Duterte, will not guarantee the decrease in the cost of rice and the rate of inflation, the groups added. “Rice tariffication favors foreign policy instead of prioritizing local production. It will drastically affect the farm workers [in the country and] eventually kill [the livelihood of] local palay producers,” said Rafael Mariano, president of Anakpawis partylist. Disputing tariffication / In a vote of 201-7-1, the lower chamber of Congress passed House Bill 7735 or the Revised Agricultural Tariffication Act on August 14. The bill seeks to lift restrictions on the volume of rice that the government, commercial traders, and individuals are allowed to import, provided a 35-percent minimum tariff. Economic managers have been pushing for the bill’s passage into law especially after the country’s inflation rate rose to 6.4 percent in August, which the Philippine Statistics Authority mostly attributes to faster increase in prices of food commodities such as rice. “Once na maging batas ang Rice Tariffication Bill, magiging higit na dehado ang farmers natin dahil bubuksan nito ang pamilihan natin sa imported na bigas. Papatayin nito ‘yung lokal na industriya natin dahil mas maisasantabi ang ani ng mga lokal na magsasaka kapag dumating ang murang imported na bigas,” said Cathy Estavilo, spokesperson of Bantay Bigas. Amid the government’s repeated assurance that there is no rice shortage, price ranges of the said commodity soared as a consequence of limited supply of state-subsidized rice from the National Food Authority (NFA) since February. Cost of commercial rice rose to as much as P70 per kilo in Zamboanga del Sur compared to the cheapest cost of P43 in Catanduanes. Meanwhile, rice prices in Metro Manila are now pegged at P50 to P65 per kilo. The more the private sector imports, the more the supply of rice increases, and thus its price decreases, Economic Undersecretary Ernesto Pernia reportedly said after the passage of HB 7735 on August 14. Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas estimates that with the influx of cheap rice

imports, inflation will immediately go down by 0.4 percentage points. However, if rice supply increases through tariffication, it does not necessarily mean that prices will go down, said Estavilo, citing the ability of rice cartels to hoard imported agricultural products and in effect, dictate the cost of rice in the market. Prices would be harder to monitor under the tariff system because trade would be liberalized and local rice traders can change prices on a whim, she added. Meanwhile, proponents of HB 7735 said that all duties from importation will be channeled to a “rice fund,” which will be used to subsidize farm workers and equipment, and in effect aid in boosting farmers’ competitiveness. “This [promise] is just another deceitful attempt to justify the tariffication of rice and other goods,” said Anakpawis Representative Ariel Casilao. The same promise of providing subsidy to farmers has been said and broken in the past, as was seen in provisions like the Rice Farmers Development Fund and Rice Competitiveness Enhancement Fund, said Mariano. Even if subsidies were provided, these funds were never adequate for the farmers’ needs, he added. Ensuring adequate supply / Instead of pushing for rice tariffication, the government can opt to control rice prices to ease consumer woes as a stop-gap measure, according to independent think tank IBON Foundation. “The president has the authority to impose price controls not just in the case of calamities but also when there is illegal price manipulation and if prices of basic commodities are already deemed at unreasonable levels,” IBON stated.

The long-term solution for the country’s agricultural problem, however, is to strengthen farmers’ production instead of prioritizing foreign trade agreements, according to Anakpawis and Bantay Bigas. “Kung gusto lang talaga natin umayos [ang agricultural industry ng bansa], kailangan pagbuhusan natin ito ng sapat na funding,” said Casilao. “More importantly, we should abandon our affiliation with the World Trade Organization (WTO) and get rid of agricultural trade liberalization,” he added. The entry of more imported products in the local market is allowed in the Philippines since the country is a signatory to the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. Despite the country’s membership in WTO since 1995, the country’s agricultural sector did not gain much benefit, Estavilo said. Meanwhile, the Makabayan bloc is finalizing the draft for the Rice Industry Development Act (RIDA), which seeks to lobby for total rice self-sufficiency and genuine agrarian reform through irrigation development and proper land distribution. Under RIDA, sufficient funding will be provided to farmers, while the importation policy will be abandoned, said Mariano. Even at present, the agriculture department is not prioritized, as it only gets a total of P12.7 billion or three percent of the 2019 suggested national budget. Moreover, 625,000 hectares of land is yet to be awarded to farmers as of 2015, according to the Department of Agrarian Reform. “[Dapat] isabansa ang industriya sa bigas at palawakin pa ang lupang natatamnan ng palay at pagkain. [Dapat ding] ipagbawal ang land use conversion at bigyan ng suporta ang rice farmers - ‘yun lang ang tanging solusyon para ma-attain ang rice selfsufficiency sa bansa,” said Estavilo.

Jimmy Bigal, 48, is buying another kilo of rice for his family’s dinner at a local sari-sari store, September 14. The Bigal family has been on a tight budget but the road may get tougher as prices continue to rise. His family of five may have to see fewer meals on the table: the usual two kilograms of rice he purchases daily used to cost 45-60 pesos. Now, the same amount would only get him half of a kilo. Bigal, whose two decades’ worth of work as a tricycle driver has provided a stable source of income, faces the future with uncertainty amid price increases on basic commodities and gasoline. While the National Food Authority offers cheap rice, time spent in long lines would mean less time on the road on his tricycle.

Palparan finally convicted for Karen-She kidnapping / BEATRICE PUENTE It had taken 12 long years before justice was served for UP students Karen Empeño and Sherlyn Cadapan. But for their mothers Concepcion Empeño and Linda Cadapan, the struggle is not yet over. Retired Major General Jovito Palparan was found guilty on September 17 for the kidnapping and serious illegal detention of Karen and She on June 26, 2006 in Hagonoy, Bulacan. Malolos Regional Trial Court Branch 15 also convicted Palparan’s codefendants Lt. Col. Felipe Anotado, Jr. and S/Sgt. Edgardo Osorio of the same charges. “Kahit nakamit na namin ang hustisya, kailangan ilitaw sina Karen at Sherlyn. Hindi dapat ipagpilitan [ni Palparan] na wala siyang alam tungkol sa kanila,” Empeño told the Collegian through a text message. Cadapan, on the other hand, broke into tears after learning that the court had decided in their favor. “Naibsan nang kaunti ang dalamhati ko. Dapat ding ilitaw at aminin [ni Palparan] kung nasaan sina Sherlyn at Karen,” Cadapan said, remaining hopeful that they will be able to find their daughters alive. Military agents headed by Palparan abducted Karen and She while the two were working

on their thesis examining the plight of farmers in Bulacan. Twelve years later, the two students remain missing. Each of the convicted will now have to pay P200,000 for moral damages and P100,000 for civil indemnity. The court has also issued a warrant of arrest for another conspirator, Sgt. Rizal Hilario, who remains at large. “[Sa naging desisyon ng korte], masasabi ko na may tiwala pa rin ako sa ating hudikatura kahit ikaw ay ordinaryong tao lamang, nanaig pa rin ang katotohanan,” Empeño said. Palparan, prominently known as “The Butcher,” spearheaded the bloody counterinsurgency programs of House Speaker Gloria Arroyo during her time as president. “With GMA holding a key position in government, we are called on to remain vigilant. The friendship of Duterte and Arroyo can mean eventual pardon or reprieve for Palparan despite his conviction,” Karapatan Secretarygeneral Cristina Palabay said in a statement. “[Patuloy naming] aantabayanan ang susunod na hakbang na gagawin ng kampo ni Palparan para masiguro na mananagot siya sa batas,” Empeño stated.


REBEL KULE

4-5 35%

*no data available for year 1979

30%

01-A / INFLATION RATES DURING THE MARTIAL LAW ERA OF THE MARCOS ADMINISTRATION (Philippine Statistics Authority)

25%

7

20%

6

6.4

5

15%

4

2.6

3

10%

1.3

2

5% 0

01-B / INFLATION RATE: AUGUST 2016, 2017, 2018 (Consumer Price Index 2012)

1 0

‘73 ‘74 ‘75 ‘76 ‘77 ‘78 ‘79 1 ‘80 ‘81 2 ‘82 ‘833

Taxing Problems / The last six years of Martial Law witnessed up to 300 percent increase in food prices, based on Martial Law Museum data. While Marcos era inflation rates (see sidebar 01-A) are among the highest in the history, the inflation rate registered recently under Duterte is nonetheless alarming. The steepest price increases hit basic commodities like rice and fish. Yet, Duterte’s economic managers attributed rising prices to global oil price hikes and peso depreciation, dismissing any blame on TRAIN. They insist that inflation would taper off by October, though TRAIN has, in effect, guaranteed the continuous permanent price hike by way of imposition of consumption taxes (see sidebar 01-B). In its first installment, TRAIN led to the lifting of VAT exemptions and to higher excise taxes on sweetened beverages and petroleum products. Despite the public’s disapproval of TRAIN, the Tax Reform for Attracting Better and High-quality Opportunities (TRABAHO) bill, the second package of TRAIN, which decreases corporate income tax rates by 20 to 30 percent, has been passed by the Lower House. The regressive tax system has led to public outrage, which Duterte’s economic managers have maximized to advocate liberalizing schemes such as rice tariffication, which are upshots of earlier profit-seeking policies instituted beginning under Martial Law. Indeed, at a time when other nations turn to protectionist measures, Duterte completes Marcos’ neoliberal agenda by paving way for more foreign investments, if not opportunities for the same powerful domestic oligarchs that have plunged the majority into chronic poverty. ● Chartered Collapse / Now that Duterte holds power across all three branches of government, his master plan, federalism, has all the momentum to become reality. On the surface, the push to

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS UNDER RODRIGO DUTERTE (2016-MARCH 2018)

federalize aims to confer greater autonomy on regions in order to foster more localized development. This vision remains anchored on relaxing laws to entice foreign investors. Yet, a more sinister motive lies in Duterte’s drive for federalism: to solidify his hold onto the presidency and continue his authoritarian trajectory. Federalism’s slated goals are but a perpetuation of the market-oriented policies characteristic of not only Marcos’ rule, but even of the presidents that succeeded the dictator. Should Duterte’s charter change see fruition, the grant of greater autonomy to various regions is feared to aggravate regional differences. Political dynasties, for instance, are predicted to become more potent in a federal state, thanks to the devolution to the local level of powers formerly reserved for the national government. Moreover, the Philippines’ history of indulging foreign investment through the legislation of neoliberal policies has never turned out well for the country. Being profit-driven and competitive, transnational companies have never advocated domestic development. Their presence in the country as ensured by proposed federal charters will further disadvantage local industries and preclude long-term socioeconomic progress. Despite touting federalism as the answer to social ills, charter change remains the linchpin of Duterte’s plans to consolidate his grasp on authority. Attempts to revise the Constitution have been a constant theme in the nation’s history, all on the pretense of promising reform, but their underlying motives, like that of Duterte’s, remain to be self-interest. ● Friends and Foes / Marcos exploited legal means to stay in power. His abolition of Congress, for one, gave him unparalleled authority. Duterte, in contrast, need not formally declare martial rule as his political machinations have allowed him to

140,000 ARRESTED

1,235 ILLEGAL ARRESTS

91 TORTURED

2016 4

2017 5

2018 6

wield influence across all branches of government. Duterte’s base support in the Senate and the recent appointment of former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a Duterte crony, as the speaker of the Lower House where the president exerts supermajority, have allowed him to railroad—with little to no opposition—an agenda contrary to the populist narratives he peddled during his presidential campaign. The president has since reneged on vows to address issues such as social inequities and national sovereignty. Duterte, with the backing of the Congressional majority, has instead embarked on the same reactionary trail of his predecessors’, littered by an inequitable tax reform, illadvised infrastructure spending, and an emphasis on foreign dependence, among others. Progressives initially attracted to his assurances were ejected from key posts, as in the cases of former Social Welfare chief Judy Taguiwalo and former Agrarian Reform secretary Rafael Mariano. Other members of the Left in the administration were persecuted outright, like National Anti-Poverty Commission chief Liza Maza and former representative Teddy Casino, whose arrests were based on trumped-up charges dating from the Arroyo administration. Other remaining pockets of resistance inside have been ostracized, like Senator Antonio Trillanes, and before, the defunded 24 congressmen critical of Duterte. The president’s grip on Congress would later allow him to control the judiciary. The ouster of former Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, through the legally dubious quo warranto petition, and the subsequent appointment of Teresita Leonardode Castro, known for her dislike of Sereno, has granted Duterte greater political clout to advance his agenda — the centerpiece of which is the shift to federalism. ●

4,000-20,000 DRUG-RELATED KILLINGS

Empire State Building / Marcos ushered in the construction of massive architectural projects like the Philippine International Convention Center and San Juanico bridge. Thirty years later, the Duterte administration will flaunt its “New Society” counterpart pet project, the “Build, Build, Build (BBB),” putatively “the key to bringing about the golden era of infrastructure in the country.” Under both circumstances, infrastructural progress comes at a steep price. In 1976, for example, the $32-million World Bank-funded Tondo Urban Renewal Project did not push through. Instead, in light of the coinciding international conference in Manila, then, Imelda Marcos ordered to displace 60,000 families from the slums of Tondo rather than complete the rehabilitation. Throughout their stay in power, the Marcoses amassed an estimated $8 billion, according to Freedom from Debt Coalition. Now, Duterte’s infrastructure projects under BBB are likewise fueled by foreign debts at the expense of the people’s income. Around P8.4 trillion worth of infrastructure like railways, roads, and airports will be erected under BBB until 2022. Twenty percent of the projects’ costs will be funded by TRAIN. On the other hand, at least 73 percent of the funding for BBB’s 75 flagship structural projects will come from ODA. The confluence of debts disguised as foreign aid and the inutility of previous structural undertakings explains how the Philippine economy has spiraled down in the past. In the case of Marcos, the idled Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) cost $2.2 billion to build, but has so far contributed nothing to electricity generation. Duterte’s big-ticket infrastructure projects might meet the same fate as BNPP. The DOF, in fact, forewarns an increase in external debts for the next years due to the implementation of BBB. Additionally, Marcos’ New Society monuments not only served to legitimize the ballooning external debts to institutions like the World Bank, but also became sites of gross overspending. The risk of corruption recurring via Duterte’s BBB is high given how easy the funds for these projects can be funnelled through the bureaucracy of implementing government offices, similar to what went down under Martial Law, what with contracts handled by Marcos’ cronies. ●

242 141 EXTRA-JUDICIAL FRUSTRATED EXTRA-JUDICIAL KILLINGS KILLINGS

METHO

MADN

PROBIN

DUTERTE-MARC

MARK VERNDICK CABADING

“History isn’t through with me the aftermath of the revolt that did not know, then, how proph new dictator in the person of Pre his authoritarian politics, mar bloodlust, and self

The country may seem to have their administrations, but both and performance evince a patte to lay the ground for dictators of the Martial Law declaration o during this troubled period shal nation’s collective memory lives not allow the triump

/ INFOGRAPHICS AND PAGE DESIGN B


BY KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA /

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS UNDER FERDINAND MARCOS (1965-1986)

70,000 IMPRISONED

34,000 TORTURED

3,240 KILLED

Law packages and through publicprivate partnerships, the remainder will come from ODA, per the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA). Many critics warned Duterte of the implications of the Chinese debt trap. Recently, for example, due to the Sri Lankan government’s inability to pay debt, the country had to lease its China-funded port to the Asian superpower for the next 99 years. There is a cause for concern as China has higher loan interests than most debtee countries. For instance, China’s is 200-1100 percent more expensive than Japan’s, another leading foreign creditor. The country’s incapacity to implement planned projects in 10 years will result in billions worth of interest to China that may lead to another full-blown crisis. The situation at present is nothing far from Marcos’ debt problem. Due to higher government spending, the peso-dollar exchange rate increased during Marcos era — a phenomenon the economy just suffered this quarter. Despite the façade of progress under Duterte, the risk of falling into another debt era is just around the corner. ●

02-A / OUTSTANDING EXTERNAL DEBTS OF THE COUNTRY UNDER THE MARCOS ADMINISTRATION

SOURCE: MARTIAL LAW MUSEUM

30B USD 25B USD 20B USD 15B USD 10B USD

02-B / OUTSTANDING EXTERNAL DEBTS OF THE COUNTRY UNDER THE DUTERTE ADMINISTRATION

1986

1985

1984

1983

1982

1981

1980

0B USD

1979

5B USD 1978

e spiraled into madness under Marcos and Duterte’s rhetoric ern of calculated political moves ship. With the commemoration on September 21, the atrocities ll be remembered to assure the s on — and that the people will ph of another tyrant.

1977

yet,” said Ferdinand Marcos in t overthrew his regime. Marcos hetic his words would be as a esident Rodrigo Duterte follows rket-driven economic policies, f-serving ambition.

1976

G and JUAN GREGORIO LINA

1975

COS PLAYBOOK

Borrowed Troubles / There has been a notion that Marcos ushered in the golden age for Philippine economy. The ‘successes’ of this regime, however, relied chiefly on aggressive spending that led to the swelling of the country’s external debt. During the late 70s, the country’s debt grew exponentially until bursting into a full-blown crisis by 1983, according to data from the Martial Law Museum. From $8.1 billion in 1977, the country’s debt increased almost doubly in 1982 and reached $24.2 billion in just five years (see sidebar 02A). Debts incurred under Marcos will continue to plague Filipino taxpayers until 2025, according to Ibon Foundation. While the country has yet to recover from these debts, President Duterte retraces history by depending on yet more foreign borrowings through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) route with China. Under ODA, China and the Philippines will collaborate in transportation and infrastructure projects. While 30 percent of the funding for such projects will be covered by the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN)

1974

NG THE

F E AT U R E S

1973

NESS

License to kill / Fabricated rumors of an ouster plot against Marcos became the justification for the takeover of martial rule. Civil liberties and habeas corpus were suspended as the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine Constabulary (PC), then the name for the country’s police force, turned into harbingers of brutality and death. Decades later, the election of President Rodrigo Duterte on the back of a drug scourge has emerged to revitalize state-sponsored violence, en masse. His tactics reuse the familiar underlay of disdain for human rights and the rule of law, of violence unleashed with impunity. The Philippine National Police’s (PNP) Oplan Tokhang is reminiscent of the warrantless arrests of Marcos’ martial law, with “hit lists” of targets baselessly thrown in. The killings are no less gruesome than before, a callback to the institutionalized violence against opposition of which the Marcos regime was progenitor. Indeed, the state has subverted liberal democracy’s mechanisms of accountability. Although unlike the constitutionalist Marcos who utilized charter change to enable his unilateral command by decree, Duterte has adopted the subtler approach of eliminating first the government’s checks and balances to carry out his authoritarian agenda. In contrast to his contempt for the law, the president has been anything but contemptuous to the police and the military, who could wantonly resort to extralegal methods by which fascism rears itself. To keep state forces motivated, Duterte has promised increases in compensation, more than doubling the base salaries and hazard pay of both police and military personnel. Duterte has also inserted uniformed officers into prominent government positions, a tactic well used by Marcos to buy the loyalty of top brass in the AFP and the Constabulary. The press under the Marcos dictatorship was likewise subject to censorship. The few news outlets and wire agencies permitted to continue operations after Martial Law did so under the Marcos cronies’ supervision. The Duterte regime, in comparison, has refrained from a consummate restriction of press freedom, but has nonetheless treated the media with the same disdain as it does due process. Particularly, most of the nine journalists murdered under Duterte’s watch belong to the alternative press, rendering them most vulnerable to retribution from state forces. ●

1972

OD TO

Labor Pains / The numerous workers’ strikes enacted of late reveal the severity of working conditions under Duterte. The same picture of discontent depicted the workers’ situation under Marcos. This period after all witnessed a significant increase in underemployment and unemployment rates, with the former tripling from 10.2 percent to 29.0 percent between 1978 and 1983. Whereas the underemployed pertains to workers whose training makes them overqualified for their current jobs, the unemployed refers to those who are unable to find any work at all. For a developing country like the Philippines, the underemployment rate is a more significant indicator of the job situation than the unemployment rate. Back during Martial Law, many college graduates were unemployed while poor, skilled laborers, were underemployed, conscripted into the informal job sector, which met the demands for additional workforce for the government’s infrastructure and construction projects. During Martial Law, the rise of the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) phenomenon also intensified, a manifestation of the dissatisfaction among Filipino workers. Even now the economy relies on OFW remittances. The Philippines under Duterte also suffers job losses of 2.2 million from July 2016 to July 2018. Although the labor force lately registered a 62.2 percent participation rate, according to the Philippine Statistics Authority, this does not translate to satisfaction with precarious labor conditions at present. These statistics only account for the segment of the population that belongs to the job sector, but not the millions who have dropped out of the labor force due to lack of employment opportunities. Owing to the disparity between job generation and the growing unemployed sector, the workers continue to decry contractualization schemes. This gap encourages employers to implement cheap wage practices as workers are left with no other employment options. The recent multiple workers’ mass actions such as in Nutriasia carry their calls for decent wages and better compensation, among others, under a faltering economy. According to IBON, the minimum wage increases since 2012 have not been enough to offset effects of inflation, and with TRAIN 2 just rolled out, the workers will suffer more from inflation hikes in the months to come. ●

SOURCE: BANGKO SENTRAL NG PILIPINAS

TOTAL 74,763M USD

TOTAL 73,098M USD

TOTAL 73,196M USD

4,166M USD

3,756M USD

3,343M USD

21,013M USD

30,546M USD

19,160M USD

31,038M USD

1,292M USD

General Government

398 DISAPPEARANCES

32,523M USD

16,415M USD

17,797M USD

17,745M USD

End Dec 2016

19,537M USD

1,378M USD

1,347M USD End Dec 2017

Monetary Authorities

End Mar 2018 Banks

128 1,338 SALVAGINGS FRUSTRATED SALVAGINGS

Other Sectors

Direct Investment: Intercompany lending

SOURCES Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Amnesty International, PNP


REBEL KULE

6

21 SETYEMBRE 2018 BIYERNES

K U LT U R A

ETIKA NG

PAGLABAG

Kahindik-hindik ang pagpaltik ng sinturon sa mura kong pwetan. Iyan lamang ang malinaw dahil medyo pinalabo na ng panahon ang ibang detalye. Higit pa sa parusa, ang ibang karakter sa kwento ng kalikutan noong bata pa tayo ay kadalasang naiisantabi. Halimbawa: ang pasaway na batang ako at ang linya niya sa istorya ay inunahan ng palo at singhal, sumiksik sa tabi ng kama’t hinahabol ang hininga sa pagitan ng mga hikbi. Ang sanhi ng pagrerebelde ay lagi’t laging nakakahon at iniimbak sa bodega dahil hindi ito kasing importante ng katunayan ng pagiging suwail. Ano pa man ang dahilan ay hindi mahalaga, basta’t sumuway ka, tapos ang usapan. Wala na’ng pero-pero, kung kaya lagi’t laging nakikita ang pagiging rebelde sa iisang mukha—sumusuway lang sa utos ng nakatatanda, maldita. Batang-bata ka pa* Paglabas ng bahay, isa sa mga lugar na pangunahing napupuntahan ng isang bata ay ang paaralan. Dito itinuturo ang mga batayang aralin, at higit, mga kagandahang-asal tulad ng pagiging masunurin. Sa lahat ng aklat na pwedeng buklatin sa silid-aklatan, paborito naming magbabarkada noon ay ang pakikipagsapalaran ni Pilandok. Di naman ito kasama sa lesson plan ng aming guro kung kaya hindi namin ito natalakay sa mga klase noon. Gayunman, taliwas ito sa itinuturo ng aming guro. Pasaway si Pilandok, ngunit kaiba sa mga kwentong pambata na parurusahan ang mga pasaway, nagwawagi si Pilandok at nagiging hari pa nga ng baryo. Binigyan ni Mila Aguilar sa kaniyang tesis ng partikularidad ang paghahari—si Pilandok ay naghimagsik laban sa panoptikong katangian ng estado. Gayundin, ginawang ispesipiko ni Aguilar ang

pamamaraan sa paggapi sa hari— mapanloko si Pilandok. Ang pagiging mapanlinlang ay nabigyan ng panibagong mukha: kaya na nitong magpatalsik ng hari o kung ano mang mapagsamantalang uri. Ayon sa isa sa mga sanaysay ni Propesor Rosario Lucero, ang ganitong mga istorya ay materyal na nagpapaliwanag sa paggapi sa mga mapagsamantala, gayundin, pagkuha ng kapangyarihan mula sa mga naghahari. Gayunman, hindi napalawig ang diskusyon tungkol sa kawastuhan ng paggapi sa nakatataas na uri gamit ang pagiging tuso na isang anyo ng pagrerebelde. Kung kaya, hindi pa rin talaga tinatanggap ng karamihan ang pagiging maloko o bastos bilang pagsalungat sa tagapag-utos. Hindi pa rin namin magawang lokohin si titser—guluhin ang aming klase para di na siya makapagturo ng mga nakakabagot na aralin. Labag kasi ito sa turo ng simbahan na dapat kaming maging mabait na mga bata. Nagsisimula ang pagkokondisyon sa pamamagitan ng mga kasangkapan ng estado gaya ng tahanan, simbahan at paaralan—lahat, nakakategorya sa ideyolohikal na aspeto. Ang pangangalaga ng estado sa ideolohiya ng bawat bata ay tila helmet na nagpoprotekta sa kanila mula sa pagkakaumpog at pagtanto na kaya wala silang laruan ay dahil na patuloy na ipinagkakait sa kanila ang isang makatarungang lipunan. Makinig ka na lang* Lampas na ata sa bilang ng aking mga daliri ang numero ng kaklase ko noong elementarya ang may anak na ngayon at asawa. Kumbakit, nagrebelde kasi sabi ng aming kapitbahay, sabay umilingiling. Tinawag din akong rebelde ng mga magulang ko nang minsang magpahayag ako ng inis sa pangulo. Ayaw ko lang daw sumunod, ibang-

iba sa pagkabuntis o pag-uwi ng madaling araw—iyong hindi uwi ng isang dalaga. Ang mga naturang kondisyon sa kasalukuyan ay pag sinuway, tinatawag na rebelyon. Awtomatikong negatibo ang nosyon ng rebelyon at tiyak na tinututulan ng iba’t ibang elemento na gulugod ng nakapangyayaring sistemang panlipunan. Rebelyon ang pag-aasawa nang maaga dahil taliwas ito sa nararapat na tunguhin ng isang dalaga sa kasalukuyang sistema— makapagtapos ng pag-aaral, makapagtrabaho, makapag-ipon, makapag-asawa at mamatay. Rebelyon ang pagtutol sa pamamalakad ng pamahalaan dahil dapat sumunod ang lahat para manatili sa kanilang mga posisyon ang nasa taas, gitna at baba. Walang pinagkaiba ang mga panuntunan ng mga magulang sa bawat pamilya, guro sa bawat paaralan, gobyerno sa bawat bansa— lahat ay mahigpit na pinatutupad upang pangalagaan ang posisyon at katayuan. Ang iniiwasang harapin ng ganitong pagpapanatili ng uri at posisyon sa lipunan ay ang katunayang mayroong tunggalian. Ang kagutuman sa hanay ng mga mahihirap ay ang mismong nagtutulak sa kanilang mag-aklas laban sa nagsasamantala. Natural ang rebelyon o iyong pagkamulat sa katotohanang may tunggalian ng uri; at ang pinalalaganap ng estado na nosyon ng rebelyon ay pumipigil dito. Kung kaya mas pinipili na lamang ng kapitbahay naming tumanggap ng mga donasyon mula sa mga institusyong kasangkapan ng estado, kaysa sumama sa mga rali. Ang pagpapakete sa rebelyon bilang aktitud lamang at walang malinaw na tunguhin ay nakapangyayari dahil sa kawalan ng konkretong dahilan ng pagsasagawa nito at koneksyon sa malawak na hanay ng mamamayan. Kung kaya, ang rebelyong may tiyak na ninanais, makaturangan batay sa mga materyal na kondisyon at higit, may tinatanaw na alternatibong mundo ay wasto. Ang wasto sa kamalian* Isa sa mga halimbawa ng rebelyong organisado ay ang Black

/ DIBUHO NI FERNANDO MONTEJO AT DISENYO NG PAHINA NI KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

Marxism na umusbong sa Europa at tumuturol sa pagiging radikal sa usapin ng lahi. Ang politika nito ay nakabatay sa pagsusuring makauri—kumikilala sa hindi pagkakapantay-pantay dahil sa mga uring panlipunan—mula sa marxismo at kritikal sa karapatan ng kulay at lahi—lahat para sa tunguhing lumaya sa diskriminasyon hindi lamang sa kultural na aspeto. Ito ang rebelyong kinakategorya sa terminong rebolusyon—rebelyong wasto pagkat hindi lamang tahasang nag-aalsa, bagkus minimithing baguhin ang sistema at mayroong malawak na saklaw. Gayunman, ang pamamaraan ng rebelyon ay hindi kumikilala sa uring nang-aapi sa kaniya—gagaod itong mag-isa at isasagawa o mamumuno sa sarili gamit ang pinaniniwalaang wastong sistema. Kung kaya, ang rebelyon ay kadalasang inihahalintulad sa pagaalsa. Sa kasaysayang Pilipino, nagkaroon ng maraming pag-aalsa sa mga rehiyon na bagaman may pagkilala sa mga uri, ay mas napangibabawan ng muhi. Isa ring halimbawa ay ang rebolusyong Pilipino noong 1896 na ang layon ay pagpapatalsik sa mga mananakop at walang tiyak na plano sa tunguhin matapos magtagumpay. Kung gayon, ang rebelyon ay may tendensiya pa ring mapangibabawan ng damdamin at hindi maging taktikal sa minimithi. Kung kaya ang konsepto ng rebolusyon at rebelyon ay kahingian pagkat magkatambal—rebelyon para sa pagkakaroon ng alab at damdaming lumaya; rebolusyon para sa proseso at taktikal na pamamaraan sa pag-abot ng tunguhin. Kahindik-hindik ang pagpaltik ng putik sa lantad kong binti nang magawi ako sa isang rali papuntang

SHEILA ANN ABARRA Mendiola. Malinaw na hindi sanay dahil medyo marungis—detalyeng maliit kumpara sa ipinaglalaban ng mga kahanay na magsasaka at manggagawa. Higit pa sa pagkabasa sa ulan, ang ibang karakter sa kwento ng pagkamulat noo’y kadalasang tungkol sa mga akto ng pambubusabos at sa mismong mga api. Halimbawa: ang “pasaway” na grupo ng manggagawa at ang katunayang kulang ang kanilang sahod ay inuunahan ng paratang na tamad lang sila. Ang sanhi ng pagrerebelde ay lumalaya sa pagkakakahon kung isisiwalat sa bawat pahayagan at ipapanawagan sa bawat lansangan. Ano pa mang dahilan ay mahalaga, hindi basta-basta ang pagsuway sa mga mapagsamantalang kapitalista, at higit, hindi maaaring tapos ang usapan. Wala na’ng pero-pero, dahil ang rebelyon ay handang magpaliwanag, manindigan at magmulat. Ang rebelyon ay hindi takot dahil taglay ng katapangan ang wastong hangarin at paglaya. *pasintabi sa Apo Hiking Society


#UPTHEREV

OPINYON

@phkule

Past in the making* Step one. Ask for forgiveness. Add dramatics to make it realistic. Step two. Wait a few years. Return as if nothing had happened. Step three. Regain the power you have lost. Get hold of government positions to secure your influence. Step four. Build power on lies. Rewrite history from your perspective. Step five. Forget what you have done, then make the people forget, too. The Marcoses probably think history works this way, but this is not a typical forgive-and-forget situation. Recently, the Marcos audacity has grown bolder. Imee Marcos stepped foot in the university and started to scrub their filth where it never touched skins before—by holding the Kabataang Barangay Reunion in the UP Bahay ng Alumni. The event was met with resentment from the UP community and with questions of why it had even been allowed in the first place. Imee Marcos went on talking about forgetting the past and how

President Rodrigo Duterte does not only dismiss the crimes of the Marcoses, but his actions also glorify their legacy—one that was built on the deaths and misery of many Filipinos

MARK VERNDICK CABADING

moving forward would be better for the nation. It is not surprising to hear foolish talk from a Marcos. After all, if they were not so full of themselves, they would have never returned in the country in the first place. Back in the eighties, after Ferdinand Marcos had been overthrown, the family fled abroad, absconding with the people’s coffers. Yet, following Marcos’ death, his family returned to the country. It spelled their trajectory back to power. Imelda Marcos ran for presidency and her children, Imee and Bongbong, nothing short of their father’s reputation, vied for congressional posts in the following decades. They reestablished the family name and kept on trying to strip it of the blood it had basked in. They have gone to lengths to allow the burial of Ferdinand Marcos in the National Heroes’ Cemetery where the dictator stands out like a sore thumb. Martial law under Marcos may

have been decades ago but the wounds are far too deep not to leave a scar. While it is easier for them to forget all their injustices, the money they corrupted, and the lives they took along with it, for us, justice will never be served so long as they shamelessly walk free amongst us. Imee’s KB reunion was indeed no different from all the disrespect the Marcoses have shown the Filipinos. The event inspired nothing but reawakening, not just of the UP community but of the public, to how the Marcoses are adamantly unapologetic of their atrocities. More troublingly, the event demonstrated the UP administration’s disrespect to the university, supposedly the bastion of militant activism, and to its students who fought and suffered during Martial Law. Allowing such an event shows how enabling the current administration under President Danilo Concepcion is, how it is but an accessory to yet

another sequel of the dictator’s ilk’s abuse of power. Outside the university, there are even larger enablers behind the backs of the Marcoses. This government is helping them get back on their feet by turning a blind eye to the people’s collective memory of the tumultuous Martial Law era. President Rodrigo Duterte does not only dismiss the crimes of the Marcoses, but his actions also glorify their legacy— one that was built on the deaths and misery of many Filipinos. We have not gone far from where we were before. A new dictator is seated now and is asking for assistance from those who know best how to maintain their clutch on power. But we will not be fooled. We will never let them repeat history. The Marcoses have never been forgiven and will never be forgotten.

*apologies to Michal Kopeček

The pursuit of happiness Yellow is a happy color, said almost everyone I know from the arts. I have been staring at this yellow table and the hazy windows as the rainfall outside diffuses the already-dim yellow street lights. But happiness is far from what I am feeling right now. Homesickness, if not the physical or emotional fatigue from juggling academics and work, is probably the right word for this feeling. How I wish I were spending the night at home wrapped in my blanket with a mug of hot chocolate on my right hand, the laptop on the other. But aside from a sloppily packaged siomai meal, imagining is the only thing I can afford right now as I sit in this convenience store far away from home, churning out words in cue with a bunch of schoolwork that I have to submit the next morning. Perhaps it’s just the rainy season dampening my spirits — we are halfway through September anyway. Perhaps

it’s the idea that I can’t afford to go home no matter how much I wish, or the fact that my struggles don’t even compare with hundreds of thousands of our brothers and sisters who have it worse. Miles from where I sit are indigenous communities that have been pillaged and ravaged by worsening militarization in their ancestral lands. They are being killed, abused, intimidated, and forced out of their homes because of their resolve to preserve their traditions and their right to self-determination. Blood was shed in the name of private and government interests: from the Manobo leaders Dionel Campos and Datu Juvello Sinzo and School Executive Emerito Samarca who were massacred by the paramilitary three years ago, to the Grade-6 lumad student Obillo Bay-ao who was shot on his way from school last year. They were just several of the hundreds of IPs for whose deaths we should seek justice.

PUNONG PATNUGOT Sheila Ann Abarra KAPATNUGOT Mark Verndick Cabading

7

JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

With martial law in place, their blood may not be the last to shower their lands. The greeneries they strove to protect are now littered with a different kind of green: hundreds of men wearing uniforms of war. As if militarization were not enough of a problem, large-scale corporate mining persists in their domains, leaving massive damage to the environment along with increasing cases of violence against civilians. Notwithstanding the Indigenous People’s Rights Act, which supposedly grants IPs the right to decide against unwanted activities in their lands, and the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, which should safeguard their welfare, the local government and corporate entities continuously trample on and harass IPs. They are left with no other choice but to endure spending months away from home and to walk various lengths

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT SA KAMPANYA Richard Cornelio

MGA PATNUGOT SA BALITA Juan Gregorio Lina Beatrice Puente

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT SA OPERASYON Marvin Joseph Ang

PATNUGOT SA GRAPIX John Kenneth Zapata

National minorities relentlessly and fiercely strive to win battles waged against them, knowing these are but a few of the many conflicts they will face so long as corporate interests are privileged by the state over their own safety and well-being

MGA PANAUHING PATNUGOT Sanny Boy Afable Arra Francia Adrian Kenneth Gutlay Victor Gregor Limon Karen Ann Macalalad Jiru Nikko Rada

in strange landscapes, to inform everyone of their plight, traversing cities without rest, all so they could finally afford to go home. My struggles are bland, petty even, in comparison to the injustices inflicted upon them, and which they will endure unless the state places a premium on the interests of the IP communities. In spite of all this, national minorities relentlessly and fiercely strive to win battles waged against them, knowing these are but a few of the many conflicts they will face so long as corporate interests are privileged by the state over their own safety and well-being. Outside, the rain sings a song of sorrow, but sadness is far from what I am feeling anymore. The fire that comes from upholding a rightful cause vigorously lives on, and together with our IP brothers and sisters, my spirit is stirred up, ready to fight. Now off to the next struggle.

MGA KAWANI Shernielyn Dela Cruz Lucky Dela Rosa Fernando Montejo Patrica Louise Pobre Karla Faith Santamaria Jose Martin Singh

KASAPI UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (Solidaridad), College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)

REBEL KULE


UKAY-UKAY ni Alana Dineros

At tumigil ang mundo / ISA LANG ANG PANALANGIN KO: makatarungang sahod, at tulog. Maraming tulog. Hindi ko rin alam kung paano ko natawid ang sem na ‘yon. Marami naman akong kasabay tumawid sa kalsada pero lagi’t lagi pa rin akong nababangga ng katotohanang pagod ako– pagod pagsabayin ang pagaaral at napakaraming trabaho. Pumasok din ako sa fastfood chains, naging ghost writer, at iba pa. Pero lumabas lang din akong delayed sa UP, tinanggal sa kolehiyo– walang direksyon sa buhay. Binubuhay pa rin naman ako ng iba’t ibang raket at pancit canton na mahal ko pa rin kahit mahal na. Kung kailan mas mahirap ang buhay ko, saka ko pa napagdesisyonang sumali ng Kule— iyong walang panipi, suportado ng mga estudyante, at syempre walang bayad. Dahil ganoon nga siguro pag sagad na ang nararanasan mong hirap. Di sapat ang umiyak, dapat may gawin. Nitong mga nakaraang buwan, iba’t ibang unyon sa mga pagawaan ang nagwelga. Matagal na akong nakakakausap ng mga unyonista, pero iba ang dami ngayon. Sa taas ba naman ng bilihin, at ginagawa pang katatawanan sa anyo ng memes—nakakagalit kaya iyong isang libong piso ang halaga ng sili!– tapos tatanggalin ka lang basta-basta sa trabaho. Matagal ng naratibo iyan ng mga manggagawa, pero iyong mga nasa nakapanginginig na airconditioned rooms? Minsang naging isa rin ako sa mga iyong pinipilit mag-Ingles nang may accent. Hindi lang kape ang dumadaloy sa mga ugat ko noon, dumating din sa puntong naging kuryente na—makina na rin kami kung ituring. Di ko sila nabalitaang magsitayuan sa kanilang mga upuan, nito lang— nagdeklara ng welga ang Unified Employees of Alorica dahil sa mga sapilitang pagtatanggal. Kung minsan, iniisip ko kung isa ako sa kanilang mga katrabaho; at kung alin sa pagsama o hindi ang aking gagawin. Dahil bakit? Mataas naman ang aking sweldo kumpara sa mga cashier sa drug stores. Ganoon nga siguro ‘pag sagad na ang kahirapan. Bunsod sa iba pang palisiya gaya ng ikalawang bahagi ng TRAIN na nagbabawas pa sa corporate income tax, kitang-kita kung sino ang pinapatay ng sistema. Sa ngayon, papakinggan ko na lang nang mabuti ang bawat costumer service representative sa mga delivery ng fastfoods sa tuwing uutusan akong mag-order ng batang aking tinu-tutor. Baka sakaling makausap sila tungkol sa kawastuhan ng pag-aaklas, baka sakaling mapilay ang produksyon, baka sakaling mapatigil ang mundo.

F E AT U R E S /

This is not your regular Collegian* What you are reading is a manifesto of resistance, a rebellion guided by the discourse of the marginalized that Rebel Kulê has never ceased to articulate through the years. The publication has dared to publish what the mainstream press leaves out of its headlines, what the powers-that-be cannot afford to see print. While the regular Collegian’s thrust has wavered from term to term, with some posturing as “objective” and adopting a pluralist framework, the three previous iterations of Rebel Kulê — in 1973, 1996, and 2006 — have remained staunch in their radical, activist orientation. The publication never cowered in the face of Martial Law, and neither did it choke in the university administration’s stranglehold on its autonomy and institutional integrity. Rebel Kulê has indeed faced down tyranny and helped topple a dictator, so there is no reason to back down before yet another one now. Folio / The first Rebel Collegian came out in 1973, in protest against the regular Collegian’s refusal to make a stand on pressing campus and national issues as most demonstrated by the absence of an editorial in the latter’s pages. Published underground, the Rebel

Collegian served as a counterpoint to the then Collegian, which opted to devote its pages to “demagogic discourses delivered by campus and New Society bureaucrats and to mindless prattle on the latest rockfest.” Decades after Martial Law, the Rebel Collegian once again emerged. The radical paper questioned the UP administration’s malign interference in the 1996 Collegian editorial exam. Then UP President Emil Javier appointed Voltaire Veneracion as the editor-inchief instead of the exam’s first placer Richard Gappi, who was a known critic of the Javier administration. Headline / While the regular Collegian headed by EIC Oscar Yabes in 1973 headlined UP President Salvador P. Lopez’s campus beautification project and weekly UAAP updates, the Rebel Collegian decried the 20-percent tuition hike and the dissolution of student institutions like the Office of Student Regent and the UP Student Council. The Rebel Collegian issues brought to the fore the students’ demand for lower tuition and dorm rates, among others, while “taking up the oppressed masses’ cause in exposing the corruption, servility, and violence of our semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.”

Meanwhile, the regular Collegian of then EIC Oscar Yabes served as a diversionary propaganda tool with its emphasis on counter-revolutionary literary pieces, with nary a critique of the atrocities under the US-Marcos regime. Yabes would also later come under fire due to his alleged malversation of the newspaper’s funds. Byline / The first two incarnations of the Rebel Collegian were published with an anonymous editorial board. During the turbulent Martial Law period, the Rebel Collegian was among the newspapers that defied media blackout by going underground as part of the mosquito press, thus called for its small operations but stinging anti-dictatorship content. The articles in the Rebel Collegian in 1996 likewise bore no byline, although it was an open secret that Gappi led the publication’s operations. The newsprint became an arena of the opposing camps from the ideological rift that characterized the Left movement then. On the one hand, Veneracion and the editor before him, Ibarra Gutierrez, espoused social democratic politics, Gappi and most of his colleagues from former EIC Michael John Ac-Ac’s

staff embraced national democracy. Unfailingly and unapologetically, the Rebel Collegian of the nineties expressed stances that may be deemed “hardline” and carried on the nationalist struggle, which the then regular Collegian abdicated. Editorial / “This is not your regular Collegian,” thus began Rebel Kulê’s 2006 editorial. “This is a declaration of dissent.” At the height of the campaign against the 300 percent tuition hike, then UP President Emerlinda Roman insisted on a public bidding for the Collegian’s printing press, based on a flimsy interpretation of Republic Act 9184 or the Government Procurement Act, and thus withheld funds for four months — the publication’s longest hiatus yet since World War II. This crisis compelled then EIC Karl Castro’s staff to unleash Rebel Kulê, to continue to rally the students against Roman’s skewed policies. Unlike the prior Rebel Collegians, Castro’s was the first to wage mutiny against the UP administration aboveground and from within the institution whose authority it seeks to subvert.

* apologies to Karl Castro and Frank Lloyd Tiongson

The 2018 Collegian Editor Selection Protest APRIL 26 / The Board of Judges (BOJ) released the initial list of examinees for the 2018 Philippine Collegian Editorial Exam. Collegian writers Marvin Ang and Richard Cornelio were absent from the roster. The BOJ furnished no formal letter of disqualification to Ang and Cornelio to explain the reason for their disqualification. The two writers learned from Office of Student Activities coordinator Ma. Althea Enriquez that their applications had been denied on the basis of their graduating statuses.

following day, an appeal to Chancellor Michael Tan was submitted.

APRIL 27 / Cornelio and Ang appealed to the BOJ to reconsider their decision, arguing that their graduating statuses were non-issues. Ang declared intention to move up to a bachelor’s degree, while Cornelio expressed his plans to apply for another undergraduate degree.

MAY 10 / On the deadline of postexam protests, the then Editorial Board (EB) submitted a 32-page letter of protest citing anomalies in the recent exam. They cited Melane Manalo, then graduating at the time she took the exam in 2007, as precedent to Ang and Cornelio’s case. Statements of concern were submitted by organizations such as UP Solidaridad, UPD University Student Council, Collegian alumni, and Manalo herself on the conduct of the 2018 editorial exam.

MAY 3 / In a single letter addressed to both writers, the BOJ headed by Dean Elena Pernia denied Ang and Cornelio’s appeal with finality and releases the final applicants’ list. The

MAY 5 / Ang and Cornelio argued against the BOJ’s narrow interpretation of the rules and pleaded that they be allowed to take the editorial exam, which was already underway then despite pending reply from the chancellor. Later on, Chancellor Tan upheld the BOJ’s ruling. Law student Jayson Edward San Juan had been adjudged as the topnotcher in the exams.

JULY 4 / The UPD League of College Councils (LCC) released a manifesto calling on the admin to come up with a decision regarding the protests. Engineering Student Council submitted a petition to Tan, urging the admin to conduct a second fair, inclusive editor selection process. JULY 18 / In an email addressed to Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Jerwin Agpaoa and USC Chair Yael Toribio, Tan rejected the call for a second editorial exam. He described the whole campaign as not only misinforming but also as an outright “attack” against San Juan. JULY 19 / Outgoing Editor-inChief Sanny Boy Afable received Tan’s decision dated July 13. In a memo, Tan merely stated that the “current rules provide for [Ang and Cornelio’s] disqualification” but failed to expound on this. Until the end, Tan upheld the BOJ’s decision despite protests led by the broad united front of students, professors, and councils.

RICHARD CORNELIO

MARVIN JOSEPH ANG

July 23 / The Collegian staff devoted a full-page write-up to question the administration’s decision. Tan did not answer the points raised by the EB in their post-exam petition and dismissed the protest as “forum shopping.” July 27 / At the 2018 UP Solidaridad Congress, student publications all over UP denounced the conduct of the recent Collegian editorial exam. The UP Solidaridad condemned “the irregularities in the recently held examination and does not recognize its results.” July 30 / At the 46th General Assembly of Student Councils, student councils were united in condemning the examination as “unfair, undemocratic, and prejudiced against students.” The body recommends a revision of the Collegian rules, and in light of the exam’s highly irregular and illegitimate results, demands for a holdover of the previous editorial term. This holdover term now calls itself as Rebel Kulê.


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