Rebel Kule Tomo 4 Isyu 3-4

TOMO IV / BLG III-IV / Biyernes, 30 Nobyembre 2018 email: phkule@gmail.com

EDITORIAL

Higit sa hatol Mabagsik at nararapat ang kahatulan ng kasaysayan sa sinumang taksil sa sambayanan.

Ngayong buwan ng Nobyembre, ginugunita ng bansa ang kultura ng kawalang-pananagutan; inaalala ang lahat ng minasaker, dinakip at sapilitang iwinala. Sa buwan ding ito, hinatulang may sala ng Sandiganbayan sa kasong graft si Imelda Marcos, ang mukha ng kalabisan sa ilalim ng batas militar.

Gamit ang pekeng pangalan na Jane Ryan, nakalikha si Imelda ng pitong account sa Swiss Bank na pinaglagakan ng malaking pera ng bayan sa loob ng dalawang dekadang diktadura ng kaniyang asawang si Ferdinand Marcos. Mabunying tagumpay ang hatol para sa mga naulila ng libu-libong buhay na kinitil ng batas militar, at sa kasalukuyang henerasyong patuloy na pumapasan sa mga utang at bagsak na ekonomiyang iniwan ng mga Marcos.

Subalit gaya ng iba pang napatunayang nagnakaw sa kaban ng bayan, binigyan din si Imelda ng pagkakataong pansamantalang magpiyansa sa halagang P150,000— baryang maituturing sa mamahalin niyang mga sapatos at alahas, at sa higit P170 bilyon na ninakaw niya at ng kaniyang pamilya. Higit pa, kinonsidera rin ng hukuman ang edad ni Imelda gaya ni Juan Ponce Enrile, na siyang dating kanangkamay ng diktador. Samantala, ang mga matatanda ring katulad ni Imelda Hayahay, na ina ng isang guro ng mga Lumad, ay basta-basta na lamang dinadakip dahil sa walangbasehang paratang ng rebelyon.

Hindi ito ang unang beses na nakalaya si Imelda mula sa pagkakapiit. Taong 1991 nang una siyang mapatunayang may-sala

sa parehong kaso ng graft, subalit nakapagpiyansa rin hanggang ibasura ng Korte Suprema ang kaso noong 1998. Ang pagbibigay ng labis-labis at maling konsiderasyon ay patunay ng kahinaan, kung ‘di man kabulukan, ng batas at mga tagapagpaganap nito.

Bukod sa pinakahuling hatol kay Imelda, ilang beses nang napatunayan ng hukuman ang iba’t ibang uri ng kalapastanganan ng mga Marcos, ngunit walang pagkakataong nakita ng sambayanan ang ni isa sa kanila sa bilangguan. Nananatili ring mabagal ang usad ng pagbawi sa nakaw nilang yaman—repleksyon ng malalim at lalo pang pinalalawak na impluwensya ng mga Marcos sa pamahalaan higit sa ilalim ng umaasta ring diktador na si Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte.

Malinaw ang ugnayan sa pagitan ng mga Marcos at ni Duterte, na buong-pagmamalaking umiidolo sa diktador na nahihimlay ngayon sa Libingan ng mga Bayani. Gayundin, dahil sa piyansa, malaya pang makatatakbo sa pagka-gobernador si Imelda sa Ilocos Norte, kapalit sa kaniyang anak na si Imee na nagnanais maging senador sa suporta ng partido ni Duterte.

Samakatuwid, hindi makakamit ang tunay na hustisya hangga’t nananatili ang sistemang nagluwal at nagbibigay-laya sa mga Marcos; ang kultura ng karahasan, paglimot, at kawalang-pananagutan na pinatitindi ng kasalukuyang administrasyon.

Hindi kagulat-gulat kung hindi pa rin hahantong sa selda si Imelda sa pagkakataong ito, kaya’t lalo

@phkule

NEWS /

The long fortnight: Fraternity-related violence, controversy wrack UP Diliman

KULT /

Bayang Minasaker

FEATS /

System Diagnostics: Debugging the Third Telco Selection Process

Hindi makakamit ang tunay na hustisya hangga’t nananatili ang sistemang itong dahilan upang pag-alabin nagluwal at ang pagmumulat sa lahat ng nagbibigay-laya posibleng lunsaran, pag-oorganisa sa iba’t ibang espasyo, at pagkilos sa mga Marcos: sa lansangan upang panagutin ang mga Marcos at pigilan ang ang kultura anumang bantang ibalik ang ng karahasan, diktadura sa bansa.

Dahil sa huli, higit pa sa piitan ang paglimot, at sasapitin ng sinumang sumusubok kawalangsa ating pagkakapoot, sa marapat nating ‘di paglimot. pananagutan.

DIBUHO NI KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A ! I PA S A PA G K A BA S A !

REBELKULÊ

ANG PAHAYAGAN NG MGA MAG-AARAL NG UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS DILIMAN

REBEL KULÊ

2

30 NOBYEMBRE 2018 BIYERNES

BA L I TA

Upang bigyang-daan ng NHA, Ayala

300 kabahayan sa Sitio San Roque, gigibain Isang kahig, isang tuka – ganito ilarawan ni Fe Seduco, 40, ang naging pamumuhay ng kanyang pamilya nang manirahan sila sa isang relocation site sa Montalban, Rizal noong 2011. Maituturing mang malapit ito sa Kamaynilaan kumpara sa ibang relokasyon, malayo pa rin ito sa pinagkukunan ng kabuhayan ng kanilang pamilya.

“Mahirap talaga ang buhay sa Montalban. Doon ko naranasan na sa isang buong araw, hindi kami nakakain.

Dahil sa hirap talaga, wala kang mauutangan kasi lahat ng kapitbahay mo, hirap din sa buhay,” ani Seduco.

STATE OF URBAN POOR HOUSING IN THE PHILIPPINES

/ REX MENARD CERVALES

2.02M UNITS

of housing backlog by the end of 2016

6.8 UNITS

of projected housing backlog by 2022

2.8M HOUSEHOLDS

/ PHOTOS BY LUCKY DELA ROSA

/ INFOGRAPHIC BY KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

or two out of 10 households do not have electricity Taliwas sa pangako ng mas maayos na buhay ang hatid ng paninirahan sa mga relocation site – bukod sa kawalan ng trabaho, mahirap ding abutin ang serbisyong kinakailangan ng mga residente sa araw-araw. Ang masalimuot na karanasang ito ang nagtulak sa pamilya Seduco na muling bumalik sa Sitio San Roque sa Quezon City (QC) kung saan sila dating namamalagi.

Ngunit sa kasalukuyan, ilang taon makalipas ang kanilang pagbabalik sa Sitio, muling nalalagay sa alanganin ang kinabukasan nina Seduco at ng libolibo pang pamilya na nakatira rin sa San Roque. Plano kasing gibain ng National Housing Authority (NHA) ang 300 kabahayan sa 37 ektaryang lupaing ito upang bigyang-daan ang proyektong QC Central Business District (CBD) ng Ayala Land, Inc. (ALI). Halos 10,000 pamilya na ang naapektuhan ng sunudsunod na demolisyon sa 22 ektarya ng San Roque.

“Nalulungkot at saka may galit ako [sa gobyerno at ALI] dahil sa mga nangyayaring demolisyon dito. Hindi tama ang ginagawa ng gobyerno natin sa urban poor,” ani Seduco.

Tagibang na kasunduan / Nagsimula ang planong pagpapatayo ng QC CBD nang pumasok sa isang joint venture agreement ang NHA, ALI, at ang lokal na pamahalaan ng QC noong 2009.

Pinaglaanan ang proyekto ng higit P65 bilyon na badyet at sasakop sa higit 250 ektarya ng lupa.

Alinsunod ito sa Executive Order (EO) No. 620 na nilagdaan ni dating Pangulong Gloria Arroyo noong 2007 na naglalayong idebelop ang East at North Triangles at area ng Veterans Memorial Medical Center.

Parte ang Sitio San Roque sa mga masasagasaan ng proyektong ito.

“There is a need to guide and improve the allocation, utilization, management, and development of the national government’s land resources, as well as to ensure their optimum use, under the principles of economic growth and efficiency, social equity, and justice,” saad sa nasabing EO. Tinatayang 11,893 ang bilang ng mga Informal Settler Families (ISFs) na namamalagi sa North Triangle ang maaapektuhan sa pagpapatayo ng QC CBD, ayon sa pinakahuling datos mula sa NHA-NCR. Sa bilang na ito, higit 8,500 lamang ang maaaring makakuha ng libreng pabahay o cash incentive. Ang iba naman ay hindi kwalipikadong makatanggap ng pabahay kung dati na silang nabigyan nito. Samantala, mayroon ding mga pamilya na hindi napabilang sa census kung kaya wala ring pabahay na naghihintay para sa kanila.

Sa bawat maugong na paanyaya sa pagbubukas ng panibagong mall ay ang pagkahig ng binabaklas na yero. Sa bawat condominium na uusbong ay ang pagwasak ng mga barung-barong. “Naglilingkod [ang pamahalaan] sa iilan lamang – sa

1.5M INFORMAL SETTLERS

half of which are living in riverbanks or railways

0.11% OF THE NATIONAL BUDGET is allocated to housing mga kapitalista. Hindi talaga sila nagseserbisyo sa tao, negosyo talaga ang ginagawa nila,” ani Seduco.

Ibinaba ng NHA ang notice of demolition noong Setyembre 20 upang hilingin ang kusang-loob na paglikas ng mga residente sa loob ng 30 araw. Ilang beses humiling ang mga residente ng dayalogo kasama ang NHA ngunit nananatili pa ring tahimik ang ahensya at tila nagbibingi-bingihan sa hinaing ng mga residente ng Sitio San Roque.

“Sana ay pansinin naman nila ang hiling naming magkaroon ng dayalogo dahil ayaw naming magkaroon ng gulo at ayaw rin naming maging makulit. Sana naman ay wag nila kaming itapon at balewalain,” ani Estrelita Bagasbas, vice chairperson ng Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap (Kadamay), samahan ng mga maralitang tagalungsod.

Huling alas / Inanyayahan ng NHA at ng Presidential Commision on the Urban Poor sa isang pre-demolition conference noong Nobyembre 20

ang mga residente na nadiskwalipika sa census para sa relokasyon. Sa mismong araw ng pulong, tinangkang harangin ng mga gwardiya ang mga residenteng miyembro ng Kadamay.

Bagaman hindi nagawang iapela sa naturang pulong ang pagpapahinto ng serye ng demolisyon, nagprotesta ang ilang mga residente sa labas ng Relocation Action Center sa NHA, ayon sa opisyal na pahayag ng Kadamay San Roque.

Sa halip na panghinaan ng loob, mas maigting na paglaban ang tugon ng mga residente sa panggigipit ng pamahalaan. Minsan nang napatunayan ng mga residente ng San Roque ang lakas ng kanilang paglaban noong 2010 nang magawa nilang pigilan ang tangkang malawakang demolisyon sa kanilang lugar.

“Napakalakas ng sama-samang paglaban. Hindi siya nabuwag, dahil lumaban ang tao, talagang malaking impact sa gobyerno na dine-demolish [ang aming mga tirahan] para sa kapitalista,” ani Bagasbas.

Sunud-sunod man ang demolisyon sa kasalukuyan, patuloy

Source: National AntiPoverty Commission pa silang tumitindig upang matigil ito.

Ipinapanawagan din ng mga residente ang on-site development sa San Roque sa halip na paalisin sila sa lugar na matagal na nilang tirahan. Para sa mga residente, walang anumang halaga ang kayang tumapat sa pagnanais nilang manatili sa lugar na ito.

“Ayaw naming tanggapin ang alok na P32,720 kapalit ng sapilitang paglikas, kasi ang pera naman ay madaling maubos. Ang gusto namin ay magkaroon ng disenteng tirahan,” ani Seduco.

Sa huli, iisa lang din naman ang ninanais ng mga maralitang kagaya nina Seduco at Bagasbas – ang inklusibong pag-unlad kung saan hindi sila isinasantabi ng gobyerno para sa interes ng pribadong sektor.

“Hindi naman kami nanghihingi ng libre… Hindi rin naman kami umaayaw sa relokasyon basta’t tama lang ang mga kondisyon dito – may hanapbuhay ang mga tao, maayos ang bahay, malapit sa trabaho at eskwelahan. Iyon lang ang importante para sa mga mahihirap,” ani Bagasbas.

#UPTHEREV

NEWS

@phkule

State of emergency feared to worsen HRVs in Negros, Bicol, Samar

3

REBEL KULÊ

LAKAS NG KABATAAN / SHERNIELYN DELA CRUZ

/ BEATRICE PUENTE

Deploying more military and police forces in Bicol region, Negros, and Samar could be detrimental to the safety of the people in those violence-stricken areas, as progressive groups point out that Malacañang’s Memorandum Order (MO) 32 declaring state of national emergency only aims to legitimize militarization in those areas.

Citing “sporadic acts of violence” that erupted in the recent months as basis for the order, Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea signed the memorandum on November 22, as directed by President Rodrigo Duterte, to quell violence in the aforementioned provinces.

This order would only worsen the human rights violations in those provinces, according to human rights group Karapatan. “On the ground, however, state forces arbitrarily kill, detain, and violate rights with impunity,” Karapatan Secretary-General Cristina Palabay said in a statement.

Cases of violent attacks had erupted over the recent months in the mentioned provinces, which the military mostly attributes to rebel groups like the New People’s Army, including the massacre of nine sugar farm workers in Sagay, Negros Occidental last October 20. Eyewitness accounts, however, denied these allegations.

Aside from the Sagay massacre, other instances that Medialdea referred to were attacks on state forces, like the alleged ambush in Matuguinao, Samar against the 63rd Infantry Battalion.

“There is a need to reinforce the directive of the President in order to prevent further loss of innocent lives and destruction of property and bring

the whole country back to a state of normalcy as quick as possible,” one of the memo’s provisions stated.

Preventing loss of any more lives was also used to justify the existing declaration of national emergency through Proclamation 55 signed in September 2016, following the Davao night market bombing.

Latest data from Karapatan, however, show that 49 cases of extrajudicial killings happened in the area within just a year of martial law declaration on May 23, 2017. In addition, a total of 9,738 incidents of intimidation and harassment were also recorded.

This human rights situation in Mindanao only reinforces the fear that people’s safety will be compromised when more military forces are present. “The military has been killing suspected rebels whether or not there is martial law or a state of emergency,” Bayan Muna Partylist Representative Neri Colmenares noted in a statement.

The groups continued to urge the people to oppose this order, emphasizing how protests have historically been proven to spark change. “When then President Gloria Arroyo imposed national emergency, the people rose up to protest. … The arrogance and impunity of the past will be paid dearly by the perpetrators in the future,” Colmenares stated.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN VISAYAS AND MINDANAO UNDER DUTERTE (KARAPATAN, July 2016 to September 2018) EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLING

ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE

BICOL

23

-

WESTERN VISAYAS

16

-

CENTRAL VISAYAS

12

-

NORTHERN MINDANAO

12

-

CARAGA

17

1

SOCCSKSARGEN

23

4

SOUTHERN MINDANAO

50

-

ARMM

21

1

Sumali sa iba’t ibang mga larong pambata ang mga kabataang Lumad at kanilang mga tagasuporta sa Sunken Garden para sa Pandaigdigang Araw ng mga Bata, Nobyembre 20. Mariin nilang tinutulan ang batas militar sa Mindanao na siyang nagpapalala ng mga paglabag sa karapatang-pantao. Sa tala ng Save Our Schools Network, lumalala ang mga pag-atake sa paaralan ng mga Lumad: 56 na paaralan na ang ipinasara bunga ng pananatili ng mga pwersang militar sa kanilang mga komunidad.

Solons seek to amend anti-sexual harassment law

CATHRYNE / ENRIQUEZ

Cases of sexual harassment in the country continue to increase in number each day. In order to strengthen legislation against sexual harassment, the House of Representatives unanimously passed House Bill (HB) 8244 on its third and final reading last November 12, garnering a total of 162 votes.

Once passed into law, HB 8244 will amend Republic Act (RA) 7877, or the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act that has already been implemented for more than two decades.

“There is a need to keep these legal instruments abreast with the times,” said Gabriela Women’s Party Representative Arlene Brosas in a forum discussing the Expanded AntiSexual Harassment Bill, adding that the law should have a wider scope so as to punish individuals who commit sexual harassment on social media and other online sites.

In a 2016 study conducted by the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), 8 out of 10 Filipino youth were found to be susceptible to experiencing sexual abuse online.

Moreover, in a separate UNICEF study, sexual violence was also found to be occurring in children’s homes, schools, or their communities, with 1 out of 5 Filipino children facing sexual harassment in these places.

Aside from expanding the definition of sexual harassment, the bill also provides for the creation of a Committee on Decorum and

Investigation in all workplaces and educational institutions to handle cases of sexual harassment involving their constituents. In addition, under HB 8244, even those who direct another individual to commit sexual harassment will also be held liable and penalized.

“Gusto kasi natin na mapigilan nito yung mga perpetrators ng sexual harassment, hindi lang para magsilbi itong warning kundi rin para aktuwal na mapanagot sila.

Kailangan din maging aware ng mga kababaihan sa karapatan nila at maipaglaban nila ito kapag naipasa ‘to sa batas,” Brosas said.

In the University of the Philippines alone, 21 cases of sexual harassment have been filed since August 2018. Professor Teresa De Luna, coordinator of the Office of Anti-Sexual Harassment (OASH), expressed her support for the bill’s passage, noting that amending the existing law against sexual harassment is highly beneficial for everyone.

“Sinusuportahan natin ang passage ng bill kasi dati, parang pwede mo lang bayaran [‘yung

pagkakasala mo] tapos madali na lang mang-harass ulit,” said De Luna, referring to the measly P10,000 to P20,000 fine imposed on sexual offenders, as provided in the existing law. Under HB 8244, the penalty is set from P50,000 to P200,000.

For their part, the OASH, the Diliman Gender Office, and the University Student Council (USC) maintains close connections with each other to ensure that the university remains a safe space for students, employees, and the entire UP community. Gender sensitivity training and various educational discussions are vital in forwarding the campaigns against sexual harassment, USC Gender Committee Co-Head Kathleen Estrella said.

“Ang pinakaimportante [na maensure] ay ang pagpapatuloy ng ganitong mga kampanya. Kung hindi natin pipigilan ‘yung kulturang nagpapalaganap [ng sexual harassment], magpapatuloy pa rin ang occurrence nito, gaano man karami ang ipasa nating batas,” Estrella said.

REBEL KULÊ

4

30 NOBYEMBRE 2018 BIYERNES

NEWS

THE LONG FORTNIGHT

Fraternity-related violence, controversy wrack UP Diliman The UP community demands accountability of the Alpha Phi Beta and Upsilon Sigma Phi fraternities, which for the past two weeks have been embroiled in multiple controversies involving violence on campus. It would later be followed up by the online leak of offensive conversations purportedly involving members of Upsilon that similarly met condemnation by students and faculty alike.

In the aftermath of both incidents, the USC filed on November 26 complaints against the two fraternities with the Office of AntiSexual Harassment and the Student Disciplinary Council. It also promised to draw up contracts, with the two fraternities included as parties, for a commitment to prohibit future incidents of FRV. On the other hand, Upsilon Sigma Phi member and USC Chairperson Yael Toribio announced his resignation from his post during the USC’s November 23 emergency general assembly, supposedly in order to give way to an impartial USC investigation.

Alpha Phi Beta member and USC councilor Rein Gallardo, for his part, has not yet issued a statement on his resignation as of press time, citing a need to settle pending deliverables for the USC, he told Rebel Kulê.

In light of Toribio’s resignation, elected USC vice-chairperson Kisha Beringuela assumes the vacated post, while a new vice-chairperson will be elected by the council, according to Article VI, Section 4a of the USC’s constitution. The vacancy

NOVEMBER 21

in the councilor post, however, will be assumed by the 14th ranked councilor during this year’s elections instead of the 13th USC councilor, Ivy Taroma, who currently serves as the UP Student Regent.

Meanwhile, USC councilor Ian Serrano remains on-board the council after earlier announcing his “resignation” from Upsilon in an online statement dated November 22. He remains, however, preventively suspended for another week pending a requirement to submit validated proof of his resignation from Upsilon and an accounting of the fraternity’s members that were involved in the fighting. Serrano will also coordinate with the USC’s fact-finding team in filing complaints against these members.

In addition, an expulsion case on the grounds of misconduct and gross neglect of duty has been filed against USC Councilor Jeremiah Tomas, another Upsilon member, who missed the November 23 assembly. His case will hence be heard in the USC’s upcoming emergency assembly, the date of which has yet to be set as of

#LonsiLeaks @100Upsilon

Leaks of a group conversation allegedly involving members of Upsilon Sigma Phi made their rounds on social media. The malicious and highly offensive content of the chats were widely condemned.

press time.

For the part of the university administration, UP President Danilo Concepcion, a member himself of Upsilon, promised in a November 26 statement that the offenses will be dealt with to the full extent of available remedies, adding that UPD Chancellor Michael Tan has also been instructed to expedite the investigation on the incidents.

While a probe into the FRV is underway, Tan noted that the university is looking to consult a computer forensics service to help identify those part of the online chats, which he believed are available only as screenshots. He also appealed for Upsilon to take initiative in revealing the identity of the offenders in light of the lack of legal options.

On the matter of emerging calls to abolish fraternities, the Chancellor expressed a need to “live with fraternities” instead. “If you abolish them, magiging underground lang sila at magiging mas mahirap nang i-regulate... dapat talagang magbago na sila,” Tan said.

NOVEMBER 15 UPD Chancellor Tan issued a statement condemning the violence, but highlights the fraternities’ contributions to the UP Men’s Basketball Team and the illegal nature of the footage on the November 13 clash. The lukewarm response is met with criticism by the university community.

NOVEMBER 23 Tan released his response to the leaks and to the recent reports of abduction. Tan expressed disappointment over the lack of cooperation from both fraternities in the investigation of the events.

UPD chairperson Yael Toribio, a member of Upsilon Sigma Phi, and USC Councilor Rein Gallardo, an Alpha Phi Beta member, tendered their resignations. USC Councilor Ian Serrano opted to remain in the council, but promised to use his position to confront the emergent issues after earlier cutting ties with Upsilon.

As of press time, the next emergency general assembly of the USC has yet to be scheduled, while the progress and findings of the UP administration-initiated probe remain undisclosed.

TIMELINE OF EVENTS

/ JUAN GREGORIO LINA

NOVEMBER 13 Members of the Alpha Phi Beta and Upsilon Sigma Phi fraternities clashed at Palma Hall. Footage of the incident was later leaked to mainstream news networks.

A. Roces Magsaysay

NOVEMBER 14 Multiple incidents of violence wracked UP Dilimanan attack on a vehicle along A. Roces Street and a confrontation on Magsaysay Avenue, near the GT-Toyota Complex. In the latter encounter, conflicting reports emerged whether a gun had been used on the scene.

The police report and a November 15 statement from UP Vice President for Publicity Jose Dalisay said that a car chase had taken place, not a shooting, while eyewitnesses and a statement from UPD Chancellor Michael Tan claimed the contrary, according to the USC’s later findings. The names of those involved and the exact number of injured, on the other hand, remain unclear.

Other administration officials Rebel Kulê had contacted also declined to comment on the matter.

Later that day, councilors with affiliations to the warring fraternities were preventively suspended. The USC constituted a fact-finding committee and began its investigation into the matter.

NOVEMBER 22

@iskolarpeaks

Reports began to circulate online of the abduction of a Twitter user known only by his username, @iskolarspeaks, who had been vocal of his condemnation of Upsilon online. The user was reportedly with his girlfriend on campus when he was taken by still-unidentified assailants, according to a brief account on his Twitter page.

Around midnight of November 23, @iskolarspeaks announced his safety, but added that he had suffered from injuries including a busted lip and a bruised eye. The user also expressed his reluctance to speak with authorities, saying that he found it difficult to trust them.

/ INFOGRAPHIC BY KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

NEWS

@phkule

UP contractuals blast new job order, demand regularization

/ JOSE MARTIN SINGH

Around 500 contractual workers still remain at risk of losing their jobs in the University of the Philippines (UP) Diliman even if the government already allowed the renewal of their contracts in the next two years.

Earlier this November, the Department of Budget and Management (DBM), Civil Service Commission, and the Commission on Audit amended its Joint Circular (JC) No. 1 and permitted government agencies to hire contract of services (COS) and job order (JO) workers up to December 31, 2020.

The departments previously set the deadline on December 31, 2018 but was opposed by labor groups and government contract workers.

Despite the two-year buffer period, the Alliance of Contractual Employees in UP (ACE-UP) raised apprehension toward JC No. 1 as it transfers the hiring of COS and JO employees to private manpower agencies.

In UP, this will translate to the absorption of non-UP contractuals into the said agencies since they hold no employer-employee relationship with the university. “[Ang] problema kasi diyan, nagbi-bidding ‘yung agency every year. Wala ka pa ring kasiguraduhan…

Pagdating ng bidding, pag natalo yung agency mo, wala kang tenure,” ACE-UP President Dionesio Villanueva said.

Under the Government Procurement Act, government agencies and state universities are required to screen their service providers through a “competitive bidding process” and select which offered the lowest cost.

“So alam naman natin na sa karanasan dito sa UP, ‘yung mga agency, ay matindi rin ang pananamantala,” said Villanueva.

ACE-UP Spokesperson Stephanie Andaya shared the same sentiment, citing other disadvantages of agencyhiring. “May risk of corruption [ang ganitong sistema] kasi marami nang cases ng pagkaltas ng sweldo…Ibig sabihin baka may palakasan system din dito.”

Following these, the group urged the UP administration to oppose the implementation of JC No. 1 and heed their demand for a dialogue. Villanueva said they have sent numerous

requests to officials including UP President Danilo Concepcion since 2017, but to no avail.

ACE-UP likewise hoped for the fullfilment of Concepcion’s earlier promise to turn 50 percent of non-UP contractuals to UP contractuals. The latter group receives social security benefits and has an employeremployee relationship with UP, among others, but is not regularized despite serving for several years.

Such is the case of Villanueva, who has been working as a laboratory aide in the UP Natural Sciences Research Institute for twenty years now.

“Dapat iprocess pa rin [ng UP Admin] yung regularisasyon ng mga non-UP contractual, na mapatagal na sila dito sa pamantasan. Kasi di naman sapat … na mabasura yung JC No.1. Kung mabasura man, syempre kontraktwal ka pa rin. Kailangan gumawa ng hakbang yung UPD na maregularisa din yung mga non-UP contractual.”

The UP administration, meanwhile, already recognized the amendment to JC No. 1 which also entitles COS and JO workers to a 20-percent premium or increase in their salaries or wages. In a letter dated November 14, Executive Vice President Teodoro Herbosa told ACEUP that they will “strictly adhere” to the said measure.

Vice President for Administration Nestor Yunque, for his part, said they are now looking for ways to address the contractual workers’ call for a just wage and security of tenure.

“We do not fully know yet the implication and applicability of JC No.1 in solving the problem on contractualization as we are still studying this,” Yunque said.

“Rest assured though that the UP administration is doing its best to solve the problem of contractualization through conversion of non-UP to UP contractuals as stop gap measure and eventually through the provision of sufficient additional items from the DBM as the final solution.”

MAGING BAHAGI NG KASAYSAYAN!

SU MA L I SA R E BE L K UL Ê !

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REBEL KULÊ

Acad Union leader elected faculty regent / MARVIN JOSEPH ANG

Professor Ramon Guillermo of the All UP Academic Employees Union (AUPAEU) has been selected to represent the faculty members of the University of the Philippines System in the Board of Regents, the highest decision-making body in the university.

Guillermo, who hails from the Department of Filipino and Philippine Literatures, bested two other candidates for the faculty regent (FR) position, garnering a total of 1,344 votes in the polls held last November 12-14.

Meanwhile, nominees Professor Victor Paz of the Archaeological Studies Program and Professor Arnel Salvador from the College of Science, got a total of 503 and 384 votes, respectively.

Aside from garnering the most number of votes, Guillermo also received the most number of nominations, having 414 in total. Paz and Salvador, on the other hand, garnered 124 and 37 nominations respectively.

Dina Ocampo of the College of Education and Jose Balmaceda of the College of Science, meanwhile, declined the nomination.

Guillermo will begin his two-year term on January,

representing a total of 3,980 faculty members across all UP units. Among his plans as FR is to study various teaching problems faced in the university, such as teaching load and university policies regarding publications in journals. He also plans to hold consultations on the importance of General Education program in the 21st century in all constituent units.

He also vowed to continue working for the enhancement of non-wage benefits, and to ensure a campus free from any form of discrimination. “Ang samasamang pagkilos ng maliliit na nakararami, ang pakikipagkaisa sa sambayanan, ang pakikibaka at paninindigan para sa karapatan at kagalingan, ang mga ito ang nagbubunga ng tagumpay,” said Guillermo in a statement.

In his general plans of action, Guillermo stressed that the FR

should not only stand for the interests of the faculty but also for the other sectors within the university such as the research, extension and professional staff, administrative personnel, students, and the UP community as a whole. “The FR should always foster close ties with the faculty and other sectors in the UP community and be accountable for his or her actions in the BOR,” Guillermo added.

Now that Guillermo is selected as the FR, he would have to relinquish his post as the Vice President for Faculty of the AUPAEU, in accordance with the union’s constitution and by-laws.

The last time a union leader assumed the FR post was in 2009, under the term of former DSWD Secretary Judy Taguiwalo, who was also the founding national president of the AUPAEU.

UP SECURES FIRST CHAMPIONSHIP TICKET IN 32 YEARS Cellar-dwellers no more: after decades of languishing among the University Athletics Association of the Philippines (UAAP) men’s basketball teams, the UP Fighting Maroons have earned a come back to the championship arena after defeating the Adamson Soaring Falcons in an 89-87 thriller last November 28, 2018.

Juan Gomez de Liaño led the way for UP, racking up an impressive 30 points on 12 of 22 shooting off the bench, with 6 boards and a pair of assists to boot. Maroon big man Bright Akhuetie, meanwhile, chipped in with a double-double performance of 13 points and 17 rebounds.

However, it was team captain Paul Desiderio who also came up big for UP: after Falcon Jerom Lastimosa hit both free throws to tie the game at 87 during overtime, Desiderio drained a clutch jumper with 6.6 seconds left to give UP a two-point advantage and, ultimately, the victory. For the contest, Desiderio poured in 16 points, but shot poorly overall with only 4 makes out of 18 attempts.

UP (8-6) will now face the top seeded Ateneo Blue Eagles (12-2) in a three-game finals series this Saturday, December 1. / JUAN GREGORIO LINA

/ PHOTO BY DYLAN REYES

#UPTHEREV

G N A Y A BA N I M REBEL KULÊ

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S

a nagdaang undas, inaalala ang gunita ng karumaldal-dumal na mga pamamaslang. Ang buwan ng Nobyembre ay buwan ng pagpapanagot sa lahat ng patayang walang mukha at kasong walang hustisya. Ang bawat mamamayang inutang ng mga berdugo ay mayroong tinatanganang laban. Sa bawat buhay na kinukuha ng mga tunay na aswang at halimatw ay ang mga kwento ng paglaban. Mangilabot, mapoot, magbangon!

LUHA SA KAMPANA

BANTAY SALAKAY SHEILA / ABARRA

Tuwing darating ang ika-28 ng Setyembre, mag-isang tumutunog ang mga kampana sa simbahan, waring may tumatawag, umiiyak.

Nang isang gabi, sinubukan ko itong patotohanan. Dahandahan akong pumuslit sa loob at nang makita ko ang sarili sa salamin ng isang santo, nakasuot na ako ng saya at kamisa.

Sunud-sunod na sa aking likuran ang mga katulad kong nakadamit-pambabae at may hawak na machete.

Tumunog mag-isa ang kampana na ngayo’y mas malaki sa batid kong pag-aari ng simbahan. Antigo ito, at sa bawat kalembang ay tila sumasakit ang tiyan ko. Animo’y gutom at sa aking tabi ay may batang nakahiga’t may malubhang sakit.

Dali-dali akong lumabas ng simbahan at nang tanawin ko ang kampana, bumalik na ito sa dating laki. Tumatakbo ako pauwi habang naririnig ang sigaw ng isang lalaki, “Huwag lamang patayin, sunugin ang lahat ng makikita n’yong Pilipino na higit sa sampu ang edad!”

Kinaumagahan, hinahanap ko sa aking lolo ang kampana ng Balanggiga. Kinuha raw ito ng mga Amerikano tanda ng hindi pagtanggap ng kanilang pagkatalo sa kamay ng ating mga ninuno na kanilang ginutom at pinatay sa sakit na kolera.

Tuwing darating ang dulo ng Setyembre, hindi na takot ang nararamdaman ko sa pagtunog ng kampana sa simbahan kundi pagkamangha sa lakas ng nag-aaklas na Pilipino noong panahon ng pangongolonya at galit sa hindi nila pagbabalik ng batingaw ng bayan.

ANANG ASWANG SHEILA / ABARRA

Kapag naaalala ko, di pa man ginugunita ang araw ng kanilang pagkamatay, o di kaya’y araw ng mga patay, parang gusto ko na lang manatili sa bahay.

Noong isang gabi, parang may hinihilang bahagi ng katawan ko, dahilan para ako’y maalimpungatan. Maya-maya may nabalita nang patay sa kabilang baranggay.

Gigising akong may dugo sa tagiliran at tila ba may pakiramdam ng kasiguruhan. Inaasahan—pulis na tulad ko ang salarin sa bawat patayan. Pero may mga gabing ang pakiramdam ng kasiguruhan ay nababaling sa mismong patayan. Hindi ito ang mandato ng pulisya na dapat nagpoprotekta. Butil-butil ang pawis ko. Hudyat na ng bangungot at ang gusot ay ang sigalot sa Mamasapano noong 2015.

Pagkagising ko katabi ko ang matandang detainee na kasama sa mga napaslang noong 2005 sa Bicutan Siege.

Tumayo akong humahangos papuntang banyo upang maghilamos. Pagtingin ko sa salamin nakauniporme ako ng SAF at saka ako biningi ng mga boses na nagsasabing isa akong Moro, marapat mapuksa, terorista.

Sinubukan kong sumigaw ngunit walang boses na lumalabas. Nang hawakan ko ang aking buong katawan sa pagkalito, napagtanto kong ako ang may tama ng bala.

Ang kasiguruhan sa patayan ay dumadaloy mula sa pamamaslang sa Bicutan hanggang sa masaker sa Mamasapano. Ang kasiguruhan ay walang mananatiling buhay, pulis ka man o Moro na lagi’t laging itinuturing na kaaway.

May tao sa dulo ng silid, nakatingin lamang sa akin. Tila kontrolado niya ang aking pagkaparalisa. Maya-maya pa’y may isa rin sa paanan. Kakaiba ang nanggigitatang maputlang balat, parang di tagarito, dayuhan.

SHEILA / ABARRA

Wala pa ako sa sapat na edad pero ngayong nagbalik ako sa aming bayan sa Negros, parang nag-iiba ang aking pakiramdam, parang may nagtutulak sa aking magngitngit, magalit.

Yung pangalan kong Ana, naging Anang Aswang na simula elementarya. Tubong Negros kasi kami, bagaman ang kwentong katatakutan ay sa Capiz madalas, basta Bisaya, aswang. Pero pakiramdam ko may katotohanan, dahil sa aking pagtanda, may galit sa loob ko na parang maghahasik sa takdang panahon.

Tumatawa lang ang Nanay ko pag kinukwento ko. Baka raw mana ako sa mga lola ko sa tuhod na matatapang na sakada ng Negros. Napakalawak ng salitang ‘matapang’, hindi naman siguro iyon nangangahulugan ng pagka-aswang?

Baka nga may lahi kaming aswang. Kaya ngayong undas at nagkakataong babalik ako sa Negros, inantay ko ang bilog na buwan sa tubuhan. Nang maghahatinggabi na, naramdaman ko ang antok kung kaya pumikit ako saglit at sumandal sa isang kubo.

Nakaramdam ako ng usok at tubig sa aking buong katawan at nang dumilat ako, laksa-laksang sakada ang magkakapitbisig sa aking tabi at harapan. Nangilabot ako sa mga pulis, paramilitar at sundalong nagbobomba ng tubig sa mga sakada.

Ang aking lola sa tuhod ang may hawak ng megaphone at sumisigaw ng “Bigas, hindi tear gas!” Nang mabaling ang tingin ko sa mga militar, nagsihaba ang kanilang mga dila, tumutulo ang mga laway, “Mamatay kayo hindi lamang sa gutom, kundi sa bala!” anang tunay na aswang.

Ilang saglit pa, pinaulanan na ng bala ang mga kasama kong sakada. Isa-isa silang nagsibagsakan at maging ako. Nagising ako’y malalim na ang madaling araw at saka ko napagtantong hindi ako ang tunay na aswang.

Wala pa ako sa sapat na edad pero ngayong nagbalik ako sa aming bayan sa Negros, malinaw na ang aking pakiramdam.

Ang kawalan ng hustisya sa higit tatlong dekadang masaker sa Escalante ang nagtutulak hindi lamang sa akin kundi sa bawat sakada at pesante para magngitngit, magalit.

R E K A AS CROSSING BERBALANG

POLYNNE / DIRA

Sa paniniwala ng mga Sulu, mayroong kakaibang nilalang na tinatawag na Berbalang. Mukhang normal na tao ngunit kung titingnan ang kanilang mga mata, malalaman mong aswang dahil ang balintataw nila ay sa pusa—manipis at pahaba.

Nabubuhay ang mga Berbalang sa pagkain ng lamangloob ng mga tao. Magtatago sila sa mga talahib upang hatiin ang katawan, saka lilipad ang itaas na bahagi upang mamiyesta sa mga tao.

Ang tanging laban lang ay kung mayroon kang perlas na iaalay o balisong na may katas ng dayap upang isaksak sa kanila. Ngunit huwag kang mag-alala, malayo palang maririnig mo na ang ungol at pagaspas ng kanilang pakpak kaya makakatakbo ka.

Ito ang kwento at paalala ng nanay ni Jose bago siya umalis ng bahay upang magtrabaho sa anihan ng mga prutas. Hindi naniniwala sa Berbalang si Jose. Anong magagawa ng mga aswang na ito sa armalite ng mga sundalong nakaposisyon sa kanilang bayan?

Pumasok si Jose sa sakahan at binigay ang ID sa sundalong nakabantay. Tinanggap ito ng sundalo matapos siyang titigan mula ulo hanggang paa. May kaunting kaba at takot na nararamdaman si Jose sa mga sundalo kaya minabuti niyang huwag itong tingnan, yumuko siya at naglakad palayo.

Tahimik na nagsasaka si Jose nang makarinig siya ng malalakas na putok at mga ungol, sunod ay pagaspas ng mga damo. Naalala niya ang payo ng ina sa mga Berbalang.

Palapit nang palapit ang mga pagaspas ngunit wala siyang perlas na maiaalay o balisong na pangprotekta sa sarili kaya napako siya sa pwesto hanggang sa maramdaman niya sa kanyang likuran ang kagat ng aswang, ng sundalo—hindi isa, maraming beses pa!

Lumutang ang kwentong napagkamalang Berbalang ang pitong kabataan, ngunit alam ng mga magsasaka ang totoong malapusa ang balintataw ng mga tunay na pumapatay.

POLYNNE / DIRA

Alas tres ng madaling araw, mabilis ang lakad nila Grace at Carla. Malakas ang pintig ng puso habang binabagtas ang crossing ng Camambugan. Palaging iniiwasan ng mga tagaDaet ang maglakad sa lugar tuwing gabi dahil ito ang oras na bumabangon ang mga espiritung pumapatay kapag nahuli ka.

“Sabi ni lolo, minasaker ng sundalo mga rebelde dito,” ani Carla, naalala ang maasim at nagpupuyos na mukha ng kanyang lolo noong ikinwento sa kanya ang tungkol sa mga multo ng crossing.

“Martial law nung nangyari yun, diba?” sabi ni Grace. Biglang napatigil si Carla nang may marinig na yabag.

“Narinig mo ba ‘yun?”

“Parang baliw ‘to.” Hinila ni Grace ang kaibigan ngunit hindi gumalaw si Carla. Nilakasan niya ang loob at lumingon sa likod—napatalon siya. May apat na lalaking paparating.

“Mga iha, umuwi na kayo. Anong oras na,” sambit ng isa.

Napabuntong hininga sila, nagpasalamat, at nagpatuloy sa paglalakad. Ngunit bago pa man makalayo, may sinabi ang isa pang lalaki.

“Mag-ingat kayo at baka yung sunod na masalubong n’yo...”

Hindi na narinig ni Carla ang sumunod kaya lumingon siya, ngunit wala na ang mga lalaki. Nanumbalik ang kaba niya.

“Grace, anong sabi nung lalaki?”

“Wala akong narinig. Dalian mo na.” Paglingon ay tumambad sa kanila ang labi ng apat na lalaki. Napasigaw ang dalawa at nagbilis ng lakad.

“Carla, di ba nagra-rally dito noon?” Tanong ni Grace. “’Yun nga ata ang dahilan at nagkapatayan.”

Tumaas ang balahibo nilang dalawa, tila may malamig na hanging dumampi sa kanilang balat.

Napatigil si Carla, naalala ang apat na lalaking nagpayo sa kanila, saka nakuha ang sinabi ng lalaki, “Mag-ingat kayo at baka yung sunod na makasalubong n’yo...”

May papalapit na yabag.

“Siya na ang pumatay sa inyo.”

May kumalabit, at nagtakbuhan ang magkaibigan, siguradong ito ang espiritung pumatay at papatay.

Samantala, naiwan ang rumorondang pulis. Humahalakhak na naglakad palayo.

K U LT U R A

MARKA NG KARAHASAN

MARVIN / ANG

Sa lahat ng kuwentong kababalaghan tuwing undas, paborito ko ang kuwento ni Lola tungkol sa kakaibang tubô. Aniya, tuwing Nobyembre, may espesyal na tubông tumutubo sa sakahan, tigang man o mataba ang lupa. Sabi niya, mamamatay ang sinumang magtangkang sipsipin ang katas ng tubong ito, kung kaya’t hindi dapat ito pinakikialaman.

Tuso ang tubông ito, ayon sa kaniya, dahil kung titingnan, halos wala itong ipinag-iba sa regular na tubông inaani ng mga sakada. Subalit kung titingnang mabuti, may maliliit at pinong mga larawang nakaukit sa mga ito. Mga larawan ng sanlaksa ng taong nagtitipon, tila may isinisigaw, hanggang sa may laylayan nito’y mapapansin ang pagkaubos ng mga tao.

Hindi katulad noon, nasasamahan pa kami ni Lola sa paglalakad sa sakahan. Hindi na rin kasi makapaglakad si lola sa katandaan. Kaya kapag hapon na’t nagagawi kaming magkakaibigan sa sakahan, sinusubukan naming hanapin ang tubông tinutukoy niya.

“Ito yata,” sigaw ni Alfredo mula sa kabilang pilapil.

Nang tingnan namin, parang hindi naman ito. Naglakad pa kami nang kaunti, nang pare-pareho kaming natisod ng isang kumpol ng tubông nakatumba. “Parang ito na ‘yung sinasabi ni Lola,” sabi ni Lea. Tinitigan naming mabuti.

Mukhang ito na nga!

Manghang-mangha kami sa aming nakita. “Tingnan mo oh, parang binabaril yung mga tao,” sabi ni Lea. Nakaukit din sa tubô ang hinaing nila: Ipaglaban ang tunay na reporma sa lupa! Maya-maya, bigla kaming nakakita ng dugo mula sa katas ng tubô. Bigla kaming nagtakbuhan lahat sa takot. Tila putok na bala ang yabag ng aming mga paa sa lupa, mga balang ipinuputok nang walang awa kahit kanino, katulad ng mga ipinutok sa mga sakadang lumalaban.

Pag-uwi ng bahay, agad akong kumandong kay Lola.

Ikinuwento niya sa akin ang masaker sa amin kung saan daan-daan ang nasugatan at kinulong. Ito ang isinagot ng mga armadong goons at militar sa protesta ng daan-daang manggagawang bukid noon na tinanggalan ng kabuhayan ng Hacienda Luisita, Inc. Maya-maya, nakita ko ang peklat niya sa katawan, kasinghugis ng mga larawang nasa tubô.

/ DISENYO NG PAHINA NI ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY / DIBUHO NINA JAN ALABA, MANUEL HERAÑA, MARCY LIOANAG, FERNANDO MONTEJO, KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

REBEL KULÊ

8

30 NOBYEMBRE 2018 BIYERNES

K U LT U R A

SPOLIARIUM / POLYNNE DIRA / Sa ika-labing-isang palapag, may tumawag sa kaniyang pangalan.

Tinanong kung okey lang ba siya, sabay sa inaalala niyang naghihintay na magulang sa presinto.

Lumapit siya sa lalaking nakaunipormeng asul at pumasok sa kwarto, nagdilim ang paligid niya.

Ang sana’y hatid sa kanya ng lalaki sa bahay ay nauwi sa ibang lugar, at ngayon, di niya alam kung bakit sila naroon. Umiyak ang umaga ni Pepsi nang malaman niyang ang pangako ay buradong sulat sa gintong salamin.

Sawa at gulong-gulo, ninais niyang patigilin ang mundo—ngunit ang bigat ng kanyang pasya ay hindi niya bitbit, dahil tulad ng pag-ikot ng kanyang mundo, ito ay nasa kamay ng may kapangyarihan.

Sinong May Pakana / Nagpupuyos ang mukha ni Chief Superintendent Guillermo Eleazar nang harapin ang pulis na gumahasa sa 15 anyos na dalagita kapalit ng kalayaan ng mga magulang nito na biktima ng tokhang. Ipinalabas ni Eleazar ang mukha ng lalaki sa media sa pagtatangkang mabantaan ang kanyang mga tao at upang ipakita sa publiko ang pagkadismaya niya sa sariling mga kawani. Ngunit isang linggo lang matapos ang pangyayaring ito, dalawang pulis sa Quezon City ang muling nahuli sa kasong panggagahasa.

“Hindi na ito bago,” ayon sa mga pulis. Kung normal na ang mga balitang patayan sa ating mga telebisyon, hindi na rin bago ang mga kwentong “sex for freedom” sa mga pulis. Ginagawa nilang pain ang kalayaan sa mga bilanggong walang kakayahang lumaya sa legal na paraan.

Target ng mga pulis ang mahihirap batay sa usapin ng kapangyarihan. Ayon sa pilosopong Pranses na si Michel Foucault, mayroong kapangyarihan ang bawat isa, ngunit dahil sa pagkakaroon ng estado ng istraktura,

ang paggamit ng kapangyarihan na ito ay nagkakaiba-iba. Dahil dito, ang gobyerno na nangangasiwa sa isang lipunan ay nagkakaroon ng higit na kakayahang maipahayag ang kanyang kapangyarihan.

Sa kabilang banda, kakikitaan naman ng disciplinary power ang relasyon ni Duterte at ng mga pulis. Si Duterte ang nagsisilbing pamantayan ng mga ito sa pagkilos at pagtrato sa mga krimen, lalo na sa mga gumagamit ng droga.

Ito ang pamantayang itinataguyod ni Duterte: “Mayor dapat ang mauna.”

May kapangyarihan siyang halikan sa bibig ang babaeng may asawa dahil presidente siya. Kung kaya hindi na malabong gawin ng mga pulis ang ganito—kontrolin ang nasa ibaba niya, gamitin ang kapangyarihan upang makuha ang katawan ng babae.

Dahil sa katangian ng kapangyarihan na hawak ni Duterte, nagkakaroon siya ng kakayahan na gamitin ito

sa pagpapalakas sa mga gaya niya at sa pangaabuso sa mga nasa ilalim niya—ang mga mahihirap, at lalo na ang mga kababaihan.

Kung ba’t tayo nandito / Ipinapasailalim ng may kapangyarihan ang mga mahihirap sa kanilang talampakan at inililibing ang mga kababaihan. Sa patriyarkal na lipunan, ang pagiging babae ay pinagmumukhang karagdagang pasanin sa pang-ekonomiko nilang kalagayan.

DIBUHO NI / FERNANDO MONTEJO

Ayon sa BusinessWorld, may 16 na babae sa bawat 25 lalaki sa lakas paggawa sa Pilipinas.

Nagmamateryalisa ito, halimbawa, sa mga babaeng jeepney, bus, o tricycle driver na nakakatanggap ng kakaibang tingin mula sa mga pasahero na tila wala silang tiwala sa kakayahan nito.

Ginagamit din ng mga kapitalistang dayuhan ang mga kababaihan sa pamamagitan ng pagkuha sa kanila bilang OFW. Ayon sa Philippine Statistics Authority, 53.7% ng OFW ay mga babae. Bagaman maganda ito sa unang tingin, ang katotohanan sa likod nito ay dahil mayroon tayong mas murang lakas paggawa— nagiging murang bilihin ang mga Pilipinong babae.

Ang pagkakaibaiba ng karanasan ng mga babae

mula sa iba’t ibang uri ay nakita ng teoristang Aleman na si Clara Zetkin at pilosopong Aleman na si Friedrich Engels—iba ang nararanasang diskriminasyon ng mga babaeng magsasaka at manggagawa sa mga babaeng may mataas na uri.

Sa isang punto ay naging pinto ang kapitalismo upang makaapak ang mga kababaihan sa entablado ng paggawa na dati’y dinomina ng mga lalaki, ngunit ito rin ang nagpatindi ng pang-aabuso sa mga babae at nagpalawak ng puwang ng lalaki sa babae, at mayayaman sa mahihirap.

Itigil muna ang pag-ikot ng mundo / Ang karanasan at kahirapan ng babae ay nag-iiba base sa kanyang uring kinabibilangan. Dahil dito, mahalaga na ang pagtingin sa problema ng kababaihan ay ilatag sa mas malaking larawan—sa makauring lente at hindi lamang sa lente ng kasarian.

Dahil sa kapitalismo na nagpaigting sa tunggalian ng uri, kasabay nitong pinaigting ang hindi

pagkakapantay ng mga kasarian. Hindi nawawala ang laban ng kababaihan sa laban ng uring panlipunan.

Kung gayon, hindi tunay na kalayaan ang humingi ng mas mahabang maternity leave o mas mataas na sahod dahil ang mga panggitnang uring babae lamang ang makakakuha sa mga benepisyo nito. Ang tunay na kalayaan ay sumasaklaw at tumatagos sa ekonomikong aspeto.

Ang kalayaang pumipili ng grupong sasaligan ang paniniwala ng mga liberal na peminista, kung saan pinili nilang makipagkomprimiso sa kapitalista at patriyarkal na sistema sa pamamagitan ng mga simpleng reporma.

Ang liberal na aksyong ito ay hindi nakakapagpalaya kundi nakakapagpatibay lamang ng kasalukuyang sistema dahil sila ang napipilitang umayon at namnamin ang mga butil ng kanin na nahulog mula sa lamesa ng may kapangyarihan. Hindi nito nababago ang mismong sistemang mapang-api. Pinaparusahan nila ang pulis, ngunit hindi ang sistemang nagluwal sa kanila.

Kung ang sistemang ito ay mapang-api sa lahat ng kababaihan at lalo para sa mga babaeng mahihirap, hindi humihingi ang lipunan ng liberalistang paglaban kundi ng maka-uring pakikibaka na magliligtas sa bawat babae sa bawat uri.

Titigil ang mundo, ngunit sa pagkakataong ito, tatayo ang mga kinakaladkad sa obrang Spoliarium, at nasa palad na nila ang kapangyarihan.

DISENYO NG PAHINA NI / KARLA FAITH SANTAMARIA

#UPTHEREV

SPECIAL REPORT

@phkule

Anthropology majors lack support, funds for field school / JEAN NICOLE RODRIGUEZ

No funding nor assistance and barely a word of support from their own department—for anthropology undergraduates, these have been the recent struggles they face trying to finish their field school.

Yearly, students head to a site selected by the Department of Anthropology which is based in the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy (CSSP). The activity, which is held in the mid-year semester before students graduate, has anthropology undergraduates produce reports of their communities through interviews and observations on the site.

Students are expected to shell out money for whatever expenses come up during their visit, while these costs typically hover around P10,000, said Edwin Valientes, this year’s field school director for Mahatao, Batanes. These expenditures, meanwhile, include fees for accommodations, meals, and, in some instances, plane tickets for domestic or, sometimes even, travel abroad.

Raising money for the requirement usually involves much effort for students: holding incomegenerating projects, securing corporate sponsorships, grants, solicitations, and student cashouts are just some of the options undergraduates count on to get by. But even with all the trouble, often these efforts can still come up short. Last year’s batch of field school participants, for example, held various projects over the course of eight months. The money those same projects earned, however, remained inadequate in funding their Batangas field school.

This year’s batch of field schools in Mahatao and Pasig, similarly, found themselves still in need of money even after raising as much as P200,000.

Covering these fees without support was difficult, recalled Frances Sajor who went to the 2018 field school.

“The expenses had actually become heavy to the point that one of my classmates had to borrow money to attend the field school,” Sajor recalled.

Forced independence / Part of the struggle to raise money stems from the department not providing students with enough information to estimate their expenses on-site, remarked Kate Purnell, who spearheaded the fundraising projects for her batch.

“I really feel like things would have been easier if the department cared more about the welfare of its students,” she said, “Sabi nila, ‘[kayong mga estudyante] na bahala mag-isip.’”

On the other hand, while some faculty members would buy the items students sell, the department as a unit does not offer any support, recalled 2017 batch head Dana Castillo.

Some students bound for field school last year, however, were able to secure P100,000 in reimbursements from the Office of the Chancellor after contacting corporations and non-government organizations had failed to yield results. Participants received the reimbursements later on after completing their field school.

Castillo emphasized, however, that such cases are not typical.

The department should not be expected to subsidize the field school’s fees as it is a course requirement, while students are oriented months before the activity itself, said Dr. Monica Santos, the director for this year’s field school in Pasig. Instances of reimbursements, on the other hand, also depend on the department’s budget for the field school director, while it is also ultimately the director’s prerogative whether to provide funding or not, Santos noted.

“It’s like kapag nag-prescribe kami ng textbook sa klase, hindi kami ang nagbibigay ng textbook for you. Hindi namin i-susubsidize ‘yun for you...in the case of the field school, it’s something that is part of the curriculum so it’s really something that you have to consider,” Santos remarked.

On the other hand, she also emphasized that the undergraduates’

₱ 10,000

money students need to shell out to cover expenses during visits on pre-selected site

₱ 200,000

amount raised this Academic Year 2018-2019 for field schools in Batanes and Pasig City

₱ 100,000

amount of reimbursement from the Office of the Chancellor

We’re trying to push for free education here in this school, and the fact that we have to still pay for stuff that’s part of the education just backfires.

Kate Purnell Anthropology graduate

expenses ultimately depend on their lifestyle.

“Kung gusto mong mag-Starbucks araw-araw, eh aabot talaga sa trenta mil gagastusin mo,” she said.

Stalemate / Paolo Sevilla, finance officer for this year’s field school, was critical of the administration’s stance.

“We choose how much to spend, but certain things are non-negotiable expenses that are almost binary in that they are either there or absent.

This includes [the] cost of basic food, basic lodging, and transport to a field site that is not of our choosing.”

Though the administration has met with departments which hold field schools to discuss their needs, the university has no concrete plans to address the fees incurred by the activity. For now, students can request assistance through grant applications on campus, though support is not always guaranteed, said Madilene Landicho, who was the field school director last year.

Amid anthropology majors’ field school woes, former anthropology representative to the CSSP Student Council Lakan Umali took the initiative to push for the institutionalization of the field school in order to formalize funding from the university.

“Nagkaroon ng dialogue ang League of College Councils with Chancellor Tan where we brought

/ ILLUSTRATION BY KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

up the institutionalization of funding for Field School,” recalled Umali. He was later advised to approach the Vice Chancellor for Research and Development, who replied that they could not fund undergraduates– only graduate students and faculty members.

Though his efforts did not bear fruit, the current department representative to the CSSP Student Council, Sophie Del Prado, confirmed that the council will still lobby for financial support.

Purnell, on the other hand, still believes that the department should offer their students assistance regardless of the university’s supposed lack of funding for undergraduates, even only through helping them find groups which can sponsor the field school.

“Just because it’s the norm doesn’t meant that it’s right. We’re trying to push for free education here in this school, and the fact that we have to still pay for stuff that’s part of the education just backfires,” she said.

9

REBEL KULÊ

REBEL KULÊ

10

The state of the telecommunications industry in the Philippines is like a buffering icon in a virus-laden computer: the circle spins, giving the illusion of progress, only for the virus to freeze everything. The system tries to diagnose the error, blind to the fact that the problem is itself.

The public has been subscribing to subpar internet and telephone services amid high charges, suffering under virtually only two choices, Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT)-Smart Communications and Globe Telecom.

Supposedly, to break the duopoly and to improve the availability of more telecom services through increased competition, the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) recently held a public bidding for the third telecommunication company (telco) player of the country.

The provisional winner of the bidding turned out to be Mislatel Consortium, a group of companies composed of Mindanao Islamic Telephone Inc. (Mislatel), the stateowned China Telecom, and Udenna Corporation which is led by Dennis Uy, a confidant to the president.

The bidding process, however, aimed not so much to address the country’s sub-optimal telecom infrastructure in decline. After all, what needs diagnostics is this rigged system that caused the telecom duopoly to thrive in the first place, one that allows private corporations to conspire with the government in dictating the policies for providing what ought to be a reliable, accessible, and quality social service.

/ ILLUSTRATION BY JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

30 NOVEMBER 2018 FRIDAY

F E AT U R E S

Browsing history / The telecommunications industry is in the hands of a few influential businesses. Even before the duopoly existed, the originally American-run PLDT had bolstered itself as the industry’s sole player since 1928, and further expanded during the 1970s when the Marcoses protected its monopoly.

The subsequent administrations went on to issue new licenses to multi-service firms and to ease foreign restrictions in the hopes that other players could rival PLDT. Increased competition, however, did not seize the control of the industry from several powerful players.

Indeed, even now that PLDT is

SYSTEM DIAGNOSTICS

/ TOFELLE JOHN JIPOS /

DEBUGGING THE THIRD TELCO SELECTION PROCESS

joined by Globe Telecom and other small companies, the same lagging performance persists.

In fact, in 2017, the Philippines ranked 101st out of 176 countries in information and communication technology development, according to a report by the United Nations International Telecommunication Union. The country is also listed as the slowest internet provider among the Asia Pacific countries, with an average speed of only 5.5 mbps, based on a report by internet computing network Akamai for the first quarter of 2017.

Despite lapses in performance, the profit margins of the two companies remain stable, with PLDT’s net income totaling to Php 6.9 billion this year, an increase from Php 5 billion the same period last year, while Globe Telecom’s net income totaling up to Php 15.08 billion, as stated in both their financial reports.

The task of instituting a system of control over these telecom carriers lies in the NTC as a quasijudicial body. But even at the outset, it already proved incapable of asserting its administrative functions. For instance, despite its regulatory measures on PLDT starting in the 1970s, the NTC has since failed to regulate the company’s price-setting scheme.

The NTC worsened the condition by passing the Public Telecommunications Policy, known for its “hands-off” orientation, in which incumbents are free to choose whether or not to enter into contracts with telco entrants. Provisions on mergers are likewise unclear, as evident in the acquisition of Smart

by PLDT. This policy thus relegates the role of the NTC from becoming an administrative body to a mere conveyor among parties involved, acting only as a middleman.

Flagged down / In its long history of being a poor regulator, the NTC not only fails to break up cartels or monopolies but also caters to the interests of opportunistic big businesses.

The recent bidding process for a third telco, for instance, only raised more red flags than promising solutions. Policy think-tank Infrawatch PH convenor Terry Ridon asserted that Mislatel had failed to acquire a congressional franchise, one of those required of bidders. “Anything less than an outright disqualification of the consortium will taint the entire selection process as flawed and biased towards an obviously unqualified entity,” said Ridon in a statement.

The fact that Uy, CEO of Mislatel’s local partner Udenna Corporation, is a supporter of the president holds out a cause for concern as well. Back in 2016, Uy donated Php 30 million to Duterte’s presidential campaign while his wife, the secretary of Udenna, also contributed a million, as stated in Duterte’s statement of contributions and expenditures filed before the Commission on Elections.

Moreover, Mislatel partnering with China Telecom is worrisome but expected because, back in December 2017, during a press briefing, Duterte already pushed for such foreign partnership.

The plans of liberalizing the industry has been further cemented by two policy amendments. A bill sponsored by the House of Representatives to revise the Public Service Act disregards telecom services as public utilities, while the 11th Foreign Investment Negative List (FINL), which lays down investment areas available for foreign equity, now enables a 100-percent foreignowned telco in the country. At present, both PLDT and Globe have

limited foreign shares with Salim Group in Indonesia and Singapore Telecom, respectively.

China Telecom’s entry into the game seems to be the first step towards allowing foreign companies to coordinate with the few local players in dominating the telecom industry without much state intervention.

AVERAGE CONNECTION SPEED (IPV4) IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION (Q1, 2017)

50th Australia 11.1mbps

74th China 7.6mbps

100th Philippines 5.5mbps

SOURCE: Akamai

1st South Korea 28.6mbps

Sweeping the virus / So long as there exists an inutile regulatory government, increased competition will only be a step further away from concentrating efforts in improving social services.

The NTC’s power proves to be futile against corporations’ monopolistic behavior. The legal mandate of the body, to begin with, limits its role to licensing and policing, which it cannot even do effectively in its failure to execute significant sanctions on market players if necessary.

Secondly, the issue of poor digital infrastructure has not even been resolved at a major scale. In fact, PLDT and Globe operate a combined total of 16,000 cell sites, lagging behind Southeast Asian countries like Vietnam and Indonesia which have about 70,000 and 90,000 towers, respectively. The problem lies in deficient investments in infrastructure development to boost service quality.

Lastly, there exists asymmetric regulation that favors dominant players. The lack of explicit rules on access and mergers and acquisitions, for example, has made the system rigged, with big players conspiring among themselves while consumers’ welfare are left uncared for.

In lieu of current strategies, what is needed is not just state regulation of the industry but direct participation.

The NTC must push for substantial state intervention, similar to Thailand’s efforts in allowing its telecom industry regulator to establish pricing standards, among others.

The telecom industry, as a whole, is a virus-laden computer that cannot be fixed by simply running a diagnostic test. To remove its virus, one must step in and ensure quality control in truly handling the problem, wiping out bugs or, if necessary, reformatting the system.

REMEMBERING LUISITA / Tarlac City, November 2016

S I PAT

11 UKAY-UKAY

ni Alana Dineros

/ PHOTO BY DYLAN REYES

Trigger warning /

O PIN I O N /

To set a light on a lampstand* In the first century, the Roman procurator Pontius Pilate asked Jesus Christ—red-sashed, crowned with thorns, bloodied, and beaten up: “What is truth?”

This perhaps came from Pilate’s exasperation, after Jesus affirmed his mission to attest to the truth.

Years later, Roman authorities threw Jesus’ followers into prison cells and coliseums to be eaten by lions, stoned or torched to death, tied to poles to be javelined or archered, and forced to pay homage to the emperor, who was considered a god by his emissaries.

The early Christians kept their belief in Jesus despite the prospect of death because they knew in their hearts what the truth was, that it was what God revealed to them through Christ.

I’ve often tried to grapple with the same question: What is truth? There is a commonality that makes truths worth surfacing, defending, and holding on to. It is often painful to deal with because of its overwhelming value, yet it is driven by a motivation for the common good.

However, one’s intentions can either bolster or hamper truth.

I remember being confronted by my dad when I joined Kulê. He tried to dissuade me, telling me how dangerous being a journalist is in the Philippines. The country is no haven for this profession. Being part of a critical and radical publication like Kulê could lead me into trouble, he said. The worst-case scenario would be an untimely and needless death, since, heck, many journalists are harassed, kidnapped, or killed for the protection of unscrupulous interests.

My dad had good reasons to be worried. The Philippines recently ranked 5th in the New York based Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) Global Impunity Index for the second year in a row, with a total of 139 journalist killings from 1992 to 2017. The most gruesome incident to date is the Maguindanao Massacre of 2009 under Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s term where 32 out of the 58 murdered were journalists, victims of a political war between the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan clans.

With what has been a worsening record, many aren’t held accountable for their heinous crimes. This continues to embolden many who are unaccepting of often scathing truths.

PUNONG PATNUGOT Sheila Ann Abarra

When truth is stifled for selfish interests and needless gains, it is courage, integrity, and conviction that should save us from lies and deceit, the chains that lead to darkness

JOSE MARTIN SINGH

In spite of a presidential task force to investigate media killings, there have been 38 attacks against journalists, as of May 2018, since Rodrigo Duterte assumed office. The fact that the president himself instigates this kind of behavior does nothing to help. He mocks journalists and lambasts them for being critical of his government.

Everyday I’m tempted to slack off and let lies flourish. But fighting for what is right amid a thriving culture of impunity is one way I could think of to pluck the seeds of discord that untruths sow. When truth is stifled for selfish interests and needless gains, it is courage, integrity, and conviction that should save us from lies and deceit, the chains that lead to darkness. Journalism will continue to propel a people mired by confusion towards a world of clarity.

Indeed, my dad was right, we live in a country where journalists’ lives come cheap. I may have trembled at his misgivings, but my conscience wasn’t going to nudge me further into timidity. *Matthew 5:15: “Neither do people light a lamp and put it under a bowl.

Instead they put it on its stand, and it gives light to everyone in the house.”

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT SA KAMPANYA Richard Cornelio

MGA PATNUGOT SA BALITA Juan Gregorio Lina Beatrice Puente

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT SA OPERASYON Marvin Joseph Ang

PATNUGOT SA GRAPIX John Kenneth Zapata

MGA PANAUHING PATNUGOT Sanny Boy Afable Adrian Kenneth Gutlay Karen Ann Macalalad Jiru Nikko Rada

Ayaw ko talaga itong aminin, pero sa ngayon, kailangan ko nang sabihin.

Dati akong nagbebenta ng polvoron para sa baon ko araw-araw. Halos katulad ng mga kwento ng MMK o Wish Ko Lang—hanggang doon lang.

Walang nagkukwento kung bakit napakahirap mag-aral, walang ibang idinadahilan kundi kahirapan.

Nang mabasa ko yung huling liham ni Edge, higit pa sa pagkalungkot ay nakaramdam ako ng galit. Sa dami ng mga isyu sa pag-aaral gaya ng hirap makapasa, hirap makapagbayad ng renta sa dorm, hirap magkaroon ng panggastos sa araw-araw, nakakagalit na poproblemahin pa ng mga estudyante ang taas ng matrikula.

Hindi mangyayaring pinili ni Edge ang magpakamatay. Tulad ng mga pagpapatiwakal na ikinakawing sa usapin ng mental health, ang kaso ni Edge ay hindi niya rin pinili.

Gayunman, kaiba sa mental health na nagsasabing sakit ito at wala tayong magagawa, hindi sakit ang mayroon kay Edge kundi pagiging biktima ng kahirapan na kanser ng lipunan.

Ang pambabansot ng usapin ng pagpapakamatay ay hindi nalalayo sa pagtingin sa kahirapan bilang bagay na naiigpawan ng lahat. Ang hindi naisasaalang-alang ay ang talambuhay ng isang magsasaka sa pagtatanim ngunit wala sa yugto ng kaniyang buhay ang pagyaman o pag-ahon man lang sa gutom.

Kung gayon, hindi sakit, hindi dahilan, kundi epekto ng masahol na sistemang panlipunan ang pumatay kay Edge, sampu ng lahat ng biktima gaya nina Kristel Tejada at marami pang iba. Tinatayang nasa 150,000 hanggang 250,000 piso ang matrikula sa mga pribadong unibersidad ayon sa CHED. Higit pa sa lumalalang sistemang panlipunan ay ang mga tagapangalaga nitong institusyon ng gobyernong pumapatay sa mga estudyante at pamilyang nais makakuha ng disenteng edukasyon.

Sa halip na paikutin sa usapin na nakaigpaw ako sa kalabit ng pagpapakamatay, mas maiging ituon ang lahat ng muhi sa palyadong sistema at samasamang pababagsakin ang tunay na dahilan ng mga pagkamatay, pagpapakamatay.

MGA KAWANI Shernielyn Dela Cruz Lucky Dela Rosa Fernando Montejo Patrica Louise Pobre Karla Faith Santamaria Jose Martin Singh

KASAPI UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (Solidaridad), College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)

REBEL KULÊ

E D IT O R I A L /

REBEL KULÊ / 30 NOVEMBER 2018 / FRIDAY

Beyond Brotherhood T

he twisted logic of brotherhood at all costs has cost us the very values of honor and excellence that we have been fighting to uphold.

The recent fraternity-related fiasco on campus thus deserves nothing less than rage and revulsion.

Beyond the boorish tendencies of the men involved, what this issue has made plain is the fragility of accountability structures, the complicity of authorities, and the culture of impunity bred by a warped concept of brotherhood.

There shall be no moving on, clearly, when all the university’s top officials could do short of pardon was a statement of condemnation that sounds disturbingly like appeasement.

Though UP Diliman Chancellor Michael Tan has promised penalties for those found liable, his words ring hollow when read in the same breath as his thanks to fraternities whose support had made possible our men’s basketball team’s entry to the semi-finals. From two of these same groups, Upsilon Sigma Phi and Alpha Phi Beta, hail those men who last week revealed themselves as neanderthals in an exchange of blows and baseball bats.

Conveniently, no sooner had UP President Danilo Concepcion kept mum about the issue than he graced the inauguration of the promenade built and funded by his Upsilon brothers. We should expect Concepcion’s silence to be all the more deafening now that every rotten reflex of his brothers has been laid bare.

That the recently leaked conversations among Upsilon members is authentic may be disputed. That the entire thread is a

/ ILLUSTRATION BY JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

This is no time, then, to inoculate fraternities against criticisms, lest sewer of spite is beyond question. It is macho-fascism writ large—laced silence serve to with misogyny, bigotry, homophobia, and everything that we thought justify impunity had been shoved to the corners of political discourse but was actually and perpetuate just brewing under the surface.

While fraternities have no aggression. monopoly on hostility and hypocrisy, we cannot understate either the virulence of the rhetoric used, the sectors and minorities so disdained and ridiculed, the ill wishes hurled with no qualms about their consequences outside the cyberspace.

Underpinning these backward attitudes is the deep-seated feudal structure of the society, which by and large scaffolds fraternities into exclusivist machineries for selfpromotion. Within, patronage secures benevolence, from business to politics.

We need not look farther than our campus, where frat members rode on the backs of their brothers up to their seats in the University Student Council. Similarly helmed by a fratman, the admin-installed Collegian cannot betray more obviously its allegiances. With its contempt for radicality—or competence at the minimum—it has turned into a caricature of stupidity, unprofessionalism, and passivity amid all chaos, in its insistence to withhold truth and let the clamor die down instead of serving as a crucial check on the powers-that-be.

Time and again, we have hoped that, upon ascending to office, these men would become less mendacious, less corrupt, less partisan, less of every scruple we have harbored toward their lot but never quite articulated. Time and again, too, we have been disappointed by these same men who get away with rumbles and murders that are otherwise castigated by the full force of law.

But the more compelling case against such fraternities is not that they are a lost cause. It is that they could have been allies in the larger struggle against the wave of tyranny and violence sweeping the country

at present. Indeed, they could still be—but not until a renunciation of their misguided ways and a reevaluation of their mandate come from within their ranks.

This is no time, then, to inoculate fraternities against criticisms, lest silence serve to justify impunity and perpetuate aggression.

The onus is on the new crop of brothers to discard the dogma of brotherhood above all else, the kind of illogic that endorses nepotism and clientelism, deceit and violence, when carried into the national arena where the losers are no longer just the rival fraternities but the public.

After reflexivity comes the need to revitalize the fraternities’ forces into a pool from which to organize men, who themselves can arouse and mobilize others towards principled militancy. There is, after all, a case to be made for the prospect of fraternity beyond cliques, one not removed from the people’s fight but anchored on the same pursuit for justice and democracy.

Inevitably, in the coming days, the public will be told to count on the basic decency of individual frat members, to trust in mechanisms in place to hold criminals accountable, to aid in their re-education. Yet we cannot demand the denigrated to empathize with and help the very men who have so deeply rejected their humanity.

To call out lies, to dispense with lip service and the theatrics of public apologies and leaves of absence, to name the criminally culpable not despite, but precisely in the name of, genuine brotherhood—that is how these men can begin to clean their mess.