کسروي و کتاب بهائيگري او

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﮏ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‬

‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪۲۰۰۸‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﮏ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‬

‫‪ISBN978-3-9811984-2-3‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ‪۲۰۰۷‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪۲۰۰۸‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ‪P.O. Box 2401 :‬‬ ‫‪61294 Bad Homburg‬‬ ‫‪V.D. Hohe. Germany‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻝ – ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫‪۱۱‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ – ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ّ‬

‫‪۲۹‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﻡ – ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫‪۴۳‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ – ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬

‫‪۶۱‬‬

‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ – ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫‪۷۳‬‬

‫ﺷﺸﻢ – ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫‪۹۷‬‬

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬

‫‪۱۰۵‬‬

‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ – ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫‪۱۲۳‬‬

‫ﻧﻬﻢ – ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬

‫‪۱۳۳‬‬

‫ﺩﻫﻢ – ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬

‫‪۱۴۵‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ – ﻋﻴﺐ ِﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻭ!‬

‫‪۱۵۷‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ – ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬

‫‪۱۶۳‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬

‫”ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ“ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﮑﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﮥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬

‫ﺷﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﮥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﮥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻬﻤﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻃﺒﺎﻳﻊ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﮑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪6‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﴼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮤ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮐﮋﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﮥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪء ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ّ‬ ‫‪7‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮء ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺞﻓﻬﻤﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﮥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺠﻦﻣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ"‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﮥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻢ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺷﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺭﮐﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ؟ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠّﺐ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺯﻫﺮﭘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪﻫﺎ )ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫[ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻭﺷﻪ ]‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴّﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ۱۲۶۹‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺷﻐﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺣﺮﻓﮥ ّ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﮥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﮥ )ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ( ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫‪11‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺗﺴﻔﻠﺪ ‪ Hertsfeldt‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ )ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ( ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻧﻬﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١١‬‬

‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۱۰‬ﺵ‪۱۹۳۱) .‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺷﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ "ﺁﻳﻴﻦ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ« ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﮥ ”ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ“ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫"ﺁﻳﻴﻦ“ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ ‪ ،١٣‬ﺹ‪١٣-١٠ .‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪13‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ”ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ“‬

‫ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ”ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ“ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ] َ‬ ‫)ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ َ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ[ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺑﻨﺪﮤ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﮑﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪:‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎ ‪ ...‬ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ”ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ“ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ”ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ“‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﺵ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮ ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ”ﺑﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯ“‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬

‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪14‬‬

‫ﻣﻼﻯ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺴﻠﮏ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﻠّﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ(‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٢‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﮤ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،١‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪١٠‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﻫﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ”ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ“ ﻭ ”ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﮔﻮ“ ﻭ ”ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯ“ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ”ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ“ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﺮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻰﺧﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ”ﻣﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻬﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫‪15‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ“ – ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ )ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ( ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨّﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺖ‪ ١‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﻓﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺭﺍء ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ”ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ“ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫”ﭼﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ“ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ( ﻭ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮊﺭﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻴﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ‬

‫]ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻰ[ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺭﺯﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﻎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﺖ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ]ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ[ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪..‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ ]ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ[ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻓﻬﻠﻨﺪ ]ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ[‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺹ ‪١٠٧‬‬

‫ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬

‫‪17‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ َﺑﻬﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ َﺑﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ]ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ[ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺒﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﺶ ﻓﻬﻠﻨﺪ ]ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ[‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺗﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺹ‪١٠٨ .‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪...‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ]ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ[ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬

‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ]ﺩﻭﻟﺖ[ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻡ "ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ" ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰ ﻓﻬﻠﻨﺪ ]ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ[‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻳﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻮﺩﮤ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻬﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ]ﻧﻬﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ[ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺰﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺹ‪١٠٩ .‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﻓﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ )ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ( ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﮏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﻤﺂﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﮑﺘﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ "ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ّ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪" :‬ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫]ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﻘﻞ[ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ “.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﺪ ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ )ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﻘﻞ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻟﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻟﻐﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻣﻬﺎ ]ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ[ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪....‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟!‪...‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻠﻐﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ِ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺰﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻠﻐﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺹ‪١٥ .‬‬

‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻡﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻡ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫‪21‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ”ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ“ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]ﺩﻟﻴﻞ[‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ َ َ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺯﮎ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻬﺶﻫﺎ ]ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ[ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٨‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﮥ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎ ]ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ[ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺘﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻬﻤﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٠‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﭘﺰﺷﮑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ]ﺯﻧﺎﻥ[ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺷﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺹ ‪٢٧‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﮥ ﻋﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪١٩٤٠‬ﻡ‪ ١٣٢٠/‬ﺵ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺶ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺑﻦ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ“ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫”ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ – ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ“‬

‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‪ ٢‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ”ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ“ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫”ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪“.‬‬

‫‪٣‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ”ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ“ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﻭ )ﺧﺮﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ”ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ“ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ”ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ“ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪23‬‬

‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ”ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ “.‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﭘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ]ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ[ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻬﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ]ﻧﻬﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ[ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺰﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬

‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘّﮑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ َﻃﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ“ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ” ّ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬

‫‪24‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺯﺩﺍﺋﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮤ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪“.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ّ‬

‫‪٦‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ َﻃﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﮑﺰﺍﺱ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ]ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ[ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫”ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ“ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ”ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ“ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ »ﻫﺠﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ« ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺄﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺯﻣﺮﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪25‬‬

‫‪٧‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺍﻭ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻻﻑ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻬﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ]ﻧﻬﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ[ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ]ﺷﺎﻋﺮ[ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡﮔﻮ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺷﺖ ]ﮐﺬﺍ[‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺹ ‪١٧٧‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﮤ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ - ١‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫‪26‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ُﺟﺒﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ –٢‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ ‪ ٣-٢‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪) ٣٨٠‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ ﻭﻳﮋﮤ‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٢٥٦ .‬‬ ‫‪ -٣‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٣٠٩ .‬‬

‫‪ ٤‬ﻭ ‪ – ٥‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٢٥٤ .‬‬

‫‪ – ٦‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٢٧‬‬ ‫‪ - ٧‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٤٢‬‬

‫‪27‬‬

28

‫ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﺎﭖ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰء ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۸۴۴‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ‪۱۹۳۰‬‬

‫‪۱۹۴۰/‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ )‪ ۱۳۱۰/۱۳۲۰‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ّ‬ ‫‪29‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺔﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮓﭘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮐﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﮤ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﮤ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ َﻃﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ“‪ ۱‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﮤ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ‪National public‬‬

‫‪ sphere‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﮤ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮤ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ "ﺣﻮﺯﮤ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ" ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬

‫ﺣﻈﻴﺮﺓﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﺳﻬﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ]ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ[ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﮔﻠﺸﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ "ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ" ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﮑﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﮑﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺑﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﮥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪31‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮐﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ )‪۱۷‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،(۱۳۲۳‬ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﺮﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ )‪ ،(۱۳۲۶‬ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۸۱‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ )‪ ،(۱۳۲۸‬ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﺲ‪،‬‬

‫ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺸﮏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﮥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻰﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺩﻫﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺘﮥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﺶ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ّ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮥ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮥ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﮥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﮤ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﮤ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪33‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﮥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﮥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﺒﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺸﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﮤ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺟﺰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﮑﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫‪34‬‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﺷﺖﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﺒﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮤ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺷﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﮥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﮤ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ "ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ" ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﮥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺰﺍء ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]ﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﺖ[ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٥‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﮥ‬

‫ﮐﻴﺶﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ "ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ" ]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ[ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫‪36‬‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﮑﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ "ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﮥ ﺍﻭ" ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭﻯ ]ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ[ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺰﺍﺟﻰ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰﺟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﻯ ‪...‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﮥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻴﮥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻄﻔﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ‬

‫ﻟﺠﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ‬

‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﮥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ –‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ – ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ "ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻧﮥ" ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ "ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻧﻪ" ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪،‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﴼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫"ﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺮﺩﮤ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ".‬ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ "ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭ"‪ ٣‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪37‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ُﺳﻬﺶ ]ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ[ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ]ﺑﺰﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ[ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ُﺳﻬﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻦ‬

‫]= ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ[ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺶ‬

‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﻳﺪ‪ =] ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮔﻨﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩ[ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﮑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ .. .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬

‫ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺟﺰ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﮋﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫]=ﻣﻮﺫﻯ[ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍ ]=ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ[ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮐﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ]ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ[ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮐﺸﺖ‪...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡﮔﻮ‬ ‫‪38‬‬

‫ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺻﺺ‪١٣٠-١٢٩ .‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﮑﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺳﺘﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﴽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ﺭﮐﻴﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻻﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٦٠‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺁ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮐﻪ‪" :‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻧﻈﺮ؟"‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴّﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ُﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻘﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ُﺳﺮﮔﻮﻥ ]= ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ[ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ]ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ[ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ]ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ[ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﮑﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ّ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻊ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ّ‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫]= ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ[ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮐﺎﺕ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﮐﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫‪٥‬‬

‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ]ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻬﺪ[ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ]ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻕ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ[‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻴّﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ]ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ[ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻓﺎ‬

‫ﮐﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻰ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻳّﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻴّﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺳﺒﺰﻩ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻳﮏ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍ ]ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ[‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪...‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺎ ﺑﮑﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺸﻘﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ]ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ[ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻮ‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺴﺎﻑ ]ﺳﺘﻢ[ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﮑﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪٦‬‬

‫‪40‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ – ١‬ﻣﺠﻠﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،١٩‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ‪ ٢-١‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -١٣٧٩‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪،١٣٨٠‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮤ ”ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ“ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ –٢‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ،“٧٤٤‬ﻣﺠﻠﮥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،٣٢٩‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ -١٣٨٦‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﺻﺺ ‪٤٠-٣٥‬‬ ‫‪ –٣‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ "ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ" ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١١٢‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ؛ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪١٧‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪١٣٨٦‬؛ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻴﻤﮥ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﺠﻠﮥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪١٣٨٦ ،‬؛ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﻧﺎ‪،‬‬

‫‪ ،١٣٨٤‬ﺹ ‪١٢٠‬؛ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ٤‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﮑﺼﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،١٣٨٥‬ﺹ ‪٥٥‬‬

‫‪ - ٥‬ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﺑﺮﻳﻞ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،١٩٠٨ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٠٠‬‬ ‫‪ – ٦‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪،‬‬

‫‪41‬‬

42

‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎء ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ‪. ٥٩ .‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ "ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ"‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺟﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﮤ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮤ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻤﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ِﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮤ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ "ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ" ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ]ﺩﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ[ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫ﻣﮑﻤﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻻﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﻉ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻥ‪] ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮑﻮﺗﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ[ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻴﻪ ]ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﮐﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺴﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﮐﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻞ ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻻﺑﺎﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ٓ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪...‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﻳّﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ]ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ[ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺹ ‪١٣٤‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻠﻰ ﺑﺸﮑﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻰ‬

‫‪44‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻊﺫﻟﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴـﺄﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫]ﺁﻏﺎﺯ[‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻔﮥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻰ ]ﺷﮑﻠﻰ[ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮤ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﮐﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﺳﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ – ﺍﺑﻬﻰ ]ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ[ ﺛﻤﺮﮤ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬

‫]ﻭﺍﻻ[ﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ]ﻣﻴﻮﻩ[ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ]ﺩﺍﺭ = ﺩﺭﺧﺖ[ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫‪45‬‬

‫ﻋﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ُﮐﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ّ ...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ّ‬

‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ]ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ[‪ ...‬ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻮﺭ ]ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ[‬

‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻥ ]ﺭﻧﮕﻬﺎ[ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ّ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻟﮥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ‬

‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ‪ -‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﮊﺍﭘﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺹ ‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪46‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ -‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ]ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ[ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﮥ ]ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ[ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺸﺒﺚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ[ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ َ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻰ ﺑﺮ َﻣِﻠﮑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﴼ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺑّﻴﻪ ]ﺳﻼﺡ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ[ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻋﺴﮑﺮﻳﻪ ]ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ[ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ّﺍﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻳﺤﻔﻈﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮑﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻧﻬﻢ ]ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ[‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻠﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ]ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ[ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۱۵۹‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮ ]ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ[ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺴﮏ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻘﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺝ ]ﭼﺮﺍﻍ[ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻄﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ]ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ[‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻓﺘﻮﺡ‬

‫]ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ[ ﮐﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺏ ﻋﻮﻥ ]ﮐﻤﮏ[ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٢٧٥ ،٢٧٤‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﺳﺖ ]ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬

‫‪47‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮕﺎﻟﺶ‬

‫]ﺷﻮﺭ[ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٤٥‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻨﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻪ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻳﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ‪...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﮑﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٤٧-٤٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺴﮏ ]ﭘﺎﻯﺑﻨﺪﻯ[ ﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ‪...‬ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﴽ ﺩﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪48‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ٥٢٨‬ﻭ ‪٥٢٩‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮐﻬﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻬﻦ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻌﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺎﻟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ – ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ[ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺪ ]ﺻﺪ[ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ ﮐﻴﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٥١‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ[ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺜﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺸﺴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻨﮕﺎﭼﻬﺎ ]ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ[‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ُﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫‪49‬‬

‫ﺯﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻯ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻯ‬

‫ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺎﭼﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٦٩‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪...-‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻞ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺬﺏ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻗﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﮏ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺭﺫﺍﺋﻞ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪ ...‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻞ ]ﺳﺎﻳﮥ[ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ّ‬ ‫]ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ[ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ]ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ[‪ ...،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٧۵‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ -‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺷﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻡ‬

‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺸﻴﺞ ]ﺿﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ[ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺎﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﮑﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻮﺷﺪ‪...‬‬

‫‪50‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٢٧ .‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻧﻪ ]ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ‪...-‬ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ )ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ( ﻧﻴﺴﺖ[‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﺮ ]ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺋﻰ[ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﮥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻰﺍﻪﻠﻟ ]ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ[ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﮐﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻗﻮﮤ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﮥ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﻧﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﮊﺩﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ /‬ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺑﻰ ﺁﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ ﺍﻻﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ٢‬ﺹ ‪ ١٥١‬ﻭ ‪٣٢٢‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺐ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٦٦‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ‬

‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﮑﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ِﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬

‫ﺭﺅﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺧﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﮑﻰ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﮐﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ]ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ[ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.٨١‬‬ ‫ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪52‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺢ ]ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮ[ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺗﮑﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﻫﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺱ ]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۲۹۲‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺱ ]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[ ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺽ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﮑﻨﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﻤﺮﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﮤ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺡ‬

‫]ﻣﺴﻴﺢ[ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ]ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ[ ﺷﺠﺮ ]ﺩﺭﺧﺖ[ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺮ ﺑﻰ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﺭ ]ﺁﺗﺶ[‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺪﻯ ]ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ[ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻭﮐﻼء ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﮥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۳۵۱‬‬ ‫‪..‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻞ ‪...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺪﴽ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻄﺴﻪ ﻭﻫﻢ ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﮐﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﺋﺰ ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻴﴼ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﺋﺰ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪53‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،۲‬ﺹ ‪۳۰۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ]ﺁﻳﻴﻦ[ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺛﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪۱ .‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ ٓ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﭼﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻤﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٩٣‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻻﻑ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻬﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ]ﻧﻬﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ[ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٣٢‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻻﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺒﺎﻉ ]ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ[ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪...‬‬

‫● ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪54‬‬

‫]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ّ‬ ‫● ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻴﺎﻻﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻐﻮﺽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ]ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ[ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺩﻡ ]ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ[ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺫﺍﺋﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ]ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ[‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﺢ‬

‫]ﺯﺷﺘﻰﻫﺎ[ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ؛ ﺹ ‪٤٠٣‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ -‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻯﻫﺎ "ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ" ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻧﺸﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻣﮕﻮ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.١٣٢‬‬

‫***‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﮥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﮥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻠﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪55‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ”ﺑﻬﺎء ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪“.‬‬

‫)ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ‪ .(٥٩ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﮏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ "ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ‬

‫]ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ[ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ" ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ "ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﮥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ؟“‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪..‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٤٩‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪56‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻢ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻴﻪ ﮐﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﻰ ]ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ[ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﮥ ﺍ ٰ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫]ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ[ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ُﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ]ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ[ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﮏ ﺭﺣﻤﻦ ]ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ[ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻼﻡ ]ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ[‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ّ‬

‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺗﺒﮥ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﮎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﮤ ﻣﺘﻔﮑﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻟﺌﺎﻟﻰ ]ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ[ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﮥ ﺑﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.١٩١٢‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ]ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ[ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠّﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﮐﻦ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻧﻴﻪ ]ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺹ ‪٣٨‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺰﻡ ]ﻻﺯﻡ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ[ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ]ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ[ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﮤ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ ]ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ[ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺡ ]ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ[ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﻮﻡ ]ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ[‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ّ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪١٢٩‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ "ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥﺗﺮ"‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺵ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪58‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮤ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ”ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ“ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪....‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻢﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪" :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪) ".‬ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺹ‪.(١٨ .‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ "ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻳﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻮﺩﮤ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) ".‬ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺹ‪.(١٩ .‬‬

‫‪59‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺳﮕﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ "ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎ" ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ "ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻳﻨﻰ" ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!؟ )ﻧﮏ‪ :‬ﺹ‪.(٤۸ .‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ "ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮤ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﺴﺖ" )ﻧﮏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺹ‪ (٤٥.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﴼ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ "ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ"؟ )ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺹ‪ .(٢٢ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﮑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬‬

‫ﭘﺮ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﮐﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‪،‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪60‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪٧٢‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗّﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﮥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎ‬

‫‪61‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﴼ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺫﺭﻉ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻇﺎﻟﻢﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﮐﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ "ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ" ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺥﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺵ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﻠﻰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬

‫‪62‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﮤ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ؛ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ‬

‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﮥ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ّ‬

‫ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺟﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪63‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﮋﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﮤ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻥﭘﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ّ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﮥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ]ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ[‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬

‫‪64‬‬

‫ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻔﺎء ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺪﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻐﮥ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﮐﻴﺸﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻴﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬

‫ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -۱‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺫﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﮎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﮏ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۲‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮥ‬

‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﮥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫‪65‬‬

‫ﮐﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۳‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۴‬ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ‪...‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺴﮏ ﺟﻮﺋﻴﺪ ]ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺱ ]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ]ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ[ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬

‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ّ‬

‫]ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ[ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪66‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻰ ]ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ[ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ]ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ[ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ]ﺍﺻﻮﻝ[ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫‪۵‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻳّﮥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﮎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ]ﺷﺪﻩ[ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪...‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﻰ ﮐﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻔﺖ ]ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ[ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫َ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﺕ ]ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰﻫﺎ[ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬

‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ ]ﻣﺮﮒ[ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻀﺮﺕ ]ﺿﺮﺭ[ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﺨﺸﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۷‬‬

‫ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ]ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ[ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ]= ﻫﻤﮥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ[ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍ ]ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ[ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫]ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ[‪ ،‬ﻭ ّ‬

‫‪67‬‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺟﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﮐﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪..‬‬

‫‪۸‬‬

‫ﺫﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ[‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﻦ ]ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ّ ،‬‬

‫ﺿﺮ ]ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ[ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ] ﺯﺑﺎﻥ[ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُ ّ‬ ‫‪۹‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻻﺋﻴﺪ ]ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ[‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ‪...‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ ]ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ[ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ]ﮐﺴﻰ[ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬

‫ﮐﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ....‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪۱۰.‬‬

‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪. .‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ َ‬

‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻯ ]ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ[ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣّﺒﺎ ]ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ[ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫‪۱۱‬‬

‫ﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﮥ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﮥ ﺗﻮﻟّﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪68‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬

‫‪۱۲‬‬

‫”ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ ]ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ[ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻥ ‪...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬

‫]ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ[ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪۱۳‬‬

‫]ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ[ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪“.‬‬

‫ﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺗ ّ‬

‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺔﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻢ ]ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ[ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺒﻄﮥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺤﮥ ﻣﺸﮑﻴﻦ ]ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮﻯ[ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ..‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ّ‬

‫‪۱۴‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ]ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮤ[ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻋﺎﻇﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻘﺮﻳﺐ ]ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ[ ﮔﻠﺨﻦ ]ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ[ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﮤ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ‬

‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ّ ...‬‬

‫‪69‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﺑﺘﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﺶ ]ﻣﺮﮐﺰﺵ[ َ َ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺧﺖ ‪ ...‬ﻋﻨﻘﺮﻳﺐ ]ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ[ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺱ‬

‫ﻨﻮﺭ ‪ ...‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣ ّ‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ -۱‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺫﻣﻰ ]ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ[ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺸﺖ‬

‫ﺫﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Tritton, A.S., The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects,‬‬ ‫‪London 1930, repr. 1970, p. 227.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۳‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۴‬ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺹ ‪۶۶‬‬

‫‪ -۵‬ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۳۷۶‬‬

‫‪ - ۶‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺕ ﺹ ‪۱۶۶‬‬

‫‪ -۷‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‬

‫‪70‬‬

‫‪ -۸‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۲۲۳‬‬

‫‪ – ۹‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪۲۲۶ .‬‬

‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺹ‪۳۰۱ .‬‬

‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪۳۰۲ .‬‬

‫‪۱۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ -۱۶‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‪۱۲۶-۱۲۰ :‬‬

‫‪71‬‬

72

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺑﺎﺏ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﮥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ]ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ[ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪...‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪﻥ ]ﻧﻔﻮﺫ )ﮐﻼﻡ( ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ[‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ ]ﮐﺬﺍ[‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪﻥ ]ﻧﻔﻮﺫ )ﮐﻼﻡ(‬ ‫‪73‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ[ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎء ﻫﻴﭽﮑﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎء ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺺ‪٥١-٥٢ .‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﮥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﮥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻞ‬

‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪،‬‬

‫‪74‬‬

‫ﻏﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﮥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺑﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﺵ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﮐﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺰ‬

‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ِ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫‪75‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻃﭙﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ‬

‫‪76‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﮥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻮﺧﮥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ "ﮐﮋﺭﺍﻫﻪ"ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫‪77‬‬

‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﺪﻭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮐﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﮑﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺑﮥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ١٩٣٠‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﮐﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬

‫‪78‬‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﮒ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ )ﺍﻧﻴﺲ( ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻮﴽ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﴽ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫‪79‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﺪﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ٣‬ﺹ ‪٤٢٠-٤١٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻰﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﮤ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺷﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ )ﻟﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﮏ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻠﻰﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬

‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﮥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ )ﻭﻟـﻰﻋﻬـﺪ(‬

‫ﮐــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘــﺎﺏ ﻗﺒﻠــﮥ ﻋــﺎﻟﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻠــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧــﺖ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﺡ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮐﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺴﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﮥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ـ ــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘ ـ ــﺸﺮ ﺷ ـ ــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳ ـ ــﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﮕ ـ ــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳ ـ ــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳ ـ ــﻦ ﺑﺨ ـ ــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳ ـ ــﺮ‬ ‫‪80‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬

‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﮥ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺑـﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿــﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫـﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ــﻦ ﭘﻴ ــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻧ ــﺞ ﮐ ــﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻳ ــﮥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧ ــﻰ ﺣﮑﻮﻣ ــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤ ــﺎ ﺑ ــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳ ـ ّـﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷ ـ ــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴ ـ ــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑ ـ ــﺎﺑﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﮕ ـ ــﺎﻡ ”ﺍﻇﻬ ـ ــﺎﺭ ﺍﻣ ـ ــﺮ“ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳ ـ ــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲۶۰‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ ﮐــﻪ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ”ﺑﺎﺑﻴّــﺖ“ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻏﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـ ــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـ ــﺖ ﺟـ ــﺰ ﻧـ ــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴـ ــﺰﻯ ﺟـ ــﺰ ﺩﻋـ ــﻮﻯ ﻣﻬـ ــﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒـ ــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻴﭻﮔــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫــﻴﭻ ﮐﺠــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﮤ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻋﻤــﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻧﮑـﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤ ّﻤـﺪ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﮐـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌـﮥ ﭼﻬﺮﻳـﻖ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑ ــﻰ ﺳ ــﻠﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨ ــﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑ ــﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠ ــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣ ــﺮﺯ ﻋﺜﻤ ــﺎﻧﻰ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺒﺲ ﺍﻧﻔــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑــﺴﺮ ﻣــﻰﺑــﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣــﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷـ ــﺪ ﺗـ ــﺎ ﺗﺤـ ــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤـ ــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺘـ ــﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺎﻳـ ــﺪ ﻗـ ــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴـ ــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫـ ــﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤـﮥ ﺍﻭ ﻧــﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ”ﻣﺎﻫﻴـﺖ ﺑـﺪﻋﺖﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﻣـﺪﻋﻴﺎﺗﺶ“ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ـﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻗــﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘــﮥ ﻳﮑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬــﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣـ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐـﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﭼـﺸﻢ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﻋــﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗــﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﺒـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻇ ــﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳ ــﺎ ﺍﻣ ــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﮕ ــﺬﺭﺩ ﻋ ــﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺴﺎﮐﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻃﺎﻋـﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺣﮑـﻢ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﺟــﺐ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟ ــﺖ ﻏﺮﻳﺒ ــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷ ــﻬﺮ ﺣ ــﺎﺩﺙ ﺷ ــﺪ ﮐ ــﻪ ﺟ ــﺎﻯ ﺣﻴ ــﺮﺕ ﻋﻘ ــﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟ ــﻰ‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪".‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤــﮥ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‬

‫‪81‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـ ــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺌـ ــﺖ ﻗ ـ ـﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻓـ ــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼـ ــﻮﻥ ﻣـ ـ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷـ ــﻰ ﺷـ ــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣـ ـ ّـﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴـﺸﻮﺍﻯ ﺷـﻴﺨﻴﮥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳـﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ‬ ‫ﭘ ـ ــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣ ـ ــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘ ـ ــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺯﻣ ـ ــﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬ ـ ــﺪ ﺩﻳ ـ ــﺪﻩ ﻣ ـ ــﻰﺷ ـ ــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬـ ــﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮐ ـ ــﻪ ﺑ ـ ــﻪ ﺷ ـ ــﻴﺨﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺑ ـ ــﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷ ـ ــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻋ ـ ــﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟ ـ ــﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘــﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻫﻤﮑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﮑــﻮﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﮐـﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕـﻪ ﻣـﻰﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬ ــﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴ ــﺰ ﺩﻭﻟ ــﺖ ﺩﻋ ــﻮﺕ ﻧﮑ ــﺮﺩ ﮐ ــﻪ ﻣﺒ ــﺎﺩﺍ ﺣﮑ ــﻢ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺍﻋ ــﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ُﻃﺮﻓــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠــﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺸﺎﻫﺪﮤ ﻣﻨــﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳــﮏ ﺳــﻮ ﻳــﮏ ﻣــﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻬــﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﮐــﻪ ﻣــﺘﻬﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺍ ﮐــﻪ ﻧﻮﻳــﺪ ﻋــﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳــﺪ ﮐــﻴﺶ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻳــﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮐــﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻭﺟﻬــﮥ ﻣــﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﮐــﻪ ﺍﮐﺜــﺮﴽ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﮏ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣــﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴـﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧــﻮﻋﻰ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑــﻢ ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻗــﺐ ﺟـ ّـﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻌ ّـﻴﻦ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻋـﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟ ــﻪ ﻭ ﺑ ــﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗ ــﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳ ــﻦ ﻣﺒ ــﻴﻦ“ ﺗ ــﺴﺠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴ ــﺰ ﺑ ــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ”ﺑ ــﻪ ّ‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﮐ ــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠ ــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒ ــﴼ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳ ــﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﮑ ــﺖ ﺍﻋ ــﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨ ــﺪ ﺍﮔ ــﺮ ﭼ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺣﮑﻮﻣــﺖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻴﮑﻦ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻨـﴼ ﻧـﺴﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻋـﻮﻯ ﻣﻬـﺪﻭﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑ ــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﺠﮑ ــﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﺻ ــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟ ــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﺷ ــﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫ ــﺎﻯ ﻧ ــﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣـ ــﺪﻩ ﺍﺣـ ــﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣـ ــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑـ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـ ــﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳـ ــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮕـ ــﺮ ﮐـ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣــﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻯ ﺑــﺴﺎ ﮐــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧــﮥ ﻣـ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﺷــﻴﺨﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻠﻴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪82‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑـ ــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒـ ــﻖ ﻧﻮﺷـ ــﺘﮥ ﺭﺿـ ــﺎ ﻗﻠـ ــﻰ ﺧـ ــﺎﻥ ﻫـ ــﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـ ــﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕـ ــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻫــﻴﭻﻳــﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮﺍﻥ ﮐــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻰ ﻣﮑﺚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻻﺑـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻰﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﭘــﺮ ﻣﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻖ ﻣـ ّـﺪﻋﻰ ﻣــﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﻣﮑـ ّـﺪﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗـﺎﻕ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ”ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ“ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘّـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺑـﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺮﻗﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗ ــﺎﻻﺭ ﺟﻤ ــﻊ ﺷ ــﺪﻩ ﺑ ــﻮﺩ ﺑ ــﻰﺷ ــﮏ ﺍﻳ ــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧ ــﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧ ــﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺘّ ــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣ ــﺮﻭﺕ ﺷ ــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺷ ــﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻ ــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺨ ــﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌ ــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠ ــﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴ ــﺮ ]ﺷ ــﻮﺭﺵ ﺿ ــﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨ ــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳ ــﺰ[ ﺑ ــﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘ ــﺎﺝ ﭼﻨ ــﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐ ــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻳﻰ ﮐـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺫﻋــﺎﻥ ﺻــﺮﻳﺢ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨــﺸﺄ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣ ّـﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ ﺩﻓـﺎﻋﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒـﴼ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜـﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨـﻪ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﮐـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨـﺼﺐ ﮐﻔـﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔﺘﺨـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻ ــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣ ــﻰﺑﺎﻳ ــﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷ ــﻮﺥ ﻃﺒﻌ ــﻰ ﻣﻌﻠّﻤ ــﺶ ﺧﻮﺷ ــﺶ ﻣ ــﻰﺁﻣ ــﺪ‬ ‫ـﻼ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴـ ــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤـ ــﺪﻟﻰ ﺑـ ــﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـ ــﻰ ﻇـ ــﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﮐﻨﺎﻳـ ــﮥ ﻃﻨـ ــﺰ ﺁﻟـ ــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻـ ـ ً‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻇـﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘـﮥ ﻣ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷـﻰ ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽـﻪ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎﻯ ﺑـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳ ــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـ ــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫـ ــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣـ ــﺴﻨﺪ ﻗـ ــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧ ــﻮﺩ ﺑـ ــﻪ ﻧﻔـ ــﻊ ﺑـ ــﺎﺏ ﺍﺳـ ــﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫ ــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ٥.‬ﺍﻳ ــﻦ ﺗﻌ ــﺎﺭﻑ ﺧ ــﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌ ــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐ ــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈ ــﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬ ــﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻄـﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔـﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧـﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗـﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫـﻦ ﻧﺎﺻـﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﮐـﻪ ﻇـﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﻣـﺴﺤﻮﺭ ﺻـﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻣـﺎﻡ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪83‬‬

‫ﺩﺳ ـ ــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷ ـ ــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺘ ـ ــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑ ـ ــﺎﻭﺭ ﮐ ـ ــﺮﺩ ﮐ ـ ــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈ ـ ــﮥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧ ـ ــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕــﺎﻣﻰ ﮐــﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣــﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬــﺪ ﺟــﺮﺃﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺗﻴﮥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﮐـﻪ ﺑـﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﻥ ﻣـﻰﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺰﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣـ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻰﺷــﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﮐــﺎﺭ ﮔــﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤ ــﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻬــﻰ ﻭ َﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﻮﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻓــﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺷـﻰ ﻭ ﻫـﻢﻗﻄـﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﮔﺒـﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳـﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌـﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘـﺮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﺮﺑـﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ــﺆﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﺑ ــﺎﺭﮤ ﻣ ــﺘﻦ ﺗﻔ ــﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳ ــﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷ ــﺄﻥ ﻧ ــﺰﻭﻝ ﺁﻳ ــﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧ ــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻳــﮏ ﺍﻟﻬﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ )ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ‬ ‫ـﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﮑـ ــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑـ ــﻮﻁ ﺑـ ــﻪ ﻫـ ــﻢﺧـ ــﻮﺍﺑﮕﻰ ﺷـ ــﻨﻴﻊ ﻫـ ــﻢ ﺟـ ــﻨﺲ ﺑـ ــﺎﺯﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻃـ ـ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺮﺍﻃ ــﻰ ﻭ ﺗ ــﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺰﺟ ــﮥ ﺍﺭﺑﻌ ــﻪ ﺑ ــﺮ ﻳﮑ ــﺪﻳﮕﺮ )ﻣﻮﺿ ــﻮﻉ ﺩﻝ ﭘ ــﺴﻨﺪ ﻣ ـ ّـﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ( ﺳــﻴﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧــﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﻴــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧــﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ ــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷ ــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗ ــﺮﺍﺭ ﺻ ــﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﮥ ﺑ ــﺎﺏ ﮐ ــﻪ ﺑ ــﺎ ﺍﻳ ــﻦ ﻋﻠ ــﻮﻡ ﺁﺷ ــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧ ــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳـ ــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟـ ــﺴﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﮐـ ــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّـ ــﻰ ﻫﻨﮕـ ــﺎﻣﻰ ﮐـ ــﻪ ﻧﺎﺻـ ــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ -‬ﺷـ ــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤـﻮﮤ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﺘﻬـﺪﻳﻦ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤـﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺟـﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ــﺚ ﮐﻼﻣ ــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑ ــﺎﺭﮤ ﻣﺎﻫﻴ ــﺖ ﻭﺟ ــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻬ ــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨ ــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕ ــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣ ـ ّـﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﮤ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺁﻧﮑــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳــﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﮥ ﺣﮑﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺴﺨﺮ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﮐــﺎﻓﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮐــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﭘــﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣـﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔـﺮﻭ ﺳـﻴﺪ ﭘـﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑـﮥ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻫﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣ ّـﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻧﺨــﻮﺕﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮐــﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻓــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺳـﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻇــﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺨـﺖ ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﮐﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﮐـﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑ ــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳ ــﺖ ﺑﺠ ــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳ ــﻦ ﮐ ــﺎﺭ ﺟ ــﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣ ـ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷ ــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑ ــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧـ ــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬـ ــﺪ ﺍﻧﮕـ ــﺎﺭ ﻫﻨـ ــﻮﺯ ﻣـ ــﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷـ ــﺖ ﮐـ ــﻪ ﺑـ ــﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌـ ــﴼ ﻧﻴـ ــﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺁﺳــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ُﺑﻠﻬﻮﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑ ـ ــﻮﺩ‪” :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗ ـ ــﻮﻩ ﻧ ـ ــﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‪ §.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋ ـ ــﻮﺽ ﺑ ـ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒ ـ ــﺎﺕ ﺻ ـ ــﺪﻕ ﻣ ـ ــﺪﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﮐـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠـﻰ ﮐـﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﺠــﺰﮤ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣـ ّـﻼ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﺑﻌــﺪﴽ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻗﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ ﮐـﺮﺩ ﮐـﻪ ﻭﻗﺘـﻰ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﻪﻠﻟ ﺍﻟﺬﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕ« ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﮐــﻪ ﺑــﻰﺷــﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﮐـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿـﻤﻦ ﺗﺤـﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣـﺬﻫﺒﻰﺍﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘـﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ٧.‬ﺑـﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴـﺮﻯ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺤـﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺿـﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻄـﺎﻯ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﭘـﻰﺑـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﮤ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺑﻴـﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺗـﺎ ﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧــﻪﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﮐــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿــﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻳــﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤـﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻـﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳـﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨـﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤ ــﻮﻯ ﺑ ــﺎ ﻋﻠﻤ ــﺎ ﻫ ــﻢﻧ ــﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﮐﻨ ــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻯ ﺑ ــﺴﺎ ﮐ ــﻪ ﻣﺆﺍﺧ ــﺬﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣ ــﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫§ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ )ﻟﻮﻗﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺏ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺁﻳﮥ ‪ ...] (۱۹‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﮑﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻧﻴﮑﻮ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ[ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﮥ ‪] ۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﮤ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ[‪) .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬

‫‪85‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻰﻟـﺬﺕ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﮐـﻪ ﻳـﮏ ﻭﻗـﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕـﺎﺭ ﺑـﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻬﻤــﺖ ﺑــﻰﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺠ ـ ــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳ ـ ــﮏ ﮐ ـ ــﺮﮤ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴ ـ ــﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑ ـ ــﻪ ﺳ ـ ــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭘ ـ ــﺮﺕ ﮐ ـ ــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳ ــﺖ ﺗ ــﺎ ﻧﻘ ــﺎﻁ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴ ــﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻨ ــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑ ــﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑ ــﺪ‪ ٨.‬ﻋﻼﻗ ــﮥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐــﻪ‬ ‫ـﺎﻻ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﻫﻤــﮥ ﻋﻤــﺮﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤـ ً‬ ‫ﮐــﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎﺕ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘــﮥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﻳــﺸﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﮑـﺮﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﮐـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﻋـﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺭﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜـﮥ ﺑـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑــﺎﺏ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﮐــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺰﻟــﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘ ــﻪ ﻣﺒ ــﺪﻝ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺑ ــﻰﺗﻔ ــﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘّ ــﻰ ﺑ ــﻰﺣﻮﺻ ــﻠﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳ ــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗ ــﺎ ﺁﻧﮑ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﮐﻔـﺮ ﻭ ﺷـﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎء ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻋــﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﺨ ــﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻨــﴼ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﮐ ــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻫﻤ ــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻋــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮐــﻪ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﭼــﺸﻢ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔ ـ ــﺸﺘﺶ ﺑ ـ ــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧ ـ ــﺪ‪ ٩.‬ﺍﻳ ـ ــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋ ـ ــﺎﻯ ﺷ ـ ــﮕﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻳ ـ ــﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘـ ـ ــﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬــﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻌــﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻌــﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻳــﺸﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷـ ـ ــﻨﺎﻡﺁﻣﻴـ ـ ــﺰ ﺁﻧـ ـ ــﺎﻥ ﺑـ ـ ــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷـ ـ ــﺖ ﺑـ ـ ــﺎ ﻏـ ـ ــﻴﻆ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـ ـ ــﺪ »ﻣﮕـ ـ ــﺮ ﻣـ ـ ــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣ ـ ــﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﻡ؟« ﻭ ﺑﻌ ـ ــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃ ـ ــﻮﻝ ﺑﻘﻴّ ـ ــﮥ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤ ـ ــﻪ ﺑ ـ ــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘ ـ ــﺮﺍﺽ ﺳ ـ ــﺎﮐﺖ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟـﻦ ﻭ ﭘـﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑــﺴﺮ ﻣــﻰﺑــﺮﺩ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟــﺶ ﻣــﻰﻧﺸــﺴﺖ ﮐــﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺗﮥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳـﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺠـﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓـﻖ ﺑﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐ ـ ــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑ ـ ــﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﭼ ـ ــﻪ ﻗ ـ ــﺪﺭ ﻫ ـ ــﻢ ﺷ ـ ــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴ ـ ــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑ ـ ــﺎﺯ ﻓﺎﻗ ـ ــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔ ـ ــﺲ‬ ‫ﻣــﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮐــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬــﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳ ــﺪ ﺧﻮﻳ ــﺸﺘﻦ ﺳ ــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑ ــﺎﺏ ﺧ ــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧ ــﻪ ﺳ ــﺎﺣﺮﻯ ﺑ ــﺎ ﻳ ــﺪ ﺑﻴ ــﻀﺎ ﺑﻠﮑ ــﻪ‬ ‫‪86‬‬

‫ﭘﻴــﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻣــﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﮐــﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﻴــﻪ ﻣــﻰﮐــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ـﺸﻴﻊ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻪﺍﻯ ﮐــﻢﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺗـ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻤــﮥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﮥ ﺗــﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻨﺤــﺼﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﺟ ـ ـ ــﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﮐ ـ ـ ــﻴﺶ ﺑ ـ ـ ــﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳ ـ ـ ــﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻨ ـ ـ ــﻰ ﺳ ـ ـ ــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻠﮑ ـ ـ ــﻪ ﺑﻄ ـ ـ ــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻴـﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬــﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣﻤﮑــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﺣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﮐــﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺻـﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﻣـﺪﻋﻰ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻣﮑــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫــﻰ ﺧﻄﻴــﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤــﻪ ﺣــﺲ ﮐــﺮﺩ ﻳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣ ـ ـ ــﻰﺑﺎﻳـ ـ ـ ـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ـ ـ ــﺮ ﺭﻭﺣ ـ ـ ـ ّ ِ‬ ‫ـﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨ ـ ـ ــﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳ ـ ـ ــﺰ ﺑﺎﻳ ـ ـ ــﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻳ ـ ـ ــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻳ ــﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠّ ــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣ ــﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫ ــﺸﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪﻧ ــﺪ ﺗ ــﺎ ﭘﺰﺷـ ــﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨــﺼﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺩﮐﺘــﺮ ﻭﻳﻠﻴــﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﺭﻣﻴــﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨــﻪ ﮐﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗـ ــﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻗﺎﺑـ ــﻞ ﭘـ ــﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـ ــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬـ ــﺎ ﺩﺍﻳـ ــﺮ ﺑـ ــﺮ ﺟﻨـ ــﻮﻥ ﺑـ ــﻪ ﺗـ ــﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺧـ ــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﻣﻴـ ــﮏ‪ ،‬ﺗـ ــﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣـ ــﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴـ ــﺰ ﺑـ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠـ ــﺎﺕ ﺟـ ــﺎﻥ ﺑـ ــﺎﺏ ﺑـ ــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﻣﻴــﮏ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫــﺎ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ »ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫‪١١‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ]ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ[ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺂﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻗﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ »ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣـﺴﻦ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮐـﺎﺭ ﺗﻘـﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ّ ٰ‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ـﺮﻉ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﺿ ِ‬ ‫ـﻰ ﺷ ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑ ــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳ ــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠ ــﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑ ــﻪ ﺍﺟ ــﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷ ــﺖ ﮐ ــﻪ ﺧ ــﻮﺩ ﺣﮑ ــﻢ‬ ‫‪87‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻼء ﻋ ـﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻌــﮥ ﭼﻬﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺑﻴــﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺿــﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۲۶۶‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣ ــﺖ ﻗﺎﺟ ــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧ ــﺪﮐﻰ ﺑﻌ ــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤ ــﺎﻥ ﺳ ــﺎﻝ ﺑ ــﻪ ﻭﺧﺎﻣ ــﺖ ﺷ ــﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﭘــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﺟﻨـﺒﺶ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺨـﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻣــﻀﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄــﻦ ﻣﺤــﻴﻂ ﺷــﻴﻌﮥ ﻫــﻢﻋــﺼﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑ ــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫ ــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳ ــﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑ ــﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪۱۲۶۶‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ‪ -‬ﺑﻠ ــﻮﺍﻯ ﻣ ــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮤ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﮑﻠﻰ ﺣـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌـﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿــﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻴــﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻮﺷـﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪١٤‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺑﮥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪١٣‬‬

‫‪ - ١‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ‬

‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﮥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻰ ]ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ[ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺟﻰ‬ ‫‪88‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮥ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻡ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻰ ﺹ ‪۱۰۷‬‬

‫‪ - ۲‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ "ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺑﻮﺍﺏ‬

‫َﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﻪ" )ﭼﺎﭖ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ (۱۹۰۳ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻠﺶ‬

‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ )ﺹ ‪ ۱۵۷‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ( ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ ۱۵۹‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ”ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮥ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ“‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -٣‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪١٣٧٤‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ”ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳ َ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ“ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ ُﻣ َ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﺨﮥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٠٦‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺎﺳﺦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬

‫‪89‬‬

‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ] ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ[ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻻﺕ‬

‫]ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ[ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ]ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ[ ﮐﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮐﻞ ﺫﻟﮏ ﻟﻢ ﻳﮑﻦ ‪) ...‬ﺹ ‪.(٩‬‬

‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ "ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ )ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻴﺨﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ( ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ“‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻓﻠﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﮤ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ]ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ[ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺪ‬

‫]ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ[ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻰ ]ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ[‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﻢ ]ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ[ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﮤ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺜﺮﺕ ﺗﺬﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪) ...‬ﺹ ‪.(٩‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺻﺒﺤﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ]ﻣﺎﻣﻘﺎﻧﻰ[‬

‫‪90‬‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻆ ﻣﺸﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻩ ]ﺧﺎﺭﺍ[ ﻗﻄﺮﮤ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻣﺮﻯ ]ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ[ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ]ﮐﺬﺍ[ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ]=ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ[ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ؟‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺚ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬

‫ﻣﻮﮐﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ّ .‬‬

‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪" :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻰ؟"‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﻮ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺑﮥ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺷﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬

‫)ﺹ ‪.(٥٩-٥٨‬‬

‫‪ -٤‬ﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫‪١٦‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬

‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﻧﺪ ]ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ[ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‬‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪92‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﺪﻥ ]ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ[ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ‪ ...‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ‪..‬‬

‫‪١٧‬‬

‫***‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ؛ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳـﻰ‬ ‫‪ّ -١‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﺩﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺨﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺎﭖ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻃﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،(١٣٥١‬ﺹ‪،٣١١‬‬

‫ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘـﻰ ﭘـﺴﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬـﺪ ﺷـﻴﺨﻰ ﻣﻌـﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺒﺮﻳـﺰ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻘـﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻳﮑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪﴽ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻓﺘــﻮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٢٦٦‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺗﻘــﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ـﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٢٩٠‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﮐــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻴــﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤـ ً‬

‫ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬

‫‪A. Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal, pp.386-387, pp.399-‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺨﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٣١٥‬؛ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ّ -٢‬‬

‫‪400.‬‬

‫‪E.G. Browne, Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion,‬‬

‫‪93‬‬

‫‪Cambrige, 1918, p.249, English translation. And Amanat,‬‬

‫‪Resurrection and Renewal, p.385.‬‬

‫‪ -٣‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪Browne, Materials, p.249 (English trans. p.252).‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.٤٢٣‬‬ ‫‪ -٤‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ّ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻـﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬

‫‪E.G. Browne, ed., Nuqtatu’l-Kaf, compiled by Hajji Mirzaa‬‬

‫‪Jani of Kashan (London and Leiden 1910), p.134; and Shaykh‬‬

‫‪Muhammad Nabil Zarandi, The Dawn-Breakers, Nabil’s‬‬

‫‪Narrative of the Early Days of the Bahá’i Revelation, ed.‬‬

‫‪and trans. Shoghi Effendi (Wilmette, Ill, 1932), p.315.‬‬

‫‪ -٥‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.٤٢٤‬‬

‫‪ -٦‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.٤٢٥‬‬

‫‪ -٧‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ .٤٢٧‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﺍﻳـﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘـﺎﺏ ﻣﻘـﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻌـﺮﻭﻑ ﺻـﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤـﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨــﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﮥ ﭘــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑـﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳـﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ّ‬

‫‪8- Browne, Nuqtatul’l Kaf, 135-137.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.٤٢٧‬‬

‫‪9- ibid, 135.‬‬

‫‪ -١٠‬ﻣﻤﻘـ ـ ـ ــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـ ـ ـ ــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳـ ـ ـ ــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷـ ـ ـ ــﻴﺨﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑـ ـ ـ ــﺎﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪،٣١٢‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪Browne, Nuqtatul’l Kaf, 135.‬‬

‫‪ -١١‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﺭﻣﻴﮏ ﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬

‫‪94‬‬

‫‪Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal, 109, 391-392.‬‬

‫‪ -١٢‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.٤٢٨‬‬

‫‪ -١٣‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪Browne, Nuqtatu’l-Kaf, 138.‬‬

‫‪ – ١٤‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻠﮥ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﺸﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،١٣٨٣ ،‬ﺹ ‪-١٣٨‬‬ ‫‪.١٤٣‬‬

‫‪ - ١٥‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪١٣٧٤‬‬

‫‪ -١٦‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٠٠‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ‪ ١٨٨٣] .‬ﻡ‪ [.‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮥ ‪ ١٣٠٨‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﻕ‪١٨٩١] .‬ﻡ‪ [.‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ١٧‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،١٢٨‬ﮊﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪.١٩٩٠‬‬

‫ﻋﮑﺲ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪” :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻟﻌﻼﻣﺔ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻣﺔ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺣﻤﺔﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺣﻤﺘﻪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ ﻳﮑﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﻪ ‪.«١٢٧٠‬‬

‫‪95‬‬

96

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﺶ )ﻭﺣﻰ( ﺟﺰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ ‪۵۵‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫‪97‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪" :‬ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻰ ﮐﺮﻳﻪﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﮤ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻐﻴﺐ ﻏﺮﺍﺏ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺮﺍﻻﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ".‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﺖ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ِ " :‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺎﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﻌﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻳﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﻻﻳﻬﺘﺪﻯ‪".‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻬﺎﺍﻟﺴﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺩﺭ ﮐﺄﺳﴼ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﻳﺎ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ّ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ۱.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻌﴼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﮤ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻋﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪98‬‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ّ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩء ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻬﺒﺎﻯ ]= ﺷﺮﺍﺏ[ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﮐﺎﺳﻪ ﮔﻠﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺄﺱ ]= ﺟﺎﻡ[ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻡ ّ‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺻﻊ ﻟﻄﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ۹‬ﺹ‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ِ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﮥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﮥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻧﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﮥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺎﮔﺰﺍﮔﻮﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ۳.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺗﺐ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ "ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻔﻊ )ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ‪۷۵۶‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ"؛ ﺍﺑﻦ ّ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ؛ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ )ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ‪۷۶۷‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺑﻮﺣﻨﻴﻔﻪ )ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ‪۷۶۷‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ؛ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻰ )ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬

‫‪۸۴۷‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪101‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ۴.‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ّ‬

‫ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ )ﻋﺠﻢ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﮥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪۷۶۸‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ‪۱۰۳۰‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﮤ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ "ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﻴﺐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ" ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﮥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻰ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪102‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ – ۱‬ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ - ٢‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﮥ ﻣﻬﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٢٤٠٠‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٦٠٠٠‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﮥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ ٨٠٠‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﮔﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﮥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻃﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Yarshater, E., The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, eds.‬‬ ‫‪Hovannisian, Richard and Sabagh, G., Cambridge University‬‬ ‫‪Press 1989.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ "ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ"‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ "ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ‪History‬‬

‫‪103‬‬

‫ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬.‫ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬۷ ‫" ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺩﺭ‬of Humanity ‫ ﺍﻭﺕ‬،۲۶۲ ‫ ﻭ‬۲۶۱ ‫ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ‬:‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ .۵۶-۴۶ ‫ ﺻﺺ‬،۲۰۰۱ ‫– ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ 5– Al-Muqaddima, translated by F. Rosenthal, vol. III, p.311.

6- Gibb, H. A. R. (Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen), Sir, 18951971. Arabic literature Introduction / (rev.) ed. Oxford, Clarendon press, 1963.

104

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ١.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻏﻠﻂﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ – ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮ – ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻋﺘﺎﺏﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻐﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬

‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ”ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ“ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ –١ :‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬

‫‪105‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ؟ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﮐﺴﻰ ‪ /‬ﺣﺴﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺳﻌﺪﻯ(‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٢‬ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ ‪ /‬ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻃﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ )ﺣﺎﻓﻆ(‪ – ٣ .‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﻟﻘﻰ ﮐﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ )ﺣﺎﻓﻆ(‪ – ٤ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﻮﺑﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭ‬

‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪٢‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ َ َ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰﮤ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ً‬

‫‪106‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﴼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬

‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﮑﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺜﻠﮑﻢ ﻳﻮﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ‬

‫]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ[ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪٣‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮐﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺋﻨﺎ َﻟﺘﺎﺭﮐﻮﺍء ﺍﻟﻬﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪” :‬ﻭ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ َ ّ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟“‬ ‫)ﺻﺎﻓﺎﺕ‪ .( ٣٦ ،‬ﻧﻀﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺣﺎﺭﺙ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪107‬‬

‫ﮐﻴﻨﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ”ﻭ ﺍﺫﺍ ُﺗﺘﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﺍﻻﻭﻟﻴﻦ )ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ‪.(٣١ ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎء َﻟﻘﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ِﺍﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ّﺍﻻ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻟﻮ َ ُ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﮥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪“.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻀﺞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ )ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ(‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﮥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ّ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﮤ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﻼﻡﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ”ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ“ )ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ‪(٥٢ ،‬؛ ”ﻧﺬﻳﺮ )ﺑﻴﻢﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ]ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ[ ﺍﺳﺖ“ )ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ‪ (٥١‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ّ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻓﺼﻴﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪108‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻋﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﮤ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺩﻩء ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬

‫‪109‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﮑﻨﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺻﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺠﺰﮤ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮤ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎء ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ‬

‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﻣﺰﺩ‬

‫‪110‬‬

‫ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟! ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪..‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﮐﺴﺎء‬

‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪۵۲-۵۱‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ‬

‫‪111‬‬

‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ)ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ( ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ ١٤٠‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ )ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﻮﺡ( ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﮥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮐﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ّ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪112‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ١٩٣٠‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻘﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٢٨٢‬ﻫ‪ .‬ﻕ‪ ١٨٦٥) .‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬

‫ﻣﻼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﻝ‬

‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ "ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎء" ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ "ﺑﺎﺏ" ﻭ "ﺑﺎﺑﻰ" ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﮤ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ّ‬

‫‪113‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮤ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ( ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﮤ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ّ .‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﮤ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫)ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺍﻟﺮﺳﻞ ]ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ[ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﮑﺘﺎﺏ ]ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ[ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪] .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ[ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬

‫‪114‬‬

‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫]ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ[ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻴﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ]ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ[ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻟﻮﺡ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺠﻮﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺑﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫‪115‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫» ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ٥«.‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ "ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ" )ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﺫﻕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺬﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺭﻣﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﮐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ! ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬

‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫‪116‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺒﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻪﻠﻟ ]ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ[ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻬﺎء ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪٤٨ .‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺮﮤ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮥ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﭼﻮﻥ "ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ"‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻧﺞ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫*‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫‪117‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ - ١‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‪٢١١ -٢٠٨ .‬‬ ‫‪ –۲‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺍﻻﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ، ۵‬ﺹ ‪ ۱۰۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ؛ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ٓ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،۱‬ﺹ ‪ ۶۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﮥ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻣﻠﻴﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻭﺱ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‪" :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ُﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ )ﺑﻘﺎء( ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﮑﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﻰ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﺱ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ ‪٥٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪118‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ )=‬

‫ﺑﻘﺎء( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦ« ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻠﻄﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻡ‪ّ » (١ :‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ »ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻨﻰ«‪ (٢ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬

‫»ﻗﺪﺱ« ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻻﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ« ‪» (٣‬ﻣﻠﻴﺢ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻔﺖ‬

‫»ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻴﺤﻪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮑﺮﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺬﮐﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟! ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮒ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ُﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺁﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ُﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪...‬؟‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٥٦‬‬

‫ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ َ َ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻗﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ َ ِ َ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻗﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ( ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫◦‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ َﻭﺭ َﻗﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮒ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ "ﺷﺠﺮﮤ ﻃﻮﺑﻰ" ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ "ﺳﺪﺭﺓﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻬﻰ" ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮤ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻐﻤﮥ‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ[ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮐﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻐﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ]ﺳﺪﺭﺓﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻬﻰ[ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ]ﺑﺮﮒ[ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻗﺎ ]ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ[ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮒ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻠﮥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪" :‬ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮑﺘﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ«‪) .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺳﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ُﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪﺭﻩ ]ﺳﺪﺭﺓﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎ[ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺪﺭﺓﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮥ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﮤ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﻗﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﮤ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦ" ﺑﺎﻳﺪ "ﺗﻐﻨﻰ" ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ " ‪‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ‬

‫ﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﺫﮐﺮ "ﻭﺭﻗﻪ" ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ]ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ َ​َ‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ[ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ "ﻭﺭﻗﺎ" ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻟﻐﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ]ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ[ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺫﮐﺮ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻗﺎء ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺮﮒ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،١‬ﺹ‪٦٧ .‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ "ﻣﻠﻴﺢ" ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ "ﻧﻤﮑﺪﺍﺭ" ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ "ﻣﻠﻴﺢ" ﺭﺍ "ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ" ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﻃﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪۱۳۳‬؛ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪ ۲۳ ،‬ﻭ ‪۲۴‬؛ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ‪ ۳۸ ،۳۷ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -٤‬ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ٥‬ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،١‬ﺹ ‪٤٥٠‬‬

‫‪121‬‬

122

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﻎ ]ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ[ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺨﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺗﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ‪ ...‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ "ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ" ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ )ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ( ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ ‪٤٨‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮤ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬

‫‪123‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺯﺧﻰ‬

‫ﺁﺗﺸﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﮤ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺽ ﮐﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﻏﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﺎﻯﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﮥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﮑﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ )ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﮑﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬

‫‪124‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺨﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﮥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻗﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺲﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ؟ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻯﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ "ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻏﻼﻡ"‪" ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ" ﻭ "ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ" ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﮐﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪125‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻬﻮﴽ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﴽ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫"ﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺘﺐ ﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﻯ‬

‫ﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﮑﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻯ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻀﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻮ ﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﮑﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪".‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺎ ]ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ‬

‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ[ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺶ )ﻭﺣﻰ(‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪".‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎء ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ »ﻣﻦ ﻳﻈﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺹ ‪٤٨‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﮥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ]ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ[ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﮥ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ]ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻭ[ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮤ ﻋﺼﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪126‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮐﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﮥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻬﮥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺞ ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺰﻫﺶ ]ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﮐﺶ[ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺫﺍﺕ ّ‬ ‫]ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ[ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺫﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻮﺍﺕ‪]...‬ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ[‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺌﺪﻩ ]ﻗﻠﺐﻫﺎ[ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ]ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ[ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ]ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﻋﺰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺐ ﻻﻳﺪﺭﮎ ]ﺫﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺰﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻨﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬

‫‪127‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‪.‬‬

‫‪٢‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻫﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ‪)٣ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ(‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺍﻭﺻﻴﺎء ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎء ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﻫﺮ ]ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ[ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺠﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻋﻨﻨﺪ ]ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ[‪.‬‬ ‫]ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ[ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺼﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻤﻊ ]ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﺋﻰ[ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪128‬‬

‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﺰ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﺎﻫﻰ ]ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ[ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬

‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮎ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ]ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ[ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ]ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ[‬

‫ﺗﻼﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻥ ]ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ[‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ٔ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫‪٥‬‬

‫ﺗﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮ ]ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ[ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ]ﭘﺎﮎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮ[ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪٦‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻧﻮﺭ‬

‫‪129‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫"ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ" ﻫﻴﮑﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺭﺍﺑﻄﮥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﮥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﮥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﮥ ﺻﺎﻓﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻤﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ]ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ[ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺰﻝ ]ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ[ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪ ]ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﻰ[ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫‪٧‬‬

‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪٨‬‬

‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺶ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﮑﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﮐﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻬﺎء ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺮﺍﺣﻪ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪130‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﮥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ‪ ...‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﻴﺒﻴّﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﮑﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪٩‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ - ١‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.٣٠٩‬‬

‫‪ – ٢‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.٢٥٩-٦٠‬‬

‫‪ -٣‬ﺳﻮﺭﮤ ﻫﻴﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺹ ‪٢٦‬‬

‫‪ - ٤‬ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺹ ‪.١١٢‬‬

‫‪ - ٥‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ١‬ﺹ ‪. ٥٩‬‬

‫‪ - ٦‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ١‬ﺹ ‪٦٠-٥٩‬‬

‫‪ - ٧‬ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺝ ‪ ،٢‬ﺹ ‪٢٨٠-٢٧٩‬‬

‫‪ - ٨‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﮥ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ )ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻑﺭﺍﺋﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻓﺘﻰ‪ ١٤٨ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ ١٩٩١ /‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ؛ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺑﺨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﮥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ‪ ١٦٣/١٦٢‬ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬

‫)‪.(٢٠٠٦‬‬

‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ )ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻪﻠﻟ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ١٤٤‬ﺑﺪﻳﻊ –‬ ‫‪ -٩‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ ّ‬ ‫‪ ١٩٨٨‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٣٠ ،٢٧‬‬

‫‪131‬‬

132

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﮤ ﻗﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺳﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺮ ِﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬

‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪133‬‬

‫ﻭﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻼﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ّ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﮥ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ )ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ(‪(۱۸۱۷–۱۸۵۲) ،‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﮥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﮑﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﮥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬

‫‪134‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺏﺍﻟﺨﻠﻖ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺠﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ّ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﮋﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ِﺳﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻥ ﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﮊﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮐﻨﻰ ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﮥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫‪135‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﮤ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺷﻴﺨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﮥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻠﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﴼ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺮﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﮥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺟﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻧﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪136‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺘﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﮥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ‪ Sara Bernhardt‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮥ ﺗﺂﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻩ‪ Catulle Mendes‬ﻭ ﮊﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺍ ‪ Jules Bois‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ – ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ – ﺍﻳﻦ ﮊﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻮﺳﮑﺎﻳﺎ ‪ Grinevskaya‬ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﭘﻄﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪" :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻢ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸۴۴‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۸۵۰‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪137‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﮤ ﮐﺸﺶ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﮥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺠﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۴۸‬ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﺷﻤﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮑﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺭﮐﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ )ﻣﺮﻓﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ = ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲ )ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ= ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲ=ﻫﻤﺂﻧﮕﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪138‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ُﻫﺪﻯ‪ ‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺯ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﮥ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻨﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻟﺲ )= ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ(‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ َﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻫﺮ ﺯ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻮﺱ )= ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ(‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺯ ﺗﺨﻴﻴﻞ ﻭ َ َ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﺱ )= ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ(‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ َ َ ّ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ )= ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ(‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺗﺨﻢ َ َ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﮥ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﺸﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۵۲‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢﺷﺒﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﴽ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«‪.۲‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺩ ﮐﺮﺯﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺖﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﮤ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ّ‬ ‫‪139‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ّ‬ ‫‪۳‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ‪ ،۲‬ﺹ‪۱۸‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ )ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ(‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﺨﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺭﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﻴﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﮏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬

‫‪140‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ؟« ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ!‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬

‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ؟ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ”ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ“ ﻳﺎ ”ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ“ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬

‫”ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ“ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﻣﻐﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ‪َ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﻂ«‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﮥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۶۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫‪141‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﮤ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫”ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ“ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻐﺰﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‪) .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪۱۵‬ﻭ ‪ .(۱۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ - ۱‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪۱۹۹۲ ،۳‬ﻡ‪ ،.‬ﻭﻳﮋﮤ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2- Polak, Jacob Persien. Das Land und seine Bewohner, p.‬‬ ‫‪144, Vienna 1865.‬‬ ‫‪3- Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 76.‬‬ ‫‪142‬‬

‫‪ -٣‬ﺑ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔ ــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴ ــﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷ ــﺮﺡ ﺣ ــﺎﻝ ﻃ ــﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﮕ ــﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴ ــﺪ ﺑ ــﻪ ﭼﻬ ــﺎﺭ ﺭﺳ ــﺎﻟﮥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺭﮤ ﻃـﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻗـﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﮐﻮﺷـﺶ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳـﻢ ﺍﻓﻨـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘـﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨــﺪﮒ ﺳــﻮﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢﭼﻨــﻴﻦ ﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﻫــﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧــﺸﺮﻳﮥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ )ﺳــﻮﻳﺲ(‪،‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٢ /١٣٧١‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪143‬‬

144

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ‪ ، ۱‬ﺹ ‪۴۳‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﮤ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ]ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء[ )‪۱۸۴۴-۱۹۲۱‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ )ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۸۹۲‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬

‫ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﮥ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪145‬‬

‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﮥ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﮐﻢ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ”ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ“ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ”ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ“ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﮑﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ )‪ (۱۹۴۶-۱۸۶۹‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺁﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫‪146‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ )‪-۱۸۷۰‬‬

‫؟؟‪ (۱۹‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ‬

‫]ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء[ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺣﮑﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ )‪-۱۸۴۹‬‬

‫‪ (۱۹۰۵‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ]ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء[ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﮑﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ )‪ ،(۱۹۲۶-۱۸۶۳‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۹۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻣﮥ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ]ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء[ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬

‫‪147‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺎﻃﮥ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ]ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ[ ﮐﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺷﮑﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍء ﺣﻮﺯﮤ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪...‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﮤ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﮐﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﮐﻔﺎﻥ ]ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ[ ﮐﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﴼ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ُﺭﺱ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ]ﺑﺎﺏ[‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻳﻖ ُﺳﺮﮔﻮﻥ ]ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ[ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﻮﻥ ]ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ[ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺻﺒﺎ ﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺱ‬

‫‪148‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻴﻦ ﮐﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﮥ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻧﮥ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻘﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﭙﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬

‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺒﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺩﮐﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﻪﻠﻟ ﮐﻪ ّ‬

‫ﮐﻞ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻪﻠﻟ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﮤ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻨﮓ ﺑﺨﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﻓﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﮥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﮥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ )= ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰ( ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ )= ﻣﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ( ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺮ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﮑﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﮑﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ ﺗﻤﻮﺯ ‪ ۱۹۱۹‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۲۰۲‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﮥ ﭼﻬﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻑ‬

‫]ﺁﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ[ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬

‫‪149‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻬﭙﺮ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺴﺘﺮﺩ )ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ]ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ[ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻮﺭﭘﺎﺗﮑﺎﻥ‪) -‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻩ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ِّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﺮ ”ﻣﺎﻳﮥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ“ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﭙﺮ ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻠﻤﮥ ”ﺍﺳﺖ“ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫‪150‬‬

‫ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۲۸‬ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪۴۳‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﻐﺖ ”ﭘﻰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ“ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻠﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬

‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺳﻰ ﻭ‬

‫‪151‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۱۹۱۰‬‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۱۹۱۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺂﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻤﮥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﮥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ )‪ (۱۹۱۸-۱۹۱۴‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻧﻈﺮﻳﮥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪152‬‬

‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﻧﺞ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻴّﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻴّﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﺡ‬

‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫‪153‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﮥ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪۱۸۷۵‬ﻡ‪) .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﮑﺎ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍء ﻭ ﻗﺼﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﮥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﮥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﮥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠ ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ[ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ ]‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻪ ‪ ۱۹۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﮥ ‪ ۱۹۱۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻈﻤﻰ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪154‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ]ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ[ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ]ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ[‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺒﻪ ]ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ[ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ‬

‫ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﮥ ]ﻧﻘﺸﮥ[‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ‬

‫ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ]ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ[ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬

‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﺏ ]ﺟﻨﮓ[ ﻫﺎﺩﻡ ]ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ[‬

‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ]ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺏ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻋﻨﻘﺮﻳﺐ ُﻣُﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‬

‫]ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎ[ ﺍﺭﻭﭖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ]ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻯ[ َﻋَﻠﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭖ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺘّﻔﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺎﻇﻢ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺟﻴﻮﺵ ]ﻟﺸﮑﺮﻳﺎﻥ[ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﺑﻴﻪ ]ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ[ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬

‫ﺟﺮﺍﺭﻩ ]ﻟﺸﮑﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ[ ﻻﺑﺪ ]ﺣﺘﻤﺎ[‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﻮﺵ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺒﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪155‬‬

‫ﺑﻐﺘﺔ ]ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ[ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺯﻧﺪ ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺘﺔ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﮑﺎﻥ ]ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﻥ[ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬

‫ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭﻩ ]ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻮﺕ ]ﻣﺮﮒ[ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﻭ ُ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ[ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﮐﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﮥ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻤﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﮥ ﻋﻈﻤﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬

‫ﺗﺪﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻓﺖ‬

‫ﮐﺒﺮﻯ ]ﺑﺰﺭﮒ[ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪...‬‬

‫‪156‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬

‫ﻋﻴﺐ ﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻭ!‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎء‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ“ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ”ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ٰ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪۵۹‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ“ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ”ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪157‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﮤ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﭙﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺠﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻤﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ّ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻓﺸﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻩﭘﻴﮑﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﺱ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﮥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎء‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ُﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﻟﺸﮑﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ٰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ‬

‫‪158‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺑﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎء‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻓﮑﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬

‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ‬

‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻴﻨﻴﺎﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻟﻘﻮﺭﮐﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻴﻨﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﻟﻘﻮﺭﮐﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﮥ‬

‫‪۱۹۳۰‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮤ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬

‫‪159‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ِ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻰ‬

‫ﻋﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰ ﻋﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎء ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮑﺘﮥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮎﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮤ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﮊﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎﺕ ّ‬

‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۲۳‬ﮪ‪ .‬ﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺎﮐﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫‪160‬‬

‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ »ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﮥ ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ!«‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ۱۱) ۱۳۲۴‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ (۱۹۴۶‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻢ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﺴﺪ‬

‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﭙﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼٔ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻮﺙ ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﻴﻨﮥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬

‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ -۱‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺡ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭ‪.‬ﮎ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺪﺍﻣﻦ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪.۱۳۸۰‬‬

‫‪162‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ّ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮤ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﮤ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺒﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ؟‬

‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮥ ﮐﻮﻩ ﮐﺮﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﮑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻋﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪164‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﮥ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ – ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ – ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺸﺘﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؟‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮﺵ )ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺵ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ّ‬

‫‪165‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺟﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮤ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻢﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﮥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﮥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﮥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨــﻴﻦ ﻳــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑــﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺣــﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﮐــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﮐــﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑــﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻤــﺎﻥ ﮐــﺮﺩﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺣـ ّـﻖﮐــﺸﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺷـﺶ ﻭﺳـﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪﺍﻧـﺪ ﮐـﻪ ﺣﻘـﺎﻳﻖ ﺧﺪﺷـﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪166‬‬

‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺑﻬــﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻨﺰﺟــﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘّــﻰ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣــﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﮐـﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐــﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﭘــﺎﻳﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺷـﺶ ﻭ ﺻــﺒﺮ ﻭ‬

‫ﮔــﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤـ ــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧـ ــﺪ ﻣﻄﻠـ ــﺐ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧـ ــﻪ ﺍﺳـ ــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـ ــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨـ ــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧـ ــﺖ ﺑﻬـ ــﺎﺋﻰ ﻳـ ــﮏ‬

‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﮥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺟـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧـ ــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـ ــﻪ ﺩﻳـ ــﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑـ ــﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﮐـ ــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﮑـ ــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣـ ــﺎﻥﻫـ ــﺎﻳﻰ ﻧـ ــﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓـ ــﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ ــﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫ ــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤ ــﻰ ﻭ ﺻ ــﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤ ــﺎﻋﻰ ﻗ ــﺮﻥ ﺑﻴ ــﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴ ــﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑ ــﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﮐــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﻬــﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻳــﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴـﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـ ــﺖ ﻧـ ــﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧـ ــﺪ ﺑﻠﮑـ ــﻪ ﻫﻤـ ــﺎﻥ ﺣﻘـ ــﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺻـ ــﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺗـ ــﻰ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗـ ــﺮﻥﻫـ ــﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟّﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﮐﺸﻴــﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺧــﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﭘــﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺣــﺎﻧﻰ ﮐــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺑــﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨ ــﺪ ﺳ ــﺮ ﻓ ــﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣ ــﻮﺯﻩﻫ ــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳ ــﻴﻦ ﺑﻬ ــﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐ ــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟ ــﺐ ﻫ ــﺮﺍﺱ ّ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬

‫ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫‪167‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄﻳﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﮥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ّ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ّ‬

‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﮑﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪168‬‬

‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﮐﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﻉ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﮥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﮥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻧﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ّ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬

‫‪169‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‬

‫ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﮐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ّ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺎﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ّ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﮥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻨﮓﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِّ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﮑﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻪﻠﻟ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫‪170‬‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ّ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪171‬‬